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diff --git a/old/67637-0.txt b/old/67637-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f1341d3..0000000 --- a/old/67637-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,23567 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The History of the Manners and Customs -of Ancient Greece Volume II (of III), by James Augustus St. John - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The History of the Manners and Customs of Ancient Greece Volume - II (of III) - -Author: James Augustus St. John - -Release Date: March 16, 2022 [eBook #67637] - -Language: English - -Produced by: KD Weeks, Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The - Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF THE MANNERS -AND CUSTOMS OF ANCIENT GREECE VOLUME II (OF III) *** - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - Transcriber’s Note: - -This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects. -Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_. The single -instance (in French) of a superscript character is rendered as 1^{er}. - -Footnotes have been moved to follow the paragraphs in which they are -referenced. - -Minor errors, attributable to the printer, have been corrected. Please -see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for details regarding -the handling of any textual issues encountered during its preparation. - - - - - THE HISTORY - OF THE - MANNERS AND CUSTOMS - OF - ANCIENT GREECE. - - BY J. A. ST. JOHN. - - - - - - - - - IN THREE VOLUMES. - - VOL. II. - - - - - - - - - LONDON: - RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET, - =Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty.= - 1842. - - - - - - - - - LONDON: - Printed by S. & J. BENTLEY, WILSON, and FLEY, - Bangor House, Shoe Lane. - - - - - CONTENTS - OF THE SECOND VOLUME. - - ------- - - BOOK III. - - CHAPTER PAGE - - IV. Marriage Ceremonies 1 - V. Condition of Married Women 28 - VI. Toilette, Dress, and Ornaments 50 - - BOOK IV. - - I. Private Dwellings 75 - II. Household Furniture 97 - III. Food of Homeric Times—Meat, Fish, &c. 125 - IV. Poultry, Fruit, Wine, &c. 150 - V. Entertainments 170 - VI. Entertainments (_continued_) 197 - VII. The Theatre 220 - VIII. The Theatre (_continued_) 248 - - BOOK V. - - RURAL LIFE. - - I. The Villa and the Farmyard 269 - II. Garden and Orchard 301 - III. Vineyards, Vintage, &c. 335 - IV. Studies of the Farmer 362 - V. The Various Processes of Agriculture 381 - VI. Pastoral Life 401 - - - - - THE HISTORY - OF THE - MANNERS AND CUSTOMS - OF - ANCIENT GREECE. - - - - - BOOK III. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - MARRIAGE CEREMONIES. - - -When marriage was determined on, whether love or interest prompted to -it, the business part of the transaction, which in all countries is -exceedingly unromantic, was delegated, as in China, to a female -matchmaker,[1] whose professional duties appear to have been considered -important. She carried the lovers proposals to the family of his -mistress, or rather, perhaps, broke the ice and paved the way for him. -In the earlier ages men, no doubt, performed this delicate office -themselves, or entrusted it to their parents; as in Homer we find -Achilles declaring, that his father Peleus shall choose a wife for him. -Earlier still, if we may credit certain prevalent traditions, men -dispensed altogether with such preliminaries and lived “more pecudum” -with the first females who came in their way; a state of barbarism from -which it is said they were reclaimed by Cecrops.[2] But, to whomsoever -this fable may trace its origin, it is evidently unworthy of the -slightest credit. Of times sunk in such an abyss of ignorance no record -could remain, or even of many succeeding revolutions of manners touching -close upon the orbit of civilisation. If, however, the tradition arose -originally out of any real innovation in manners, it may refer to the -partial abolition of polygamy, which, whether made by Cecrops or not, -was an important step in the progress of the Greeks towards polished -life. - ------ - -Footnote 1: - - Προμνηστρία. Aristoph. Nub. 41. et Schol. Poll. iii. 41. - -Footnote 2: - - Athen. xiii. 2. Mr. Mitford defers too much to “the traditions - received in the polished ages” when, upon the authority of such - traditions and of such writers as Justin (ii. 6.), he appears to - conclude that, before the time of Cecrops, the people of Attica were - in knowledge and civilisation inferior to the wildest savages. Hist, - of Greece, i. 58. Upon legends and authors of this description no - reliance can be placed. If society existed, everything “indispensable” - to society also existed; therefore, if marriage be so, it could not be - unknown. Besides, how happens it that this same Cecrops who instituted - marriage did not likewise teach them to sow corn, which, if Egypt was, - when he left it, a civilised country, must have been as familiar to - him as matrimony? This most necessary acquisition, however, they were - left to make many ages afterwards, during the reign of Erechtheus. - Justin, ii. 6. - ------ - -But if Cecrops ever lived, and should not be regarded as a mere -mythological creation, we must still reject the comparatively modern -tradition which fetches him from Egypt. Coming from the East, he would -more probably have instituted polygamy than the contrary. In every point -of view the tradition is absurd; for it at once represents the people of -Attica as savages, and as having made considerable advances in the -science of civil government. They have already emerged from the state of -patriarchal rule, not by any means the lowest, and have arrived at the -monarchical period in the history of society—for Cecrops marries the -daughter of king Actæos—yet have not made the first step in -refinement,[3] have not passed the barrier dividing the rudest savage -from even the barbarian,—had not made the discovery that, for the -preservation of society, children must be cared for and maintained, -which is impossible until they have other fathers than the community. We -must, therefore, reject this Cecropian legend, and acknowledge that, -from the earliest times of which any record remains, the people of -Hellas married and were given in marriage. - ------ - -Footnote 3: - - Cf. Goguet, Origine des Lois. iv. 394, where the learned author - contends most chivalrously for the received theory. Apollodorus, - however, represents Cecrops as an Autochthon, συμφύες ἔχων σῶμα ἀνδρὸς - καὶ δράκοντος. iii. 14. 1.—The reason why he was thus said to partake - of two natures—half-man and half-snake—has been very variously and - very fantastically explained. Diodorus Siculus, (i. p. 17,) derives - his title to be considered half a man and half a beast, from his - being, by choice a Greek, by nature a barbarian. Yet he conceives that - it was the beast that civilised the man. Others explain διφυὴς - somewhat differently to mean that he was of gigantic stature and - understood two languages: διὰ μῆκος σώματος οὑτω καλούμενος, ὅς φήσιν - ὁ Φιλόχορος, ἢ ὅτι Αἰγυπτίων τὰς δύο γλώσσας ἠπίστατο.—Euseb. No. - 460.—Eustathius, familiar with the fables of the mythology, turns the - tables upon Cecrops, and conceives that he may have civilised himself, - not the Athenians, by settling in Attica. He supposes him ἀπὸ ὄφεως - εἰς ἀνθρωπὸν ἐλθειν, ἐπειδὴ ἐκεῖνος ἐλθὼν εἰς Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὸν βάρβαρον - Αἰγυπτιασμὸν ἀφεις, χρηστοὺς ἀναλάβετο τρόπους πολιτικοὺς.—In Dionys. - Peneg. p. 56. - ------ - -Whatever the original practice of the Greeks may have been, traces of -polygamy long continued discernible in their manners. Heracles -maintained a seraglio worthy of an Ottoman sultan. His wives, indeed, -like those of a wandering Brahmin, were scattered at convenient points -over the country, that, whithersoever he roamed, he might find lodging -and entertainment; but, as rumours of his different establishments -travelled about, the jealousy of the ladies was at last excited and -proved fatal to him. Ægeus, too, and his brother Pallas, old Priam, -Agamemnon, Theseus, and nearly every public man in the heroic times, are -represented as possessing a harem. Indeed, to judge by the practice of -princes, it would seem as if polygamy were the law of every land; so -habitual is it with them to transgress, in this point, against public -opinion. A report, still current among certain writers, represents -Socrates with two wives, the gentle nature of Xantippe encouraging him, -perhaps, to venture on a second! But even that diligent retailer of -scandal, Athenæus,[4] rejects this story, which, no doubt, originated -with some sophist, who owed the philosopher a grudge. If not in the son -of Sophroniscos, however, at least in Philip of Macedon, the kings of -heroic times found an exact imitator. This Pellæan fox, though he did -not, like the Persian monarch, lead about with him an army of concubines -in his military expeditions, yet, from policy or other motives, -contracted numerous marriages, as many, perhaps, as Heracles. Satyros -has bequeathed to us a curious account of his majesty’s matrimonial -exploits. During his long reign, of from twenty to four-and-twenty -years, the dishes of one nuptial feast had scarcely time to cool before -a new one was in preparation. It was nothing but truffles and rich soup -from June till June. I am unable to furnish a list of all the ladies who -claimed, through Philip’s diffusive love, to be queens of Macedon; but -it may be proper to name a few, to show how the morals of his subjects -must have been improved by his example. The first lady whose landed -attractions won Philip’s heart was _Andatè_, an Illyrian, by whom he had -a daughter, called Cynna. To her succeeded _Phila_, sister of Derda and -Macatè. His next wives were two Thessalian women, _Pherè_ of -Nikesipolis, mother of Thessalonia, and _Philinna_ of Larissa, mother of -Aridæos. Had he sought merely the women these might have sufficed; but -Philip had other views, and, finding marriage a still more expeditious -method of extending his dominions even than conquest, he forthwith added -to the list _Olympias_, who brought him the kingdom of Molossia in -dowry, and, as every one knows, was mother of Alexander. Had the crafty -prince stopped here, posterity, overlooking his immorality, might have -applauded his prudence. But, elated by success, he proceeded to augment -the number of his queens. To Olympias succeeded _Meda_, daughter of -Cithalas, king of Thrace; and, lastly, _Cleopatra_, sister of -Hippostratos, and niece of Attalos. By this time he was somewhat -advanced in years, for Alexander, son of Olympias, approached manhood. -At the feast given in honour of this new marriage, when the wine had -circulated, as was customary among Macedonians, Attalos, who had -probably drunk deep, observed, “At length we shall have legitimate -princes, not bastards!” Alexander, who was present, in resentment of the -affront, threw his goblet in the face of Attalos, who saluted him in the -same way. Upon this, perceiving how matters were likely to proceed, -Olympias fled to Molossia, Alexander into Illyria. Philip lived to have -by Cleopatra one daughter, Europa; but, shortly afterwards, at the -instigation, it is supposed of Olympias and Alexander, was murdered by -Pausanias.[5] - ------ - -Footnote 4: - - Deipnosoph. xiii. 2.—Compare the account in Diogenes Laertius, ii. 5. - 10.—The conduct of Socrates, who married Xantippe to prove the - goodness of his temper, was imitated, we are told, by a Christian - lady, who “desired of St. Athanasius to procure for her, out of the - widows fed from the ecclesiastical corban, an old woman morose, - peevish, and impatient, that she might by the society of so ungentle a - person have often occasion to exercise her patience, her forgiveness, - and charity.”—Jeremy Taylor’s Life of Christ, i. 384. - -Footnote 5: - - Athen. xiii. 5. - ------ - -Ordinary individuals, however, were restrained from the commission of -such immoralities by the laws, more particularly at Athens, where -marriage was contemplated with all the reverence due to the great -palladium of civilisation. As a necessary consequence, celibacy could be -no other than disreputable, so that, to a man ambitious of public -honour, the possession of a wife and children was no less indispensable -than the means of living.[6] Among the Spartans, bachelors were -delivered over to the tender mercies of the women, and subjected to very -heavy penalties. During the celebration of certain festivals they were -seized by a crowd of petulant viragoes, each able to strangle an ox,[7] -and dragged in derision round the altars of the gods, receiving from the -fists of their gentle tormentors such blows as the regular practice of -boxing had taught the young ladies to inflict.[8] - - “And ladies sometimes hit exceeding hard.” - ------ - -Footnote 6: - - Dinarch. in Demosth. § 11. Cf. Poll. viii. 40. Comm. p. 644. - -Footnote 7: - - Aristoph. Lysistrat. 78, seq. - -Footnote 8: - - Athen. xiii. 2. - ------ - -But we shall be the less inclined to judge uncharitably of this somewhat -unfeminine custom, if we consider that, in the ancient world, no less -than in the modern, unmarried and childless women were held but in -slight esteem. And this feeling, which never for a moment slumbers in -society, teaches better than the cant of a thousand sentimentalists what -the true origin of love is. - -Of the impediments to marriage arising, among ancient nations, from -relationship or consanguinity, very little is with certainty known. In -the heroic ages, all unions excepting those of parents with their -children appear to have been lawful; for, in the Odyssey, we find the -six sons of Æolos joined in marriage with their six sisters, the manners -of the olden times, abandoned on earth, still lingering among the gods. - -Iphidamos has to wife his mother’s sister,[9] and Alcinoös, by no means -a profligate or immoral prince, is united with his brother’s -daughter;[10] Deiphobos, after Paris’s death, takes possession of -Helen,[11] and Helenos, the seer, is united in wedlock with Andromache, -the widow of his brother Hector.[12] But without alleging any further -examples, we may, from the practice imputed to the gods, among whom -scarcely any degree of relationship was a bar to marriage, infer that, -in very early ages, few scruples were entertained upon the subject. -Later mythologists have even imputed to Zeus an illicit amour with his -daughter Aphrodite,[13] but libellously, and in contradiction to the -best ancient authorities.[14] Nature, indeed, has so peremptorily -prohibited the union of parents with their own children, that positive -laws forbidding connexions so nefarious, have in all ages been nearly -unnecessary, though the superstition of the Magi[15] in ancient, and the -profligacy of popes and princes in modern times, have been accused of -transgressing these natural boundaries. - ------ - -Footnote 9: - - Hom. Il. λ. 221, seq. - -Footnote 10: - - Hom. Odyss. η. 55, seq. - -Footnote 11: - - Keightley, Mythology, p. 490. - -Footnote 12: - - Serv. ad Virg. Æn. iii. 297. - -Footnote 13: - - Virg. Cir. 133. - - Sed malus ille puer, quem nec sua flectere mater, - Iratum potuit, quem nec pater, atque avus idem - Jupiter. - -Footnote 14: - - For Valckernaer’s correction of Eurip. Hippol. 536, where for ὁ Δίος - παῖς, he reads ὄλιγος παῖς, should, I think, be adopted. Diatrib. in - Eurip. Perd. Dram. xv. p. 159, c. His whole defence of Zeus on this - _count_ is triumphant. Still the notes of Monk, Beck, Musgrave, and - the Classical Journal, vi. 80, should be compared. - -Footnote 15: - - Diog. Laert. Proœm. § 6. To this practice Euripides probably alludes - in the Andromache, v. 173, sqq., where Hermione describes, with scorn, - the profligate manners of the barbarians. Catullus, inveighing against - the impious depravity of a contemporary, observes— - - “Nam Magus ex matre et gnato gignatur oportet, - Si vera est Persarum _impia religio_.” - - Epig. lxxxiii. 3, seq. Pope Alexander VI. and the Emperor Shah Jehan - have, in modern times, been accused of similar crimes. Bayle, Dict. - Hist. et Crit. Art. Alexandre VI. and Bernier, Voyages, t. i. On the - prohibited degrees of consanguinity, see Sepulveda, de Ritu Nupt. et - Dispens. i. § 20, where he says, that the Pope could authorize all - unions, save those between parents and children. “Et ideo hodiè non - ligant, nisi quatenus ab ecclesia sunt assumptæ; ac propterea Papa - dispensare potest cum omnibus personis, nisi cum matre et patre, ut - matrimonium contrahant.” Card. Cajetan. ap. Sepulved. ub. sup. - ------ - -Could we credit the sophist of Naucratis, there was likewise one -distinguished person[16] among the Athenians who coveted the reputation -of equal guilt. - ------ - -Footnote 16: - - Alcibiades. Athen. xii. 48. xiii. 34. Lysias, fr. p. 640. - ------ - -The marriage of brothers with their own sisters was, in later ages, -considered illegal; not so with respect to half sisters by the fathers’s -side, whom no law forbade men to marry.[17] Still the recorded examples -of those who availed themselves of this privilege are few; but among -them we find the great Cimon, son of Miltiades, who, from affection, -observes Cornelius Nepos, and in perfect conformity with the manners of -his country, took to wife his sister Elpinice.[18] Plutarch, too, speaks -of the union as public and legal, but Athenæus[19] characteristically -insinuates that Elpinice was merely her brother’s mistress. The Spartan -law took a different view of what constitutes sisterhood. Here the -father was everything, and therefore with an uterine sister, as no near -relation, marriage might be contracted.[20] All connexions in the direct -line of ascent or descent were prohibited; but the prohibition extended -not to the collateral branches,[21] uncles being permitted to take to -wife their nieces, and nephews their aunts. - ------ - -Footnote 17: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 1353. - -Footnote 18: - - Corn. Nep. Vit. Cim. i. Plut. Cim. § 4, where we find this lady - accused of an amour with the painter Polygnotos, who introduced her - portrait among the Trojan ladies in the Stoa Pœcile. - -Footnote 19: - - Deipnosophist. xiii. 56. Muretus, Var. Lect. vii. i. discusses the - question, but without throwing much new light upon it.—Andocides cont. - Alcibiad. § 9, assigns Cimon’s amour with Elpinice as the cause of his - banishment. We find, however, Archeptolis, son of Themistocles, - marrying his half-sister Mnesiptolema. Plut. Themistocl. § 32. - -Footnote 20: - - Meurs. Themis Attica. i. 14. Philo. De Leg. Spec. ii. Eurip. Orest. - 545. sqq. - -Footnote 21: - - Cf. Herod. v. 39. Pausan. iii. 3, 9. - ------ - -The precise age at which an Athenian citizen might legally take upon him -the burden of a family, is said, without proof, though not altogether -without probability, to have been determined by Solon; for such matters -were in those ages supposed to come within the legitimate scope of -legislation.[22] They attributed to the season of youth a much greater -duration than comports with our notions. It was, in fact, thought to -extend to the age of thirty-five or thirty-seven, more or less: when -entering upon the less flowery domain of manhood, men would need the aid -and consolation of a helpmate. But if there ever existed such a law it -was often broken,[23] for early marriages, though less common perhaps -than in modern times, are constantly alluded to both by historians and -poets. Apprehensions of the too great increase of population already led -philosophers, even in those early ages, vainly to apply themselves to -the discovery of checks, which the irresistible impulses of nature -always render nugatory; and viewing in that light the regulation -attributed to Solon,[24] they, with some variation, adopt it in their -political works. Plato,[25] in accordance with Hesiod’s notion, fixes -for the male, the marriageable age at thirty; but Aristotle, who chose -on most points to differ from his master, allows his citizens seven -years more of liberty. For women the proper age, he thought, is about -eighteen. His reasons are, that the husband and wife will thus flourish -and decay together; and, their offspring inheriting the bloom and -highest vigour of their parents, be at once[26] healthy in body and -energetic in mind. - ------ - -Footnote 22: - - Censor. de Die Natal. 14. - -Footnote 23: - - Thus Mantitheos, in Demosthenes, marries at the age of eighteen, in - obedience to his father’s wishes.—Contr. Bœot. ii. § 1. - -Footnote 24: - - Aristot. Polit. ii. 7. vii. 14. Gœttling.—Cf. Malthus on Population, - i. 9, 10. - -Footnote 25: - - Repub. v. t. vi. p. 237. De Legg. vi. t. vii. p. 452. Hesiod, Opp. et - Dies, 696. Gœttling. - -Footnote 26: - - Polit. vii. 16. Hist. Anim. vii. 5, 6. Cf. Tac. de Mor. Germ. 20. - Just. Instit. t. x. Brisson. de Jur. Nupt. p. 99. - ------ - -Winter, more particularly the month of January, thence called Gamelion, -or the “Nuptial Month,” was regarded as the fittest season[27] of the -year for the celebration of marriage; and if the north wind happened to -blow, as at that time of the year it often does, the circumstance was -supposed to be peculiarly auspicious. For this notion several -physiological reasons are assigned; as that, during the prevalence of -that wind, the human frame is peculiarly nervous and full of energy; -that the spirits are consequently light, and the temper and disposition -sweet, cheerful, and flexible. Lingering sparks of ancient superstition -may also have had their share in establishing this persuasion: towards -that quarter of the heavens, as towards an universal _Kebleh_, all the -civilised nations of antiquity turned as the home of their gods; in that -direction point all the openings of the Egyptian pyramids; thither to -the present moment turn the Chinese and Brahmins when they pray, and in -the holy tabernacle of the Jews the Table of Shewbread[28] likewise -faced the north. Attention, too, was paid to the lunar influences; for, -no other circumstance preventing it, it was usual to fix on the full of -the moon, when the festival denominated _Theogamia_, or “Nuptials of the -Gods” was celebrated, in order that religion itself, by its august and -venerable ceremonies, might appear to sanctify the union of mortals -effected under its auspices. - ------ - -Footnote 27: - - Olympiod. in Meteor. c. 6. Meurs. Grec. Fer. v. 240. - -Footnote 28: - - Exod. xl. 22. - ------ - -To this practice there are several allusions in ancient writers. -Agamemnon, in Euripides, when questioned by his wife respecting the time -of Iphigenia’s marriage, replies, that it shall take place - - “When the blest moon its silvery circle fills.”[29] - -And Themis, adjudging Thetis to Peleus, to terminate the contentions of -the gods, selects the same season for the solemnization of the nuptial -rites. - - “But when next that solemn eve - Duly doth the moon divide, - For the chieftain let her leave - Her lovely virgin zone aside.”[30] - ------ - -Footnote 29: - - Iphigen. in Aul. 717. - -Footnote 30: - - Pindar, Isth. Od. viii. 41, seq. Dissen.—Rev. H. F. Cary’s - translation, admirable for its closeness and spirit, p. 212. - ------ - -Most ancient nations, as the Hebrews, Indians, Thracians, Germans, and -Gauls, regarded women as a marketable commodity; and, in this respect, -the Greeks of early times perfectly agreed with them, buying and selling -their females like cattle.[31] But, by degrees, as manners grew more -polished, this barbarous custom was discontinued, though, in remembrance -of it, presents were still made both to the father and the bride, even -in the most civilised periods. We must, nevertheless, beware that we -infer not too much from these gifts; for equally primitive and prevalent -was the custom imposing upon fathers the necessity of dowrying their -daughters.[32] In the case, too, of the husband’s death this matrimonial -portion devolved to the children, so that if the widow chose,—as widows -sometimes will,[33]—to embark a second time on the connubial sea, her -father was called upon to furnish a fresh outfit. But, if the husband -grew tired of his better half, and would insist on a divorce, or if, -after his death, the sons were sufficiently unnatural to chase their -mother from the paternal roof, the right over the entire dowry reverted -to her.[34] - ------ - -Footnote 31: - - Aristot. Polit. ii. 6. Tacit. de Mor. Germ. 18. Heracl. Pont. v. - Θρακων. Leg. Salic. Art. 46. Hist. Gen. des Voy. vi. 144. Cf. Goguet, - Orig. des Loix, i. 53. - -Footnote 32: - - In cases where the fathers were unable to dowry them, we find - daughters growing old in the paternal mansion. Demosth. in Steph. i. § - 20. Dowries were frequently considerable, amounting sometimes to a - hundred minæ. § 18. - -Footnote 33: - - On their anxiety to discover the designs of the Fates in this respect, - see Schol. Aristoph. Lysist. 597. - -Footnote 34: - - Goguet, Orig. des Loix, iii. 127, sqq. - ------ - -Parties were usually betrothed before marriage by their parents. And -young women, whose parents no longer survived, were settled in marriage -by their brothers, grandfathers, or guardians. Husbands on their -deathbeds sometimes disposed of the hands of their wives, as in the case -of Demosthenes’ father, who bequeathed Cleobula to Aphobos, whom he -likewise appointed guardian of his children. In this instance, the widow -had better have chosen for herself. Aphobos possessed himself of the -dowry, and consented to fulfil the office of guardian, that he might -plunder the children; but the marriage he declined. Another example -occurs in the case of Phormio who, having been slave[35] to an opulent -citizen, and conducted himself with zeal and fidelity, received at once -his freedom and the widow of his master. In all serious matters the -Athenians were a very methodical people, and conducted everything, even -to the betrothing or marrying of a wife, with an attention to form -worthy the quaintest citizen of our own great city. - ------ - -Footnote 35: - - Demosth. pro Phorm. § 8–10. - ------ - -Potter observes, with great naïveté, that, before men married, it was -customary to provide themselves with a house to live in. The custom was -a good one, and the thrifty old poet of Ascra, undertaking to enlighten -his countrymen in economics, is explicit on the point— - - “First build your house and let the wife succeed:”[36] - -which, no doubt, is better advice than if he had said “first marry a -wife and next consider where you shall put her.” And we find that, even -among pastoral, young ladies who, in modern poets, make their meat and -drink of love, and hang up a rag or two of it to preserve them from the -elements, in antiquity posed their lovers with interrogations about -comforts. “You are very pressing, my dear Daphnis, and swear you love -me; but that is not just now the question. Have you a house and harem to -take me to?”[37] - ------ - -Footnote 36: - - Opera et Dies, 405. - -Footnote 37: - - Theocrit. Eidyll. xxvii. 36. - ------ - -But prudent as they may be considered, the Athenians were still more -pious than thrifty. Before the virgin quitted her childhood’s home, and -passed from the state she had tried, and in most cases, perhaps, found -happy, to enter into one altogether unknown to her, custom demanded the -performance, on the day before the marriage, of several religious -ceremonies eminently significant and beautiful. Hitherto, in the -poetical recesses of their thalamoi, they had been reckoned as so many -nymphs attached to the train of the virgin goddess of the woods. About -to become members of a noviciate more conformable to nature than that of -the Catholic church, they deemed it incumbent on them to implore their -Divinity’s permission to transfer their worship from her to Hymen; and, -the more readily to obtain it, they approached her, in the simplicity of -their hearts, with baskets full of offerings such as it became them to -present and her to receive.[38] Nor was Artemis the only deity sought, -on this occasion, to be rendered auspicious by sacrifice and prayer. -Offerings were likewise made to the Nymphs, those lovely creations with -which the fancy of the Greeks peopled the streams and fountains of their -native land.[39] These rites performed, the future bride was conducted -in pomp to the citadel, where solemn sacrifice was offered up to Athena, -the tutelar goddess of the state, with prayers for happiness, peculiarly -the gift of supreme wisdom.[40] To Hera, also, and the Fates,[41] as to -the goddesses that watched over the connubial state and rigidly punished -those who transgressed its sacred laws, were gifts presented, and vows -preferred; and on one or all of their several altars did the maiden -deposit a lock of her own hair, in remoter ages, perhaps, the whole of -it, to intimate that, having obtained a husband, she must preserve him -by other means than beauty, and the arts of the toilette.[42] At Megara -the young women devoted their severed locks to Iphinoë. Those of Delos -to Hecaerga and Ops,[43] while, like the Athenians, the maidens of Argos -performed this rite in honour of Athena.[44] - ------ - -Footnote 38: - - Theocrit. Eidyll. ii. 66, ibique Schol. - -Footnote 39: - - Schol. Pind. Pyth. iv. ap. Meurs. Græc. Fer. p. 238. - -Footnote 40: - - Suid. v. προτέλεια. t. ii. p. 629. v. Æschyl. Eumen. 799. Cf. Cœl. - Rhodig. xxviii. 24. - -Footnote 41: - - Poll. iii. 38. Schol. Pind. Pyth. x. 31. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 982. - Kust. - -Footnote 42: - - Poll. iii. 38. ibique Comm. p. 529, seq. Cf. Spanh. Observ. in Callim. - 149, 507. The youth usually cut off their hair on reaching the age of - puberty. Athen. xiii. 83. - -Footnote 43: - - Pausan. i. 43. 4. Callim. in Del. 292. Spanh. Observat. t. ii. p. 503, - sqq. - -Footnote 44: - - Stat. Theb. ii. 255, with the ancient commentary of Lutatius. - ------ - -Having, by the performance of the above rites and others of similar -significance, discharged their instant duties to the gods, and impressed -on their own minds a deep sense of the sacred engagements they were -about to contract, they proceeded to perform the nuptial ceremonies -themselves, still intermingling the offices of religion with every -portion of the transaction. An auspicious day having been fixed upon, -the relations and friends of both parties assembled in magnificent -apparel, at the house of the bride’s father, where all the ladies of the -family were busily engaged in the recitation of prayers and presentation -of offerings. These domestic ceremonies concluded, the bride, -accompanied by her paranymph or bridesmaid, was led forth into the -street by the bridegroom and one of his most intimate friends,[45] who -placed her between them in an open carriage.[46] Their dresses, as was -fitting, were of the richest and most splendid kind. Those of the -bridegroom full, flowing, and of the gayest and brightest colours,[47] -glittered with golden ornaments, and diffused around, as he moved, a -cloud of perfume. The bride herself, gifted with that unerring taste -which distinguished her nation, appeared in a costume at once simple and -magnificent—simple in its contour, its masses, its folds, magnificent -from the brilliance of its hues and the superb and costly style of its -ornaments. She was not, like some modern court dame, a blaze of precious -stones tastelessly heaped upon each other; but through the snowy gauze -of her veil flashed the jewelled fillet and coronet-like sphendone -which, with a chaplet of flowers,[48] adorned her dark tresses; and -between the folds of her robe of gold-embroidered purple, appeared her -gloveless fingers, with many rings glittering with gems. Strings of Red -Sea pearls encircled her neck and arms; pendants, variously wrought and -dropped with Indian jewels, twinkled in her ears; and her feet, partly -concealed by the falling robe, displayed a portion of the golden thonged -sandal, crusted with emeralds, rubies, or pearls. But all these -ornaments often failed to distract the eye from those which she owed to -nature. Her luxuriant hair, which in Eastern women often reaches the -ground: - - Her hair in hyacinthine flow, - When left to roll its folds below, - As ’midst her maidens in the ball - She stood superior to them all, - Hath swept the marble, where her feet - Gleamed whiter than the mountain sleet, - Ere from the cloud that gave it birth - It fell and caught one stain of earth; - -her hair, I say, perfumed with delicate unguents,[49] such as nard from -Tarsos, œranthe from Cypros, essence of roses from Cyrene, of lilies -from Ægina or Cilicia, fell loosely in a profusion of ringlets over her -shoulders, while in front it was confined by the fillet and grasshoppers -of gold.[50] More perishable ornaments, in the shape of crowns of -myrtle, wild thyme,[51] poppy, white sesame, with other flowers and -plants sacred to Aphrodite, adorned the heads of both bride and -bridegroom.[52] - ------ - -Footnote 45: - - Πάροχος. Suid. v. Ζεῦγος ἡμιονικὸν. t. i. p. 1123, b. Eurip. Helen. - 722, sqq. - -Footnote 46: - - This was the usual practice. When the bride was led home on foot she - was called χαμαίπους a term of disrespect not far removed in meaning - from our word _tramper_. Poll. iii. 40. - -Footnote 47: - - Aristoph. Plut. 529, et Schol. Suid. v. βαπτά. t. i. p. 533, b. - -Footnote 48: - - Eurip. Iphig. in Aul. 905. This chaplet was placed on the bride’s head - by her mother. Hopfn. in loc.—In Locrensibus usu erat, ut matronæ ex - lectis floribus nectant coronas. Nam emptagestare serta, vitio - dabatur. Alex. ab Alexand. p. 58. b. - -Footnote 49: - - Aristoph. Plut. 529. id. Pac. 862. - -Footnote 50: - - Thucyd. i. 60. - -Footnote 51: - - Σισυμβρία. Dioscor. ii. 155. - -Footnote 52: - - Schol. Aristoph. Av. 160. In Bœotia the bride was crowned with a reed - of wild asparagus, a prickly but sweet plant. Plut. Conjug. Præcept. - 2. Bion. Epitaph. Adon. 88. On Nuptial Crowns vide Paschal. De - Coronis, lib. ii. c. 16. p. 126, sqq. - ------ - -The relations and friends followed, forming, in most cases, a long and -stately procession, which, in the midst of crowds of spectators, moved -slowly towards the temple, thousands strewing flowers or scattering -perfume in their path, and in loud exclamations comparing the happy pair -to the most impassioned and beautiful of their nymphs and gods.[53] -Meanwhile, a number of the bride’s friends, scattered among the -multitude, were looking out anxiously for favourable omens, and -desirous, in conjunction with every person present, to avert all such as -superstition taught them to consider inauspicious. A crow appearing -singly was supposed to betoken sorrow or separation, whereas, a couple -of crows,[54] issuing from the proper quarter of the heavens, presaged -perfect union and happiness. A pair of turtle doves, of all omens, was -esteemed the best.[55] - ------ - -Footnote 53: - - Charit. Char. et Callir. Amor. iii. 44. - -Footnote 54: - - Orus Apollo Hieroglyph. viii. p. 6. b. - -Footnote 55: - - Meziriac sur les Epitres d’Ovide, p. 190, sqq. Ælian de Animal. Nat. - iii. 9. Alex. ab Alexand. ii. 5, p. 57, b. - ------ - -On reaching the temple, the bride and bridegroom were received at the -door by a priest, who presented them with a small branch of ivy, as an -emblem of the close ties by which they were about to be united for ever. -They were then conducted to the altar,[56] where the ceremonies -commenced with the sacrifice of a heifer,[57] after which Artemis, -Athena, and other virgin goddesses, were solemnly invoked. Prayers were -then addressed to Zeus and his consort, the supreme divinities of -Olympos;[58] nor, on this occasion, would they overlook the ancient -gods, Ouranos and Gaia, whose union produces fertility and -abundance,[59]—the Graces, whose smile shed upon life its sweetest -charm, and the Fates, who shorten or extend it at their pleasure, were -next in order adored; and, lastly, Aphrodite, the mother of Love, and of -all the host of Heaven, the most beautiful and beneficent to -mortals.[60] The victim having been opened, the gall was taken out and -significantly cast behind the altar.[61] Soothsayers skilled in -divination then inspected the entrails, and if their appearance was -alarming the nuptials were broken off, or deferred. When favourable, the -rites proceeded as if hallowed by the smile of the gods. The bride now -cut off one of her tresses, which, twisting round a spindle, she placed -as an offering on the altar of Athena, while, in imitation of Theseus, -the bridegroom made a similar oblation to Apollo, bound, as an emblem of -his out-door life, round a handful of grass or herbs.[62] All the other -gods, protectors of marriage, were then, by the parents or friends, -invoked in succession, and the rites thus completed, the virgin’s -father, placing the hand of the bridegroom in that of the bride, said, -“I bestow on thee my daughter, that thine eyes may be gladdened by -legitimate offspring.”[63] The oath of inviolable fidelity was now taken -by both, and the ceremony concluded with fresh sacrifices. - ------ - -Footnote 56: - - Theod. Prodrom. de Rhodanth. et Dosicl. Amor. ix. - -Footnote 57: - - Eurip. Iphig. in Aul. 1113. - -Footnote 58: - - Poll. iii. 38. - -Footnote 59: - - Procl. in Tim. t. v, Meziriac. p. 155. - -Footnote 60: - - Etym. Mag. 220, 53. sqq. Cf. Plut. Conj. Præcept. proœm. t. i. p. 321. - Tauchnitz. - -Footnote 61: - - Plut. Conj. Precept. 27. Cœl. Rhodig. xxviii. 21. - -Footnote 62: - - Meurs. Lect. Att. iii. 6, 106, sqq. Herod. iv. 34. - -Footnote 63: - - Menand. ap. Clem. Alexand. Stromat. ii. p. 421, a. Heins. - ------ - -The performance of rites so numerous generally consumed the whole day, -so that the shades of evening were falling before the bride could be -conducted to her future home. This hour, indeed, according to some, was -chosen to conceal the blushes of the youthful wife.[64] And now -commenced the secular portion of the ceremony. Numerous attendants, -bearing lighted torches,[65] ran in front of the procession, while bands -of merry youths dancing, singing, or playing on musical instruments, -surrounded the nuptial car. Similar in this respect was the practice -throughout Greece, even so early as the time of Homer, who thus, in his -description of the Shield, calls up before our imagination the lively -picture of an heroic nuptial procession: - - “Here sacred pomp and genial feasts delight, - And solemn dance and Hymeneal rite. - Along the streets the new-made brides are led, - With torches flaming, to the nuptial bed. - The youthful dancers in a circle bound - To the soft flute and cittern’s silver sound.[66] - Through the fair streets the matrons, in a row, - Stand in their porches and enjoy the show.”[67] - ------ - -Footnote 64: - - Potter, Arch. Græc. ii. 281. - -Footnote 65: - - Eurip. Helen. 722. Hesiod, Scut. Heracl. 275, seq. where the torches - are said to be borne by Dmoës. - -Footnote 66: - - In Hesiod a troop of blooming virgins, playing on the phorminx, lead - the procession. αἱ δ᾽ ὑπὸ φορμίγγων ἄναγον χορὸν ἱμερόεντα. A band of - youths follow, playing on the syrinx. See the note of Gœttling on - Scut. Heracl. 274, p. 117, sqq. - -Footnote 67: - - Iliad, σ. 490, sqq. Pope’s Translation. - -The song on this occasion sung received the name of the “Carriage -Melody,” from the carriage in which the married pair rode while it was -chaunted.[68] - -Footnote 68: - - Ἁρμάτειον μέλος. Leisner, in his notes on Bos (Antiq. Græc. Pars. iv. - c. ii. § 4.), observes, that in Suidas, Hesychius, and Eustathius (ad - Il. χ. p. 1380. 5), these words have a different meaning from that - which, with Bos and Potter (Antiq. Græc. ii. 282), I have adopted. But - in the passage quoted by Henri de Valois (ad Harpocrat. p. 222), they - would seem to bear the signification above given them. - ------ - -The house of the bridegroom, diligently prepared for their reception, -was decorated profusely with garlands, and brilliantly lighted up. When, -among the Bœotians, the lady, accompanied by her husband, had descended -from the carriage, its axletree was burnt, to intimate that having found -a home she would have no further use for it.[69] The celebration of -nuptial rites generally puts people in good temper, at least for the -first day; and new-married women at Athens stood in full need of all -they could muster to assist them through the crowd of ceremonies which -beset the entrances to the houses of their husbands. Symbols of domestic -labours, pestles, sieves,[70] and so on, met the young wife’s eye on all -sides. She herself, in all her pomp of dress, bore in her hands an -earthen barley-parcher.[71] But, to comfort her, very nice cakes of -sesamum,[72] with wine and fruit and other dainties innumerable, -accompanied by gleeful and welcoming faces, appeared in the background -beyond the sieves and pestles. The hymeneal lay,[73] with sundry other -songs, all redolent of “joy and youth,” resounded through halls now her -own. Mirth and delight ushered her into the banqueting-room, where -appeared a boy covered with thorn branches, and oaken boughs laden with -acorns, who, when the epithalamium chaunters had ceased, recited an -ancient hymn beginning with the words, “I have escaped the worse and -found the better.”[74] This hymn, constituting a portion of the divine -service performed by the Athenians during a festival instituted in -commemoration of the discovery of corn, by which men were delivered from -acorn-eating, they introduced among the nuptial ceremonies to intimate, -that wedlock is as much superior to celibacy as wheat is to mast. At the -close of the recitation, there entered a troop of dancing girls crowned -with myrtle-wreaths, and habited in light tunics reaching very little -below the knee, just as we still behold them on antique gems and vases, -who, by their varied, free, and somewhat wanton, movements, vividly -represented all the warmth and energy of passion. - ------ - -Footnote 69: - - Plut. Quæst. Roman. xx. 19. Valckenaer ad Herodot. iv. 114. - -Footnote 70: - - Poll. iii. 37. - -Footnote 71: - - Poll. i. 246. - -Footnote 72: - - Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 834. - -Footnote 73: - - Athen. xiv. 10. Anac. Od. xviii. Schol. Hom. Il. σ. 493. Pind. Pyth. - iii. 17. Dissen. Schol. ad v. 27. - -Footnote 74: - - Suid. v. ἔφυγον κακὸν. t. i. p. 1113, d. - ------ - -The feast which now ensued was, at Athens, to prevent useless -extravagance, made liable to the inspection of certain magistrates. Both -sexes partook of it; but, in conformity with the general spirit of their -manners and institutions, the ladies, as in Egypt, sat at separate -tables.[75] At these entertainments we may infer that, among other good -things, great quantities of sweetmeats were consumed, since the woman -employed in kneading and preparing them, and in officiating at the -nuptial sacrifices, was deemed of sufficient importance to possess a -distinct appellation, (δημιουργὸς,)[76] while the bride-cake, which -doubtless was the crowning achievement of her art, received the name of -Gamelios. The general arrangement of the banquet, however, they -entrusted to the care of a sort of major-domo, who received the -appellation of Trapezopoios.[77] - ------ - -Footnote 75: - - Luc. Conviv. § 8. In the sepulchral grottoes of Eilithyia, in the - Thebaid, we find a rough fresco representing a marriage-feast, at - which the men and women sit as described in the text. - -Footnote 76: - - Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 421. Poll. iii. 41. The water of the bath used - on this occasion by the bride was, according to ancient custom, - brought from the fountain of Enneakrounos. Etym. Mag. 568, 57, seq. - -Footnote 77: - - Poll. iv. 41. - ------ - -Among the princes and grandees of Macedonia the nuptial banquet differed -very widely, as might be expected, from the frugal entertainments of the -Athenians; but as it may assist us in comprehending the changes -introduced into Hellenic manners by the conquests of Alexander and his -successors, I shall crave the reader’s permission to lay before him a -description, bequeathed to us by antiquity, of the magnificent -banquet[78] given at the marriage of Caranos. - ------ - -Footnote 78: - - Athen. iv. 2, seq. - ------ - -The guests, twenty in number, immediately on entering the mansion of the -bridegroom, were crowned by his order with golden stlengides,[79] each -valued at five pieces of gold. They were then introduced into the -banqueting-hall, where the first article set before them on taking their -places at the board was, no doubt, exceedingly agreeable, consisting of -a silver beaker presented to each as a gift, which, when they had -drained off, they delivered to their attendant slaves, who, according to -the custom of the country, stood behind their seats with large baskets -intended to contain the presents to be bestowed on them by the master of -the feast.[80] There was then placed before every member of the company -a bronze salver, of Corinthian workmanship, completely covered by a -cake, on which were piled roast fowls and ducks and woodcocks, and a -goose, together with other dainties in great abundance. These, likewise, -followed the beakers into the corbels of the slaves, and were succeeded -by numerous dishes, of which the guests were expected to partake on the -spot. Next was brought in a capacious silver tray, also covered by a -cake, whereon were heaped up geese, hares, kids, other cakes curiously -wrought, pigeons, turtle-doves, partridges, with a variety of similar -game, which, likewise, after they had been tasted, I presume, were -handed to the servants.[81] - ------ - -Footnote 79: - - Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 578. Ἔστι τι στλεγγὶς, δέρμα κεχρυσωμένον, ὁ - περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν φοροῦσι.—Poll. vii. 179. - -Footnote 80: - - When the host happened to be less rich or generous, people sometimes, - in the corruption of later ages, endeavoured to steal what they could - not obtain as a gift. Thus the sophist Dionysodoros is detected in - Lucian with a cup stuffed into the breast of his mantle.—Conviv. seu - Lapith. § 46. - -Footnote 81: - - This singular kind of liberality continued in fashion down to a very - late period:—καὶ ἃμα εἰς ἐκικόμιστο ἡμῖν τὸ ἐντελὲς ὀνομαζόμενον - δεῖπνον, μία ὄρνις ἑκάστω, καὶ κρέας ὑὸς, καὶ λαγῶα, καὶ ἰχθὺς ἐν - ταγήνου, καὶ σησαμοῦντες, καὶ ὅσα ἐν τραγεῖν, καὶ ἐζῆν ἀποφέρεσθαι - ταῦτα. Luc. Conviv. § 38. - ------ - -When the rage of hunger had been appeased, as it must soon have been, -they washed their hands, after which crowns, wreathed from every kind of -flower, were brought in, and along with them other golden stlengides, -equal in weight to the former, were placed, for form’s sake, on the -heads of the company, before they found their way to the baskets in the -rear. - -While they were still in a sort of delirium of joy, occasioned by the -munificence of the bridegroom, there entered to them a troop of female -flute players, singers, and Rhodian performers on the Sambukè,[82] naked -in the opinion of some, though others reported them to have worn a -slight tunic. When these performers had given them a sufficient taste of -their art, they retired to make way for other female slaves, bearing -each a pair of perfume vases, containing the measure of a cotyla, the -one of gold, the other of silver, and bound together by a golden thong. -Of these every guest received a pair. In fact, the princely bridegroom, -in order, as we suppose, that his friends might share with him the joy -of his nuptials, bestowed upon every one of them a fortune instead of a -supper; for immediately upon the heels of the gift above described came -a number of silver dishes, each of sufficient dimensions to contain a -large roast pig, laid upon its back, with its paunch thrown open, and -stuffed with all sorts of delicacies which had been roasted with it, -such as thrushes, metræ, and becaficoes, with the yolk of eggs poured -around them, and oysters and cockles. Of these dishes every person -present received one, with its contents, and, immediately afterwards, -such another dish containing a kid hissing hot. Upon this, Caranos -observing that their corbils were crammed, caused to be presented to -them wicker panniers, and elegant bread-baskets, plaited with slips of -ivory.[83] Delighted by his generosity, the company loudly applauded the -bridegroom, testifying their approbation by clapping their hands. Then -followed other gifts, and perfume vases of gold and silver, presented to -the company in pairs as before. The bustle having subsided, there -suddenly rushed in a troop of performers worthy to have figured in the -feast of the Chytræ,[84] at Athens, and along with them ithyphalli, -jugglers, and naked female wonder-workers, who danced upon their heads -in circles of swords, and spouted fire from their mouths. These -performances ended, they set themselves more earnestly and hotly to -drink, from capacious golden goblets, their wines, now less mixed than -before, being the Thasian, the Mendian, and the Lesbian. A glass dish, -three feet in diameter, was next brought in upon a silver stand, on -which were piled all kinds of fried fish. This was accompanied by silver -bread-baskets, filled with Cappadocian rolls, some of which they ate, -and delivered the rest to their slaves. They then washed their hands, -and were crowned with golden crowns, double the weight of the former, -and presented with a third pair of gold and silver vases filled with -perfume. They by this time had become quite delirious with wine, and -began a truly Macedonian contest, in which the winner was he who -swallowed most; Proteas, grandson of him who was boon companion to -Alexander the Great, drinking upwards of a gallon at a draught, and -exclaiming— - - “Most joy is in his soul - Who drains the largest bowl.” - ------ - -Footnote 82: - - The Sambukè was a stringed instrument of triangular form, invented by - the poet Ibycos. It was sometimes called Iambukè, because used by - chaunters of Iambic verse.—Suid. in v. t. ii. p. 709, c. d. Poll. iv. - 59. - -Footnote 83: - - Casaubon is particular in his explanation of this passage, lest any - one should fall into the singular mistake of supposing these nuptial - bread-baskets to have been made with plaited thongs of elephant’s - hide: “_Lora elephantina_ fortasse aliquis capiat de _corio - elephanti_: sed ἱμάντας arbitror appellare Hippolochum _virgas - subtiles ex ebore_, quibus ceu vimine utebantur in contexendis - panariis istis.”—Animadv. in Athen. t. vii. p. 392. - -Footnote 84: - - Vid. Animadv. in Athen. t. vii. p. 393. Meurs. Græcia Feriata. i. p. - 30, seq. - ------ - -The immense goblet was then given him by Caranos, who declared, that -every man should reckon as his own property the bowl whose contents he -could despatch. Upon this, nine valiant bacchanals started up at once, -and sought each to empty the goblet before the others, while one unhappy -wight among the company, envying them their good fortune, sat down and -burst into tears because he should go cupless away. The master of the -house, however, unwilling that any should be dissatisfied, presented him -with an empty bowl.[85] - ------ - -Footnote 85: - - In like manner, Alexander, son of Philip, when he entertained nine - thousand persons at a marriage feast at Susa, presented each of them - with a golden goblet, and paid all their debts, amounting to nearly - ten thousand talents.—Plut. Alexand. § 70. - ------ - -A chorus of a hundred men now entered to chaunt the epithalamium; and -after them dancing girls, dressed in the character of nymphs and -nereids. - -The drinking still proceeding, and the darkness of evening coming on, -the circle of the hall appeared suddenly to dilate, a succession of -white curtains, which had extended all round, and disguised its -dimensions, being drawn up, while from numerous recesses in the wall, -thrown open by concealed machinery, a blaze of torches flashed upon the -guests, seeming to be borne by a troop of gods and goddesses, Hermes, -Pan, Artemis, and the Loves, with numerous other divinities, each -holding a flambeau and administering light to the assembled mortals. - -While every person was expressing his admiration of this contrivance, -wild boars of true Erymanthean dimensions, transfixed with silver -javelins, were brought in on square trays with golden rims, one of which -was presented to each of the company. To the _bon vivants_ themselves -nothing appeared so worthy of commendation, as that, when anything -wonderful was exhibited, they should all have been able to get upon -their legs, and preserve the perpendicular, notwithstanding they were so -top-heavy with wine. - -“Our slaves,” says one of the guests, “piled all the gifts we had -received in our baskets; and the trumpet, according to the custom of the -Macedonians, at length announced the termination of the repast.” Caranos -next began that part of the potations in which small cups alone figured, -and commanded the slaves to circulate the wine briskly; what they drank -in this second bout being regarded as an antidote against that which -they had swallowed before. - -They were now, as might be supposed, in the right trim to be amused, and -there entered to them the buffoon Mandrogenes, a descendant, it was -said, of Strato the Athenian. This professional gentleman for a long -time shook their sides with laughter, and terminated his performances by -dancing with his wife, an old woman, upwards of eighty.[86] This fit of -merriment would appear to have restored the edge of their appetites, and -made them ready for those supplementary dainties which closed the -achievements of the day. These consisted of a variety of sweetmeats, -rendered more tempting by the little ivory-plaited corbels in which they -nestled, delicate cakes from Crete, and Samos, and Attica, in the boxes -in which they were imported. - ------ - -Footnote 86: - - If octogenarian dancers were held in admiration in England, it would, - according to Lord Bacon, be easy to form an army of them; since “there - is, he says, scarce a village with us, if it be any whit populous, but - it affords some man or woman of fourscore years of age; nay, a few - years since there was, in the county of Hereford, a May-game, or - morrice-dance, consisting of eight men, whose age computed together, - made up eight hundred years, inasmuch as what some of them wanted of - an hundred, others exceeded as much.” History of Life and Death, p. - 20. - ------ - -Hippolochos, to whose enthusiasm for descriptions of good cheer, the -reader is indebted for the above picturesque details, concludes his -important narrative by observing, that, when they rose to depart, their -anxiety respecting the wealth they had acquired sobered them completely. -He then adds, addressing himself to his correspondent Lynceus, -“Meanwhile you, my friend, remaining all alone at Athens, enjoy the -lectures of Theophrastus with your thyme, rocket and delicate twists, -mingling in the revels of the Linnean and Chytrean festivals. For our -own part we are looking out, some for houses, others for estates, others -for slaves, to be purchased by the riches which dropped into our baskets -at the supper of Caranos.” - -The marriage feast having been thus concluded, the bride was conducted -to the harem by the light of flambeaux, round one of which, -pre-eminently denominated the “Hymeneal Torch,” her mother, who was -principal among the torch-bearers, twisted her hair-lace,[87] unbound at -the moment from her head. On retiring to the nuptial chamber the bride, -in obedience to the laws, ate a quince, together with the bridegroom, to -signify, we are told, that their first conversation should be full of -sweetness and harmony.[88] The guests continued their revels with music, -dancing, and song, until far in the night.[89] - ------ - -Footnote 87: - - Senec. Thebais, Act. iv. 2, 505. - -Footnote 88: - - Plut. Conjug. Præcept. i. t. i. p. 321. Meurs. Them. Att. i. 14, p. - 39. Petit. Legg. Att. vi. i. p. 449. - -Footnote 89: - - See Douglas, Essay on certain points of resemblance between the - ancient and modern Greeks, p. 114, and Chandler, Travels, ii. 152. - ------ - -At daybreak on the following morning their friends re-assembled and -saluted them with a new epithalamium, exhorting them to descend from -their bower to enjoy the beauties of the dawn,[90] which in that warm -and genial climate are even in January equal to those of a May morning -with us. On appearing in the presence of their congratulators, the wife, -as a mark of affection, presented her husband with a rich woollen -cloak,[91] in part, at least, the production of her own fair hands. On -the same occasion the father of the bride sent a number of costly gifts -to the house of his son-in-law, consisting of cups, goblets, or vases of -alabaster or gold, beds, couches, candelabra, or boxes for perfumes or -cosmetics, combs, jewel-cases, costly sandals, or other articles of use -or luxury. And, that so striking an instance of his wealth and -generosity might not escape public observation, the whole was conveyed -to the bridegroom’s house in great pomp by female slaves, before whom -marched a boy clothed in white, and bearing a torch in his hand, -accompanied by a youthful basket-bearer habited like a canephora in the -sacred processions.[92] Customs in spirit exactly similar still survive -among the primitive mountaineers of Wales, where the newly-married -couple, in the middle and lower ranks of life, have their houses -completely furnished by the free-will offerings, not only of their -parents but of their friends. It is, however, incumbent on the -recipients to make proof in their turn of equal generosity when any -member of the donor’s family ventures on the hazards of housekeeping. - ------ - -Footnote 90: - - Theocrit, Eidyll. xviii. 9. - -Footnote 91: - - Ἀπαυλιστηρία. Poll. iii. 40. - -Footnote 92: - - Etymol. Mag. 354. 1. sqq. Suid. v. ἐπαυλία, t. i. p. 964, e. sqq. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER V. - CONDITION OF MARRIED WOMEN. - - -From the spirit pervading the foregoing ceremonies it will be seen, that -married women enjoyed at Athens numerous external tokens of respect. We -must now enter the harem, and observe how they lived there. Most, -perhaps, of the misapprehensions which prevail on this subject arise out -of one very obvious omission,—a neglect to distinguish between the -exaggeration and satire of the comic poets, much of which, in all -countries, has been levelled at women, and the sober truth of history, -less startling, and therefore, less palatable. To comprehend the -Athenians, however, we must be content to view them as they were, with -many virtues and many vices, often sinning against their women, but -never as a general rule treating them harshly. Indeed, according to no -despicable testimony, their errors when they erred would appear to have -lain in the contrary direction.[93] - ------ - -Footnote 93: - - For example, public opinion regarded it as more atrocious to kill a - woman than a man.—Arist. Prob. xxix. 11. - ------ - -Certainly the mistress of a family at Athens was not placed above the -necessity of extending her solicitude to the government of her -household, though too many even there neglected it, degenerating into -the resemblance of those mawkish, insipid, useless things, without heart -or head, who often in our times fill fashionable drawing-rooms, and have -their reputations translated to Doctors’ Commons. Of female education I -have already spoken, together with the several acts and ceremonies, -which conducted an Athenian woman to the highest and most honourable -station her sex can fill on earth. In this new relation she shares with -her husband that domestic patriarchal sovereignty, pictures of which -abound in the Scriptures. How great soever might be the establishment, -she was queen of every thing within doors. All the slaves, male and -female, came under her control.[94] To every one she distributed his -task, and issued her commands; and when there were no children who -required her care, she might often be seen sitting in the recesses of -the harem, at the loom, encircled, like an Homeric princess, by her -maids,[95] laughing, chatting, or, along with them, exercising her sweet -voice in songs,[96] those natural bursts of melody which came -spontaneously to the lips of a people whose every-day speech resembled -the music of the nightingale. - ------ - -Footnote 94: - - She wakes them in the morning.—Aristoph. Lysist. 18. This comic poet - gives a concise sketch of an Athenian woman’s morning work, which - rendered their going out difficult at such an hour:—Χαλεπή τε γυναικῶν - ἔξοδος· ἠ μὲν γὰρ ἡμῶν περὶ τὸν ἀνδρ’ ἐκύπτασεν· ἠ δ᾽ οἰκέτην ἤγειρεν· - ἡ δὲ παιδίον κατέκλινεν· ἡ δ᾽ ἐλουσεν· ἠ δ᾽ ἐψώμισεν.—Lysist. 16, sqq. - -Footnote 95: - - Precisely the same picture is presented in the interior of Jason’s - palace at Pheræ, where we find the tyrant’s mother at work in the - midst of her handmaidens.—Polyæn. Stratag. vi. i. 5. - -Footnote 96: - - Plat. de Legg. t. viii. p. 36.—Among the Thracians, and many other - people, women were employed in agriculture, as they are in England and - France, as herdswomen and shepherds, and every other laborious - employment, like men.—Id. ib. - ------ - -Xenophon, in that interesting work, the Œconomics, introduces an -Athenian gentleman laying open to Socrates the internal regulations of -his family. In this picture, the wife occupies an important position in -the foreground. She is, indeed, the principal figure around which the -various circumstances of the composition are grouped with infinite -delicacy and effect. Young and beautiful she comes forth hesitating and -blushing at being detected in some slight economical blunders. The -husband takes her by the hand; they converse in our presence, and while -the interior arrangements of a Greek house are unreservedly laid open, -we discover the exact footing on which husband and wife lived at Athens, -and a state of more complete confidence, of greater mutual affection, of -more considerate tenderness on the one side, or feminine reliance and -love on the other, it would be difficult to conceive. - -Ischomachos, I admit, is to be regarded as a favourable specimen; he -unites in his character the qualities of an enterprising and enlightened -country gentleman, with those of a politician and orator of no mean -order, and his probity as a citizen infuses an air of mingled grandeur -and sweetness into his domestic manners. Describing a conversation -which, soon after their marriage, took place between him and his -youthful wife, he observes:—“When we had together taken a view of our -possessions I remarked to her that, without her constant care and -superintendence, nothing of all she had seen would greatly profit us. -And taking my illustration from the science of politics, I showed that, -in well-regulated states, it is not deemed sufficient that good laws are -enacted, but that proper persons are chosen to be guardians of those -laws, who not only reward with praise such as yield them due obedience, -but visit also their infraction with punishment. Now, my love,” said I, -“you must consider yourself the guardian of our domestic commonwealth, -and dispose of all its resources as the commander of a garrison disposes -of the soldiers under his orders. With you it entirely rests to -determine respecting the conduct of every individual in the household, -and, like a queen, to bestow praise and reward on the dutiful and -obedient, while you keep in check the refractory by punishment and -reproof. Nor should this high charge appear burdensome to you; for -though the duties of your station may seem to involve deeper solicitude -and necessity for greater exertion than we require even from a domestic, -these greater cares are rewarded by greater enjoyments; since, whatever -ability they may display in the improving or protecting of their -master’s property, the measure of their advantages still depends upon -his will, while you, as its joint owner, enjoy the right of applying it -to whatever use you please. It follows, therefore, that as the person -most interested in its preservation you should cheerfully encounter -superior difficulties.” - -Having listened attentively to the somewhat quaint discourse of the -Economist, Socrates felt anxious, as well he might, to learn the result; -for the lady, expected thus wisely “to queen it,” was as yet but -fifteen. His faith, however, in womanhood was great; and Xenophon, who -but reflects from a less brilliant mirror the Socratic wisdom, delivers, -under the mask of Ischomachos, the mingled convictions both of the -master and the pupil. The moral beauty of the dialogue, and its truth to -nature, would have been lost had the lady at all shrunk from the duties -of her high office. But her ambition was at once awakened. The obscurity -to which, in the time of Pericles, women were, by the manners of the -country, condemned, now no longer seemed desirable, and the love of fame -was urged upon her as a motive to extraordinary exertions.[97] Her reply -is highly characteristic. Running, with the unerring tact of her sex, -even in advance of her husband, she desired him to believe that he would -have formed an extremely erroneous opinion of her character, had he for -a moment supposed that the care of their common property could ever have -proved burdensome to her: on the contrary, the really grievous thing -would have been to require her to be neglectful of it! - ------ - -Footnote 97: - - That this passion led women to interfere too frequently with politics - may be inferred from the remark of Theophrastus, that to be versed in - the science of domestic economy was more honourable to them.—Stob. 85. - 7. Gaisf. - ------ - -Men always conceive they are complimenting a woman when they attribute -to her a masculine understanding, and they thus, in fact, do place her -on the highest intellectual level known to them. Socrates adopted this -style of compliment in speaking of the wife of Ischomachos. And I may -here remark, that we need no other proof of how differently the -Athenians felt on the subject of women from the Orientals with whom they -have been compared, than the mere circumstance of their conversing -openly with strangers respecting their wives. In the East, a greater -affront could scarcely be offered a man than to inquire about his female -establishment. The most an old friend does is to say, “Is your house -well?”—whereas at Athens, women formed a never-failing theme in all -companies; which proves them to have been there contemplated in a -different light. In fact, the sentiments of Ischomachos, every way -worthy the most chivalrous people of antiquity, could only have sprung -up in a society where just and exalted notions of female virtue -prevailed; for, under the word “high-mindedness,” we find him grouping -every refined and estimable quality which a gentlewoman can possess. - -But, perhaps, the reader will not be displeased if we introduce -dramatically upon the scene an Athenian married pair discussing in his -presence a question closely connected with domestic happiness. There is -little risk of exaggeration. The picture is by Xenophon, a writer whose -subdued and sober colouring is calculated rather to diminish than -otherwise the poetical features of his subject. - -By Heaven! exclaimed Socrates, according to this account, your wife’s -understanding must be of a highly masculine character. - -Nay, but suffer me, answered the husband, to place before you a -convincing proof of her high-mindedness, by showing how, on a single -representation, she yielded to me on a subject extremely important. - -Proceed, cried the philosopher, (who had not found Xantippe thus -manageable,) proceed; for, believe me, friend, I experience much greater -delight in contemplating the active virtues of a living woman, than the -most exquisite female form by the pencil of Zeuxis would afford me. - -Observing, said Ischomachos, that my wife sought by cosmetics[98] and -other arts of the toilette to render herself fairer and ruddier than she -had issued from the hands of Nature, and that she wore high-heeled shoes -in order to add to her stature,—Tell me, wife,[99] I began, would you -now esteem me to be a worthy participator of your fortunes if, -concealing the true state of my affairs, I aimed at appearing richer -than I am, by exhibiting to you heaps of false money, necklaces of -gilded wood for gold, and wardrobes of spurious for genuine purple? - ------ - -Footnote 98: - - Xen. Œcon. x. ii. 60. Among the Orientals we find there existed a - peculiar collyrium for the white of the eye. Bochart, Hieroz, Pt. ii. - p. 120. - -Footnote 99: - - Γύναι, a term of greatest endearment among the Greeks, as with the - French “ma femme.” On this point our language is more sophisticated. - The practice reprehended by Ischomachos, in the text, was generally - prevalent in Greece, where certain classes of the community, who could - afford nothing better, used, when they had painted the rest of their - skin white, to dye the cheeks with mulberry-juice, and paint the - eyelids black at the edge. In hot weather, therefore, dusky streamlets - sometimes flowed from the corners of their eyes; and the roses melted - from their cheeks, and dropped into their bosoms. They imitated old - age, too, by covering their hair with white powder. (Athen. xiii. 6.) - It was likewise, at one time, the fashion to bring forward their curls - so as to conceal the forehead, as was the practice in France and - England during a part of the eighteenth century.—Lucian, Dial. Meret. - i. t. iv. p. 123. - ------ - -Nay, exclaimed my wife, interrupting me, put not the injurious -supposition: it is what you could not be guilty of. For, were such your -character I could never love you from my soul. - -Well, by entering together into the bonds of marriage are we not -mutually invested with a property in each other’s persons? - -People say so. - -They say truly: and since this is the case shall I not more sincerely -evince my esteem for you by watching sedulously over my own health and -well-being, and displaying to your gaze the natural hues of a manly -complexion, than if, neglecting these, I presented myself with rouged -cheeks, eyes encircled by paint, and my whole exterior false and hollow? - -Indeed, she replied, I prefer the native colour of your cheeks to any -artificial bloom, and could never gaze with so much delight into any -eyes as into yours—bright and sparkling with health. - -Then believe no less of me, said I; but be well persuaded that, in my -judgment, there are no tints so beautiful as those with which nature has -adorned your cheeks. The same rule indeed holds universally. For, even -in the inferior creation, every living thing delights most in -individuals of its own species. And so it is with man whom nothing so -truly pleases as to behold the image of his own nature mirrored in -another and a fairer form of humanity. Besides, false beauties, though -they may deceive the incurious glance of strangers,[100] must inevitably -be detected by persons living always together. Women necessarily appear -undisguised when first rising in the morning, before they have undergone -the renovation of the toilette; and perspiration, or tears, or the -waters of the bath, will even at other times float away their artificial -complexions. - ------ - -Footnote 100: - - Cf. Lucian, Amor. § 42. Aristoph. Nub. 49. - ------ - -And what, in the name of all the gods, did she say to that? inquired -Socrates. - -What? replied the husband. Why, that for the future she would abjure all -meretricious ornaments, and consent to appear decked with that simple -grace and beauty which she owed to nature. - -At Sparta married persons, as in France, occupied separate beds; but -among the Athenians and in other parts of Greece a different custom -prevailed. The same remark may be applied to the Heroic Ages. Odysseus -and Penelope, Alcinoös and Arete, Paris and Helen, occupy the same -chamber and the same couch. The women in the Lysistrata of Aristophanes -appealed to this circumstance in justification of their late appearance -at the female assembly held before day, and Euphiletos in the oration of -Lysias on Eratosthenes’ murder, who admits us freely into the recesses -of the harem, confirms this fact, except, that when the mother suckled -her own child she usually slept with it in a separate bed. At Byzantium -also the same practice prevailed, as we learn from a very amusing -anecdote. Python an orator of that city who, like Falstaff, seems to -have been somewhere about two yards in the waist, once quelled an -insurrection by a jocular allusion to this part of domestic economy. “My -dear fellow-citizens,” cried he to the enraged multitude, “you see how -fat I am. Well! my wife is still fatter than I, yet when we agree one -small bed will contain us both; but, if we once begin to quarrel, the -whole house is too little to hold us.”[101] - ------ - -Footnote 101: - - Athen. xii. 74. - ------ - -We have seen above how absolute was the authority of women over their -household, and this authority likewise extended to their children. The -father no doubt could exercise, when he chose, considerable influence; -but as most of his time was spent abroad, in business or politics, the -chief charge of their early education, the first training of their -intellect, the first rooting of their morals and shaping of their -principles devolved upon the mother.[102] There have been writers, -indeed, to whom this has seemed a circumstance to be lamented. But their -judgment probably was warped by theory. In the original discipline of -the mind, great attainments and experience of the world are less needed -than tact to discern, and patience to apply, those minute incentives to -action which women discover with a truer sagacity than we do. In this -task, ever pleasing to a true mother, the aid of nurses, however, was -usually obtained; nor are we, as Cramer observes, on this account to -blame the Athenian ladies, so long as they did not, as in after times -was too much the fashion, consider their whole duty performed when they -had delivered their children to the nurse. - ------ - -Footnote 102: - - Xenoph. Œcon. vii. 12. 24. Cf. A. Cramer. de Educ. Puer. ap. Athen. 9. - This writer acutely remarks, (p. 13,) that the words καὶ αὐτος ὁ πατὴρ - in Plat. Protag. p. 325. d. show that it was seldom the father meddled - with the matter. The mother, therefore, from early habit, was held in - greater love and reverence than the father. Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. - p. 187. - ------ - -It will be evident from what has been said, that an Athenian lady who -conscientiously discharged her duties was very little exposed to ennui. -She arose in the morning with the lark, roused her slaves, distributed -to all their tasks,[103] superintended the operations of the nursery, -and, on days frequently recurring, went abroad in the performance of -rites specially allotted to her sex. But, one effect of democracy is to -confer undue influence upon women.[104] And this influence, where by -education or otherwise they happen to be luxurious or vain, must -infallibly prove pernicious to the state. At Athens, the number of this -class of women, extremely limited in the beginning, augmented rapidly -during the decline of the republic, and the comic poets substituting a -part for the whole, invest their countrywomen generally with the -qualities belonging exclusively to these.—But, the success of such -writers depending generally on ingenious extravagance and exaggeration, -we must be on our guard against their insinuations. Their faith in the -existence of virtue, male or female, has, in all ages, if we are to -judge by their works, been very lanksided. In their view, if there has -been one good woman since the world began, it is as much as there has. -Accordingly when these lively caricaturists describe the female _demos_ -as addicted extravagantly to wine[105] and pawning their wardrobe to -purchase it—as compelling the men by their intemperance to keep their -cellars under lock and key, and still defeating them by manufacturing -false ones—as forming illicit connexions, and having recourse to the -boldest stratagems in furtherance of their intrigues, we must -necessarily suppose them to have amused themselves at the expense of -truth; though that, among the Athenians, there were examples enough of -women of whom all this might be said, it would be absurd to deny. - ------ - -Footnote 103: - - Aristoph. Lysist. 18. Plato, who admired the practice, requires his - airy female citizens to go and do likewise. Καὶ δὴ καὶ δέσποιναν ἐν - οἰκίᾳ ὑπὸ θεραπαινίδων ἐγείρεσθαί τινων καὶ μὴ πρώτην αὐτὴν ἐγείρειν - τὰς ἄλλας, αἰσχρὸν λέγειν χρὴ πρὸς αὑτοὺς δοῦλον τε καὶ δούλην καὶ - παῖδα, καὶ εἴ πως ἦν οἷον τε, ὅλην καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκίαν. De Legg. vii. - t. viii. p. 40. Bekk. - -Footnote 104: - - Cf. Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 102. - -Footnote 105: - - Arist. Lysist. 113, seq. 205. - ------ - -We know that where the minds of married dames are fixed chiefly upon -dress and show their anxiety has often very little reference to their -husbands. And if it be their object to excite admiration out of doors, -it is simply as a means to an end, which end, in too many cases, is -intrigue. Proofs exist that among the Athenian ladies there were numbers -whose idle lives and luxurious habits produced their natural -results—loose principles and dissolute manners. The beauty of Alcibiades -drew them after him in crowds,[106] though we do not read that, like -another very handsome personage in a modern republic, the son of -Cleinias found it necessary to carry about a club to defend himself from -their importunities. They went abroad elaborately habited and adorned -merely to attract the gaze of men,[107] and having thus sown the first -seeds of intrigue, they took care to cultivate and bring them to -maturity. The felicitous invention of Falstaff’s friends, which got him -safe out of Ford’s house in a buck-basket, was not so new as Shakspeare, -perhaps, imagined. His predecessors on the Athenian stage had already -discovered stratagems equally happy among their countrywomen, whose -lovers we find made their way into the harem wrapped up in straw, like -carp—or crept through holes made purposely by fair hands in the eaves—or -scaled the envious walls by the help of those vulgar contrivances called -ladders.[108] - ------ - -Footnote 106: - - Xenoph. Memor. i. 2. 24. Ἀλκιβιάδης δ᾽ αὖ διὰ μὲν κάλλος ὑπὸ πολλῶν - καὶ σεμνῶν γυναικῶν θηρώμενος. κ. τ. λ. - -Footnote 107: - - Aristoph. Nub. 60. Married ladies occasionally rode out in carriages - with their husbands. Demosth. cont. Mid. § 44. Even at Sparta we find - young ladies possessed of their carriages called Canathra, resembling - in form griffins, or goat-stags, in which they rode abroad during - religious processions. Plut. Ages. § 19. Cf. Xenoph. Ages. p. 73. - Hutchin. cum not. et add. p. 89. Athen. iv. 16, cum annot. p. 449. - Scheffer, de Re Vehic. i. 7. p. 68. The same custom prevailed in - Thessaly and elsewhere. Athen. xii. 37. Luxurious ladies at Athens - used to perfume even the soles of their feet. Their lapdogs lived in - great state, and slept on carpets of Miletos. Athen. xii. 78. - -Footnote 108: - - Xenarch. ap. Athen. xiii. 24. - ------ - -The laws of Athens, however, were more modest than its women. For, from -the very interference of the laws, it is evident, that the example of -the Spartan ladies, who enjoyed the privilege of exposing themselves -indecently, found numerous imitators among the female democracy. To -repress this unbecoming taste, it was enacted, that any woman detected -in the streets in indecorous deshabille[109] should be fined a thousand -drachmæ, and, to add disgrace to pecuniary considerations, the name of -the offender, with the amount of the fine, was inscribed on a tablet and -suspended on a certain platane tree in the Cerameicos. However, what -constituted _indecorous deshabille_ in the opinion of Philippides, who -procured the enactment of the law, it might be difficult to determine. -Possibly it may have consisted in the too great exposure of the bosom, -for the covering of which ladies in remoter ages appear to have depended -very much on their veils. Thus in the interview of Helen with Aphrodite -she saw, says the poet, her beautiful neck, desire-inflaming bosom, and -eyes bright with liquid splendour. Her garments concealed the rest.[110] -Now, as it was customary for ladies to appear veiled in public, the -object of the law of Philippides may simply have been to enforce the -observance of this ancient practice. The magistrates who presided over -this very delicate part of Athenian police were denominated “Regulators -of the women,”[111] an office which Sultan Mahmood in our day took upon -himself. They were chosen by the twenty from among the wealthiest and -most virtuous of the citizens, and in their office resembled the Roman -Censors and similar magistrates in several other states.[112] - ------ - -Footnote 109: - - Ἀκοσμοῦσαι. Harpocrat. v. ὅτι χίλιας. κ. τ. λ. Potter, Arch. Græc. ii. - 309, understands his law to have meant, women who literally appeared - _laconically_ in the streets. “Undressed,” is his word. But will - ἀκοσμοῦσαι which Meursius, Lect. Att. ii. 5, 62, renders by - “inornatius,” bear such a signification? Κόσμος γυναικῶν does not, as - Kühn observes, signify _ornamentum mulierum_, nor ἀκοσμοῦσαι - _inornatius prodeuntes feminæ_; but κόσμος is εὐταξία and ἀκοσμοῦσαι - means ἀτακτοῦσαι, that is, women who acted in any way whatever - contrary to decorum and good manners, which persons appearing - indecently dressed in public unquestionably do.—Ad. Poll. viii. 112. - p. 763. On the manners of the Tyrrhenian women, Cf. Athen. xii. 14. - sqq. - -Footnote 110: - - Il. γ. 396. sqq. Cf. 141. - -Footnote 111: - - Γυναικόσμοι. Poll. viii. 112. - -Footnote 112: - - Cf. Arist. Pol. iv. 15. 120. - ------ - -The evil influence of women of this description,[113] who, as Milton -expresses it, would fain at any rate ride in their coach and six, was -perceived and lamented by the philosophers. To their vain and frivolous -notions might be traced, in part at least, the love of power, of -trifling distinctions, of unmanly pleasures, which infected the -Athenians towards the decline of their republic. By them the springs of -education were poisoned, and the seeds sown of those inordinate -artificial desires which convulse and overthrow states. In vain did -philosophers inculcate temperance and moderation, while the youth were -imbued with different opinions by their mothers. The lessons of the -Academy were overgrown and checked in the harem. Such dames no doubt -would grieve to find their husbands content with little[114] (as was the -case with Xantippe) and not numbered with the rulers, since their -consequence among their own sex was thus lessened. They would have had -them keen worshipers of Mammon, eagerly squabbling and wrangling in the -law-courts or the ecclesiæ, not cultivators of domestic habits or -philosophical tranquillity and content: and in conversing with their -sons would be careful to recommend maxims the reverse of the father’s, -with all the cant familiar to women of their character.[115] - ------ - -Footnote 113: - - On the luxurious manners of the Syracusan women see Athen. xii. 20. In - such disorders may be discovered the first germs of the decay of - states; on which account prudent statesmen even in oligarchies have - sought to restrain the licentious manners of women. Thus Fra Paolo: - “Let the women be kept chaste, and in order to that, let them live - retired from the world; it being certain that all open lewedness has - had its first rise from a salutation, from a smile.”—i. § 20. To this - let us add the opinion of the female Pythagorician Phintys: ἴδια δὲ - γυναικὸς, τὸ οἰκουρὲν, καὶ ἔνδον μένεν καὶ ἐκδέχεσθαι καὶ θεραπεύεν - τὸν ἄνδρα. Stob. Florileg., 74. 61. Both the philosophical lady, - however, and the Venetian monk have their views corroborated by the - authority of Pericles: τῆς τε γὰρ ὑπαρχούσης φύσεως μὴ χείροσι - γενέσθαι, ὑμῖν μεγάλη ἡ δόξα, καὶ οἷς ἂν ἐπ’ ἄρσεσι κλέος ᾖ. Thucyd. - ii. 45. Besides leading a retired life, ladies were likewise expected - to cultivate the virtue of silence. Soph. Ajax, 293. Hom. Il. ζ. 410. - -Footnote 114: - - Which, according to Plato, well-educated men generally are. De Repub. - t. vi. p. 173. - -Footnote 115: - - Plat. De Repub. viii. 5. t. ii. p. 182. Stallb. - ------ - -Our review of female society at Athens would be incomplete were we to -overlook the Hetairæ who exerted so powerful an influence over the -morals and destinies of the state. They occupied much the same position -which the same class of females still do in modern communities, -cultivated in mind, polished and elegant in manners, but scarcely -deserving as a body to be viewed in the light in which a very -distinguished historian has placed them.[116] Their position, however, -was anomalous, resembling rather that of kings’ mistresses in modern -times, whose vices are tolerated on account of their rank, than that of -plebeian sinners whose deficiencies in birth and fortune exclude them -from good society. There is much difficulty in rightly apprehending the -notions of the ancients on the subject of these women. At first sight we -are shocked to find that, during one festival, they were permitted to -enter the temples in company with modest ladies. But in what Christian -country are they excluded from church?[117] Again, behold in our -theatres the matron and the courtezan in the same box, while at Athens -even foreign women were not suffered to approach the space set apart for -the female citizens. Nevertheless, though on this point so rigid, they -were in their own houses permitted occasionally to visit them[118] and -receive instructions from their lips, as in Turkish harems ladies do -from the Almè. - ------ - -Footnote 116: - - Mitford, Hist, of Greece, iii. 4. sqq. It appears not to have been - common for these women to rear the children they bore, more - particularly when they were girls. They flew to the practice of - infanticide that they might remain at liberty. Lucian, Hetair. Diall. - ii. 5. iv. 124. - -Footnote 117: - - Besides, from a passage in Lucian it appears that the ladies and the - hetairæ frequented together the public baths.—Diall. Hetair. xii. 4. - -Footnote 118: - - Cf. Antiphon. Nec. Venef. § 5. - ------ - -It is not permitted here to lift the curtain from the manners of these -ladies. But their position, pregnant with evil to the state through its -contaminating influences on the minds of youth, must be comprehensively -explained before a correct idea can be formed of the internal structure -of the Athenian commonwealth, of the germs of dissolution which it -concealed within its own bosom, or the premature blight which an -unspiritual system of morals was mainly instrumental in producing. No -doubt the question whether the existence of such a class of persons -should be tolerated at all, is environed by difficulties almost -insurmountable. They have always existed and therefore, perhaps, it is -allowable to infer that they always will exist; but this does not seem -to justify Solon for sanctioning, by legislative enactments, a -modification of moral turpitude debasing to the individual, and -consequently detrimental to the state. To do evil that good may come, is -as much a solecism in politics as in ethics. On this point I miss the -habitual wisdom of the Athenian legislator. Lycurgus himself could have -enacted nothing more at variance with just principles, or more -subversive of heroic sentiments. - -The Hetairæ,[119] recognised by law and scarcely proscribed by public -opinion, may be said to have constituted a sort of monarchical leaven in -the very heart of the republic; they shared with the sophists, whom I -have already depicted, the affections of the lax ambitious youths, -panting at once for pleasure and distinction, fostered expensive tastes -and luxurious habits, increased consequently their aptitude to indulge -in peculation, shared with the unprincipled the spoils of the state, and -vigorously paved the way for the battle of Chæronea. But if their -existence was hurtful to the community, so was it often full of -bitterness to themselves. In youth, no doubt, when beauty breathed its -spell around them, they were puffed up and intoxicated with the incense -of flattery[120]—their conversation at once sprightly and learned seemed -full of charms—their houses spacious as palaces and splendidly adorned -were the resort of the gay, the witty, the powerful, nay, even of the -wise—for Socrates did not disdain to converse with Theodota or to imbibe -the maxims of eloquence from Aspasia. But when old age came on, what -were they? It then appeared, that the lively repartees and grotesque -extravagancies which had pleased when proceeding from beautiful lips, -seemed vapid and poor from an old woman. The wrinkles which deformed -their features were equally fatal to their wisdom that flitted from -their dwellings, and became domiciliated with the last beautiful -importation from Ionia. Thus deserted, the most celebrated Hetairæ -became a butt for the satire even of the most clownish. The wit wont to -set the table in a roar scarcely served to defend them against the jests -of the agora. - ------ - -Footnote 119: - - Vice is generally superstitious; and these ladies accordingly when - they lost a lover, instead of attributing it to the superior beauty or - accomplishments of their rivals, or the common love of novelty of - mankind, always supposed that enchantments had been employed.—Luc. - Diall. Hetair. i. t. iv. 124. - -Footnote 120: - - Statues, for example, were sometimes erected in their honour—Winkelm. - iv. 3. 7. They were generally well educated, and there were none - probably who could not read.—Drosè, in Lucian, complaining of the - philosopher who kept away her lover, observes that his slave came in - the evening bearing a note from his young master.—Diall. Hetair. x. 2. - 3. - ------ - -“How do you sell your beef?” said Laïs to a young butcher in the -flesh-market. - -“Three obels the _Hag_,” answered the coxcomb. - -“And how dare you, said the faded beauty, here in Athens pretend to make -use of barbarian weights?” - -The word in the original signifying an old woman and a Carian weight, it -suited her purpose to understand him in the latter sense.[121] - ------ - -Footnote 121: - - Athen. xiii. 43. where the word is κύβδα.—The Turkish practice of - drowning female delinquents in sacks, is merely an imitation of what - was performed by a tyrant of old, who disposed of wicked old women in - this manner.—Idem. x. 60. In France likewise formerly it was customary - to avoid the scandal of a public trial, for noblemen and gentlemen to - be examined privately by the king who, when he could satisfy his - conscience that they were guilty, ordered them to be “without any - fashion of judgment put in a sack and in the night season, by the - Marshall’s servants, hurled into a river and so drowned.” Fortescue, - Laud, Legg. Angl. chap. 35. p. 82. b. - ------ - -Worshiped and slighted alternately they adopted narrow and interested -principles in self-defence. Besides, generally barbarians by birth, they -brought along with them from their original homes the creed best suited -to their calling—“Let us eat and drink for to-morrow we die.” They were -often the lumber of Asia and hence known under the appellation of -“strange women,” though it is very certain, that many female citizens -were from time to time enrolled among their ranks, some through the -pressure of adversity, others from a preference for that kind of life. -Their education it must be conceded, however, was far more masculine -than that of other women. They cultivated all the sciences but that of -morals, and concealed their lack of modesty by the dazzling splendour of -their wit. Hence among a people with whom intellect was almost -everything their company was much sought after and highly valued, not -habitually perhaps by statesmen, but by wits, poets, sophists, and young -men of fashion. - -Many of the _bons mots_ uttered by those ladies have been preserved. One -day at table Stilpo the philosopher accused Glycera of corrupting the -manners of youth. - -“My friend,” said she, “we are both to blame; for you, in your turn, -corrupt their minds by innumerable forms of sophistry and error. And if -men be rendered unhappy, what signifies it whether a philosopher or a -courtezan be the cause?” - -It is to her that a joke, somewhat hackneyed but seldom attributed to -its real author, was originally due. A gentleman presenting her with a -very small jar of wine sought to enhance its value by pretending it was -sixteen years old. “Then,” replied she, “it is extremely little for its -age.” Gnathena too, another member of the sisterhood, sprinkled her -conversation with sparkling wit, but too redolent of the profession to -be retailed. Some of her sayings, however, will bear transplantation, -though they must suffer by it. To stop the mouth of a babbler who -observed that he had just arrived from the Hellespont—“And yet,” she -remarked, “it is clear to me that you know nothing of one of its -principal cities!” “Which city is that?”—“Sigeion,”[122] (in which there -appears to be a reference to the word Silence) answered Gnathena. -Several noisy gallants, who being in her debt sought to terrify her by -menaces, once saying they would pull her house down, and had pickaxes -and mattocks ready, “I disbelieve it,” she replied, “for if you had, you -would have pledged them to pay what you owe me.” A comic poet remarking -to one of these ladies that the water of her cistern was delightfully -cold—“It has always been so,” she replied, “since we have got into the -habit of throwing your plays into it.” The repartee of Melitta to a -conceited person who was said to have fled ignominiously from the field -of battle is exceedingly keen. Happening to be eating of a hare which -she seemed much to enjoy, our soldier, desirous of directing attention -to her, inquired if she knew what was the fleetest animal in the world. -“The runaway,” replied Melitta. - ------ - -Footnote 122: - - Athen. xiii. 47. - ------ - -The same taste which induces many persons of rank in our own day to -marry opera dancers and actresses, in antiquity favoured the ambition of -the Hetairæ, many of whom rose from their state of humiliation to be the -wives of satraps and princes. This was the case with Glycera, whom after -the death of Pythionica, Harpalos sent for from Athens, and domiciliated -within his royal palace at Tarsos. He required her to be saluted and -considered as his queen, and refused to be crowned unless in conjunction -with her. Nay, he had even the hardihood to erect in the city of Rossos, -a brazen statue to her, beside his own.[123] Herpyllis, one of the same -sisterhood, won the heart of Aristotle, and was the mother of -Nicomachos. She survived the philosopher, and was carefully provided for -by his will.[124] Even Plato, whose genius and virtue are still the -admiration of mankind, succumbed to the charms of Archæanassa, an -Hetaira of Colophon, whose beauty, which long survived her youth, he -celebrated in an epigram still extant.[125] - ------ - -Footnote 123: - - Athen. xiii. 50. - -Footnote 124: - - Athen. xiii. 56.—Diog. Laert. v. 12. - -Footnote 125: - - Diog. Laert. iii. 31. - ------ - -Of all these ladies, however, not even excepting Phryne, or the Sicilian -Laïs,[126] Aspasia[127] has obtained the most widely extended fame. This -illustrious woman, endowed by nature with a mind still more beautiful -than her beautiful form, exercised over the fortunes of Athens an -influence beyond the reach of the greatest queen. Her genius, unobserved -for some time, by degrees drew around her all those whom the love of -letters or ambition induced to cultivate their minds. Her house became a -sort of club-room, where eloquence, politics, philosophy, mixed with -badinage, were daily discussed, and whither even ladies of the highest -rank resorted to acquire from Aspasia those accomplishments which were -already beginning to be in fashion. From her Socrates professed to have -in part acquired his knowledge of rhetoric, and it is extremely probable -that he could trace to the habit of conversing with one so gifted by -nature, so polished by rare society, something of that exquisite -facility and lightness of manner which characterize his familiar -dialectics. No doubt, we may attribute something of the reputation she -acquired to the desire to disparage Pericles. It was thought that by -appropriating many of his harangues to her they could bring him down -nearer their own level. She was, in influence and celebrity, the Madame -Roland of Athens, though living in times somewhat less troubled. - ------ - -Footnote 126: - - She was a native of Hyccara, but taken prisoner in childhood, and - carried to Corinth, whence that city has generally the honor of being - regarded as her birthplace.—Athen. xiii. 54.—Cf. Thucyd. vi. 62. Sch. - Aristoph. Lysist. 179. - -Footnote 127: - - Of the younger Aspasia, who had the reputation of being the loveliest - woman of her time, we have the following sketch in Ælian:—“Her hair - was auburn, and fell in slightly waving ringlets. She had large full - eyes, a nose inclined to aquiline, (ἐπίγρυπος) and small delicate - ears. Nothing could be softer than her skin, and her complexion was - fresh as the rose; on which account the Phoceans called her Milto, or - ‘the Blooming’. Her ruddy lips, opening, disclosed teeth whiter than - snow. She, moreover, possessed the charm on which Homer so often - dwells in his descriptions of beautiful women, of small, well-formed - ankles. Her voice was so full of music and sweetness, that those to - whom she spoke imagined they heard the songs of the Seirens. To crown - all she was like Horace’s Pyrrha, simplex munditiis, abhorring - superfluous pomp of ornament.”—Hist. Var. xii. 1. Some persons, - however, would not have admired the nose of Milto:—thus, the youth in - Terence (Heauton, v. 5. 17. seq.) “What? must I marry” - - “Rufamne illam virginem - Cæsiam, sparso ore, adunco naso? - Non possum, pater.” - - Aristotle (Rhet. i. 2) does not undervalue the slightly aquiline nose; - and Plato appears rather to have admired it in men.—Repub. v. § 19. t. - i. p. 392.—Stallb. where the philosopher calls it the Royal Nose. - ------ - -The name of Phryne, though not so celebrated, is still familiar to every -one, partly, perhaps, through the accusation brought against her in the -court of Heliæa,[128] by Euthios. She was a native of Thespiæ, but -established at Athens, and beloved by the orator Hyperides, who -undertook her defence. His pleading, it may therefore be presumed, was -eloquent. Perceiving, however, he could make but little impression on -the judges, he had her called into court, and, as if by accident, bared -her bosom,[129] the fairness and beauty of which heaving with anguish -and terror—for it was a matter of life and death—so wrought upon the -august judges that her acquittal immediately followed. The Heliasts, -renowned for their upright decisions, were suspected on this occasion of -undue commiseration, though the charge was probably grounded on some -frivolous pretence of impiety; and, to prevent the recurrence of similar -partiality in future, a decree was passed, rendering it illegal thus to -extort the pity of the court, or, on any account, to introduce the -accused, whether man or woman, into the presence of the judges. It was -on her figure that Apelles chiefly relied in painting his Aphrodite -rising from the sea, as Phryne herself rose before all Greece on the -beach at Eleusis; and Praxiteles also wrought from the same model his -Cnidean Aphrodite.[130] This sculptor, who was the rival of Hyperides, -and, indeed, of all Athens, in the affections of Phryne, permitted her -one day to make choice for herself from two statues of his own -workmanship—the Eros and the Satyr. Discovering, by a stratagem, that he -himself preferred the former, she was guided by his judgment, and -dedicated the winged god in a temple of her native city. In admiration -of her beauty, a number of gentlemen erected, by subscription, in her -honour, a golden statue at Delphi. It was the work of Praxiteles, and -stood on a pillar of white marble of Pentelicos, between the statues of -Archidamos, king of Sparta, and Philip, son of Amyntas. The inscription -ran simply thus:— - - “Phryne, of Thespiæ, daughter of Epicles.” - ------ - -Footnote 128: - - Poseidip. ap. Athen. xiii. 60. - -Footnote 129: - - Honest old Burton, whom few anecdotes of this description escaped, - imagines this artifice to have been the only defence he made.—Anatomy - of Melancholy, ii. 222. - -Footnote 130: - - Athen. xiii. 59. seq. - ------ - -On seeing this statue, Crates, the cynic, exclaimed, “Behold a trophy of -Hellenic wantonness!” - -It is not, of course, among women of this class, that we should expect -to discover proofs of female truth or enduring attachment. But the human -heart sometimes triumphs over adverse circumstances.[131] History has -preserved the memory of more than one act of heroism performed by an -Hetaira, to show that woman doth not always put off her other virtues, -though habitually trampling on the one which constitutes for her the -boundary between honour and infamy. - ------ - -Footnote 131: - - Athen. xiii. 59.—In the apprehension of Lucian, too, they were - anything but mercenary; and stripped themselves cheerfully of all - their personal ornaments to bestow them, like so many sisters, on the - person they loved.—Diall. Hetair. vii. 1. - ------ - -Ptolemy, son of Philadelphos, while commanding the garrison of Ephesos, -had along with him the courtezan, Irene, who, when his Thracian -mercenaries rose in revolt, fled along with him to the temple of -Artemis, where they fell together, sprinkling the altar with their -blood.[132] Alcibiades, too, of all his friends, found none adhere to -him in his adversity but an Hetaira, who cheerfully exposed her life for -his sake; and, when the assassins of Pharnabazos had achieved their -task, performed, like another Antigone, the last duties over the ashes -of the man she loved.[133] Other anecdotes might be added equally -honourable to their feelings and fidelity, but these will sufficiently -illustrate their character and the estimation in which they were -generally held. - ------ - -Footnote 132: - - Athen. xiii. 64. - -Footnote 133: - - Plut. Alcib. § 39. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - TOILETTE, DRESS, AND ORNAMENTS. - - -Having now described the condition and influence of women, it will be -necessary to institute some inquiry into one of the principal means by -which they achieved and maintained their empire. At first sight, -perhaps, the disquisition may appear scarcely to deserve all the pains I -have bestowed upon it; but, as the dress of the ancients is connected on -the one hand with the progress of the useful arts, as spinning, weaving, -dyeing, &c., and on the other with the forms and developement of -sculpture, it can scarcely, when well considered, be reckoned among -matters of trifling moment. Besides, the costume and ornaments of a -people often afford important aid towards comprehending the national -character, constituting, in fact, a sort of practical commentary on the -mental habits, and tone and principles of morals, prevailing at any -given period among them. - -The raiment of the Grecian women, of which the public generally obtain -some idea from the remaining monuments of ancient art, may be said to -have been regulated by the same laws of taste which presided over the -developement of the national genius in sculpture and painting. Every -article of their habiliment appeared to harmonise exactly with the rest. -Nothing of that grotesque extravagance which in some of the fleeting -vagaries of fashion transforms our modern ladies, with their inflated -balloon sleeves and painfully deformed waists, into so many whalebone -and muslin hobgoblins, was ever allowed to disfigure the rich contour of -a Greek woman. As she proceeded lovely from the hands of nature, her -pride was to preserve that loveliness. Her garments, accordingly, were -not fashioned with a view to disguise or conceal her form, but by -graceful folds, flowing curves, ornaments rich and tastefully disposed, -to afford as many indications of its matchless symmetry and perfection -as might be compatible with her sex’s delicacy and the severity of -public morals. Consequently the art of dress, like every other -conversant with taste and beauty, reached in Greece its highest -perfection. A woman draped according to the prevalent fashion in the -best ages of the Athenian commonwealth, was an object not to be equalled -for elegance or grace. From the snow white veil which probably shaded -her countenance and ringlets of auburn or hyacinth, to the sandals of -white satin and gold that ornamented her small ankle, the eye could -detect nothing gaudy, affected, or out of keeping. There was -magnificence without ostentation, brilliance of colours, but a -brilliance that harmonised with whatever was brought in contact with it; -the splendour of numerous jewels and trinkets of gold, but no appearance -of display, or of a wish to dazzle. Everything appeared to stand where -it did, because it was its proper place. - -But in Sparta where there existed little tendency towards art or -refinement,[134] a costume the antipodes of all this prevailed. That of -the virgins differed in some respects from that of the matrons, and the -difference arose out of a peculiar feature of manners, in which, if in -nothing else, they resembled the English. In several Ionic countries, as -at present on the continent, girls were previously to marriage guarded -with much strictness. At Sparta, on the contrary, and among the Dorians -generally,[135] they were permitted, as in England, to walk abroad in -company with young men, and, of course, to form attachments at their own -discretion. In this, too, as in their dress, they only preserved the -customs of antiquity; for in Homer we find the Trojan ladies making -anxious inquiries of Hector respecting their relations and friends in -the field, and going forth from their houses attended only by their -maids. The married women led more retired lives, and when they went -abroad fashion required that they should be veiled, as we learn from the -following apophthegm of Charillos, who being asked why the maidens went -abroad uncovered while the matrons concealed their faces, replied: -“Because it is incumbent on the former to find themselves husbands, on -the latter only to keep those they have.”[136] - ------ - -Footnote 134: - - Cf. Montaigne, Essais, t. iv. p. 214, seq. - -Footnote 135: - - See above, chapter ii. - -Footnote 136: - - Plut. Apophtheg. Lacon. Charill. 2. t. i. p. 161. - ------ - -The principal, or, rather, the sole garment of the Dorian maidens was -the chiton, or himation,[137] made of woollen stuff, and without -sleeves, but fastened on either shoulder by a large clasp, and gathered -on the breast by a kind of brooch. This sleeveless robe, which seldom -reached more than half way to the knee, was moreover left open up to a -certain point on both sides,[138] so that the skirts or wings, flying -open as they walked, entirely exposed their limbs, closely resembling -the shift of the Bedouin women,[139] slit up to the arm-pit, but -gathered tight by a girdle about the waist. When the girdle was removed -it reached to the calves of the legs,[140] and would then, but for the -side-slits, have been quite as becoming as the blue chemise of the -modern Egyptian women, which is open in front from the neck to the -waist.[141] When dressed in this single robe, their whole form breathing -health, and modesty in their countenance, there was no doubt a simple -elegance in their appearance, little less attractive, perhaps, than the -exquisite and elaborate _mise_ of an Ionian or an Attic girl. In this -costume Melissa, daughter of Procles, of Epidaurus, was habited when, as -she poured out wine to her father’s labourers, Periander, the -Corinthian,[142] beheld and loved her. The married women, however, did -not make their appearance in public _en chemise_, but when going abroad -donned a second garment which seems to have resembled pretty closely -their husbands’ himatia.[143] - ------ - -Footnote 137: - - Herod. v. 87. Duris. ap. Schol. Eurip. Hecub. 922. Æl. Dionys. ap. - Eustath. ad Il. p. 963. 17. ed. Basil. Æl. Var. Hist. i. 18. Cf. - Spanh. Observ. in Hymn. in Apoll. 32. t. ii. p. 63. Schol. Pind. Nem. - i. 74. - -Footnote 138: - - Poll. vii. 54. seq. Mus. Chiaramont. pl. 35. Antich. di Ercol. t. iv. - tav. 24. - -Footnote 139: - - Castellan, Mœurs des Ottomans, vi. 47. - -Footnote 140: - - Schol. Eurip. Hecub. 922. - -Footnote 141: - - Suidas, however, supposes these garments to have been less becoming - when the girdle was removed, and adds ἐν Σπαρτῇ δὲ καὶ τάς κόρας - γυμνὰς φαίνεσθαι.—v. δωριάζειν. t. i. p. 772. Montaigne observes, that - the ancient Gauls made little use of clothing; and that the same thing - might be said of the Irish of his time, t. iv. p. 214.—The French - ladies, also, of his own day, affected a costume in no respect less - indelicate than that of the Spartan girls: “nos dames, ainsi molles et - delicates qu’elles sont, elles s’en vont tantôt entre ouvertes jusques - au nombril.”—Essais, II. xii. t. iv. p. 213. - -Footnote 142: - - Athen. xiii. 56. - -Footnote 143: - - Cf. Il. ε. 425.—In the life of Pyrrhus, the difference between the - dress of married women and that of the virgins is distinctly pointed - out:—ἀρχομένοις δὲ ταῦτα πράττειν, ἧκον αὐτοις τῶν παρθενῶν καὶ - γυναικῶν, αἱ μὲν ἐν ἱματίοις, καταζωσάμεναι τοὺς χιτωνίσκους, αἱ δὲ - μονοχίτωνες, συναργασόμεναι τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις. Plut. Pyrrh. § 27. - ------ - -Of the simple wardrobe of a Doric lady, which in ancient times was that -of all women of Hellenic race, exceedingly little can be said. It is -altogether different with respect to that of the gentlewomen of Attica, -where, though inferior in personal beauty to none, the women exhibited -so much fertility in the matter of dress, that they appeared to depend -on that alone for the establishment of their empire. For this reason it -would be vain to pretend to describe all their vestments and ornaments, -or the arts of the toilette by which they were adapted to their -purposes. To do so properly would, in fact, require a volume. But all -that can be crowded into one short chapter shall be given, since I am -not deterred by any such scruples as formerly arrested the pen of a very -learned writer, who apprehended that, if he proceeded, he might be -supposed to have been rummaging the boudoir notes of an Athenian -lady![144] - ------ - -Footnote 144: - - Taylor ad Demosth. - ------ - -The primary garment,[145] answering to the _chemise_ of the moderns, was -a white tunic reaching to the ground,[146] in some instances sleeveless, -and fastened on the shoulders with buttons, in others furnished with -loose hanging sleeves descending to the wrist, and brought together at -intervals upon the arm by silver or golden agraffes.[147] It was -gathered into close folds under the bosom by a girdle,[148] or riband, -sometimes fastened in front by a knot, sometimes by a clasp.[149] This -inner robe, made in the earlier ages of fine linen,[150] manufactured in -Attica, or imported from Tyre, Egypt, or Sidon, came, in after times, to -be of muslin from Tarentum, or woven at home from Egyptian cotton. The -use of linen, however, for this purpose was not wholly superseded. A -very beautiful kind, from the island of Amorgos,[151] one of the -Cyclades, was often substituted down to a very late period in place of -the byssos, or fine muslin of Egypt; and this insular fabric,[152] -whether snow-white or purple, would have rivalled the finest cambric, -being of the most delicate texture and semi-transparent,[153] like the -Tarentine and Coan vests of the Roman ladies, the sandyx-coloured Lydian -robe, or the silken chemises of the Turkish sultanas, described by Lady -Montague.[154] It is in a tunic of this linen that Lysistrata, in -Aristophanes, advises the Athenian ladies to appear before their -husbands in order to give full effect to the splendour of their -charms.[155] - ------ - -Footnote 145: - - Athen. xii. 5. 29. Boeckh. i. 141. Aristoph. Lysist. 43. sqq. - -Footnote 146: - - Ἐκ δὲ λίνου, λινοῦς χιτὼν, ὃν Ἀθηναῖοι ἔφορουν ποδήρη.—Poll. vii. 71. - -Footnote 147: - - Ælian. V. H. i. 8. - -Footnote 148: - - On the ζῶνη, Cf. Il. ξ. 181. Odyss. τ. 231. Damm. 988. On the Cestus - Il. ξ. 214. Aristoph. Lysist. 72. βαθυχζώνοι. Æschyl. Pers. 155. et - Schol.—Bœttig. Les Furies, p. 34. - -Footnote 149: - - Achilles Tatius. ii. cap. xi. p. 33, seq. Jacobs. - -Footnote 150: - - Thucyd. i. 6. - -Footnote 151: - - Aristoph. Lysist. 150. 735, et Schol. - -Footnote 152: - - Poll. vii. 75. - -Footnote 153: - - Aristoph. Lysist. 48. Poll. vii. 57. 74. - -Footnote 154: - - Works, ii. 191. - -Footnote 155: - - Aristoph. Lysist. 48. - ------ - -Because the Amorginean linen was often, perhaps commonly, dyed purple, -it has been inferred, that none purely white was produced; but this, as -Bochart[156] observes, is, probably, a mistake. At all events, it was of -extraordinary fineness, superior, in the opinion of Suidas,[157] even to -the byssos and carbasos, or lawn of Cyprus, and appears to have been of -a thin, gauze-like texture, like the drapery of “woven air” which -Petronius[158] throws around his female characters. - ------ - -Footnote 156: - - Chanaan. I. 14. p. 449. - -Footnote 157: - - Corrected by Bochart, who reads ἔστι δὲ σφόδρα λεπτὸν ὑπὲρ τὴν βύσσον - ἢ τὴν κάρπασον. Cf. Suid. v. Ἀμοργ. t. i. p. 204. c. Etym. Mag. 85. - 15. - -Footnote 158: - - Satyricon. cap. 55. p. 273. Burmann. - ------ - -Over the chiton was worn a shorter robe not reaching below the knee, and -confined above the loins by a broad riband. This also was, in some -instances, furnished with sleeves, and of a rich purple or saffron -colour, generally ornamented, like the chiton, with a broad border of -variegated embroidery. To these, in order to complete the walking-dress, -was added a magnificent mantle, generally purple, embroidered with gold, -which, being thrown negligently over the shoulders,[159] floated airily -about the person, discovering the under garments exquisitely disposed -for the purpose of displaying all the contours of the form, particularly -of the waist and bosom. The Athenian ladies being, like our own, -peculiarly jealous of possessing the reputation of a fine figure, and -nature sometimes failing them, had recourse to art, and wore what, among -milliners, I believe, are called _bustles_.[160] I am sorry to be -obliged to add, that there were, also, mothers at Athens who anticipated -us in the absurdity of tight lacing, and invented corsets for the -purpose of compressing the abdomen and otherwise reducing the figures of -their daughters to some artificial standard which they had already begun -to set up in defiance of nature.[161] Some women, too, when apprehensive -of growing fat, would collect on fine wool a quantity of summer dew, -which they afterwards squeezed out and drank, this liquid having been -supposed to be possessed of deleterious qualities, more particularly the -ascending dew.[162] - ------ - -Footnote 159: - - We find, from ancient monuments, that persons likewise wore over their - shoulders an article of dress exactly resembling the modern cape or - tippet.—Mus. Cortonens. tab. 58. - -Footnote 160: - - Athen. xiii. 23. Alex. Frag. v. 13, seq. - -Footnote 161: - - Victor. Var. Lect. ii. 6. 32. - -Footnote 162: - - Plut. Quæst. Nat. § 6. t. v. p. 321.—Coray sur Hippocrate, t. II. p. - 82, seq. - ------ - -Like the eastern ladies of the present day, they seldom went abroad -without their veil, which was a light fabric of transparent texture, -white or purple, from Cos, or Laconia. It was thrown tastefully over the -head, raised in front on the point of the sphendone,[163] as in modern -Italy by the comb, and hung waving on the shoulders and down the back in -glittering folds. But this was not the only covering they made use of -for their head. Those modern writers who have so thought are mistaken, -since it is clear, both from contemporary testimony and numerous works -of art still remaining, that very frequently they wore caps or bonnets. -Several examples occur in Mr. Hope’s work, on the Costumes of the -Ancients;[164] and Mnesilochos, in Aristophanes, when putting on the -disguise of a woman for the purpose of being present at the Festival of -Demeter, like Clodius at that of the Bona Dea, desires to borrow from -Agathon a net or mitre for the head. “Will you have my night-cap?” -inquires the poet. “Exactly,” replies Euripides, “that is just what we -want.”[165] - ------ - -Footnote 163: - - See an exact representation of it in the Mus. Chiaramont. pl. 8, where - we likewise find an example of the sleeves closed with agraffes.—Cf. - pl. 16. - -Footnote 164: - - Plates. Nos. 98. 108. 131. 162. 172. - -Footnote 165: - - Aristoph. Thesmoph. 256. - ------ - -But we have hitherto scarcely entered upon the list of their wardrobe, -in enumerating some of the articles of which, I must crave the reader’s -permission to employ the original terms, our language, in most cases, -furnishing us with no equivalent. And, first, following the order of -Pollux, who observes no principle of classification, we have the -_Epomis_, a robe with sleeves, opposed to the _Exomis_, which had none. -The _Diploïdion_, an ample cloak, or mantle, capacious enough to be worn -double. The _Hemidiploïdion_, a more scanty mantle; the _Katastiktos_, -adorned with flowers or figures of animals, or richly marked with spots, -the _Katagogis_, the _Epiblema_, or cloak, and the _Peplos_,[166] a word -of very equivocal character, used to signify a veil or mantle, a -sofa-carpet, or a covering for a chariot. Generally, it seems to have -designated a garment of double the necessary size, that, at pleasure, it -might be put on, or cast, like a cloak, over the whole body, as appears -from the Peplos of Athena.[167] That the word sometimes was used to -signify a tunic appears from Xenophon, who says “the peplos being rent -above, the bosom appeared.”[168] He, however, considers it to have -formed part of the male costume. - ------ - -Footnote 166: - - Poll. vii. 49, seq.—The _peploma_ of Pindar (Pyth. ix. 219) is now - paploma. Wordsworth, Athens and Attica, p. 32. Cf. Iliad. ε. 315.—The - peplos was sometimes embroidered with figures.—Il. ζ. 289–295. - -Footnote 167: - - Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 564. Poll. vii. 50. - -Footnote 168: - - Poll. vii. 50. Cf. Cyrop. iii. 1. 13.-3. 67. In Homer, Iliad, γ. 385, - &c. the word, ἑανὸς, signifying a richly-wrought vest or robe, is - synonymous, as Pollux remarks, with πέπλος vii. 51. This is, likewise, - the opinion of Buttmann, who, however, supposes it to mean a “flexibly - soft garment.”—Lexil. Art. 41. Others draw a distinction between ἑανὸς - and πέπλος, the former, they say, being employed to signify a veil - unwrought and purely white, the latter, one which was variegated with - colours and embroidery. Passow considers it to be a mere adjective - signifying “clear, light,” and says, that εἷμα or ἱμάτιον is always - understood with it. - ------ - -Another article of female dress was the _Zoma_, a short vest fitting -close to the shape, and adorned at the bottom with fringe, as appears -from a fragment of Æschylus in the Onomasticon. A character of Menander, -too, exclaims,—“Don’t you perceive the nurse habited in her Zoma?”—for, -adds Pollux, it was generally worn by old women. An elegant woollen -dress, called _Parapechu_, white, but with purple sleeves, was imported -from Corinth, and would appear to have been much worn by the -Hetairæ.[169] Other garments seem to have been affected by the middle -class of citizens, who, being unable to dress in purple,[170] the -distinguishing colour of the wealthy and the noble, brought into fashion -the _Paruphes_ and _Paralourges_, robes adorned on either side with a -purple stripe. As much dignity is supposed to belong to ample drapery, -our citizen ladies took care not to be sparing of stuff, their dresses -trailing to the ground, and displaying numerous folds, produced -purposely at the extremity by a band passing round the edge. These -garments were generally of linen; but when a lady, in Homer, is said to -be wrapped in her shining mantle, the poet[171] is supposed to intend a -fine, light, woollen cloak, like the white burnooses of the Tunisian and -Egyptian ladies.[172] - ------ - -Footnote 169: - - Poll. vii. 53. Jam παράπηχυ λήδιον vel ἱμάτιον, collatis Hesychii et - Pollucis interpretationibus, intelligi videtur dictam fuisse vestem - albam cui manicæ adpositæ essent purpureæ.—Schweig. ad Athen. xiii. - 45. t. xii. p. 146. - -Footnote 170: - - Athen. xiii. 45. Poll. _ubi supra_. - -Footnote 171: - - Iliad, γ. 141. - -Footnote 172: - - Poll. vii. 54. - ------ - -Several sorts of dresses obtained their appellation from their colours; -as the _Crocotos_, a saffron robe of ceremony, the _Crocotion_, a -diminutive of the same; the _Omphakinon_, of the colour of unripe -grapes, which, though prescriptively appropriated to women, was much -affected by Alexander the Great. Modern ladies have delighted in -flea-coloured dresses, and, in like manner, the ancients had theirs of -asinine hue, called _Killios_, from a Doric name for the ass, and -afterwards _Onagrinos_,[173] which, if they really resembled the wild -ass in hue, must have been exceedingly beautiful. There was a scarlet -robe, with the appellation of _Coccobaphes_, the _Sisys_, a thick heavy -cloak, likewise called _Hyphandron Himation_, resembling the -_Amphimallos_, which had a double warp, and was hairy on both -sides.[174] - ------ - -Footnote 173: - - Among the Dorians the ass (ὄνος) was called κίλλος, and an ass-driver - (ὀνηλάτης) κιλλακτὴρ. Poll. vii. 56. - -Footnote 174: - - Poll. vii. 56, seq. - ------ - -Not to extend this list of dresses beyond the patience of a milliner, we -will now pass on to the principal ornaments for the head,[175] in which -the Greek ladies evinced extraordinary taste and invention.[176] Among -these one of the most elegant was the _Ampyx_, a fillet by which they -confined their hair in front. It sometimes consisted of a piece of gold -embroidery, the place of which was often supplied by a thin plate of -pure gold, studded with jewels. Another Homeric ornament, the -_Kekruphalos_,[177] can only be alluded to as a critical puzzle which -has baffled all the commentators, in which predicament the _Plekte -anadesme_[178] also stands; all that we know being, that it found its -place in the female head-dress, though whether as a mitre or a diadem -Apollonios is unable to determine. It may possibly have been, under -another appellation, that graceful wreath or garland, consisting of -fragrant flowers interwoven or bound together by their stems, described -among female ornaments by Pollux.[179] - ------ - -Footnote 175: - - Cf. Winkelmann, iv. 2. 76. Alex. Pædag. ii. 12. - -Footnote 176: - - Theoc. Eidyll. i. 33. Æmil. Port. Lex. Dor. in voce. - -Footnote 177: - - Iliad. χ. 469. Heyne in loc. Pollux. v. 95, enumerates the ἄμπυξ among - female ornaments, but without giving any description of it. Cf. Pind. - Olymp. vii. 118. Dissen. Comm. ad v. 64. Bœttiger. Pictur. Vascul. i. - 87.—The κεκρύφαλος, or κροκύφαντος,, which occurs once in the Iliad, - was a female ornament for the head, unknown to the later Greeks. The - scholiast describes it as κόσμος τὶς περὶ κεφαλήν; and Damm observes - that, it was “redimiculam _vel_ reticulam quo mulieres crines - coërcent.”—1158. Heyne is equally unsatisfactory. The commentators on - Pollux. v. 95, avoid the subject altogether. Cf. Foës. Œcon. Hippoc. - p. 202. - -Footnote 178: - - Iliad, χ. 469. Πλεκτὴ ἀναδέσμη· οἱ μὲν διάδημα, says Apollonios, οἱ δὲ - μίτραν. Πλὴν κοσμου εἶδος περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν. This is the basis of - Hesychius’ article. The Leyden scholia say:—ἀναδέσμη λέγεται, σειρὰ, - ἥν περὶ τοὺς κροτάφους ἀναδοῦνται· καλεῖται δ᾽ ὑπ’ ἑνίων καλανδάκη. - (In which Heyne imagines we may detect _calantica_, “a hood, hurlet, - or coif.”) Κρήδεμνον δὲ πάλιν τὸ μαφόριον. - -Footnote 179: - - Poll. v. 96. Iliad. σ. 595. In Homer the epithet, however, is not - πλεκτὴ but καλὴ. Hemsterhuis ad Poll. t. iv. p. 998. - ------ - -Another article of the same ambiguous character was the _Pylæon_, -supposed to have derived its name from φύλον, _a leaf_. Athenæus,[180] -on a subject of this kind, perhaps, one of the best authorities, -describes it as the crown which, during certain festivals, the Spartans -placed upon the head of Hera. Doubtless, however, the most tasteful and -elegant of this class of female ornaments was the _Kalyx_, a golden -syrinx or reed, passed like a ring over each several tress to keep it -separate.[181] Eustathius describes it as a ring resembling a -full-blown, but not expanded, rose; and this explanation will not be -inconsistent with that of Hesychius, if we suppose the golden tubes to -have terminated in the form of that flower. The _Strophion_ was a band -or fillet[182] with which women confined their hair, as we discover from -many ancient statues. Parrhasios the artist, who used to bind his -luxuriant locks with a white strophion, was therefore accused of -effeminacy.[183] The name, however, appears to have been applied to any -kind of band, even to the broad belt worn to support the bosom: “My -strophion being untied the walnuts fell out,” says the girl in -Aristophanes.[184] There was also an ornament of the same name worn by -priests.[185] - ------ - -Footnote 180: - - Deipnosoph. xv. 22. Cf. Poll. v. 96. - -Footnote 181: - - Cœl. Rhodig. xxvii. 27, imagines it to mean a female head-dress, or a - parasol. Jungermann. ad Poll. v. 96. Eustath. ad Iliad. β. 401. - -Footnote 182: - - On a mask, engraved among the Gemm. Antich. of Agostini, we find an - exact representation of the modern feronet, pl. 24. - -Footnote 183: - - Athen. xii. 62. Pollux. v. 96. - -Footnote 184: - - Poll. vii. 67. 95. - -Footnote 185: - - Plut. Arat. § 58. - ------ - -The _Opisthosphendone_,[186] one of the female ornaments enumerated in a -fragment of Aristophanes, was worn only on the stage. Its proper name -_sphendone_ it derived from its resemblance to a sling, being broad and -elevated in front,[187] and terminating in narrow points at the back of -the head where it was tied. On the comic stage it was sometimes worn for -sport with the fore part behind.[188] The _Anadesma_[189] was a gilded -fillet or diadem of gold, used like the _strophion_ for encircling the -forehead. What was the precise use or form of the _Xanion_, another -golden ornament fashionable in remote antiquity, could not be -ascertained in the age of Pollux, who says that many writers supposed it -to have been a comb. Of this number are Hesychius, Suidas,[190] and -Phavorinus. But a learned modern conjectures with more probability, that -it was some talismanic idol worn as a spell against the evil eye.[191] -In fact it is expressly observed in the Etymologicon Magnum,[192] that -the Hellenic women reckoned it among their phylacteries. - ------ - -Footnote 186: - - Clem. Alexand. Pædag. ii. 12. Winkelmann, Histoire de l’Art. iv. 2. - 75. note 6, and i. 2. 18. See also Cabinet Pio Clement, t. i. pl. 2, - with the observations of Visconti. - -Footnote 187: - - Cf. Mus. Chiaramont, pl. 20. - -Footnote 188: - - Poll. v. 96. vii. 95. Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg, v. 7. Comment. ad - Poll. iv. 999. On the κάλαμος, named but not described by Pollux, v. - 96, see Eustath. ad Il. τ. p. 1248. Phavor. et Hesych. _in voce_ - καλαμις. What the ἔντροπον was, Jungermann confesses he does not know; - nor do I, though it appears probable that it may have been the golden - or gilt ornament with which the hair when gathered on the top of the - head was bound together. - -Footnote 189: - - Damm. 444. Aristoph. Plut. 589. Poll. v. 96. - -Footnote 190: - - This lexicographer speaks of it as follows:—κτένιον. ὁ φοροῦσιν αἱ - γυναῖκες ἐν τοῖς ἀναδέμασιν, οἷς κόσμος χρυσοῦς ἐπὶ κεφαλῆς. t. ii. p. - 252. b. - -Footnote 191: - - 612, 23, seq. - -Footnote 192: - - Hemsterhuis. ad Poll. t. iv. p. 1000. - ------ - -Of the ear-rings worn by Grecian women the variety was very great. The -most ancient kind were called _Hermata_, of which mention occurs both in -the Iliad and the Odyssey.[193] They were usually adorned with three -emerald drops,[194] for which reason they were by the Athenians -denominated _Triopia_ or _Triopides_,[195] and by the other Greeks -_Triopthalma_ or “the triple eye.” By this word, as an ancient -grammarian informs us, some understood an animal like the beetle, -supposed to have three eyes, whence a necklace with three hyaline or -crystal eyes, depending from it in front, was likewise called by the -same name. Pollux[196] supposed the earrings of Hera to have been -adorned with three diminutive figures in precious stones, or gold, -probably of goddesses. The _Diopos_ seems to have been an earring with -two drops. The _Helix_ appears in Homer[197] rather to mean an earring -than an armlet, and to have received its name from its circular shape or -curvature; but the spiral gold rings round the walking-stick of -Parrhasios are also called _Helices_ by Athenæus.[198] Another name for -this sort of earring was _Heliktes_.[199] In the Æolic dialect earrings -were called _Siglai_, in the Doric _Artiala_. A particular kind -denominated _Enclastridia_ and _Strobelia_, by the comic poets, had gold -drops in the form of a pine cone.[200] Two very curious kinds of -earrings were the _Caryatides_, and the _Hippocampia_, the former -representing in miniature the architectural figures, so called, the -latter little horses with tails ending in a fish. There were earrings, -likewise, with drops in the forms of centaurs and other fantastic -creations.[201] - ------ - -Footnote 193: - - Il. ξ. 182. Odys. σ. 296. Ælian. Var. Hist. i. 18. - -Footnote 194: - - Fabri. Thes. v. auris. - -Footnote 195: - - Damm. 2195, reads τριότταια, and τριοττίδες, in the passage of - Eustathius, which forms the basis of my text; but Kuhn and Jungermann - ad Poll. t. iv. p. 1003, correct as above. - -Footnote 196: - - Onomast. v. 97. - -Footnote 197: - - Il. σ. 401. Cf. Eustath. ad Odyss. ω. 49. - -Footnote 198: - - Deipnosoph. xii. 62. - -Footnote 199: - - Poll. v. 97. - -Footnote 200: - - Jungermann ad Poll. t. iv. 1001. - -Footnote 201: - - Poll. v. 95. - ------ - -The names and figures of necklaces were scarcely less numerous.[202] A -jewelled collar fitting tight to the throat formed, under the name of -_Peritrachelion_, the principal of these ornaments, of which another was -the _Perideraion_.[203] The _Hypoderaion_ was as its name imports a -necklace that hung low on the bosom, and the same was the case with the -_Hormos_.[204] On the _Tantheuristos Hormos_ little information can be -obtained, for which reason the commentators would alter the text; but -the most probable conjecture is, that it obtained its appellation from -the flashing and glancing of the jewels depending from it upon the -breast.[205] The _Triopis_ was a species of necklace distinguished for -having three stars or eye-like gems depending from it as drops. This -being the most fashionable necklace was known under a variety of names, -as the _Kathema_, and _Katheter_, and _Mannos_ or _Monnos_, among the -Dorians.[206] - ------ - -Footnote 202: - - Odyss. σ. 290. Hymn, in Ven. ii. 11, seq. Necklaces of gilded wood. - Xen. Œcon. x. 3. 61. - -Footnote 203: - - Plut. Mar. § 17. Bulenger, De Spoliis Bellicis, c. 12. - -Footnote 204: - - Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 677. - -Footnote 205: - - Comment. ad Poll. v. 98 p. 1003. - -Footnote 206: - - Theocrit. xi. 41. Casaub. Lect. Theocrit. c. 13. - ------ - -Of armlets and bracelets there was likewise a great variety. Some worn -above the elbow were denominated _Brachionia_, others called -_Pericarpia_, or _Echinoi_ encircled the wrists and were often in the -form of twisted snakes of gold, which the woman-hater in Lucian would -have converted into real serpents.[207] The _Psellia_ or chain bracelets -were much worn; the _Clidones_ adorned the rich and luxurious only. As -stockings were not in common use, and shoes and sandals frequently -dispensed with when within doors, fashion required that the feet and -ankles should not remain unadorned. Ancient writers, accordingly, -enumerate several kinds of anklets, or bangles, all of gold, and varying -only in form, the distinction between which I have been unable to -discover. The _Ægle,_ the _Pede_ and the _Periscelides_ were so many -ornaments for the instep or ankle.[208] - ------ - -Footnote 207: - - Amor. § 41. - -Footnote 208: - - Poll. v. 100. Golden periscelides are enumerated by Longus l. i. among - the possessions of the young Lesbian girl; and Horace, Epist. i. xvii. - 56, speaks of the periscelis being snatched away from a courtezan. - Here Dr. Bentley understands the word to mean _tibialia_, and - observes,—“delicatulæ fasciolis involvebant sibi crura et femora.” But - Gesner ad Horat. p. 503, seq. rather supposes “compedes mulierum,” to - be intended, and he is probably right. Cf. Petron. Sat. c. 67. - ------ - -Among the ornaments for the bosom we find the _Ægis_, evidently like the -ægis of Athena, a sort of rich covering with two hemispherical caps to -receive the breasts, such as we find worn by the Bayadères of the -Dekkan. Extending from this on either side, or passing over its lower -edge was the _Maschalister_, a broad belt which covered the armpits, -though in Herodotus the word merely signifies a sword-belt.[209] - -Like all other delicate and luxurious women, the Grecian ladies -displayed upon their fingers a profusion of rings, of which some were -set with signets, others with jewels remarkable for their colour and -brilliance. To each of these their copious language supplied a distinct -name.[210] Other female ornaments are spoken of by the comic poets; but -in their descriptions it is difficult to distinguish satire from -information. Among these were the _Leroi_, golden drops attached to the -tunic; the _Ochthoiboi_, which seem to have been a sort of rich tassels; -the _Helleboroi_, ornaments shaped perhaps like the leaves or flowers of -that plant; and the _Pompholuges_, which, though left unexplained by the -commentators, probably signified a large clear kind of bead, as the word -originally meant a “water-bubble,” which a transparent bead -resembles.[211] - ------ - -Footnote 209: - - Cf. Mus. Chiaram. pl. 14. pl. 18. - -Footnote 210: - - Poll. v. 101. Rhodig. vi. 12. - -Footnote 211: - - Poll. v. 101. Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 249. Bergler ad loc. renders - it by _bulla_, which, among the Romans, signified “a golden ornament - worn about the neck, or at the breast of children, fashioned like a - heart, and hollow within, which they wore until they were fourteen - years old, and then hung up to the household gods.”—Porphyr. in Horat. - vid. et Fab. Thes. in v. - ------ - -The Athenian ladies, likewise, displayed their taste for luxury and -splendour in their shoes and sandals.[212] Like our own fashionable -dames, they seldom contented themselves with articles of home -manufacture, but imported whatever was considered most elegant or -tasteful from the neighbouring countries. Sometimes, perhaps, the -fashion only and the name were imported, as in the case of the Persian -half-boot, fitting tight to the ankle.[213] The same thing may probably -be said of the Sicyonian slipper. But there was an elegant sandal, -ornamented with gold, which, down to a very late period, continued to be -imported from Patara, in Lycia.[214] Snow-white slippers of fine linen, -flowered with needlework, were occasionally worn; and from many ancient -statues it would seem, that something very like stockings had been -already introduced. Short women, desirous of adding, if not a cubit, at -least a few inches to their stature, adopted the use of _baukides_ with -high cork heels, and soles of great thickness.[215] - ------ - -Footnote 212: - - Diog. Laert. ii. 37. c. Sch. Aristoph. Lysist. 417. Wooden shoes were - worn in Thessaly. With these the women killed Lais in the temple of - Aphrodite—Athen. xiii. 55. There was a species of shoes peculiar to - female slaves called peribarides.—Poll. vii. 87. Aristoph. Lysist. 47. - -Footnote 213: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 152. See in Antich. di Ercol. t. vi. p. 11, a - representation of half-boots open in front. - -Footnote 214: - - Lucian, Diall. Meret. xiv. 3. ἐκ Πατάρων σανδάλια ἐπίχρυσα. - -Footnote 215: - - Athen. xiii. 23. Poll. vii. 94. - ------ - -An Athenian beauty usually spent the whole morning in the important -business of the toilette.[216] The crowd of maids who attended on these -occasions appears to have exceeded in number the assistants at similar -rites in a modern dressing-room, the principle of the division of labour -having been pushed to its greatest extent. Like Hera, who was said by -mythologists to renew her virgin charms as often as she bathed in the -fountain of Canathos,[217] the Attic lady appeared to undergo diurnal -rejuvenescence under the hands of her maids.[218] Her lovely face grew -tenfold more lovely by their arts. Clustering in interesting groups -around her, some held the silver basin and ewer, others the boxes of -tooth-powder, or black paint for the eyebrows, the rouge pots or the -blanching varnish, the essence-bottles or the powder for the head, the -jewel-cases or the mirrors.[219] But on nothing was so much care -bestowed as on the hair.[220] Auburn, the colour of Aphrodite’s -tresses[221] in Homer, being considered most beautiful,[222] drugs were -invented in which the hair being dipped, and exposed to the noon-day -sun, it acquired the coveted hue, and fell in golden curls over their -shoulders.[223] Others, contented with their own black hair, exhausted -their ingenuity in augmenting its rich gloss, steeping it in oils and -essences, till all the fragrance of Arabia seemed to breathe around -them. Those waving ringlets which we admire in their sculpture were -often the creation of art, being produced by curling-irons heated in -ashes;[224] after which, by the aid of jewelled fillets and golden pins, -they were brought forward over the smooth white forehead,[225] which -they sometimes shaded to the eyebrows, leaving a small ivory space in -the centre, while behind they floated in shining profusion down the -back. When decked in this manner, and dressed for the harem[226] in -their light flowered sandals and semi-transparent robes already -described, they were scarcely farther removed from the state of nature -than the Spartan maids themselves. - ------ - -Footnote 216: - - Their perfumes and essences were kept in alabaster boxes from - Phœnicia, some of which cost no more than two drachmæ.—Lucian, Diall. - Meret. xiv. 2. - -Footnote 217: - - Paus. ii. 37, 38. - -Footnote 218: - - Aristoph. Concion. 732, et Schol. - -Footnote 219: - - Pignor. de Serv. p. 195. - -Footnote 220: - - Cf. Suid. v. κομᾷ. t. i. p. 1489. b. - -Footnote 221: - - See Pashley, i. 247. Pignor. de Serv. 193. - -Footnote 222: - - “The beautiful colour we call auburn, and which the ancients expressed - by the term golden, is the most common among the Greeks; and they have - gilt wire and various other ornaments (among which might yet perhaps - be recognised the Athenian grasshopper) in ringlets, which they allow - to float over their shoulders, or bind their hair in long tresses that - hang upon the back.”—Douglas, Essay, &c. p. 147, seq. - -Footnote 223: - - This is beautifully described by Lucian:—Γυναικὶ δὲ ἀεὶ πάσῃ ἡ τοῦ - δαψιλεῖς μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν βοστρύχων τῆς κεφαλῆς ἕλικες, ὑακίνθοις τὸ καλὸν - ἀνθοῦσιν ὅμοια πορφύροντες· οἱ μὲν, ἐπινώτιοι κέχυνται μεταφρένων - κόσμος, οἱ δε παρ’ ὦτα καὶ κροτάφους, πολὺ τῶν ἐν λειμῶνι οὐλότερον - σελίνων· τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο σῶμα, μηδ᾽ ἀκαρῆ τριχὸς αὐταῖς ὑποφυομένης - ἠλέκτρου, φάσιν, ἢ Σιδωνίας ὑέλου διαφεγγέστιρον ἀπαστραπται.—Amor. § - 26. - -Footnote 224: - - Pignor. de Serv. 194, seq. - -Footnote 225: - - The young lady, in Lucian, describes thin hair drawn back so as to - expose the forehead as a great deformity.—Diall. Meret. i. - -Footnote 226: - - A taste not greatly dissimilar presides over the in-door dress of the - modern Greek women. “In the gynecæum,” says Chandler, “the girl, like - Thetis, treading on a soft carpet, has her white and delicate feet - naked; the nails tinged with red. Her trowsers, which in winter are of - red cloth, and in summer of fine calico or thin gauze, descend from - the hip to the ankle, hanging loosely about her limbs, the lower - portion embroidered with flowers, and appearing beneath the shift, - which has the sleeves wide and open, and the seams and edges curiously - adorned with needlework. Her vest is of silk, exactly fitted to the - form of the bosom and the shape of the body, which it rather covers - than conceals, and is shorter than the shift. The sleeves button - occasionally to the hand, and are lined with red or yellow satin. A - rich zone encompasses her waist, and is fastened before by clasps of - silver gilded, or of gold, set with precious stones. Over the vest is - a robe, in summer lined with ermine, and in cold weather with fur. The - head-dress is a skull-cap, red or green, with pearls; a stay under the - chin, and a yellow fore-head cloth, She has bracelets of gold on her - wrists; and, like Aurora, is rosy-fingered, the tips being stained. - Her necklace is a string of zechins, a species of gold coin, or of the - pieces called Byzantines. At her cheeks is a lock of hair made to curl - toward the face; and down her back falls a profusion of tresses, - spreading over her shoulders.”—ii. 140. - ------ - -Contrary to the fashion prevalent in modern times the bosom, however, -was always closely covered, because being extremely full shaped it began -very early to lose its firmness and beauty.[227] Earrings, set with -Red-Sea pearls of great price, depended from their ears, and an -orbicular crown studded with Indian jewels surmounted and contrasted -strikingly with their dark locks. Add to these the jewelled throat -bands, and costly and glittering necklaces. Their cheeks though -sometimes pale by nature, blushed with rouge,[228] and they even -possessed the art to superinduce over this artificial complexion that -peach-like purple bloom which belongs to the very earliest, dewiest dawn -of beauty. To the tint of the rose they could likewise add that of the -lily. White paint was in common use,[229] not merely among unmarried -women, and ladies of equivocal reputation, but with matrons the chastest -and most prudent in Athens, for we find that pattern of an Attic -gentlewoman, the wife of Ischomachos, practising after marriage every -delusive art of the toilette.[230] - ------ - -Footnote 227: - - Lucian. Amor. § 41. Homer in numerous passages celebrates the deep - bosoms of his country women, and Anacreon, also, touches more than - once on the same topic. - -Footnote 228: - - Anchusa. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 8. 3. Dion. Chrysost. i. 262. Poll. - vii. 95. Aristoph. Lysist. 46. et Schol. Muret. Not. in Xen. Cyrop. p. - 743, seq. Xen. Cyrop. i. 3. 2. - -Footnote 229: - - Poll. v. 101, vii. 95. - -Footnote 230: - - Xenoph. Œconom. x. 2, 60. - ------ - -It by no means follows that all this attention[231] to dress had any -other object than to please their husbands; for the Turkish Sultanas who -pass their lives in the most rigid seclusion are no less sumptuous in -their apparel; but we know that at Athens, as in London, much of this -care was designed to excite admiration out of doors. For it is highly -erroneous to transfer to Athens the ideas of female seclusion acquired -from travellers in the East, where no such rigid seclusion was ever -known. Husbands, indeed, who had cause, or supposed they had, to be -jealous, might be put on the rack by beholding the crowds of admirers -who flocked around their wives the moment they issued into the streets. -But there was no remedy. The laws and customs of the country often -forced the women abroad to assist at processions and perform their -devotions at the shrines of various goddesses.[232] - ------ - -Footnote 231: - - Cf. Xen. de Vect. iv. 8. - -Footnote 232: - - Luc. Amor. § 41, seq. Cf. Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. p. 339. Aristoph. - Plut. 1015, et schol. Plut. Vit. x. Orat. Lycurg. In the country, too, - women went often abroad, and evidently led a very comfortable life; - their habits, in fact, greatly resembled those of English country - ladies; the wives of men whose estates lay contiguous freely visiting - and gossiping with each other. Thus in the action on the damage caused - by the torrent, we find the wife of Tisias and the mother of Callicles - discussing the spoiling of the barley and the barley meal, and - meeting, evidently, as often as they thought proper. In fact, before - the quarrel, the footpath across the field was clearly well - worn.—Demosth. in Call. § 7. - ------ - -The dress of men included many of the garments worn by women; for -example, the chiton of which there were several kinds, some with and -some without sleeves. Among the latter was the _Exomis_,[233] a short -tunic worn by aged men and slaves, but the name was sometimes applied to -a garment thrown loosely round the body, and to the chiton with one -sleeve.[234] Over this in Homeric times was worn as a defence against -the cold, the _Chlaina_[235] a cloak strongly resembling a highlander’s -tartan, or the burnoose of the Bedouin Arab. It was, in fact, a square -piece of cloth, occasionally with the corners rounded off, which, -passing over the left shoulder, and under the right arm, was again -thrown over the left shoulder, leaving the spear arm free.[236] This is -what the poet means where he terms the _Chlaina_ double. It was wrapped -twice round the breast, and fastened over the left shoulder by a -brooch.[237] Even this, however, was not deemed sufficient in very cold -weather, and a cloak of skins sown together with thongs was wrapped -about the body as a defence against the rain or snow. Some persons -appear to have worn skin-cloaks all the year round, for we find -Anaxagoras, in the midst of summer at Olympia, putting on his when he -foresaw there would be rain.[238] Rustics also appear to have considered -a tunic and skin-cloak necessary to complete their costume.[239] - ------ - -Footnote 233: - - Aristoph. Lysist. 662. - -Footnote 234: - - Poll. vii. 49. - -Footnote 235: - - If the appearance of a ghost can be regarded as good testimony, it may - be concluded that the Thessalians wore the chlamys, since Achilles - when called up by Apollonios of Tyana, presented himself in that - garment.—Philost. Vit. Apoll. iv. 16. - -Footnote 236: - - Müll. Dor. ii. 283. Diog. Laert. ii. 47. Clothes were suspended in the - house on pegs.—Odyss. α. 440. - -Footnote 237: - - Il. ω. 230. Poll. vii. 49. - -Footnote 238: - - Diog. Laert. ii. iii. 5. Cum not. Menag. t. ii. p. 49. - -Footnote 239: - - Dion, Chrysost. i. 231. Reiske. On the dress of the Arcadians, Polyæn. - Stratagem. iv. 14. - ------ - -The Dorian style of dress formed the point of transition from the simple -elegance of the Homeric period to the elaborate splendour of the -historic age at Athens. In this mode of clothing, a modern author -remarks, a peculiar taste was displayed, an antique simplicity “equally -removed from the splendour of Asiatics, and the uncleanliness of -barbarians.”[240] They preserved the use of the Homeric chiton, or -woollen shirt, and over this wore also the _Chlaina_ or _Himation_, in -the manner described above. To these was added the _Chlamys_, which, as -the Spartan laws prohibited dyeing, was universally white, and -denominated _Hololeukos_.[241] - ------ - -Footnote 240: - - Müller. Hist. Dor. ii. 277. See the picturesque description which - Hesiod gives of the rustic winter costume of Bœotia. Opp. et Dies, - 534, sqq. Goettl. - -Footnote 241: - - Poll. vii. 46. - ------ - -It was of Thessalian or Macedonian origin, of an oblong form, the points -meeting on the right shoulder, where they were fastened with a clasp. -This garment was not in use in the heroic ages, and the earliest mention -of it occurs in Sappho;[242] but when once introduced, it quickly grew -fashionable, at first among the young men, afterwards as a military -cloak. At Athens it was regarded as a mark of effeminacy, and was -fastened with a gold or jewelled brooch on the breast.[243] - ------ - -Footnote 242: - - Σαπφὼ πρώτη γὰρ μέμνηται τῆς χλαμύδος.—Ammonius, p. 147. Valcken. - -Footnote 243: - - Heliodor. i. and ii. - ------ - -The men of Sparta, though less thinly clad than the women, still went -abroad very scantily covered. Their _Tribon_, a variety of the -himation,[244] like the cloak of the poor Spanish gentleman, was clipped -so close that it would barely enclose their persons, like a case, but -was thick and heavy, and calculated to last. Accordingly, the youth were -allowed only one of these per annum, so that, in warm weather, it is -probable that, with an eye to saving it for winter, they exchanged it -for that more lasting coat with which nature had furnished them.[245] In -the towns, however, and as often as they thought proper to put on the -appearance of extreme modesty, the young Spartans drew close their -cloaks around them so as to conceal their hands,[246] the exhibiting of -which has always been regarded as a mark of vulgarity. Hence the use of -gloves, and the affectation of soft white hands in modern times. The -same notions prevail even among the Turks, who, like Laertes in Homer, -wear long sleeves to their pelisses for the purpose of defending the -hand, to have which white and well-shaped is among them a mark of noble -blood. - ------ - -Footnote 244: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 415. Cf. Vesp. 116, 475. - ------ - -The Spartans had the good taste to suffer their beards and hair to grow -long, and were at much pains to render them glossy and shining. Even in -the field, contrary to the practice at Athens, they preserved this -natural ornament of their heads, and we find them busy in combing and -putting it in order on the very eve of battle.[247] It was usually -parted at the top, and was, in fact, the most becoming covering -imaginable. But they set little value on cleanliness, and bathed and -perfumed themselves seldom, being evidently of opinion,[248] that a -brave man ought not to be too spruce. However, having no object to gain -by aping the exterior of mendicants, they eschewed the wearing of ragged -cloaks, which, indeed, was forbidden by law. - ------ - -Footnote 245: - - Plut. Lyc. § 16. Inst. Lac. § 5. - -Footnote 246: - - Xenoph. de Rep. Laced. iii. 4. Of Phocion, an imitator of Spartan - manners, the same thing is related.—Plut Phoc. § 4. - -Footnote 247: - - Herod. vii. 208, with the notes of Valckenaar and Wesseling. - -Footnote 248: - - Plut. Instit. Lacon. § 5. - ------ - -But the Athenians ran into the opposite extreme. Wealthy, and fond of -show, they delighted in a style of dress in the highest degree curious -and magnificent, appearing abroad in flowing robes of the finest linen, -dyed with purple and other brilliant colours.[249] Beneath these they -wore tunics of various kinds, which, though the fashion afterwards -changed, were at first sleeveless, since we find the women, in -Aristophanes, suffering the hair to grow under their arm-pits to avoid -being discovered when, disguised as their husbands, they should hold up -their hands to vote in the assembly.[250] - ------ - -Footnote 249: - - Thucyd. i. 6. Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 167. Tim. Lex. 188. Aristoph. - Eccles. 332. Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 879. Lucian. Amor. § 3. - -Footnote 250: - - Aristoph. Concion. 60, et Schol. - ------ - -Like the women, they affected much variety and splendour in their rings, -which were sometimes set with a stone with the portrait engraved thereon -of some friend or benefactor, as Athenion wore on one of his the -portrait of Mithridates.[251] - ------ - -Footnote 251: - - Athen. v. 49.—Even slaves were in the habit of wearing rings set with - precious stones, sometimes of three colours, of which several - specimens are found in the British Museum. Thus, in Lucian, we find - Parmenon, the servant of Polemon, with a ring of this kind on his - little finger.—Diall. Meret. ix. 2. Cf. Hemster. ad Poll. ix. 96. t. - vi. p. 1193. - ------ - -In his girdle and shoes,[252] too, the Athenian betrayed his love of -splendour. The hair worn long like that of the ladies,[253] was curled -or braided and built up in glossy masses on the crown of the head, or -arranged artfully along the forehead by golden grasshoppers.[254] But as -all this pile of ringlets could not be thrust into the helmet, it was -customary in time of war to cut the hair short, which the fashionable -young men reckoned among its most serious hardships. Hats[255] were not -habitually worn, though on journeys or promenades undertaken during hot -weather they formed a necessary part of the costume. Above all things -the Athenian citizen affected extreme cleanliness and neatness in his -person, and the same taste descended even to the slaves who in the -streets could scarcely be distinguished by dress, hair, or ornaments, -from their masters.[256] - ------ - -Footnote 252: - - Poll. vii. 92, seq. - -Footnote 253: - - Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. p. 329. - -Footnote 254: - - Athen. xii. 5. Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 1328. Nub. 971. - -Footnote 255: - - It is very clear from a passage in Demosthenes (De Fals. Leg. § 72), - that hats or caps were sometimes worn in the city. There are those - indeed who suppose the word to mean a wig; but Brodæus disposes of - this by inquiring whether sick persons would be likely to go to bed - with their wigs on as men did with their πιλίδια. Miscell. i. 13. - However, I must confess their wearing hats in bed is still less - likely. The Bœotians appeared in winter with caps which covered the - ears. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 545. On the form of which, see Theoph. - Hist. Plant. iii. 9. 6, with the note of Schneid. t. iii. p. 191. - -Footnote 256: - - Xenoph. de Rep. Athen. i. 10. - ------ - -Even the philosophers, after holding out a long time, yielded to the -influence of fashion, and, lest their profession should suffer, became -exquisites in its defence. Your truly wise man, says an unexceptionable -witness in a matter of this kind, has his hair closely shaved, (this was -an eastern innovation,) but suffers his magnificent beard to fall in -wavy curls over his breast. His shoes, fitting tight as wax, are -supported by a net-work of thongs, disposed at equal distances up the -small of the leg. A chlamys puffed out effeminately at the breast -conceals his figure, and like a foreigner he leans contemplatively upon -his staff.[257] - ------ - -Footnote 257: - - Athen. xi. 120. On the gorgeous dress of the painter Parrhasios. xii. - 62. - ------ - -But the art of dress appears to have received its greatest improvements -in Ionia, where, according to Democritos, the Ephesian, both the -garments, at one time in fashion, and the stuffs of which they -consisted, were varied with a skill and fertility of invention worthy of -a polished people. Some persons, he says, appeared in robes of a violet, -others of a purple, others of a saffron colour, sprinkled with dusky -lozenges. As at Athens, much attention was bestowed on the hair, which -they adorned with small ornamental figures. Their vests were yellow, -like a ripe quince, or purple, or crimson, or pure white. Even their -tunics, imported from Corinth, were of the finest texture, and of the -richest dyes, hyacinthine or violet, flame-coloured or deep sea-green. -Others adopted the Persian _calasiris_,[258] of all tunics the most -superb, and there were those among the opulent who even affected the -Persian _actœa_, a shawl-mantle of the costliest and most gorgeous -appearance. It was formed of a close-woven, but light stuff, bedropped -with golden beads in the form of millet-seed, which were connected with -the tissue by slender eyes passing through the stuff and fastened by a -purple thread.[259] - ------ - -Footnote 258: - - We find mention made of Persian dresses variegated with the figures of - animals. Philost. Icon. ii. 32. - -Footnote 259: - - Athen. xii. 29. - ------ - -Duris, on the authority of the poet Asios, draws a scarcely less -extravagant picture of the luxury and magnificence of the Samians, who, -on certain festivals, appeared in public adorned, like women, with -glittering bracelets, their hair floating on their shoulders, skilfully -braided into tresses. The words of Asios preserved in the Deipnosophist -are as follow: “Thus proceed they to the fane of Hera, clothed in -magnificent robes, with snowy pelisses, trailing behind them on the -ground. Glistening ornaments of gold, like grasshoppers, surmount the -crown of their heads, while their luxuriant tresses float behind in the -wind, intermingled with golden chains. Bracelets of variegated -workmanship adorn their arms, as the warrior is adorned by his shield -thongs.”[260] This excess of effeminate luxury, attended as everywhere -else by enervating vices, terminated in the ruin of Samos. Similar -manners in the Colophonians drew upon them a similar fate, and so in -every other Grecian community; for men never learn wisdom by the example -of others, but hurry on in the career of indulgence as if in the hope -that Providence might overlook them, or set aside, in their favour, its -eternal laws. - ------ - -Footnote 260: - - Athen. xii. 30. - ------ - - - - - BOOK IV. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - PRIVATE DWELLINGS. - - -The opinion appears to prevail among certain writers, that the private -dwellings of the Hellenes, or at least of the Athenians, were always -mean and insignificant.[261] This imaginary fact they account for by -supposing, that nobles and opulent citizens were deterred from indulging -in the luxuries of architecture by the form of government and the -envious jealousy of the common people. But such a view of the matter is -inconsistent with the testimony of history. At Athens, as everywhere -else, things followed their natural course. In the early ages of the -commonwealth, when manners were simple, the houses of the greatest men -in the state differed very little from those of their neighbours. As -wealth, however, and luxury increased, together with the developement of -the democratic principle, individuals erected themselves mansions vying -in extent and splendour with the public edifices of the state;[262] and -as the polity degenerated more and more into ochlocracy, the dwellings -of the rich[263] increased in size and grandeur, until they at length -outstripped the very temples of the gods. A similar process took place -at Sparta, where shortly after the Peloponnesian war, the more -distinguished citizens possessed suburban villas, which seem to have -been of spacious dimensions and filled with costly furniture.[264] - ------ - -Footnote 261: - - But even from a fragment of Bacchylides we may infer the magnificence - of Grecian houses; for the poor man who drinks wine, he says, sees his - house blazing with gold and ivory: - - χρυσῷ δ᾽ ἐλεφαντί τε - μαρμαίρουσιν οἶκοι. - Athen. ii. 10. - - Men had by this time advanced considerably from the state in which - they are supposed to have built their huts in imitation of the - swallow’s nest. Vitruv. ii. 1. - -Footnote 262: - - Plat. Repub. iv. t. vi. p. 165. Dion Chrysost. i. 262. ii. 459. Dem. - cont. Mid. § 44.—Lucian. Amor. § 34. - -Footnote 263: - - Dem. Olynth. iii. § 9. De Rep. Ord. § 10. - -Footnote 264: - - Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 5. 27. - ------ - -Upon these points, however, I dwell, not from any belief that they are -honourable to the Greek character, but because they are true. It would -have been more satisfactory to find them preserving, in every period of -their history, the stern and lofty simplicity of republican manners, far -outshining in the eyes of the philosopher the palaces of Oriental kings -glittering with gold and ivory and jewels, insomuch that the cottage of -Socrates, erected in the humblest style of Athenian domestic -architecture, would be an object, were it still in existence, of far -deeper interest to the genuine lover of antiquity than the mansions of -Meidias or Callias, or even than the imperial abodes of Semiramis, -Darius, and Artaxerxes. - -Nevertheless, wherever there exists opulence, it will exhibit itself in -the erection of stately dwellings; and accordingly we find that, prior -even to the Trojan war,[265] commerce and increasing luxury had already -inspired the Greeks with a taste for splendour and magnificence, which -displayed itself especially in the architecture and ornaments of their -palaces and houses of the great.[266] - ------ - -Footnote 265: - - Cf. Athen. i. 28. - -Footnote 266: - - Cf. Müll. Dor. ii. 272. - ------ - -Homer, minute and graphic in his descriptions, delineates a very -flattering picture of Greek domestic architecture in his time, when the -chiefs and nobles had already begun to enshrine themselves in spacious -edifices, elaborately ornamented with, and surrounded by, all the -circumstances of pomp known to their age.[267] - ------ - -Footnote 267: - - Il. β. 657, sqq. - ------ - -In those days the greatest men did not disdain to apply themselves to -agriculture, to have their dwellings surrounded by the signs and -implements of the pursuit in which they were engaged.[268] And as in -southern Italy the ancient nobles erected shops in front of their -palaces or villas, in which the produce of their land was disposed of, -so in the Homeric houses the same space was occupied by the farm-yard -enclosed by strong and lofty walls, surrounded by battlements, within -which were their heaps of manure, harrows, ploughs, carts, and waggons, -and stacks of hay and corn;[269] and hither, too, in the evening were -driven in their numerous flocks and herds, to protect them from the -nightly marauders. The great entrance gates were in the heroic ages -guarded by ban dogs,[270] which afterwards made way for porters,[271] -and in still later times were succeeded by eunuchs.[272] - ------ - -Footnote 268: - - A similar taste prevailed among the Merovingian princes of France: - “The mansion of the long-haired kings was surrounded with convenient - yards and stables for the cattle and the poultry; the garden was - planted with useful vegetables; the various trades, the labours of - agriculture, and even the arts of hunting and fishing were exercised - by servile hands for the emolument of the sovereign; his magazines - were filled with corn and wine, either for sale or consumption, and - the whole administration was conducted by the strictest maxims of - private economy.”—Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ii. - 356. - -Footnote 269: - - Hesych. v. αὐλῆς. - -Footnote 270: - - Feith. Antiq. Hom. iii. 10. p. 242. - -Footnote 271: - - Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. p. 145. - -Footnote 272: - - Plat. Protag. t. i. p. 159. Cf. Aristid. t. i. p. 518. Jebb. - ------ - -Occasionally for the canine doorkeepers were substituted in commercial -states gold and silver representations, more likely to attract than -repel thieves; for example, at the entrance to Alcinoös’s palace were -groups of this description, attributed to the wonder-working -Hephæstos.[273] A coarse imitation of this practice prevailed among the -Romans, for we find in Petronius that Trimalchio had his court guarded -by a painted mastiff, over which in good square characters were the -words “Beware of the dog.”[274] - ------ - -Footnote 273: - - Odyss. η. 93. - -Footnote 274: - - Satyr, c. 29. p. 74. Hellenop. - ------ - -Along the walls of this enclosure the cattle-sheds would in remoter ages -appear to have been ranged, where afterwards stood suites of chambers -for the domestics, or piazzas, or colonades, to serve as covered walks -in extremely hot or bad weather. Within, on either side the -gateway,[275] chiefly among the Dorians, rose a pillar of conical shape, -sometimes an obelisk, in honour of Apollo or of Dionysos, or, according -to others, of both, while in the centre was an altar of Zeus Herceios, -on which family sacrifices were offered up.[276] At its inner extremity -you beheld a spacious portico, adjoining the entrance to the house, -where in warm weather the young men often slept. From the descriptions -of the poet, however, it would appear to have been something more than a -common portico, resembling rather the porches of our old English houses, -roofed over and extending like a recess into the body of the house -itself. In the dwellings of the great, this part of the building, -adorned with numerous statues, was probably of marble finely polished if -not sculptured, and being merely a chamber open in front could not in -those fine climates be by any means an unpleasant bedroom, particularly -as it usually faced the south and caught the early rays of the sun. Here -Odysseus[277] slept during his stay with Alcinoös, as did likewise Priam -and the Trojan Herald while guests of Achilles in his military hut.[278] - ------ - -Footnote 275: - - Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 875. Here the Romans sacrificed to Janus, the - Greeks to Apollo. Macrob. Saturn. l. i. c. 9. Poll. iv. 123. Comm. p. - 790. - -Footnote 276: - - Eustath ad Od. χ. 376. p. 790. Cf. Poll. i. 22, seq. Muret. in Plat. - de Rep. p. 635. Soph. Œdip. Tyr. 16. - -Footnote 277: - - Odyss. η. 345. Cf. Il. ζ. 243. Hesych. v. πρόδομος. - -Footnote 278: - - Il. ω. 673, sqq. Cf. Feith. Antiq. Hom. iii. 10. p. 244. - ------ - -In this porch were seats of handsome polished stone, as in the palace of -Nestor at Pylos, which, to render them more shining, would appear to -have been rubbed with oil.[279] Similar seats are found to this day -before the houses of the wealthy at Cairo and other cities of the East, -where in the cool of the evening old men habitually take their station, -and are joined for the purpose of gossip by their neighbours. In the -larger towns of Nubia an open space planted with dates, palms, or the -Egyptian fig-tree, more shady and spreading than the oak, and furnished -with wooden seats, collects together the elders, who there enjoy what -the Englishman seeks in his club, and the Greek found in his lesche—the -pleasure of comparing his opinions with those of his neighbours. - -When, in after times, this plain porch had been succeeded by a -magnificent peristyle or colonnade, the primitive custom of sleeping in -the open air was abandoned; but here the master of the house with his -guests took their early walk to enjoy the morning sun. It was customary -among all ranks at Athens to rise betimes, as it generally is still in -the warm countries of the South. Socrates and his young friend, the -sophist-hunter,[280] coming to the house of Callias, soon after -day-break, find its owner taking the air with several of his guests in -the colonnade, the young men moving in the train of their elders, and -making way for them as they turn round to retrace their steps. There was -usually at Athens a similar peristyle on both sides of the house—one for -summer the other for winter, and a door generally opened from the -women’s apartment into that communicating with the garden, where the -ladies enjoyed the cool air in the midst of laurel copses, fountains, -and patches of green sward,[281] interspersed with rose-trees, -violet-beds, and other sweet shrubs and flowers. - ------ - -Footnote 279: - - Odyss. γ. 406, sqq. Cf. π. 343, seq. - -Footnote 280: - - Plat. Protag. t. i. p. 160. - -Footnote 281: - - Plat. Epist. t. viii. p. 403. Athen. v. 25. Poll. ix. 466. - ------ - -The town-houses of Homeric times had generally no aulè, but the porch -opened directly into the street, since it is here that, in the -description of the shield, we find the women standing to behold the -dancers and enjoy the music of the nuptial procession.[282] Afterwards, -as the taste for magnificence advanced, the whole façade of the corps de -logis[283] was richly ornamented, while the outer gates were purposely -left open, that the passers-by might witness the splendour of the owner. -Occasionally, likewise, the great door, leading from the portico into -the house, was concealed by costly purple hangings,[284] which, being -passed, you entered a broad passage, having on either side, doors[285] -leading into the apartments on the ground floor, and conducting to an -inner court, surrounded by a peristyle, where the gynæconitis,[286] or -harem, commenced. - ------ - -Footnote 282: - - Il. σ. 496. Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 93. - -Footnote 283: - - Hesych. v. ἐνώπια. Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. p. 380. Compare the whole - character of the “Vain Man,” pp. 57–59. Etym. Mag. 346. 10. - -Footnote 284: - - Athen. v. 25. Hesych. v. αυλεία. Suid. in v. t. i. p. 491. d. - -Footnote 285: - - “The doors (at Tanjeers) are richly carved, and placed in arches - shaped like an ace of spades, a form so completely oriental, that - there is no mistaking its origin; these, when they opened on the - verandah, were further ornamented with curtains of rich crimson - silk.”—Napier, Excursions along the Shores of the Mediterranean, i. p. - 264. - -Footnote 286: - - Hesych. v. γυναικωνίτις. - ------ - -The apartments of palaces displayed, even in very early times, the taste -of the Greeks for splendour and magnificence. The walls were covered -with wainscoting inlaid with gold and ivory, as we still find in the -East whole chambers lined with mother-of-pearl.[287] At first, the gold -was laid on in thin plates, which, in process of time, led to the idea -of gilding.[288] Even Phocion, who affected great simplicity and -plainness, had the walls of his house adorned with laminæ of -copper,[289] probably in the same style as that subterraneous chamber -discovered, during the last century, in the excavations made at Rome. It -appears, too, that, occasionally, the walls of the apartments at Athens, -as at Herculaneum and Pompeii were decorated with paintings in bright -colours,[290] probably in the same style, though as much superior in -beauty and delicacy of execution, as art, in the age of Pericles, was -superior to art in the days of Nero. Still the paintings discovered in -the excavated Italian cities,—sometimes[291] grotesque and extravagant, -as where we behold the pigmies making war upon the cranes, winged -geniuses at work in a carpenter’s or shoemaker’s shop, or an ass laden -with hampers of wine, rushing forward to engage a crocodile, whilst his -master pulls him back by the tail—sometimes rural and elegant, -consisting of a series of wild landscapes, mountains dotted with -cottages, sea-shores, harbours, and baths, Nymphs and Cupids angling on -the borders of lakes, beneath trees of the softest and most exquisite -foliage,—may enable us to form some conception of the landscapes with -which Agelarcos[292] adorned the house of Alcibiades. - ------ - -Footnote 287: - - Lady Montague’s Works, ii. 234. - -Footnote 288: - - Plin. xxxiii. 18. Cf. Dion. Chrysost. t. i. p. 262. t. ii. p. 259. - Pignor. de Serv. p. 214. - -Footnote 289: - - Plut. Phoc. § 18. - -Footnote 290: - - As, _minium_, Dioscor. v. 109. - -Footnote 291: - - Antich. di Ercol. t. i. tav. 34. p. 181. tav. 35. p. 187. tav. 36. p. - 191. tav. 48. pp. 253, 257. t. ii. tav. 39. p. 273. Cf. Poll. x. 34. - -Footnote 292: - - Andocid. cont. Alcib. § 7. - ------ - -The halls and saloons on the ground-floor were paved with marble or -mosaic work,[293] which often, if we may judge from the specimens left -us by their imitators, represented pictures of the greatest elegance, -containing, among other things, likenesses of the loveliest divinities -of Olympos.[294] These mosaics were wrought with minute shards of -precious marbles of various colours, interspersed with pieces of -amber,[295] and, probably, also, of glass, as was the fashion in Italy, -where whole hyaline floors have been found consisting either of one -piece or of squares so finely joined together, that the sutures were -invisible to the naked eye. No mention, I believe, is made in Greek -authors of lining the walls of apartments with glass, or even of glass -windows,[296] which, however, were common in the cities of Magna Græcia -in the age immediately succeeding that of our Saviour. It is extremely -probable, however, that as the Greeks were as well acquainted as the -Romans with the properties of the lapis specularis;[297] they likewise -made use of thin plates of this stone, or talc, or gypsum, as they still -do in Egypt for window-panes. So much, indeed, seems inferable from a -passage of Plutarch,[298] as, also, that transparent squares of horn -were employed for the same purpose, as oyster-shells and oiled paper -still are in China. Previously, however, the windows[299] (sometimes -square and situated high in the wall, sometimes reaching from the -ceiling to the floor) were closed with lattice-work[300] in iron, -bronze, or wood, over which, in bad weather, blinds of hair-cloth or -prepared leather were usually drawn. - ------ - -Footnote 293: - - Plin. xxxvi. 60. Poll. vii. 121. Cf. Sir W. Hamilton, Acc. of Discov. - at Pomp. p. 7, seq. pl. 5. - -Footnote 294: - - Galen, in Protrept, § 8. t. i. p. 19. - -Footnote 295: - - Hom. Eires. 10. p. 199. Franke. - -Footnote 296: - - See the authorities collected by Nixon, Phil. Trans, t. i. p. 126, - sqq. Seneca speaks of glass windows as a new invention, Epist. 90. Sir - William Hamilton, however, in his Account of Discoveries made at - Pompeii, observes:—“Below stairs is a room with a large bow-window; - fragments of large panes of glass were found here, shewing that the - ancients knew well the use of glass for windows.”—p. 13. Cf. Caylus, - Rec. d’Ant. t. 2. p. 293. Mazois, Pal. de Scaur. p. 97. Castell. - Villas of the Ancients, p. 4. Vitruv. vii. 3. - -Footnote 297: - - In lieu of the lapis specularis, they make use in Persia of thin slabs - of Tabreez marble for the windows of baths, and other buildings - requiring a soft subdued light.—See Fowler, Three Years in Persia, - where the growth of this stone is curiously described.—i. 228, sqq. - -Footnote 298: - - De Plac, Phil. iii. 5, ed. Corsin. Flor. 1750, p. 81. Cf. Plin. Hist. - Nat. xi. 37. - -Footnote 299: - - Sir W. Hamilt. Acc. of Discov. at Pomp. p. 7, seq. Antich. di - Ercolano. t. i. tav. i. p. 1. tav. 3. p. 11. Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. - 996. - -Footnote 300: - - Mazois, Pal. de Scaur. p. 98. - ------ - -The ceilings at first consisted merely of the beams, rafters, and -planks, forming the roof, and supporting the layers of earth or straw -that covered it; but, by degrees, the wood-work was carefully painted, -and arranged so as to form a succession of coffers and deep sunken -panels. Sometimes the whole ceiling consisted of chamfered, or fretted -cedar work,[301] or of cypress wood, or was covered with paintings in -blue and gold, and supported on columns[302] lofty and deeply fluted for -the purpose, as has been ingeniously conjectured,[303] of receiving -spears into the semi-cylindrical cavities thus formed. If this idea be -well founded, we have a very satisfactory reason of the origin of -fluting columns, and it appears to be perfectly consistent with Homer’s -account of Odysseus’s chamber, where a number of lances are spoken of -standing round a pillar.[304] - ------ - -Footnote 301: - - Athen. ix. 67. Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 353. Cf. Gog. Origine des Loix, - t. v. p. 443. Poll. Onom. x. 84. Comm. p. 1552. Maz. Pal. de Scau. p. - 102. Tibull. iii. 3. 16. Luc. de Dea Syr. § 30. Cynic, § 9. Eurip. - Orest. 1361. - -Footnote 302: - - Odyss. δ. 45, seq. Luc. Somn. seu Gall. § 29. - -Footnote 303: - - By Payne Knight, Prolegg. ad Hom. § 47. Cf. Feith. Antiq. Homer, iii. - 11. 6. - -Footnote 304: - - Odyss. α. 127, seq. - ------ - -The principal apartments, according to the fashion still prevailing in -the East, were furnished with divans,[305] or broad immovable seats, -running along the walls, which are now stuffed soft atop with cotton, -and covered with scarlet or purple, bordered by gold fringe a foot deep. -In the Homeric age they would appear to have been of carved wood, inlaid -with ivory and gold, and studded with silver nails.[306] For these -divans they had a variety of coverings, sometimes skins, at others -purple carpets, in addition to which they, as now, piled up, as a rest -for the back or elbow, heaps of cushions, purple above, and of white -linen beneath.[307] By degrees, these seats became movable and were -converted into couches or sofas, manufactured of bronze, or silver, or -precious woods, veneered with tortoiseshell.[308] In the palaces of -oriental sultans they are sometimes made of alabaster, encrusted with -jewels. Somewhere in the more retired parts of the Domos were the -picture-gallery and library, of neither of which have we any exact -description. The former, however, faced the north, and the latter the -west. If the libraries of the Greeks at all resembled in form and -dimensions those found at Pompeii, they were by no means spacious; -neither, in fact, was a great deal of room necessary, as the manuscripts -of the ancients stowed away much closer than our modern books,[309] and -were sometimes kept in circular boxes, of elegant form, with covers of -turned wood. The volumes consisted of rolls of parchment, sometimes -purple at the back,[310] or papyrus, about twelve or fourteen inches in -breadth, and as many feet long as the subject required. The pages formed -a number of transverse compartments, commencing at the left, and -proceeding in order to the other extremity, and the reader, holding in -either hand one end of the manuscript, unrolled and rolled it up[311] as -he read. Occasionally these books were placed on shelves, in piles, with -the ends outwards, adorned with golden bosses,[312] the titles of the -various treatises being written on pendant labels. - ------ - -Footnote 305: - - Id. η. 95, seq. - -Footnote 306: - - Id. θ. 65. π. 32. - -Footnote 307: - - Id. κ. 352, seq. - -Footnote 308: - - Lucian, Luc. siv. Asin. § 53. - -Footnote 309: - - Antich. di Ercol. t. ii. tav. 2. p. 13.—Books were preserved from the - moth by cedar-oil.—Geopon. v. 9. - -Footnote 310: - - Luc. de Merced. Conduct. § 41. - -Footnote 311: - - Luc. Imag. § 9. - -Footnote 312: - - Luc. de Merced. Conduct. 41. - ------ - -If we proceed now to the court[313] dividing the Domos from the Thalamos -we shall perceive, on both sides of the door leading out of the Andron, -flights of steps ascending to the upper chambers where, in the heroic -ages, the young men and strangers of distinction usually slept. Thus, in -the palace of Ithaca, Telemachos had a bed-chamber on the second story, -whence the poet is careful to observe he enjoyed a good prospect.[314] -In later times, however, there were, on the ground floor, suites of -apartments, denominated Xenon, appropriated to the use of guests, who -there lived freely and at ease as in their own houses. - ------ - -Footnote 313: - - Similar courts in the houses of Magna Græcia are described as having - had in the middle a square tank where the rain-water was collected, - and ran into a reservoir beneath.—Sir W. Hamilt. Acc. of Discov. at - Pomp. p. 13. - -Footnote 314: - - Odyss. α. 425. seq. - ------ - -At the further extremity of the interior court a steep flight of steps -led to an elevated basement and doorway, which formed the entrance into -the thalamos.[315] This part of the house would appear to have been laid -out in a peculiar manner, consisting, first, of a lofty and spacious -apartment,[316] where all the females of the family usually sat while -engaged in embroidery or other needlework.[317] It likewise formed the -nursery, and, at its inner extremity, in a deep recess, the bed of the -mistress of the family appears to have stood, on either side of which -were doors leading to flights of steps into the garden, set apart for -the use of the women. - ------ - -Footnote 315: - - Eustath. ad Odyss. χ. p. 776.—These female apartments were sometimes - hired out and inhabited by men.—Antiph. Nec. Venef. § 3.—Mr. - Fosbroke’s account is curious:—“The thalamos was an apartment where - the _mothers of families_ worked in embroidery, in tapestry, and other - works, _with their wives_, or their friends.”—Encyclop. of Ant. i. 50. - -Footnote 316: - - Sometimes, at least, roofed with cypress-wood, as we learn from - Mnesimachos, in his Horsebreeder: βαίν’ ἐκ θαλάμων κυπαρισσορόφων ἔξω, - Μάνη.—Athen. ix. 67. - -Footnote 317: - - We find ladies, however, sometimes dining with their children in the - Aulè.—Demosth. in Ev. et Mnes. § 16. - ------ - -It has by many been supposed, that the Thalamos was a chamber -particularly appropriated to the use of young unmarried ladies; but, -since we find Helen and Penelope inhabiting the Thalamos, it may be -presumed that it was common to all the females of the house. Hector, in -his visit to Paris, finds him in the Thalamos, turning about and -polishing his arms, as if he meant to use them, while, close at hand, -are Helen and her maids engaged in weaving or embroidery. The word was -often used in the same signification as Gynæconitis,[318] or “the -harem;” and, therefore, when Theocritus[319] speaks of a “maiden from -the Thalamus,” and Phocylides, with the suspicious caution of a more -vicious age, advises that young women be kept in “well-locked Thalamoi,” -it is clear that the female apartments generally are meant. These were, -in Sparta, called οα̈ (which, as is well known, in the common language -of Greece, signifies eggs), whence, according to Clearchos,[320] the -fable which describes Helen proceeding from an egg, because born and -educated in the chambers so called. Throughout the Iliad and the Odyssey -we find the poet speaking of this part of the house as inhabited by -women. Here lived Penelope,[321] far from the brawls of the suitors who -crowded the halls of the Domos; and here Ares pressed his suit with -success to Astyoche and Polymela, who both became the mothers of valiant -sons.[322] From which, among many other circumstances, it is manifest -that, in those ages, the sexes met easily, even the entrance to the -harem not being impracticable to a lover. - ------ - -Footnote 318: - - Hesych, v. γυναίκ. p. 866. Cyrill. Lex. Ms. Bren. Bret. ad Hesych. l. - c. - -Footnote 319: - - Eidyll. ii. 136. Phocyl. v. 198. - -Footnote 320: - - Athen. ii. 50. Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 68. - -Footnote 321: - - Odyss. ο. 516. - -Footnote 322: - - Il. β. 514. π. 184. - ------ - -The bedchambers of the young unmarried women appear to have flanked the -great central hall of the Thalamos, and here the female slaves likewise -slept, apparently in recesses, near the chamber-doors of their -mistresses, as we find particularly remarked in the case of Nausicaa and -her maids. At Athens, the door of communication between the Andron[323] -and the Gynæconitis was kept carefully barred and locked to prevent all -intercourse between the male and female slaves, the keys being entrusted -solely to the mistress of the house. - ------ - -Footnote 323: - - Cf. Poll. vi. 7. Cœl. Rhodig. xvii. 24. - ------ - -As these apartments were less exposed than any other portion of the -building, and far more carefully guarded, it became customary, as in the -East it still is, to lay up in the Thalamos, more especially in the dark -basement story, much valuable property, such as arms, gold, silver, the -wardrobe of both sexes, and even oil and wine. Among the Romans, or, -indeed, among the Greeks, of a later age,[324] this step would scarcely -have been taken, lest the ladies should have grown too assiduous in -their attention to the skins. But in remoter ages these sordid fears had -no existence. Accordingly, we find the prudent Odysseus, who -apprehended, perhaps, the tricks of his domestics, stowing away his -casks of choice old wine in the Thalamos, doubtless, considering it -safer there, under the keeping of Euryclea, than it would have been -anywhere else in the palace.[325] - ------ - -Footnote 324: - - Plut. Paral. Vit. § 3. - -Footnote 325: - - Odyss. β. 337, 345. χ. 442. Schol. 459. 466. Poll. vii. 397. - ------ - -In later and more civilized ages, the Thalamos was still used for the -same purposes; for, in the establishment of Ischomachos, a pattern of -Attic economy, we find that the more valuable portion of the family -wardrobe, with the plate and other costly utensils, was there deposited. -Corn, according to the suggestions of common sense, they laid up in the -driest rooms, wine in the coolest. The apartments into which most -sunshine found its way were appropriated to such employments and to the -display of such furniture as required much light.[326] Their -dining-rooms, where, also, the men usually sat when at home, they -carefully contrived so as to be cool in summer and warm in winter, -though, in severe weather, a good fire was often found necessary.[327] -The same judicious principle commonly regulated the erection of their -habitations, which were divided into two sets of apartments, suited to -the two great divisions of the year. As we have already remarked, the -principal front looked towards the south, that it might catch the rays -of the wintry sun, whose more vertical summer beams were excluded by -broad verandahs, or colonnades. - ------ - -Footnote 326: - - Xen. Memorab. iii. 8, 9. - -Footnote 327: - - Anaxand. ap. Athen. ii. 29.—So also thought Socrates, who observes, - that in winter every one will have a fire who can get wood. And, - though he himself wore the same garments all the year round, he - considered it, apparently, a judicious practice in others to put on - warm clothing.—Xen. Œcon. xvii. 3. Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 716. When - the dining-room was not furnished with a chimney, braziers were - kindled outside the door, and carried in when the worst fumes of the - charcoal had evaporated.—Plut. Symp. vi. 7. - ------ - -In what part of the edifice stood the bathing-room (βαλανεῖον, so called -from its having, in remoter ages, been heated with acorns, βάλανοι)[328] -I have been unable to discover, though it appears certain that, even so -far back as the heroic ages, a chamber was always set apart for the -bath. At first, doubtless, they were content with cold water; but that -this was soon succeeded by warm water[329] may be conjectured from the -tradition ascribing the first use of it to Heracles, whence warm baths -were ever afterwards called the Baths of Heracles. - ------ - -Footnote 328: - - Etym. Mag. 186, 8. Athen. i. 18. Phot. Bib. 60. b. Hesiod. Frag. 53. - Baths, at Sparta, were common to both sexes.—Goguet, v. 428. Cf. - Pashley, Travels. i. 183. - -Footnote 329: - - Baccius, de Thermis, p. 365. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1034. - ------ - -The form of the Puelos,[330] or vessel in which they bathed, appears -occasionally to have resembled an Egyptian sarcophagus, and to have been -sometimes round, and constructed of white or green marble, or glass, or -bronze, or common stone, or wood,[331] in which case it would seem to -have been portable. In the baths of Pompeii the marble basins, whether -parallelogramatic or circular, were of spacious dimensions, and raised -two or three feet above the pavement. A step for the convenience of the -bathers extends round it on the inside, and at the bottom are marble -cushions upon which they rested. In the labra of the Grecian female -baths rose a smooth cippus in the form of a truncated cone, denominated -omphalos, on which the ladies sat while chatting with their female -companions.[332] - ------ - -Footnote 330: - - Cf. Etymol. Mag. 151, 52, seq. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1055. - -Footnote 331: - - Baccius, de Therm. p. 399. - -Footnote 332: - - Athen. xi. 104. - ------ - -When once the warm bath came into use, people employed it to excess, -bathing as frequently as five or six times a day, and in water so hot as -to half scald themselves.[333] Immediately afterwards, to prevent the -skin from chapping, they anointed their bodies with oils and perfumed -unguents.[334] Occasionally, instead of plunging into the water, they -sat upright, as is still the custom in the hammāms of the East, while -the water was poured with a sort of ladle on their head and shoulders. - ------ - -Footnote 333: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1034. - -Footnote 334: - - Plut. Alexand. § 40. - ------ - -The public baths, of which no full description referring to very ancient -times remains, were numerous in all Hellenic cities, more particularly -at Athens, where they were surmounted with domes,[335] and received -their light from above. These establishments were frequented by all -classes of women who could afford to pay for such luxury, rich, poor, -honourable, and dishonourable. - ------ - -Footnote 335: - - Athen. xi. 104. - ------ - -The attendants, in later and more corrupt times at least, were men, -whose sole clothing consisted of a leathern apron about the loins, while -the ladies, who undressed in the Apodyterion, went through the various -processes of the bath in the same primitive clothing. It was, however, -customary for them to enter the water together in crowds,[336] so that -they kept each other in countenance. Here the matrons who had sons to -marry studied the form and character of the young ladies who frequented -the baths; and as all the defects both of person and features were -necessarily revealed, it was next to impossible for any lady, not -sufficiently opulent to keep up a bathing establishment in her own -house, to retain for any length of time an undeserved celebrity for -beauty. In the baths of the East, the bodies of the bathers are cleansed -by small bags of camel-hair, woven rough, and passed over the hand of -the attendant; or with a handful of the fine fibres of the Mekka -palm-tree combed soft, and filled with fragrant and saponaceous earths, -which are rubbed on the skin till the whole body is covered with froth. -Similar means were employed in the baths of Greece, and the whole was -afterwards cleansed off the skin by gold or silver stlengides, or blunt -scrapers somewhat curved towards the point.[337] - ------ - -Footnote 336: - - Victor. ad Aristot. Ethic. p. 214. There was a set of vicious fellows, - called τρίβαλλοι, who passed their lives disorderly in the - baths.—Etym. Mag. 765. 55. Aristophanes bestows the name on certain - barbarian divinities.—Aves. 1528. - -Footnote 337: - - Xenoph. Anab. i. 2. 10. See one of these stlengides in Zoëga, Bassi - Rilievi, tav. 29. - ------ - -The architectural arrangements of these baths,[338] if we may draw any -analogy from similar establishments in a later age, were nearly as -follows:—Entering the building by a lofty and spacious portico, you -found yourself in a large hall, paved with marble and adorned with -columns, from which, through a side-door, you passed into the -Apodyterion, or undressing-room; next, into a chamber where was the cold -water in basins of porphyry or green jasper; immediately contiguous lay -the Tepidarium, to which succeeded the Sudarium, a vaulted apartment -furnished with basins of warm water, and where the heat was excessive; -from this, moving forward, you successively traversed saloons of various -degrees of temperature and dimensions, until you found yourself in the -dressing-room, whither your garments had been carried by your domestic, -or the attendants on the baths.[339] These establishments were likewise -provided with water-closets,[340] placed in a retired part of the -building, and furnished with wooden seats, basin and water-pipe, as in -modern times. - ------ - -Footnote 338: - - Cf. Etymol. Mag. 384. 10. Poll. vii. 166, and Plut. Alexand. § 20, - where he describes the luxurious baths of Darius. - -Footnote 339: - - Lucian. Hippias. § 5, sqq. - -Footnote 340: - - Sir W. Hamilton’s Acc. of Discov. at Pompeii, p. 41. Cf. Casaub. ad - Theoph. Char. p. 269. - ------ - -To diminish the chances of being robbed, stealing from a bath was at -Athens made a capital offence;[341] so that the persons who frequented -them ran very little risk. The price was usually moderate, though in -some cities, as for example at Phaselis, they were in the habit of -doubling their charges to foreigners, which drew from a witty sophist a -very cutting remark; for his slave disputing with the keeper of the -bath, and contending that his master ought not to be charged more than -other persons, the sophist, who overheard the dispute, exclaimed, -“Wretch, would you make me a ‘Phaselitan for a farthing?’”[342] - ------ - -Footnote 341: - - Aristot. Problem. xix. 14. Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. p. 215. - -Footnote 342: - - Athen. viii. 45. - ------ - -The roofs of the more ancient Greek houses were generally flat,[343] not -sloping upwards to a point, as was afterwards the fashion.[344] In Egypt -and Syria, and almost throughout the East, the same taste still obtains; -and as palm trees, loftier than the buildings, often grow beside the -walls, and extend their beautiful pendulous branches over a great part -of the roof, nothing can be more delightful on a mild serene evening -than to sit aloft on those breezy eminences sipping coffee, gazing over -the green rice fields, or watching the stars as they put forth their -golden lamps through the violet skirts of day. But there a parapet -usually preserves him who enjoys the scene from falling. It was -otherwise of old in Greece. The roof consisted simply of a number of -beams laid close together and covered with cement, so that, as was -proved by the fate of Elpenor,[345] the practice of sleeping there in -warm weather, quite common throughout the country, was not wholly -without danger. - ------ - -Footnote 343: - - Æsch. Agam. 3, sqq. We find, however, an allusion to the pointed roof - in Iliad. ψ. 712, seq. - -Footnote 344: - - Antich. di Erc. tav. 3, p. 11. - -Footnote 345: - - Odyss. κ. 559. Eustath. ad loc. p. 1669, l. 15. Feith. Ant. Hom. iii. - 10, p. 249. - ------ - -On the construction of the kitchen,[346] which in Greek houses was -sometimes a separate little building erected in the court-yard, our -information is extremely imperfect. It is certain, however, contrary to -the common opinion, that it was furnished with a chimney,[347] and that -the smoke was not permitted to find its way through an aperture in the -roof. Thus much might be inferred from a passage in the Wasps, when the -old dicast, in love with the courts of law, is endeavouring to escape -from the restraint imposed on him by his son, by climbing out through -the chimney. It is clear that he has got into some aperture, where he is -hidden from sight, for hearing a noise in the wall, his son Bdelycleon, -cries out, “What is that?” upon which the old man replies, “I am only -the smoke.” It is plain, that he would not, like a Hindù Yoghi, be -balancing himself in the air, otherwise the young man must have beheld -him sailing up towards the roof. But the matter is set entirely at rest -by the Scholiast, who observes, that the καπνοδόχη was a narrow channel -like a pipe through which the smoke ascended from the kitchen. This -explanation has been confirmed by the discoveries of Colonel Leake,[348] -who on the rocky slopes of the hill of the Museion and Pnyx, found the -remains of a house partly excavated in the rock, in which the chimney -still remained. - ------ - -Footnote 346: - - Cf. Athen. ix. 22. iii. 60. - -Footnote 347: - - Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 91. Vesp. 139, 147. - -Footnote 348: - - Topog. of Athens, p. 361. - ------ - -The same convenience, also, existed in the Roman kitchens,[349] though -they would appear to have been unskilfully constructed in both -countries, since the cooks complain of the smoke being borne hither and -thither by the wind, and interfering with their operations. However, -this may have arisen from the numerous small furnaces which, as in -France, were ranged along the wall for the purpose of cooking several -dishes at once. The chimneys having been perpendicular, as in our old -farm-houses, were furnished with stoppers to keep out the rain in bad -weather.[350] - ------ - -Footnote 349: - - Cf. Perrault, sur Vitruv. vi. 9. Mazois, Pal. de Scaur. p. 178. On the - interior of a Roman house, see Pet. Bellori, Frag. Vet. Rom. p. 31. - -Footnote 350: - - Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 148. - ------ - -That the kitchens were sometimes not sufficiently airy and comfortable -may be inferred from the practice of a philosophical cook in Damoxenos, -who used to take his station immediately outside the door, and from -thence give his orders to the inferior operatives. Great care was -nevertheless taken that it should be well lighted, and that the door -should be so situated as to be as little exposed as possible to whirling -gusts of wind.[351] From a passage in the Scholiast on the Wasps, and -the existence of drains in the excavations on the hill of the Museion, -it is clear that the Athenian houses were furnished with sinks,[352] -though in the Italian kitchens there seem merely to have been little -channels running along the walls to carry off the water. The floor, too, -was constructed in both countries with a view at once to dryness and -elegance,[353] being formed of several layers of various materials all -porous though binding, so that it allowed whatever water was spilt to -sink through instantaneously. The upper layer, about six inches thick, -consisted of a cement composed of lime, sand, and pounded charcoal or -ashes, the surface of which, being polished with pumice-stone, presented -to the eye the appearance of a fine black marble. The roof in early -times was no doubt of wood,[354] though afterwards it came to be vaulted -or run up in the form of a cupola. The walls were sometimes decorated -with rude paintings.[355] - ------ - -Footnote 351: - - Athen. iii. 60 ix. 22. - -Footnote 352: - - Leake, Topog. of Ath. p. 361. Yet we find them sometimes throwing the - water out of the window, crying, Stand out of the way. Schol. - Aristoph. Acharn. 592. - -Footnote 353: - - Vitruv. viii. 4. - -Footnote 354: - - Mazois, Palais de Scaurus, p. 177. - -Footnote 355: - - Representing, for example, a sacrifice to Fornax. Mazois, p. 177. - ------ - -The street-door of a Grecian house, usually, when single, opened -outwards, but when there were folding doors they opened inwards as with -us.[356] In the former case it was customary when any one happened to be -going forth, to knock, or call, or ring a bell, in order to warn -passengers to make way.[357] These doors were constructed of various -materials,[358] according to the taste and circumstances of the owner, -sometimes of oak, or fir, or maple, or elm; and afterwards as luxury -advanced they were made of cedar, cyprus, or even of citron wood, inlaid -as in the East, with plates of brass or gold.[359] Mention is likewise -made of doors entirely composed of the precious metals; of iron also, -and bronze and ivory. - ------ - -Footnote 356: - - Cf. Antich. di Ercol. t. i. tav. 34. pp. 175, 181. Sagittar. de Januis - Veterum. p. 23. - -Footnote 357: - - Plut. Poplic. § 20. - -Footnote 358: - - Sagitt. de Jan. Vet. p. 152, seq. Plin. xvi. 40. Theoph. Hist. Plant. - v. 4. 2. iii. 14. 1. Martial. xiv. 89, ii. 43. Lucian. l. ix. Tertull. - de Pall. c. 5. Plin. xiii. 15. Ovid. Metamorph. iv. 487. - -Footnote 359: - - Aristoph. Acharn. 1072. - ------ - -The jambs were generally of wood;[360] but likewise sometimes of brass -or marble. The doors were fastened at first by long bars passing into -the wall on both sides;[361] and by degrees smaller bolts, hasps, -latches, and locks and keys succeeded. For example the outer door of the -Thalamos in Homer was secured by a silver hasp, and a leathern thong -passed round the handle and tied, perhaps, in a curious knot.[362] Doors -were not usually suspended on hinges, but turned, as they still do in -the East, upon pivots inserted above into the lintel and below into the -threshhold.[363] In many houses there were in addition small half-doors -of open wood-work,[364] which alone were commonly closed by day, in -order to keep the children from running out, or dogs or pigs from -entering. The doors usually consisted of a frame-work, with four or six -sunken panels, as with us; but at Sparta, so long as the laws of -Lycurgus prevailed, they were made of simple planks fashioned with the -hatchet.[365] In the great Dorian capital the custom was for persons -desirous of entering a house to shout aloud at the door,[366] which, at -Athens,[367] was always furnished with an elegant knocker.[368] -Door-handles, too, of costly materials and curious workmanship,[369] -bespoke even in that trifling matter the taste of the Greeks. - ------ - -Footnote 360: - - Sagitt. de Jan. Vet. p. 29, sqq. - -Footnote 361: - - Sagitt. de Jan. p. 67. - -Footnote 362: - - Odyss. α. 441. Schol. et Eustath. ad loc.—δ. 862. ρ. 186. Cf. Schol. - Aristoph. Vesp. 155. - -Footnote 363: - - Sagitt. de Jan. Vet. p. 41. - -Footnote 364: - - Antich. di Ercol. t. i. tav. 3. p. 11. It should perhaps be remarked, - that when houses were built on a solid basement the door was sometimes - approached by a movable pair of steps. Id. ibid. tav. 8. p. 39. tav. - 43. p. 228. - -Footnote 365: - - Plut. Lycurg. § 13. Agesil. § 19. - -Footnote 366: - - Plut. Inst. Lac. § 30. Cf. Theocrit. Eidyll. xxix. 39. - -Footnote 367: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 133. - -Footnote 368: - - Sometimes in form of a crow. Poll. i. 77. - -Footnote 369: - - See Donaldson’s Collection of Doorways, pl. 8. - ------ - -The materials commonly used in the erection of a house were stones and -bricks. In the manufacture of the latter[370] the ancients exhibited -more skill and care than we; they had bricks of a very large size, and -half bricks for filling up spaces, which prevented the necessity of -shortening them with the trowel. Of these some were simply dried in the -sun, used chiefly in building the dwellings of the poor.[371] At Utica -in Africa there were public inspectors of brick-kilns,[372] to prevent -any from being used which had not been made five years. In several -cities on the Mediterranean bricks were manufactured of a porous earth, -which when baked and painted, as it may be conjectured, on the outside, -were so light that they would swim in water.[373] To diminish the weight -of bricks, straw was introduced into them in Syria and Egypt, which was -altogether consumed in the baking. In roofing such of their houses as -were not terraced they employed slates, tiles, and reed-thatch.[374] -Possibly, also, the wealthy may have tiled their houses with those -elegant thin flakes of marble, with which the roofs of temples were -occasionally covered. - ------ - -Footnote 370: - - Winkelm. Hist. de l’Art. ii. 544. Cf. Xen. Memor. iii. 17. Cyropæd. - vi. 3. 25. Plin. xxxv. 14. Polyb. x. 22. Plat. de Repub. t. vi. p. 15. - -Footnote 371: - - Sanchon. ap. Euseb. Præp. Evang. i. 10. p. 35. - -Footnote 372: - - Vitruv. ii. 3. - -Footnote 373: - - Id. ibid. 3. In lieu of these light bricks, pumice stones are now - frequently used on the shores of the Mediterranean, more particularly - in turning arches. They are, consequently, cut into parallelopipeds, - and exported in great quantities from the Lipari islands.—Spallanzani, - Travels in the Two Sicilies, &c. vol. ii. pp. 298, 302, sqq. - -Footnote 374: - - Poll. x. 170. Luc. Contemplant. § 6. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 174. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER II. - HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE. - - -The movables in a Grecian house were divided into classes after a very -characteristic manner. First, as a mark of the national piety, -everything used in domestic sacrifices was set apart. The second -division, placing women immediately after the gods, comprehended the -whole apparatus of female ornaments[375] worn on solemn festivals. Next -were classed the sacred robes and military uniforms of the men; then -came the hangings, bed-furniture, and ornaments of the harem; afterwards -those of the men’s apartments. Another division consisted of the shoes, -sandals, slippers, &c., of the family, from which we pass to the arms -and implements of war, mixed up familiarly in a Greek house with looms, -cards, spinning-wheels, and embroidery-frames, just, as Homer describes -them in the Thalamos of Paris at Troy. Even yet we have not reached the -end of our inventory in mere classification. The baking, cooking, -washing, and bathing vessels formed a separate class, and so did the -breakfast and dinner services, the porcelain, the plate of silver and -gold, the mirrors, the candelabra, and all those curious articles made -use of in the toilette of the ladies.[376] - ------ - -Footnote 375: - - This profusion of wearing apparel was laid up in trunks and - _mallekins_ of wickerwork. The former were called κιβωτοὶ, the latter - κίσται.—Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. p. 233. Clem. Alexand. Pæd. iii. - Hesych. v. v. κιβωτὸς—κίστη. Mention is also made of presses.—Mazois, - Pal. de Scaur. p. 120. - -Footnote 376: - - Xenoph. Œconom. ix. 6, sqq. Aristot. Œconom. i. 6. - ------ - -In well-regulated families a second division took place, a separation -being made of such articles as might be required for daily use, from -those brought forward only when routs and large parties were given. The -movables of all kinds having been thus arranged in their classes, the -next step was to deposit every thing in its proper place.[377] The more -ordinary utensils were generally laid up in a spacious store-room, -called _tholos_,[378] a circular building detached from the house, and -usually terminating in a pointed roof, whence in after ages a -sharp-crowned hat obtained among the people the name of Tholos. When a -gentleman first commenced housekeeping, or got a new set of domestics, -he delivered into the care of the proper individuals his kneading -troughs, his kitchen utensils, his cards, looms, spinning wheels, and so -on; and, pointing out the places where all these, when not in use, -should be placed, committed them to their custody. - ------ - -Footnote 377: - - Cicero ap. Columell. De Re Rust. xii. 3. - -Footnote 378: - - Odysseus had a storehouse of this kind in his palace at Ithaca.—Odyss. - χ. 442, 459, 466. - ------ - -Of the holiday, or show articles, more account was made. These, being -brought forward only on solemn festivals, or in honour of some foreign -guest, were entrusted to the immediate care of the housekeeper, a -complete list of everything having first been taken; and it was part of -her duty, when she delivered any of these articles to the inferior -domestics, to make a note of what she gave out, and take care they were -duly returned into her keeping.[379] - ------ - -Footnote 379: - - Xen. Œconom. ix. 10. 57. - ------ - -But the above comprehensive glance over the articles of furniture made -use of in an Athenian gentleman’s establishment, though it may give some -notion of the careful and economical habits of the people, affords no -conception of the splendour and magnificence often found in a Grecian -house: for, as we have already seen, their opinions are highly erroneous -who imagine that in the Attic democracy the rich were by any prudential -or political considerations restrained from indulging their love of -ostentation by the utmost display they could make of wealth.[380] In -fact, not content with outstripping their neighbours in the grandeur of -their dwellings, furniture, and dress, these persons had often the -ludicrous vanity, when they gave a large party, to excite the envy of -such dinnerless rogues as might pass, by throwing out the feathers of -game and poultry before their doors.[381] Indeed, since the Athenians -exactly resembled other men, the exhibition of magnificence tended but -too strongly to dazzle them; so that, among the arts of designing -politicians, one generally was, to create a popular persuasion that they -possessed the means of conferring important favours on all who obliged -them. - -Footnote 380: - - That the sycophants were sometimes troublesome, however, is certain; - that is to say, in later ages. Speaking of the time of his youth, - Isocrates says:—Οὐδεὶς οὔτ᾽ ἀπεκρύπτετο τὴν οὐσίαν οὔτ᾽ ὤκνει - συμβάλλειν. κ. τ. λ.—Areop. § 12. Cf. Bergmann. in loc. p. 362. But - their persecution must always have been confined to a very few - individuals, as people generally continued to display whatever they - possessed down to the final overthrow of the state. - -Footnote 381: - - Aristoph. Acharn. 398.—_Mitchell._ The learned editor fails to remark - how little this custom harmonizes with the fears which he imagines - rich people felt at Athens. - ------ - -To proceed, however, with the furniture. Though the principal value of -many articles arose from the exquisite taste displayed in the design and -workmanship, the materials themselves, too, were often extremely rare -and costly. Porcelain, glass, crystal, ivory, amber,[382] gold, silver, -and bronze, with numerous varieties of precious woods, were wrought up -with inimitable taste and fancy into various articles of use or luxury. -Among the decorations of the dining-room was the side-board, which, -though sometimes of iron, was more frequently of carved wood, bronze, or -wrought silver, ornamented with the heads of satyrs and oxen.[383] Their -tables, in the Homeric age, were generally of wood, of variegated -colours, finely polished, and with ornamented feet. Myrleanos, an -obscure writer in Athenæus, imagines[384] they were round, that they -might resemble the disc of the sun and moon; but from the passage in the -Odyssey,[385] and the interpretation of Eustathius, they may be inferred -to have been narrow parallelograms,[386] like our own dining-tables. The -luxury of table-cloths being unknown, the wine spilled, &c., was -cleansed away with sponges.[387] But the poet had witnessed a superior -degree of magnificence, for he already, in the Odyssey,[388] makes -mention of tables of silver. The poor were, of course, content with the -commonest wood. But as civilisation proceeded, the tables of the wealthy -became more and more costly in materials, and more elegant in form. - ------ - -Footnote 382: - - On the attractive power of this substance, see Plat. Tim. t. vii. p. - 118. - -Footnote 383: - - Athen. v. 45. Lys. Frag. 46. Orat. Att. t. ii. p. 647. - -Footnote 384: - - Deipnosoph. xi. 78. - -Footnote 385: - - α. 111. 138. - -Footnote 386: - - This is also the opinion of Potter, ii. 376, 377; and Damm. in v. - τράπεζα, col. 1822. - -Footnote 387: - - Odyss. τ. 259. Pind. Olymp. i. 26. - -Footnote 388: - - κ. 354, seq. 361, seq. In the letters attributed to Plato we find - mention made of silver tables. t. viii. p. 397. Sometimes, also, of - brass. Athen. ix. 75. - ------ - -It grew to be an object of commerce, to import from foreign countries -the most curious kinds of wood,[389] to be wrought into tables, which -originally supported on four legs, rested afterwards on three, -fancifully formed, or on a pillar and claws of ivory, or silver, as with -us. There was a celebrated species of table manufactured in the island -of Rhenea;[390] the great, among the Persians, delighted in maple tables -with ivory feet, and, in fact, the knotted maple appears at one time to -have been regarded as the most rare and beautiful of woods.[391] But the -rage for sumptuous articles of furniture of this kind did not reach its -full height until Roman times, when a single table of citron wood - - (Gorgeous feasts - On citron tables or Atlantic stone)[392] - -sometimes cost six or seven thousand pounds sterling. Already, however, -in the best ages of Greece, their tables were inlaid with silver, brass, -or ivory, with feet in the form of lions, leopards, or other wild -beasts.[393] - ------ - -Footnote 389: - - Plin. Nat. Hist. xvi. 27. - -Footnote 390: - - Athen. xi. 27. - -Footnote 391: - - Athen. ii. 31. - -Footnote 392: - - Paradise Regained, iv. 114, seq. where see Mitford’s curious and - learned note. ii. 350, seq. and cf. Plin. v. 1. t. ii. p. 259. Hard. - not. a. 261. xiii. 29. t. iv. p. 746, sqq. Petronius speaks of the - “citrea mensa,” p. 157. Erhard. Symbol. ad Petron. 709, seq. shows - that Numidian marble was in use at Rome. - -Footnote 393: - - Potter, ii. 377. - ------ - -In more early times, before the effeminate Oriental habit of reclining -at meals obtained,[394] the Greeks made use of chairs which were of -various kinds, some being formed of more, others of less costly -materials, but all beautiful and elegant in form, as we may judge from -those which adorn our own drawing-rooms, entirely fashioned after -Grecian models. The thrones of the gods represented in works of art, -however richly ornamented, are simply arm-chairs with upright backs, an -example of which occurs in a carnelian in the Orleans Collection,[395] -where Apollo is represented playing on the seven-stringed lyre. This -chair has four legs with tigers’ feet, a very high upright back, and is -ornamented with a sculptured car and horses. They had no Epicurean -notions of their deities, and never presented them to the eye of the -public lounging in an easy chair, which would have suggested the idea of -infirmity. On the contrary, they are full of force and energy, and sit -erect on their thrones, as ready to succour their worshipers at a -moment’s warning. In the Homeric age these were richly carved, like the -divans, adorned with silver studs, and so high that they required a -footstool.[396] The throne of the Persian kings was of massive gold, and -stood beneath a purple canopy, supported by four slender golden columns -thickly crusted with jewels. - ------ - -Footnote 394: - - In the Antichita di Ercolano, we have the representation of a very - handsome armed chair, with upright back, beautifully turned legs, and - thick and soft cushions, with low footstool, t. i. tav. 29. p. 155. - Athen. xi. 72. - -Footnote 395: - - Pierres Gravées, du Cabinet du Duc d’Orleans, t. i. No. 46. Cf. No. 7, - representing Zeus thus seated. - -Footnote 396: - - Odyss. η. 162. Il. σ. 390, 422. - ------ - -Bedsteads were generally of common wood such as deal,[397] bottomed -sometimes with planks, pierced to admit air, sometimes with ox-hide -thongs,[398] which in traversing each other left numerous open spaces -between them. Odysseus’s bedstead, which the hero was sufficient joiner -to manufacture with his own hands, was made of olive-wood, inlaid with -silver, gold, and ivory. Sometimes the bed was supported by a sort of -netting of strong cord, stretched across the bedstead, and made fast all -round.[399] Later ages witnessed far greater luxury,—bedsteads of solid -silver,[400] or ivory embossed with figures wrought with infinite art -and delicacy,[401] or of precious woods carved, with feet of ivory or -amber.[402] Occasionally, also, they were veneered with Indian -tortoiseshell, inlaid with gold.[403] This taste would appear to have -flowed from the East, where among the kings of Persia still greater -magnificence was witnessed even in very early times. Thus, speaking of -the royal feast celebrated at Susa, the Scripture says, there were in -the court of the garden of the king’s palace “white, green, and blue -hangings, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings, -and pillars of marble. The beds were of gold and silver, upon a pavement -of red, and blue, and white, and black marble.” A similar style of -grandeur is attributed by Hellenic writers to the Persian king, who, -according to Chares,[404] reclined in his palace on a couch shaded by a -spreading golden vine, the grape clusters of which were imitated by -jewels of various colours. - ------ - -Footnote 397: - - Athen. xi. 48. i. 60. ii. 29. Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 468. Cf. Xenoph. - Memor. ii. 1, 30. - -Footnote 398: - - This bedstead was called δέμνιον; (Odyss. η. 336, seq.) when heaped - with soft mattresses it was πυκινὸν λέχος (345); εὐνὴ was the term - applied to the whole, bed and bedstead. Iliad. ω. 644. Odyss. δ. 297, - &c. Pind. Nem. i. 3. - -Footnote 399: - - Odyss. ψ. 189, seq. Schol. ad Il. γ. 448. - -Footnote 400: - - Plat. de Legg. t. viii. p. 397. - -Footnote 401: - - Athen. vi. 67. ii. 30. - -Footnote 402: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 530. - -Footnote 403: - - Lucian. Luc., sive Asin. § 53. Bedsteads of solid gold are spoken of - in scripture.—Esther i. 6. Bochart. Geog. Sac. i. 6. 30. - -Footnote 404: - - Athen. xii. 9, 55. - ------ - -Four-post bedsteads were in use in remoter ages, as appears from a white -sardonyx in the Orleans Collection,[405] representing the surprisal of -Ares and Aphrodite, by Hephæstos. There is a low floating vallance -fastened up in festoons, the tester is roof-shaped, and the pillars -terminate in fanciful capitals. The figure of an eagle adorns the -corners of the bedstead below. From a painting on the walls of Pompeii -we discover, that the peculiar sort of bedstead at present found almost -universally in France was likewise familiar to the ancients, made -exactly after the same fashion, and raised about the same height above -the floor. With regard to the beds themselves they were at different -times manufactured from very different materials, and those of some -parts of Greece enjoyed a peculiar reputation. From a phrase in -Homer,[406] it would appear that, in his times, beds were stuffed in -Thessaly with very fine grass. Those of Chios and Miletos were -famous[407] throughout Greece. In other parts of the country, persons of -peculiar effeminacy slept on beds of sponge.[408] Sicily was famous for -its pillows, as were also several other Doric countries. At Athens the -rich were accustomed to sleep upon very soft beds, placed on bedsteads -considerably above the floor;[409] and sometimes, it has been supposed, -adorned with coverlets of dressed peacocks’ skins with the feathers -on.[410] - ------ - -Footnote 405: - - No. 34. - -Footnote 406: - - Il. β. 697. δ. 383. - -Footnote 407: - - Athen. xi. 72. - -Footnote 408: - - Athen. i. 32. - -Footnote 409: - - Xen. Mem. ii. 1. 30. - -Footnote 410: - - Palm. Exercit. in Auct. Græc. p. 191. We find mention in ancient - authors of certain tribes who went clad in garments covered with the - feathers of birds. Senec. Epist. 90. - ------ - -But the Greeks appear to have consulted their ease, and sunk more -completely into softness and effeminacy, in proportion as they -approached the East. Among the Peloponnesians most persons lived hard -and lay hard; greater refinement and luxury prevailed in Attica; but in -Ionia and many of the Ægæan isles the great—although there were -exceptions as in the case of Attalos—fell little short in -self-indulgence of Median or Persian satraps. Some idea may be formed of -their habits in this respect from the description of a Paphian prince’s -bed by Clearchos of Soli.[411] Over the soft mattresses supported by a -silver-footed bedstead, was flung a short grained Sardian carpet of the -most expensive kind. A coverlet of downy texture succeeded, and upon -this was cast a costly counterpane of Amorginian purple. Cushions, -striped or variegated with the richest purple, supported his head, while -two soft Dorian pillows[412] of pale pink gently raised his feet. In -this manner habited in a milk-white chlamys the prince reclined. Their -bolsters in form resembled our own;[413] but the pillows were usually -square, as in France, though occasionally rounded off at both ends, and -covered with richly chequered or variegated muslins. To prevent the fine -wool or whatever else they were stuffed with from getting into heaps, -mattresses were sewn through as now, and carefully tufted that the -packthread might not break through the ticking.[414] - ------ - -Footnote 411: - - Athen. vi. 37. - -Footnote 412: - - Athen. ii. 29, sqq. - -Footnote 413: - - Gitone, Nozze di Ulisse è Penelope, Il Costume, &c. tav. 67. - -Footnote 414: - - See the mattress on which the statue of Hermaphroditos reclines in the - Louvre. - ------ - -Among the Orientals it is common at present for persons to sleep in -their day apparel; but even in the heroic ages it was already customary -in Greece to undress on going to bed. When Agamemnon is roused before -dawn by the delusive dream, the whole process of the morning toilette is -described. First, says the poet, he donned his soft chiton which was new -and very handsome; next his pelisse; after which he bound on his elegant -sandals and suspended his silver-hilted sword from his shoulder. Thus -accoutred he issued forth, sceptre in hand, towards the ships.[415] - ------ - -Footnote 415: - - Il. β. 42, seq. - ------ - -In Syria, children luxuriously educated are said to have been rocked in -their cradles wrapped in coverlets of Milesian wool.[416] The sheep of -Miletos were, in fact, the Merinos of antiquity; and their wool being -celebrated for its fineness and softness, it was not only employed in -manufacturing the best cloths, but also in stuffing the mattresses of -kings and other great personages who thought much of their ease. And as -the vulgar imagine they become great by habiting themselves in garments -similar to those of their princes, like the honest man who sought wisdom -through reading by Epictetus’ lamp, the stuffs, couches, and coverlets -of Miletos got into great vogue among the ancients. Virgil, Cicero, -Servius, Columella, and many other writers speak accordingly of their -excellence, and their testimonies have, with wonderful industry, been -collected by the learned Bochart.[417] - ------ - -Footnote 416: - - Esther i. 6. Lament, iv. 5. Bochart. Geograph. Sac. i. 6. 30. - -Footnote 417: - - Geog. Sac. i. 6. 28, seq. - ------ - -But though Miletos had a reputation for this kind of manufacture, it by -no means enjoyed a monopoly. The scarlet coverings of Sardis, and the -variegated stuffs of Cyprus, produced by the famous weaver Akesas and -his son Helicon,[418] appear in many instances to have obtained a -preference over all others. Pathymias, too, the Egyptian, distinguished -himself in the same line.[419] - ------ - -Footnote 418: - - Eustath. ad Odyss. α. p. 32. 30. - -Footnote 419: - - Athen. ii. 30. - ------ - -All these bed-coverings were commonly perfumed with fragrant -essences,[420] for which reason the voluptuous poets of antiquity dwell -with a sort of rapture on the pleasure of rolling about in bed. Ephippos -exclaims:— - - “How I delight - To spring upon the dainty coverlets; - Breathing the perfume of the rose, and steeped - In tears of myrrh!” - ------ - -Footnote 420: - - In old times the whole bedroom was sometimes perfumed.—Iliad, γ. 382. - ------ - -Aristophanes, likewise, and Sophron, the mimographer, make mention of -these fragrant counterpanes, which were extremely costly, and inwrought, -according to the latter, with figures of birds.[421] Elsewhere Athenæus -relates that the Persian carpets contained representations of men, -animals, and monsters.[422] Their blankets, like our own, were plain -white; but even so far back as the heroic ages, the upper coverings, as -being partly designed for show, were of rich and various colours.[423] - ------ - -Footnote 421: - - Athen. ii. 30. Aristoph. Frag. incert. 2. Brunck. - -Footnote 422: - - Deipnosoph. xi. 55. Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. p. 172. - -Footnote 423: - - Feith. Antiq. Homer, iii. 8. 4. - ------ - -There seems to be good ground for believing, that if the Greeks did not -borrow their philosophy from the East, they at least derived from them -many of the vain and luxurious habits which at length rendered that -philosophy of none effect. No one appears to have paid a single visit to -Persia, or Syria, or Egypt, without bringing back along with him some -pestilent new freak in the matter of dress or furniture, wholly at -variance with republican simplicity. We might adduce numerous anecdotes -in proof of this. For the present we confine ourselves to the following. -Among the Persians, renowned in all ages for sensual indulgences, it was -judged of so much importance to enjoy soft and elegantly arranged beds, -that in great houses persons were employed who attended only to this. An -anecdote in illustration has been preserved by Athenæus. Timagoras, or, -according to Phanias, Entimos of Gortyna, envying Themistocles his -reception at the court of Persia, undertook himself a toad-eating -expedition to that country. Artaxerxes, whose ear could tolerate more -flatterers than one, took the Cretan into favour, and made him a present -of a superb marquee, a silver-footed bedstead, with costly furniture, -and, along with them, sent a slave, as a Turkish pasha would send a cook -or a pipe-lighter, because, in his opinion, the Greeks who prepared -sleeping-places for so many Persians at Marathon and Platæa, understood -nothing of bed-making. - -Entimos evidently excelled the great Athenian in the arts of a courtier. -In fact, he was the very prototype of Hajji Baba, and enjoyed even still -greater influence over the Shah than the illustrious barber’s son of -Ispahan. Charmed by his cajolery, Artaxerxes invited him to his private -table, where, usually, none but princes of the blood were admitted,[424] -an honour, as Phanias assures us, which no other Greek ever enjoyed. -For, though Timagoras of Athens performed _kou-tou_ before the -throne,[425] whereby he obtained great consideration among a nation of -slaves, and was hanged when he got home, he was not invited to -hob-and-nob with his majesty, but only enjoyed the distinction of having -certain dishes sent him from the king’s table. To Antalcidas, the -Spartan, Artaxerxes sent his crown dipped in liquid perfume, an -agreeable compliment, but which he more than once paid to Entimos, whose -extraordinary favour at court in the long run, however, awakened the -envy of the Persians. The canopy of the marquee presented to this Cretan -was spangled with bright flowers, and, among the other articles of which -the imperial gift consisted, were a throne of massive silver, a gilded -parasol, several golden cups crusted with jewels, a hundred maple-tables -with ivory feet, a hundred goblets of silver, several vases of the same -precious metal, a hundred female slaves, an equal number of youths, with -six thousand pieces of gold, besides what was furnished him for his -daily expenditure.[426] - ------ - -Footnote 424: - - Very nearly the same customs prevail in Persia at the present day, - except that the rules of etiquette seem to be still more rigidly - observed. “It is a general custom with the kings of Persia to eat in - solitary grandeur. The late Shah, however, would sometimes have select - portions of his family to breakfast with him.” On which occasion, - “they used to squat round him in the form of a crescent, of which he - was the centre, and were all placed scrupulously according to - rank.”—Fowler, i. 48. - -Footnote 425: - - Athen. vi. 58. Vales. not. in Maussac. p. 282, where he corrects the - old reading of the text. Cf. Xenoph. Hellen. vii. 1. 38. Plut. Pelop. - § 30. Artax. § 22. Valer. Max. vi. 3. extern. 2. Demosth. de Fals. - Leg. § 42, where the orator accuses Timagoras of having received a - bribe of forty talents. - -Footnote 426: - - Athen. ii. 31. - ------ - -A gentleman travelling in Ireland witnessed the ingenuity of that -ready-witted people in applying the same thing to various uses: first, -he saw the tablecloth, on which he had eaten a good supper, transferred -as a sheet to his bed, and, next morning, his kind hostess, offering her -services to put him in the right way, converted the same article into a -mantle, which she wrapped about her shoulders. The Greeks were almost -equally ingenious. With them what was a cloak by day became sometimes a -counterpane at night,[427] in addition, perhaps, to the ordinary -bed-clothes; for it is clear they loved to be warm, from the somewhat -reproachful allusion of Strepsiades in the “Clouds” to the five -_sisyræ_,[428] rolled snugly up in which, his son, Pheidippides, could -sleep while thoughts of his debts bit the old man like so many bugs, and -roused him hours before day to consult his ledgers. All kinds of -stromata were, in Plato’s time, divided into two classes, first, -coverings for the body, such as cloaks, mantles, and so on; secondly, -bed-clothes, properly so called. - ------ - -Footnote 427: - - Xen. Anab. i. 5. 5. - -Footnote 428: - - Nub. 10. Cf. Av. 122. Concionat. 838. ibique not. Pollux, vii. 382, - seq. x. 542. - ------ - -The walls of their chambers were frequently hung with Milesian tapestry, -a custom to which Amphis alludes in his Odysseus: - - A. Milesian hangings line your walls, you scent - Your limbs with sweetest perfume, royal myndax[429] - Piled on the burning censor, fills the air - With costly fragrance. - - B. Mark you that, my friend! - Knew you before of such a fumigation?[430] - -Mention is likewise made among the ancients of purple tapestry, -inwrought with pearls and gold.[431] - ------ - -Footnote 429: - - Cf. Poll. vi. 105. - -Footnote 430: - - Athen. xv. 42. Cf. Meineke. Curæ Crit. in Com. Frag. p. 7. - ------ - -Carthage enjoyed celebrity for its manufacture of carpets and variegated -pillows,[432] a piece of luxury which, as we have seen above, had -already been introduced in the heroic ages; for Homer, in innumerable -passages, speaks of rare and costly carpets, and these were not only -spread over couches and seats, but over the floor likewise.[433] Rolled -up, they would occasionally appear to have served for pillows. The -manufacture of carpets had, moreover, been carried to considerable -perfection, for the poet speaks of some with a soft pile on both sides, -which were evidently very splendid.[434] Theocritus,[435] too, in his -Adoniazusæ, enumerates, among the luxuries of the youthful God, - - Carpets of purple, _softer far than sleep_,[436] - Woven in Milesian looms. - ------ - -Footnote 431: - - Mazois, Pal. de Scaur, p. 103. Tibull. iii. 3, 17, seq. Athen. iv. 29. - -Footnote 432: - - Athen. i. 49. - -Footnote 433: - - Il. ι. 200.—The use of mats first prevailed, (Festus, in v. Scirpus.) - but, as luxury increased, superb carpets were substituted.—Æschyl. - Agam. 842. Tryphiod. Ἅλωσις Ἴλιου. 343, seq. Hemster. Comm. in Poll. - viii. 133. p. 287. Cf. Klausen. Comm. in Æschyl. Agam. p. 197, sqq. - -Footnote 434: - - Il. π. 224. Poll. vi. 2. Synes. Epist. 61. - -Footnote 435: - - Eidyll, xv. 125. - -Footnote 436: - - A beautiful simile, which Virgil has imitated— - - “Muscosi fontes, et _somno mollior herba_.”—Eclog. vii. 45. - - Shakespeare, too, has, without imitation, struck upon a similar - thought, where the amorous Troilus thus describes himself:— - - “But I am weaker than a woman’s tear, - _Tamer than sleep_, fonder than ignorance.” - Troilus & Cressida, i. 1. - ------ - -But in nothing did the Greeks display a more gorgeous or costly taste -than in what may be termed their _plate_, which was not only fabricated -of the rarest materials, but wrought likewise with all the elaborateness -and delicacy and richness of design within the reach of art. Among the -Macedonians, after their Eastern conquests, gold plate appears not to -have been uncommon; for at the grand supper described by Hippolochos in -his letter to Lynceus, every guest is said to have used it.[437] The -predilection for this sort of magnificence they acquired in Asia, where, -at a banquet given to Alexander, the whole dessert was brought in -tastefully covered with gold-leaf.[438] In the reign of his father, -Philip, the precious metals were rare in Macedonia. Indeed, that crafty -old monarch, possessing but one gold cup in the world, had so good an -opinion of his courtiers that, to prevent their thieving it, he slept -every night with it under his pillow.[439] Gold was, more early, -plentiful in Attica. Alcibiades, with tastes and habits unsuited to a -democracy, carried so far his love of display as to make use of -thuribles, or censers, and wash-hand basins of pure gold.[440] But the -ostentatious son of Clinias, though extravagant, was in this respect -only a type of his nation. Every rich citizen of Athens aimed at the -same degree of splendour; and, in describing his town-house or favourite -villa, might, with little alteration, have adopted the language of the -poet:— - - ——“My house within the city - Is richly furnished with plate and gold, - Basins and ewers to lave her dainty hands: - My hangings all of Tyrian tapestry. - In ivory coffers have I stuffed my crowns; - In cypress chests my arras, counterpanes, - Costly apparel, tents, and canopies, - Fine linen, Turkey cushions bossed with pearl, - Vallance of Venice, gold in needle-work, - Pewter and brass, and all things that belong - To house or housekeeping.” - ------ - -Footnote 437: - - Athen. iv. 2, sqq. Cf. iii. 100. - -Footnote 438: - - Athen. iv. 42. - -Footnote 439: - - Deipnosoph. _ut sup._ - -Footnote 440: - - Athen. ix. 75. - ------ - -Socrates, in the Republic, speaking of what the prevailing fashion -required to be found in a city, makes out a list of good things, not -much inferior upon the whole to Shakspeare’s,—beds, tables, and other -furniture; dainties of all kinds; perfumes, unguents, sauces, &c.; to -which the philosopher adds apparel, shoes, pictures, tapestry, ivory, -and gold:[441] and these rare materials, as farther on he observes, were -wrought into utensils for domestic purposes. - ------ - -Footnote 441: - - Plat. De Rep. i. t. vi. p. 86. Cf. Tim. t. vii. p. 77. - ------ - -One of the most plentifully furnished departments of a Greek house was -the _Kulikeion_, or “cupboard,” usually closed in front with a -curtain,[442] where they kept their goblets, cups, and drinking-horns, -under the protection of a statue of Hermes, who, as god of thieves, -would, it was supposed, be respected by his children. The form and -workmanship of these materials varied, no doubt, according to the taste -and means of the possessor; but they were in general distinguished for -the elegance of their outline, the grace and originality of the -sculpture, the fineness, delicacy, and minute finish of the execution. -It is well known, as an able antiquarian[443] has remarked, to what an -excess the luxury of the table was carried among the ancients, and how -much they surpassed us in the dimensions, the massiveness, the -workmanship, the quality, and the variety of their drinking apparatus. - ------ - -Footnote 442: - - Athen. xi. 3. Poll. x. 122. - -Footnote 443: - - Le Comte de Caylus, Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscrip, t. xxiii. p. 353. - ------ - -Many persons, however, seem chiefly to have valued their plate as a mark -of their wealth and magnificence; among whom may be reckoned Pythias of -Phigaleia, who, when dying, commanded the following epitaph to be -inscribed upon his tomb:— - - Here jolly Pythias lies, - A right honest man, and wise, - Who of goblets had very great store, - Of amber, silver, gold, - All glorious to behold, - In number ne’er equalled before.[444] - ------ - -Footnote 444: - - Athen. xi. 14. Among the Egyptians were vases of papyrus. Bochart. - Geog. Sac. i. 240. - ------ - -Amber goblets not being, I believe, in fashion among the modern nations -of Europe, some doubt may be experienced respecting the veracity of our -friend of Phigaleia; but the ancients had other gobletary legends to -bring forward in support of it. Helen,[445] it is said, justly proud of -her beautiful bosom, dedicated in one of the temples of Rhodes, as a -votive offering, an amber goblet, exactly of the size and shape of one -of her breasts, which, had it come down to posterity, might have -furnished artists with a perfect model of that part of the female form. -However this may be, the ancients, in remote ages, set a great value on -their cups, particularly such as were considered heir-looms in the -family, and laid apart to be used only on extraordinary occasions. Hence -Œdipos, in the old Cyclic poet, is seized with fierce anger at his son, -who had, contrary to his will, brought forth his old hereditary goblets -to be used at an ordinary entertainment. - - Then Polyneices of the golden locks, - Sprung from the Gods, before his father placed - A table all of silver, which had once - Been Cadmus’s, next filled the golden bowl - With richest wine. At this old Œdipos, - Seeing the honoured relics of his sire - Profaned to vulgar uses, roused to anger, - Pronounced fierce imprecations, wished his sons - Might live no more in amity together, - But plunge in feuds and slaughters, and contend - For their inheritance: and the Furies heard.[446] - ------ - -Footnote 445: - - Bruyerin, De Re Cibaria, l. iii. c. 9. This goblet could by no means - have been a diminutive one, if Helen resembled her countrywomen - generally, who were celebrated for their large bosoms: - βαθύκολποι.—Anacr. v. 14. Bruyerin’s authority is Plin. Hist. Nat. - xxxii. 23. “Minervæ templum habet Lindos, insula Rhodiorum, in quo - Helena sacravit calycem ex electro. Adjicit historia, mammæ suæ - mensura.” This, I suppose, is what Rousseau calls “Cette coupe célèbre - à qui le plus beau sein du monde servit de moule.”—Nouv. Heloise, - 1^{re} partie. Lett. 23. t. i. p. 144,—though, I confess, I am not - acquainted with the authors by whom it has been celebrated. Several - votive offerings, representing the female breast, may be seen in the - British Museum, among the Elgin Marbles. But the most curious relic of - the ancient female form is mentioned in the following passage: “In the - street just out of the gate of this villa I lately saw a skeleton dug - out; and by desiring the labourers to remove the skull and bones - gently, I perceived distinctly the perfect mould of every feature of - the face, and that the eyes had been shut. I also saw distinctly the - impression of the large folds of the drapery of the toga, and some of - the cloth itself sticking to the earth. The city was first covered by - a shower of hot pumice-stones and ashes, and then by a shower of small - ashes mixed with water. It was in the latter stratum that the skeleton - above described was found. In the Museum at Portici a piece of this - sort of hardened mud is preserved; it is stamped with the impression - of the breast of a woman, with a thin drapery over it. The skeleton I - saw dug out was not above five feet from the surface. It is very - extraordinary that the impression of the body and face should have - remained from the year 79 to this day, especially as I found the earth - so little hardened that it separated upon the least touch.”—Sir W. - Hamilton, Acc. of Discov. at Pompeii, p. 15. - -Footnote 446: - - Athen. xi. 14. - ------ - -Agathocles, tyrant of Sicily, appears to have been an amateur of cups, -and would sometimes while exhibiting his collection to his friends make -a good-humoured allusion to his original occupation. “These golden -vessels,” said he, “have been made out of those earthenware ones which I -formerly manufactured.”[447] Drinking-bowls in fact made no -inconsiderable figure in ancient times. They were bestowed as the prizes -in gymnastic contests, and in Greece men boxed and wrestled for the cup -as horses run for it in England. Parasites, like the jester of Louis -XIV., used sometimes to carry home the cups and dishes set before them -at dinner; but the tables were often turned when the subject gave and -the prince pocketed the dole. - ------ - -Footnote 447: - - Athen. xi. 15. Polyb. xii. 15. 6. xv. 35. 2. - ------ - -A curious legend has been preserved to us connected with the subject of -cups. Several princes uniting, in remote times, to send a colony to -Lesbos, were commanded by an oracle to cast a virgin, during their -voyage, into the sea, as a sacrifice to Poseidon. Obedience, in those -superstitious ages, was seldom refused to such injunctions. The maiden -was precipitated into the waves, but Enallos, one of the chiefs, in whom -love had quenched the reverence for oracles, immediately plunged in to -save her. Neither the chief, however, nor the virgin appeared again, and -the fleet proceeded. The remainder of the tradition may be illustrated -by an event said to have taken place in the Tonga islands.[448] They -were probably near some uninhabited isle, and instead of rising to the -surface of the sea, emerged into a cavern elevated considerably above -its level, and opening perhaps upon the land. “God tempers the wind to -the shorn lamb,” says a modern writer, and so Enallos found it. By means -unrevealed in the ancient narrative, the hero and his bride continued to -subsist on the rock, and many years afterwards, when the colony was -already flourishing, he one day presented himself before his old friends -at Methymna, and entertained them with a very romantic account of his -residence among the Nereids at the bottom of the sea, where he was -honoured with the care of Poseidon’s horses when sent out to grass. At -length, however, getting on the back of a large wave it bore him upwards -and he escaped from the deep, bearing in his hand a golden cup, the -metal of which was so marvellously beautiful that in comparison ordinary -gold appeared no better than brass.[449] - ------ - -Footnote 448: - - See ariner’s Account, chap. 9. - -Footnote 449: - - Athen. xi. 15. - ------ - -Even the loftiest and least worldly-minded of the Homeric heroes, -Achilles, set great value on a favourite drinking-cup, which he -preserved for his own particular use, and for pouring out libations to -Zeus alone. Priam[450] was careful to include a rare goblet in the -ransom of Hector’s body, and a similar gift aided in alluring Alcmena -from the paths of virtue.[451] But the most famous bowl of antiquity was -that of Heracles, which, more capacious than the barber’s basin in Don -Quixote, served its illustrious owner in the double capacity of a -drinking-cup and a canoe; for when he had quenched his thirst, he could -set his bowl afloat, and, leaping into it, steer to any part of the -world he pleased. Some, indeed, speak of it as a borrowed article, -belonging originally to the Sun, and in which the god used nightly to -traverse the ocean from West to East.[452] - ------ - -Footnote 450: - - Iliad. ω. 234. - -Footnote 451: - - Athen. xi. 16. - -Footnote 452: - - Bentley, Dissert. on Phal. i. 175, sqq. - ------ - -To pass, however, over the goblets of mythology. It was fashionable to -possess plate of this kind finely sculptured with historical arguments; -and history has preserved the names of Cimon and Athenocles, two artists -who excelled in this style of engraving. These cups were sometimes of -silver gilt, sometimes of massive gold crusted with jewels.[453] In -addition to the two artists named above, we may enumerate Crates, -Stratonicos, Myrmecides of Miletos, Callicrates the Lacedemonian, and -Mys, whose “Cup of Heracles,” celebrated in antiquity, had represented -upon it the storming of Ilion, with this inscription, - - Troy’s lofty towers by Grecians sacked behold! - Parrhasios’ draught, by Mys engraved in gold.[454] - -The names by which the ancients distinguished their several kinds of -goblets are too numerous to be here given. Some were curious—“Amalthea’s -Horn,” “The Year,” &c. Rustics made use of two-handled wooden bowls in -which, when thirsty, they drew fresh milk from the cow in the -fields.[455] There was a big-bellied cup with a narrow neck which being -shaped like a purse, participated with this very necessary article in -the name of Aryballos.[456] - ------ - -Footnote 453: - - Plin. xxxiii. 2. Juven. v. 42. Athen. iv. 29. - -Footnote 454: - - Athen. xi. 19. - -Footnote 455: - - Athen. xi. 25, states this from Philetas: but Kayser, in his edition - of that author’s fragments, seems to have overlooked this passage. - -Footnote 456: - - Athen. xi. 36. On the Cantharos, see § 48. - ------ - -Glass cups of much beauty were manufactured in great abundance at -Alexandria. Among these was the _Baucalis_, mentioned by Sopater the -parodist, who says:— - - ’Tis sweet in early morn to cool the lips - With pure fresh water from the gushing fount, - Mingled with honey in the Baucalis, - When one o’er night has made too free with wine, - And feels sharp thirst.[457] - ------ - -Footnote 457: - - Athen. xi. 28. - ------ - -The glass-workers of Alexandria procured earthenware vessels from all -parts of the world, which they used as models for their cups. Even the -great sculptor Lysippos did not disdain to employ his genius in the -invention of a new kind of vase. Having made a collection of vessels of -many various shapes, and diligently studied the whole, he hit upon a -form entirely new, and presented the model to Cassander, who having just -then founded the city of Cassandria, was ambitious of originating an -invention of this kind. He was desirous, perhaps, of recommending by the -elegance of his drinking-cups the Mendæan wine exported in great -quantities from his city.[458] - ------ - -Footnote 458: - - Athen. xi. 28. - ------ - -There was a peculiar kind of cup called Grammateion, from the letters of -gold chased upon its exterior.[459] Alexis mentions one of this sort in -the following lines: - - A. But let me first describe the cup; ’twas round, - Old, broken-eared, and precious small besides, - Having indeed some letters on’t. - - B. Yes letters; - Eleven, and all of gold, forming the name - Of Saviour Zeus. - - A. Tush! no, some other god.[460] - ------ - -Footnote 459: - - We find in Winkelmann, Hist. de l’Art t. i. p. 23, the representation - of a glass grammateion, on which are the words: Bibe Vivas Multis - Annis. See a detailed description of this vase by the Marquis - Trivulsi, p. 46. - -Footnote 460: - - Athen. xi. 30. - ------ - -A very handsome sort of cup was imported from Sidon. It had two handles, -and was ornamented with small figures in relief. Drinking-vases were -also formed from the large horns of the Molossian and Pœonian oxen; and -these articles were commonly rimmed with silver or gold.[461] Small cups -were made little account of. There was even one kind of bowl which, for -its enormous capacity, was called the Elephant. - - A. If this hold not enough, see the boy comes - Bearing the Elephant! - - B. Immortal gods! - What thing is that? - - A. A double-fountained cup, - The workmanship of Alcon; it contains - Only three gallons.[462] - ------ - -Footnote 461: - - Theopomp. ap. Athen. xi. 34. 51. - -Footnote 462: - - Athen. xi. 35. - ------ - -A very celebrated cup among the Athenians was the Thericlean,[463] -originally invented by Thericles, a Corinthian potter, contemporary with -Aristophanes. This ware was black, highly varnished, with gilt -edges;[464] but the name came afterwards to be applied to any vessel of -the same form from whatever materials manufactured. There were -accordingly Thericlea of gold with wooden stands. The cups of this kind, -made at Athens, being very expensive, an inferior sort, in imitation, -was produced at Rhodes, which, as far more economical, had a great run -among the humbler classes. The Thericlean was a species of deep chalice -with two handles, and bulging but little at the sides. Theophrastus[465] -speaks of Thericlea turned from the Syrian Turpentine tree, the wood of -which being black and taking a fine polish, it was impossible at a -glance to distinguish them from those of earthenware. The paintings on -these utensils appear to have been various. Sometimes a single wreath of -ivy encircled them immediately beneath the golden rim; but it seems -occasionally to have been covered with representations of animals, which -gave rise to a forced and false etymology of the name.[466] - ------ - -Footnote 463: - - Cf. Bentley on the Epist. of Phalaris i. 169–189. - -Footnote 464: - - Alexis, ap. Athen. xi. 42. - -Footnote 465: - - Hist. Plant. v. 4. 2. cum not. Schnei. t. iii. p. 426. - -Footnote 466: - - Athen. xi. 41. ἄλλοι δὲ ἱστοροῦσι, θηρίκλειον ὀνομασθῆναι τὸ ποτήριον - διὰ τὸ δορὰς θηρίων αὐτῷ ἐντετυπῶσθαι. - ------ - -We have already observed, that the use of drinking-horns[467] was not -unknown to the ancients. In fact, it seems, in very remote ages, to have -been customary to convert bulls’ horns into cups with very little -preparation; and the practice of quaffing wine from this rude kind of -goblet had by some been supposed to have suggested the idea to artists -of representing Bacchos with horns, and to poets the epithet of the Bull -Dionysos. He was moreover worshiped at Cyzicos under the form of a bull. -Afterwards, as taste and luxury advanced, these simple vessels were -exchanged for horns of silver, which Pindar attributes to the -Centaurs.[468] Xenophon[469] found drinking-horns among the -Paphlagonians, and afterwards even in the palace of the Thracian king -Seuthes. Æschylus speaks of silver horns, with lids of gold, in use -among the Perrhæbians, and Sophocles, in his Pandora, makes mention of -drinking-horns of massive gold. Philip of Macedon was accustomed among -his friends to drink from the common horn. Golden horns were found among -the inhabitants of Cythera. Horns of silver were in use at Athens; and, -among the articles enumerated as sold at a public auction, mention is -made of one of these vessels of a twisted form. - ------ - -Footnote 467: - - Bœckh. Pub. Econ. of Athens, ii. 254. - -Footnote 468: - - Pind. Frag. Incert. 44. i. 244. Dissen. Comm. ii. 659. Jacob. Anthol. - vii. 336. Athen. xi. 51. Cf. Damm. v. κέρας. - -Footnote 469: - - Anab. vi. 1. 4. vii. 3. 24, seq. - ------ - -Mirrors constituted another article of Hellenic luxury. These were -sometimes of brass,[470] whence the proverb: - - As forms by brass, so minds by wine are mirrored.[471] - ------ - -Footnote 470: - - Xen. Conv. vii. 4. They were sometimes square and washed with silver. - Caylus, Rec. d’Antiq. t. vi. p. 398. Cf. Cœl. Rhodig. xv. 12, 13. - Plat. Tim. t. vii. 52, seq. 61. Lucian. Amor. § 39. Ter. Adelph. ii. - 3. 61. Cicero in Pison. c. 29. Poll. vii. 95. x. 126, 164. - -Footnote 471: - - Athen. x. 31. - ------ - -The best, however, until those of glass came into use, were made of -silver or of a mixed metal, the exact composition of which is not now -known. Another kind was fashioned from a species of carbuncle found near -the city of Orchomenos,[472] in Arcadia. Glass mirrors[473] also came -early into use, chiefly manufactured, at the outset, by the Phœnicians -of Sidon. The hand-mirrors were usually circular,[474] and set in costly -frames. To prevent their being speedily tarnished they were, when not in -use, carefully enclosed in cases.[475] - ------ - -Footnote 472: - - Theoph. de Lapid. §. 33. - -Footnote 473: - - It is to be observed, that before the application of quicksilver in - the construction of these glasses (which I presume is of no great - antiquity) the reflection of images by such specula must have been - effected by their being besmeared behind, or tinged through with some - dark colour, especially black, which would obstruct the refraction of - the rays of light. Nixon in Philosoph. Trans, t. iv. p. 602. Cf. Plin. - xxxvi. 26. § 67. - -Footnote 474: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 742. - -Footnote 475: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 741. - ------ - -There were mirrors, too, of polished silver, fashioned so as to magnify -immensely the objects they reflected.[476] They invented also large cups -containing within many diminutive mirrors, so that when any one looked -into them, his eye was met by a multitude of faces all resembling his -own.[477] In a temple of Hera in Arcadia, was a mirror fixed in the -wall, wherein the spectator could at first scarcely, if at all, discern -his own image, while the throne of the goddess and the statues of the -other deities ranged around were most brilliantly reflected.[478] Many -sorts of mirrors appear to have been made for the purpose of playing off -practical jokes. For example, looking in one of these, a handsome woman -would find her visage transformed into that of a Gorgon, so as to appear -terrible even to herself. Others again were so very flattering, that a -half-starved barber, viewing his figure therein, appeared to be gifted -with the thewes of a Heracles. Another sort distorted the countenance, -or inverted it, or showed merely the half. - ------ - -Footnote 476: - - Plaut. in Mostell. i. 3. 101. - -Footnote 477: - - Plin. xxxiii. 45. Senec. Quæst. Nat. i. 4. - -Footnote 478: - - Paus. viii. 37. 7. - ------ - -Religion was the nurse of the fine arts, and first gave rise, not only -to sculpture and painting, but also to those private collections of -statues and pictures[479] in which we discover the germs of our modern -galleries[480] and museums. The first step was made towards these when -the Greek set up the images of his household gods upon his hearth. -Thence, step by step, he proceeded, improving the appearance, enriching -the materials, increasing the number of his domestic deities, with which -niche after niche was filled, till his private dwelling became in some -sort a temple. The religious feeling, no doubt, made way, in many cases, -for a passion for show, or a nascent taste for the beautiful; so that -rude figures in terra-cotta, wood, or stone, were gradually replaced by -exquisite statues in ivory, gold, or silver,[481] or the fairest marble, -breathing beauty and life, with eyes of gems, and clothed with majesty -as with a garment. Hence flowed the passion for mimetic representations -and all the plastic arts. The gods were transferred from the fireside to -the temple, to the agora, to the senate-house, to the innumerable -porticoes everywhere abounding in Greece.[482] - ------ - -Footnote 479: - - Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 86. Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. 39. xxxv. 36. - xxxiii. 56. - -Footnote 480: - - Athen. xi. 3. Menage, Observat. in Diog. Laert. vi. 32. p. 138. a. b. - -Footnote 481: - - Poll. i. 28. - -Footnote 482: - - Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 86. - ------ - -On their superb candelabra,[483] &c., matter for a curious volume might -be collected. The lamps in common use,[484] though sometimes very -beautiful in shape, were of course fictile,[485] such as we find in -great numbers among the ruins of Greek cities, both in the -mother-country, and in their Egyptian and other colonies. Sometimes, -however, they were of bronze, silver, or massive gold. A very beautiful -specimen in this last metal was found, by Lord Belmore, among the ruins -of an Egyptian temple, a short time before my visit to the Nile. In many -houses were magnificent chandeliers, suspended from the ceiling, with -numerous branches, which filled the apartments[486] with a flood of -light. The most remarkable article of this kind which I remember was -that set up as a votive offering to Hestia, in the Prytaneion of -Tarentum, by Dionysios the Younger, which held as many lamps as there -are days in the year.[487] Among people of humble condition wooden -chandeliers, or candlesticks, were in use.[488] In remoter ages they -burned slips of pine-branches, the bark of various trees, &c., instead -of lamps. They were acquainted with the use of horn and wicker -lanterns.[489] - ------ - -Footnote 483: - - An elegant candelabrum, ornamented with the figure of a twisted - serpent, and a flight of birds resting here and there on the branches, - is found in the Mus. Cortonens. tab. 80.—They were sometimes of gilt - wood.—Winkelmann, i. 34. - -Footnote 484: - - Poll. ii. 72. vi. 103. x. 115. Soph. Ajax. 285, sqq. - -Footnote 485: - - Poll. x. 192.—On the brazen ladle (ἀρύταινα) for filling lamps with - oil, see Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 1087. - -Footnote 486: - - Athen. xi. 48. - -Footnote 487: - - Id. xv. 60. - -Footnote 488: - - Id xv. 61. - -Footnote 489: - - Id. xv. 59. - ------ - -Another kind of decoration of Greek houses we must not overlook,—their -armour and implements of war,[490] with which the poet Alcæos[491] loved -to adorn his chambers, though, like Paris, he cared little to make any -other use of them. “My spacious mansion,” exclaims he, “gleams -throughout with brazen arms. Even along the ceiling are ranged the -ornaments of Ares, glittering helmets, surmounted by white nodding -plumes; greaves of polished brass are suspended on the walls, with -cuirasses of linen, while, here and there, about my apartments, are -scattered hollow shields. Elsewhere, you behold scimitars of Chalcis, -and baldricks, and the short vest which we wear beneath our -armour.”[492] Besides the articles enumerated by the poet, there were -shield-cases, sheaths for their spears, quivers curiously adorned, -feathered arrows, and bows of polished horn, tipped at either end with -gold. - ------ - -Footnote 490: - - The custom, also, in Lydia. Herod. i. 34. - -Footnote 491: - - Alcæi Frag. vi. p. 95. Anacr. ed. Glasg. - -Footnote 492: - - Κύπασσις of which Pollux furnishes us with an exact description: ὁ δὲ - κύπασσις, λίνου πεποίητο, σμικρὸς χιτωνίσκος, ἄχρι μέσου μηροῦ, ὡς Ἴων - φησὶ, βραχὺς λίνου κύπασσις, ἐς μηρὸν μέσον ἐσταλμένος. (vii. 60) That - is, “the _kupassis_ is a small linen chiton, reaching mid-thigh, - according to Ion, who says, ‘a short linen kupassis, descending to the - middle of the thigh.’” - ------ - -From these gorgeous and costly commodities the reader, we fear, will be -reluctant to accompany us into the kitchen, where we must pick our way -among kneading-troughs, pots and pans, Delphian cutlery[493] and -honey-jars.[494] But as without these the warriors, as Homer himself -acknowledges, could make but little use of their weapons, it is -absolutely necessary we should inquire into their cooking conveniences. -To commence, however, we must allow[495] Clearchos of Soli, to enumerate -a few of the articles found among the furniture of this important part -of the house. There was, first, says he, a three-legged table, then a -chytra, or earthen pot, which, as in France, was always preferred for -making soup. It was not, however, of coarse brown ware, as with us; for, -Socrates, in his conversation with Hippias on the Beautiful, observes -that, when properly made, round, smooth, and well-baked, the chytra was -very handsome, particularly that large sort which contained upwards of -seven gallons. It had two handles, and was evidently glazed.[496] In -stirring the chytra while boiling, the Attic cook made choice of a ladle -turned from the wood of the fig-tree, which, it is said, communicated an -agreeable flavour to the soup, and, in Socrates’s opinion, was -preferable to one of gold which, being very weighty, might chance to -crack the pot, spill the broth, and extinguish the fire.[497] - ------ - -Footnote 493: - - Hesych. v. Δελφικὴ μάχαιρα. - -Footnote 494: - - Athen. xi. 50, ὀξίνη, a vinegar cruet.—Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 1301. ὑρχη, - a pickle-jar.—Vesp. 676. - -Footnote 495: - - Athen. xiv. 60. - -Footnote 496: - - Plat. Hipp. Maj. t. v. p. 425, sqq. - -Footnote 497: - - Plat. Opp. t. v. p. 429. seq. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 244. - ------ - -There was used in the kitchen a sort of candelabrum, or lamp-stand, -which Clearchos merely names. Then followed the mortar, the stool, the -sponge, the cauldron, the kneading-trough, the mug, the oil-flask, the -rush-basket, the large knife, the cleaver,[498] the wooden platter, the -bowl, and the larding-pin.[499] Pollux, who had, doubtless, served an -apprenticeship to Marcus Aurelius’s cook, gives a formidable list of -culinary utensils, from which we must be content to select the most -remarkable. First, however, we shall show how important a piece of -sponge was to an Athenian cook. It often saved him his dinner; for, if -any of his stewpans, crocks, or kettles, had suffered from the embraces -of Hephæstos, in other words, had got a hole burnt in them, a bit of -sponge was drawn into the aperture, and on went the cooking operations -as before.[500] In some houses culinary utensils were regarded as a -nuisance, the presence of which was not to be constantly endured, and, -accordingly, when the master desired to treat his friends, cookey was -despatched early in the morning to hire pots and kettles of a broker. To -this custom Alexis alludes in his Exile: - - How fertile in new tricks is Chæriphon, - To sup scot-free and everywhere find welcome! - Spies he a broker’s door with pots to let? - There from the earliest dawn he takes his stand, - To see whose cook arrives; from him he learns - Who ’tis that gives the feast,—flies to the house, - Watches his time, and, when the yawning door - Gapes for the guests, glides in among the first.[501] - ------ - -Footnote 498: - - See a figure, probably, of that instrument in Mus. Chiaramont. tav. - 21. - -Footnote 499: - - Athen. xiv. 60. Poll. x. 95, sqq.—We find mention, also, of the - cheese-rasp.—Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 251. - -Footnote 500: - - Aristoph. Acharn. 439. Brunck is vastly scandalised at the idea of the - Scholiast, that any man should have been so poor in Attica as to be - driven to mend his pots in the way commemorated in the text; but a - German commentator, who had looked more into kitchens, is satisfied - that the practice prevailed, and was perfectly rational. In fact, - similar contrivances are still resorted to, even in England. - -Footnote 501: - - Athen. iv. 58. - ------ - -But we must not pass over the Pyreion or Trypanon,[502] the clumsy -contrivance which supplied the place of our lucifers, phosphorus, and -tinder-boxes. This was a hollow piece of wood, in which another piece -was turned rapidly till sparks of fire flew out.[503] Soldiers carried -these fire-kindlers along with them as a necessary part of their kit. - -Footnote 502: - - Theoph. Histor. Plant. v. 9. 7. - -Footnote 503: - - Plat. de Rep. iv. t. vi. p. 194. Pollux. x. 146. vii. 113. - ------ - -The ordinary fuel of the Greeks consisted chiefly of wood and -charcoal,[504] (kept in rush or wicker baskets,) though the use of -mineral coal was not altogether unknown to them.[505] In Attica, -where wood was always scarce, they economically made use of -vine-cuttings,[506] and even the green branches of the fig tree with -the leaves on.[507] The charcoal of Acharnæ, the best probably in -the country, was sometimes prepared from the scarlet oak.[508] To -prevent the wood, used in their saloons, halls, and drawing-rooms -from smoking, it was often boiled[509] in water or steeped in dregs -of oil. The use of the bellows[510] was known in Hellas from the -remotest antiquity. They had likewise a kind of osier flap, with a -handle, and shaped like a fan, which at times supplied the place of -a pair of bellows. - ------ - -Footnote 504: - - Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 34, 302, 314. Plat. de Legg. t. viii. - 116. - -Footnote 505: - - Theoph. de Lap. § 16. - -Footnote 506: - - Schol. Aristoph. Lysist. 308. - -Footnote 507: - - Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 312. Cf. Schol. Vesp. 145, 326. - -Footnote 508: - - Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 587. - -Footnote 509: - - Plin. Hist. Nat. xv. 8. - -Footnote 510: - - Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 853. Athen. ii. 71. - ------ - -There were chopping-blocks[511] both of wood and stone, mortars,[512] -fish-kettles, frying-pans, and spits of all dimensions,[513] some being -so diminutive that thrushes and other small birds could be roasted on -them. Their ends in the heroic ages rested on stone hobs, but afterwards -andirons were invented, probably of fanciful shape as in modern France. -Occasionally they would appear to have been manufactured of lead. To -these we may add the ovens, the bean and barley-roasters, the sieves of -bronze and other materials, the wine-strainers in the form of colanders, -the crate for earthern-ware, and the chafing-dish.[514] - ------ - -Footnote 511: - - Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 319. Vesp. 238. κρεάγρα a flesh-hook. Sch. - Eq. 769. - -Footnote 512: - - Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 924. - -Footnote 513: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 179. - -Footnote 514: - - Aristoph. Acharn. 34. Cooks’ tables were made of wicker-work or - olive-wood. Etym. Mag. 298. 36, seq. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER III. - FOOD OF HOMERIC TIMES—MEAT, FISH, ETC. - - -Having described the implements with which a Greek meal was prepared, -let us next inquire of what materials it consisted, and how it was -eaten. There will be no occasion in pursuing this investigation to -adhere to any very strict method. It will probably be sufficient to make -a few broad divisions and a flexible outline which we can fill up as the -materials fall in our way. - -What the original inhabitants of Hellas ate might no doubt be -satisfactorily inferred from the accounts we possess of nations still -existing in the same state of civilisation. But it is nevertheless -curious to examine their traditions relating to the subject. Ælian, who -has preserved many notices of remote antiquity, gives a list of various -kinds of food, which, as he would appear to think, constituted the -chief, if not the whole, sustenance of several ancient nations. The -Arcadians lived, he says, upon acorns; the Argives upon pears, the -Athenians upon figs;[515] the wild pear-tree furnished the Tirynthians -with their favourite food; a sort of cane was the chief dainty of the -Indians; of the Karamanians[516] the date; millet of the Mæotæ and -Sauromatæ; while the Persians[517] delighted chiefly in cardamums and -pistachio nuts.[518] - ------ - -Footnote 515: - - Cf. Plut. Quæst. Græc. 51. - -Footnote 516: - - Cf. Dion. Perieg. 1082. - -Footnote 517: - - These people were great eaters, and held none in estimation but those - who resembled them. Aristoph. Acharn. 74. sqq. - -Footnote 518: - - Ælian. Var. Hist. iii. 39. Perizonius in his note on this passage - observes, that ἄπιος and ἀχράς are but different names for the same - thing, both signifying “the pear,” the former term prevailing among - the Argives, the latter among the Tirynthians and Laconians. By the - other Greeks both words were used promiscuously, though ἄπιος was the - more common. This able commentator objects to the assertion of his - author, that the Hindoos lived on cane, since they also ate millet, - rice, &c. But Ælian could really have intended nothing more than that - the articles he enumerates were in common use among the nations spoken - of. Otherwise the whole must be regarded as a mere fable. The canes, - mentioned by Ælian, are those from which sugar has been from very - remote antiquity extracted. - - Quique bibunt tenerâ dulces ab arundine succos. - Lucan. Pharsal. iii. 237. - ------ - -The tradition that while some degree of civilisation already existed in -the East, many tribes of Hellas still subsisted upon acorns, has given -rise to much curious disquisition. It is abundantly clear, however, that -the fruit of our English oak is not what is meant; for, upon this, no -one who has made the experiment will for one moment imagine that man -could subsist; but every kind of production comprehended by the Greeks -under the term “acorn,” (βάλανος). Gerard, an old English botanist, -enumerates chestnuts among acorns, and Xenophon calls dates “the acorns -of the palm-tree.” The mast, however, of a tree common in Greece, would, -as Mitford thinks, afford a not unwholesome nourishment, though he is -quite right in supposing that it could not have been a favourite food in -more civilised times.[519] While upon the subject of acorns, this -ingenious and able writer appears disposed to make somewhat merry with a -certain project of Socrates. If we rightly comprehend him, which very -possibly we do not, he means to accuse the philosopher of reducing the -citizens of his airy republic to very short commons indeed,[520] nothing -but a little beech-mast, and a few myrtle-berries. This borders strongly -on the notion of the comic writer, who describes the Athenians as living -on air and hope. But though abstemious enough, Socrates was not so -unreasonable as to require even his Utopians to fight and philosophise -upon a diet so scanty. Before he comes to the mast and the -myrtle-berries, we find him enumerating wheaten and barley bread, salt, -olives, cheese, and truffles, together with pulse and all such herbs as -the fields spontaneously produce. For a dessert he would indulge them -with figs, chickpeas, and beans, myrtle-berries, and beech-mast, or -chestnuts roasted in the fire. Plato was aware how the luxurious wits of -his time would turn up their noses at such primitive diet, and therefore -brings in Glaucon inquiring,—“If you were founding a polity of swine, -what other food would you provide for them?”[521] Pausanias remarks, -however, that acorns long continued to be a common article of food in -Arcadia,[522] but only those of the fagus.[523] - ------ - -Footnote 519: - - See Goguet, i. 160, seq. - -Footnote 520: - - Hist. of Greece, i. 9, note. Cf. Anab. ii. 3. - -Footnote 521: - - Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 85. - -Footnote 522: - - Cf. Polluc. i. 234. - -Footnote 523: - - Paus. viii. 1. 6. Pliny observes that the fruit of the fagus is sweet - “dulcissima omnium glans fagi.” Hist. Nat. xvii. 6. Cf. Lucian. Amor. - § 33. Theophrast. Hist. Plant. iii. 8, 2. This Arcadian dainty is - still eaten in Spain. “In some parts (of Navarre) the mountains are - girt at their base by forests of chestnut trees or of the Spanish oak - called _encina_, whose acorn roasted, is as palatable as the - chestnut.” (A Campaign with Zumalacarregui, i. 40.) The same writer - observes, that the fruit of the ever-green arbutus, in shape like a - cherry, though insipid and intoxicating in its effects, is also eaten - by the omniverous Spaniards, p. 51. See also Laborde’s Itinerary of - Spain, iv. 80, and Capell Brooke’s Travels, ii. 72. - ------ - -If we may credit some writers the ancient inhabitants of Hellas made use -of food much more revolting than acorns, having been, in fact, cannibals -who devoured each other. There, no doubt, existed among the Greeks of -later times traditions of a state of society in which human flesh was -eaten by certain fierce and lawless individuals, such as Polyphemos, but -nothing in their literature can authorise us to infer that the practice -was ever general. Superstition seems on very extraordinary occasions to -have impelled them into the guilt of human sacrifice, when the -officiating priests, and, perhaps, some few others, probably tasted of -the entrails, and Galen had conversed with individuals who had been led -by mere curiosity to sup on man’s flesh, and found its flavour to -resemble that of tender beef.[524] But instances of this kind prove -nothing; for how often does it not happen that mariners are even now -driven by distressful circumstances to slaughter and eat their -companions at sea! And yet shall we on this account pass for -anthropophagi with posterity? - ------ - -Footnote 524: - - See Bochart. Geog. Sac. i. 309. - ------ - -The Greeks, however, were not content with one set of traditions, or -upon the whole inclined to give currency to the most gloomy. On the -contrary, their poets casting backward the light of their imagination, -and kindling up the landscapes of the far past, called up the vision of -the golden age, when neither the domestic hearth[525] nor the altars of -the gods were stained with blood, and the fruits of the field,—milk, -honey, cheese, and butter sufficed to sustain life. But we must escape -from these shadowy times, and come down to the age of beef and mutton. - ------ - -Footnote 525: - - Cf. Plat. De Legg. vi. t. vii. p. 471. - ------ - -Food is, with great precision, divided by Aristotle into moist and dry, -that is, into meat and drink.[526] A classification, the credit of -which, as Feith contends, belongs to Homer.[527] In this poet, bread -(σίτος), the principal article of provision, is made indiscriminately -both from wheat and barley, though the latter grain is thought to have -been first in use.[528] Herodotus found, in the matter of bread, a -peculiar taste among the Egyptians; barley and wheat they despised, -though in no country are finer produced than in Egypt; giving, very -strangely, the preference to the _olyra_, by some supposed to be the -spelt, but more probably Syrian _dhourra_, ears of which I observed -sculptured on the interior of the pronaos of Leto’s temple at Esneh. -Bread, in the Homeric age, was brought to table in a reed basket, the -use of silver bread-baskets, or trays, not having been then, as Donatus -thinks, introduced. But in this the learned commentator is mistaken; or, -if they had no silver trays, at least they had them of brass and gold, -to match their tables of massive silver.[529] - ------ - -Footnote 526: - - Problem. x. 56, 58. - -Footnote 527: - - Iliad. α. 496. β. 432, seq. - -Footnote 528: - - Iliad. ε. 196, et 341. The scholiast on this verse, observes that, - before the invention of mills, men used to eat the raw grain. (Cf. on - Iliad. α. 449, and Etym. Magn. v. οὐλόχυται, 641, 29.) But this is - merely an absurd conjecture; for they could, at least, have roasted - the young ear as in the East they still do, while it is full of juice, - and have eaten it thus with salt, when it is both pleasant and - nutritive. Besides, some means of reducing the grain to meal appears - to have been known almost from the beginning. - -Footnote 529: - - Iliad. λ. 629. Odyss. κ. 355. See, too, Theocrit. Eidyll. xxiv. 135, - sqq. Virgil. Æneid. i. 705. - ------ - -Next to bread, flesh, in the heroic ages, was the greatest stay-stomach, -particularly beef, kid, mutton, and pork. They had not, however, as yet -discovered many ways of cooking it. Nearly all their culinary ingenuity -reduced itself in fact to roasting and boiling, a circumstance which led -Athenæus,[530] and the president Goguet to look back with great pity and -concern on these unhappy ages when even princes, generally gourmands, -were deprived of the supreme felicity of dining on ragouts, soups, and -boiled brains. Servius,[531] too, and Varro are inclined to participate -in this feeling of commiseration, and the latter observes, that among -their own ancestors people were originally compelled to dine on roast -meat, though in the course of time the arts of boiling and soup-making -were introduced.[532] With regard to Homer’s heroes, however, our -sympathies are somewhat relieved by finding, that learned men have -overrated the extent of their misfortunes. They were not altogether -ignorant of the art of boiling, as Athenæus himself admits, where he -mentions the boiled shin of beef which one of the drunken suitors flung -at Odysseus’s head. - ------ - -Footnote 530: - - Deipnosoph. i. 15. Origine des Loix, ii. 306. “J’ai dit que la - simplicité faisoit le caractère distinctif de ses premiers âges. La - manière dont on se nourissoit alors en fait preuve. On ne voit - paroître ni sauce ni ragoût, ni même de gibier, dans la description - que l’Ecriture fait du repas donné par Abraham aux trois anges qui lui - apparurent dans la vallée de Membré. Ce Patriarche leur sert un veau - roti, ou, pour mieux dire, grillé; du lait de beurre, et du pain frais - cuit sous la cendre. Voilà tout le festin. Ce fait montre que les - repas alors étoient plus solides que délicats. Abraham avoit - certainement intention de traiter ses hôtes du mieux qu’il lui étoit - possible, et il faut observer que ce Patriarche possédoit de - très-grandes richesses en or, en argent, en troupeaux et en esclaves. - On peut donc regarder le repas qu’il donne aux trois anges, comme le - modèle d’un festin magnifique, et juger en conséquence quelle étoit de - son tems la manière de traiter splendidement.” - -Footnote 531: - - Comm. ad Æneid. i. 710. - ------ - -The flesh of young animals was not habitually eaten in those early ages, -so that in denominating them public devourers of kids and lambs, Priam -accuses his sons of scandalous luxury.[533] In fact, with the design of -preventing a scarcity of animal food, a law was enacted at Athens -prohibiting the slaughter of an unshorn lamb, and from the same motive -the Emperor Valens forbade the use of veal.[534] - ------ - -Footnote 532: - - Feith, Antiq. Homer, iii. 1, 3. - -Footnote 533: - - Il. ω. 262. - -Footnote 534: - - Hieron adv. Jovian. ii. 75. a. Diosc. ap. Athen. ix. 17. Eustath. ad - Il. ω. p. 1481. 12. Schweigh, Animad. in Athen. t. vi. p. 96, seq. - ------ - -But there was nothing beyond the difficulty of catching it, to prevent -the Homeric heroes from making free with game, such as venison, and the -flesh of the wild goat;[535] and from a passage in the Iliad, Feith -infers, that even birds were not spared.[536] We trust, however, that -they feathered and cooked them, and did not devour them _au naturel_, as -certain Hindùs do their sheep, wool and all. The Egyptians had a very -peculiar taste in ornithophagy, and actually ate some kinds of birds -quite raw, as they likewise did several species of fish; and this not in -those early ages when Isis and Osiris had not reclaimed the bogs of the -Nile, but in times quite modern, when Herodotus travelled in their -country, and heard their vain priests lay claim to having civilised -Hellas. Both birds and fish, indeed, underwent a certain sort of -preparation. Of the latter some were dried in the sun, others preserved -in pickle, and the same process was applied to ducks, quails, and many -other species of birds, after which they were eaten raw. We recommend -the practice to our gourmands, and have no doubt they would find a -pickled owl or jackdaw, devoured in the Egyptian style, altogether as -wholesome as diseased goose’s liver. It must not, however, be -dissembled, that many critics, concerned for the gastronomic reputation -of the Egyptians, contend that, by the word which we translate “to -pickle,”[537] Herodotus must have meant some kind of cookery; to which -Wesseling replies, that, without designing to impugn the taste of those -gentlemen, he must yet refuse to accept of their interpretation, since -by observing that they roasted or boiled all other species of birds and -fish, such as were sacred excepted, the historian evidently intends to -say, that these were eaten raw. The learned editor might have added, -that Herodotus uses the same term in treating of the process of -embalming,[538] and we nowhere learn that the mummies were cooked before -they were deposited in the tombs. - ------ - -Footnote 535: - - Od. ι. 185. κ. 180. - -Footnote 536: - - Iliad. ψ. 852, seq. - -Footnote 537: - - Προταριχεύειν. Herod. ii. 77, edit. Wessel. - -Footnote 538: - - Herod. i. 77, seq. ii. 15. ix. 80. - ------ - -But to return to the Homeric warriors; it seems extremely[539] probable, -notwithstanding the opinions of several writers of great authority, both -ancient and modern, that the demi-gods, and heroes before Troy, admitted -that effeminate dainty called _fish_ to their warlike tables. At all -events the common people understood the value of this kind of food,[540] -and it may safely be inferred that their betters, never slow in -appropriating delicacies to their own use, soon perceived that fish is -no bad eating. Hunger would at least reconcile them to the flavour of -broiled salmon, as we find by the example of Odysseus’s companions, who -devoured both fish and fowl.[541] This is acknowledged by Athenæus;[542] -but Plutarch contends, that they could have been driven to it only by -extreme necessity. At all other times he imagines they temperately -abstained from food of so exciting a kind,[543] though Homer describes -the Hellespont as abounding in fish,[544] and more than once alludes to -the practice of drawing it thence with hook and line.[545] Thus we find -that angling can trace back its pedigree to the heroic ages; and the -disciple of the rod as he trudges with Izaak in his pocket through bog -and mire in search of a good bite, may solace his imagination with -reminiscences of Troy and the Hellespont. But the good people of those -days did not wholly rely for a supply of fish on this very tedious and -inefficient process; they had discovered the use of nets, which Homer -describes the fisherman casting on the sea shore.[546] Though the poet, -however, had omitted all allusion to this kind of food, its use might, -nevertheless, have been confidently inferred, as may that of milk, -common to all nations, though Homer mentions it only, I believe, in the -case of the Hippomolgians,[547] and the cannibal Polyphemus, who -understood also the luxury of cheese.[548] Circe, too, who being a -goddess may be supposed to have been a connoisseur in dainties, presents -her paramour Odysseus with a curious mixture, consisting of cheese, -honey, flour, and wine,[549] very savoury, no doubt, and by old Nestor -considered of salutary nature, since Hecamedè, at his order, prepares a -plentiful supply of it for the wounded Machaon. Along with this posset, -garlic was eaten as a relish.[550] - ------ - -Footnote 539: - - Plato, among others, remarks that, in the military messes of his - heroes, Homer introduces neither fish nor boiled meat. De Rep. iii. t. - vi. p. 141. - -Footnote 540: - - Odyss. τ. 113. - -Footnote 541: - - Odyss. μ. 330. sqq. - -Footnote 542: - - Deipnosoph. i. 47. - -Footnote 543: - - Plut. Sympos. viii. 8. - -Footnote 544: - - Il. ι. 360. - -Footnote 545: - - Il. π. 407. - -Footnote 546: - - Od. χ. 364, sqq. Eustathius, however, on this passage observes, that - though nets are spoken of in the Iliad, (ε. 487,) this is the only - place where the poet distinctly mentions their being used in taking - fish. - -Footnote 547: - - Il. ο. 6. - -Footnote 548: - - Od. ι. 236, 246. Theoc. Eidyll. xi. 35. - -Footnote 549: - - Od. κ. 234, seq. - -Footnote 550: - - Il. λ. 623, sqq. This mixture called κυκεὼν, is more than once - mentioned by Plato—De Rep. iii. t. vi. p. 148. - ------ - -Fruits and potherbs, as may be supposed, were already in use.[551] -Garlic we have mentioned above; and Odysseus, after all his wars and -wanderings, recalls to mind with a quite natural pleasure the apple and -pear trees which his father, Laertes, had given him when a boy.[552] -Alcinoös possessed a fine orchard, where, though the process of grafting -is supposed to have been then unknown, we find a variety of beautiful -fruits, as pears, apples, pomegranates, delicious figs, olives, and -grapes; and in his kitchen-garden were all kinds of vegetables.[553] And -the shadowy boughs of a similar orchard, covered with golden fruit, wave -over Tantalos in Hades, but are blown back by the wind whenever the -wretched old sinner stretches forth his hand towards them.[554] From -this circumstance Athenæus, with much ingenuity, infers that fruit was -actually in use before the Trojan war! Apples seem then, as now, to have -constituted a favourite portion of the dessert, though among the Homeric -warriors they seem sometimes to have formed a principal part of the -meal; for Servius[555] describes the primitive repasts as consisting of -two courses, of which the first was animal food, and apples the second. - ------ - -Footnote 551: - - Cf. Hom. Il. λ. 629, seq. - -Footnote 552: - - Od. ω. 339. - -Footnote 553: - - Od. η. 115, sqq. Plut. Sympos. v. 8. - -Footnote 554: - - Od. λ. 587, sqq. - -Footnote 555: - - Ad Æneid. i. 727. - -Footnote 556: - - Il. ι. 214. In later times it was customary to bruise thyme small, and - mingle it with salt to give it a finer flavour. Aristoph. Acharn. 772. - Suid. v. θυμιτίδων ἁλῶν. t. i. p. 1336. b. - ------ - -Salt was in great use in the Homeric age, and by the poet sometimes -called divine.[556] Plato, also, in the Timæos,[557] speaks of salt as a -thing acceptable to the gods, an expression which Plutarch quotes with -manifest approbation in a passage where he grows quite eloquent in -praise of this article, which he denominates the condiment of -condiments, adding, that of some it was numbered among the Graces.[558] -By the most ancient Greeks salt was, for this reason, always spoken of -in conjunction with the table, as in the old proverb, where men were -advised “never to pass by salt or a table,” that is, not to neglect a -good dinner.[559] Poor men, who probably had no other seasoning for -their food, were contemptuously denominated “salt-lickers.”[560] But, in -Homer’s time, there existed certain Hellenic tribes who had not yet -arrived at a knowledge of this luxury; among whom, accordingly, even the -most aristocratic personages were compelled to go without salt to their -porridge.[561] The poet has, indeed, omitted to mention their names; but -Pausanias supposes him to have alluded to the more inland clans of -Epeirots, many of which had not yet, in those ages, acquired a knowledge -of salt, or even of the sea.[562] - ------ - -Footnote 557: - - Opera, t. vii. p. 80. - -Footnote 558: - - Sympos. v. 9. - -Footnote 559: - - Erasm. Adag. Chil. i. Cent. vi. Adag. 10. - -Footnote 560: - - Ἅλα λείχειν. Erasm. Adag. iii. vi. 33, or, as Persius expresses it, - “digito terebrare salinum.” Sat. v. 138. - -Footnote 561: - - Od. λ. 122. - -Footnote 562: - - Paus. i. 1. 12. - ------ - -It appears to be agreed on all hands, that the primitive races of men -were mere water-drinkers. Accordingly they had neither poets nor -inn-keepers, nor excisemen,—three classes of persons who never flourish -but where wine, or at least beer, is found. Homer more than once alludes -to this vicious habit of the old world, where, with a sly insinuation of -contempt,—for he was himself partial to the blood-red wine,—he tells us -that this or that nation drank, like so many oxen or crocodiles, of the -waters of such or such a river. Thus, when enumerating the allies of -Ilion, he describes the Zeleians as those who sipped the black waters of -the Æsepos.[563] Pindar, too, in the hope of obtaining a reputation for -sobriety, says, he was accustomed to drink the waters of Thebes, which, -in his opinion, were very delicious,[564] though Hippocrates would -unquestionably have been of a totally different way of thinking. The -Persian, and afterwards the Parthian kings, appear in many cases to have -entertained a temperate predilection for the water of certain streams, -of which Milton has given eternal celebrity to one:— - - “Choaspes, amber stream, - The drink of none but kings.”[565] - -But evidently through mistake; for though historians pretend that the -Parthian monarchs would drink of no water save that of the Choaspes, to -which Pliny[566] adds the Eulæus, it is by no means said that they -enjoyed a monopoly of those streams. Perhaps our great poet confounded -the Choaspes with those Golden Waters which, in Athenæus, are said to -have been wholly reserved for the use of the king and his eldest -son.[567] - ------ - -Footnote 563: - - Il. β. 824, seq. - -Footnote 564: - - Pind. Olymp. vi. 85. - -Footnote 565: - - Paradise Regained, iii. 288, seq. - -Footnote 566: - - Hist. Nat. xxxi. 21. “Parthorum reges,” says this writer, “ex Choaspe - et Eulæo tantum bibunt; et eæ quamvis in longinqua comitatur eos.” - Hence Tibullus has the following verses in his Panegyric of Messala, - iv. 1. 142: - - “Nec quâ vel Nilus vel _regia lympha_ Choaspes - Profluit.” - - Herod. i. 188. Æl. Var. Hist. xii. 40. Cf. Strabo. 1. xv. c. 3. t. - iii. p. 318. - -Footnote 567: - - Athen. xii. 9. Ἀγαθοκλῆς δ᾽, ἐν τρίτῳ Περὶ Κυζίκου, ἐν Πέρσαις φησὶν - εἶναι καὶ χρυσοῦν καλούμενον ὕδωρ. εἶναι δὲ τοῦτο λιβάδας ἑβδομήκοντα, - καὶ μηδὲνα πίνειν ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ ἢ μόνον βασιλέα, καὶ τὸν πρεσβύτατον αὐτοῦ - τῶν παίδων. τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων ἐάν τις πίῃ, θάνατος ἡ ζημία. - ------ - -Wine, however, was invented very early in the history of the world; and -the virtue of sobriety was born along with it; for, until then, it had -been no merit to be sober. With whomsoever its use began, wine was well -known to Homer’s heroes, one of whom speaks of it, in conjunction with -bread, as the chief root of man’s strength and vigour.[568] Yet the -warriors of those ages by no means exhibited that selfish parsimony -which led the Romans to debar their matrons the use of wine.[569] In -Homer we find women, even while very young, permitted the enjoyment of -it: for example, Nausicaa and her companions, who, in setting forth on -their washing excursion, are furnished by the queen herself with a -plentiful supply of provisions, and a skin of wine.[570] Boys, likewise, -in the heroic ages, met with similar indulgence; for Phœnix is -represented permitting Achilles to join him in his potations before the -little urchin knew how to drink without spilling it over himself.[571] -This practice, however, is very properly condemned by Plato, who -considered that no person under eighteen should be allowed to taste of -wine, and even then but sparingly.[572] After thirty, more discretion -might, he thought, be granted them; though he recommended sobriety at -all times, save, perhaps, on the anniversary festival of Dionysos, and -certain other divinities, when a merry bowl was judged in keeping with -the other ceremonies of the day.[573] - ------ - -Footnote 568: - - Iliad, ι. 702. τ. 161. - -Footnote 569: - - Athen. x. 33. - -Footnote 570: - - Od. ζ. 77, seq. - -Footnote 571: - - Iliad. ι. 487. - -Footnote 572: - - Montaigne, whom few things of this kind had escaped, reads _forty_, - and thinks that men might lawfully get drunk after that age. Essais, - ii. 2. t. iii. p. 278. - -Footnote 573: - - De Legg. ii. t. vii. p. 258, sqq. - ------ - -We shall now pass from the primitive aliments of the heroic times to -those almost infinite varieties of good things which the ingenuity of -later ages brought into use. The reader, not already familiar with the -gastronomic fragments of ancient literature, will probably be surprised -at the omniverous character of the Greeks, to whom nothing seems to have -come amiss, from the nettle-top to the peach, from the sow’s metra to -the most delicate bird, from the shark to the small semi-transparent -aphyæ, caught along the shores of Attica.[574] Through this ocean of -dainties we shall endeavour to make our way on the following -plan:—first, it will be our “hint to speak” of the more solid kinds of -food, as beef, mutton, pork, veal; we shall then make a transition to -the soups, fowls, and fish; next the fruit will claim our attention; -and, lastly, the several varieties of wines. - -Footnote 574: - - Ass’s flesh was commonly eaten by the Athenians. Poll. ix. 48, et - Comment. t. vi. p. 938, seq. Their neighbours the Persians, however, - enjoyed one dainty not known, I believe, to the Greeks; that is to - say, a camel, which, we are told, they sometimes roasted whole. Herod. - i. 123. Athen. iv. 6. In the opinion of Aristotle the flesh of this - animal was singularly good: ἔχει δὲ καὶ τὰ κρέα καὶ τὸ γάλα ἥδιστα - πάντων.—Hist. Anim. vi. 26. It was this passage, perhaps, that first - induced Heliogabalus to try a camel’s foot, which he appears - afterwards to have much affected. Lamprid. Vit. Anton. Heliogab. § 19. - Hist. Aug. Script. p. 195. The same emperor also tried the taste of an - ostrich, whose eggs anciently constituted an article of food among - certain nations of Africa. Lucian. de Dipsad. § 7. - ------ - -It has already been observed, that in the earliest ages men wholly -abstained from animal food.[575] Afterwards when they began to cast -“wolfish eyes” upon their mute companions on the globe, the hog is said -to have been the first creature whose character emboldened them to make -free with him. They saw it endued with less intelligence than other -animals; and, from its stupidity, inferred that it ought to be eaten, -its soul merely serving during life, as salt, to keep the flesh from -putrefying.[576] The determining reason, however, appears to have been, -that they could make no other use of him, since he would neither plough -like the ox, nor be saddled and mounted like the horse or ass, nor -become a pleasant companion, or guard the house, like the dog. - ------ - -Footnote 575: - - Plato, De Legg. vi. t. vii. p. 471. - -Footnote 576: - - Cicero, De Natura Deorum, ii. 64. Dion. Chrysost. i. 280, cum not. - Reisk. - ------ - -It was long before men in any country slew the ox for food; his great -utility was his protection, and in some parts of the East the -well-meaning priesthood at length compassed him round with the armour of -superstition, which outlasted the occasion, and in India has come down -in nearly all its strength to our own day. It was otherwise in Greece. -There common sense quickly dissipated the illusion, which, while it was -necessary, had guarded the ox, and beef became the favourite food of its -hardy and active inhabitants, who likewise fed indiscriminately on -sheep, goats, deer, hares, and almost every other animal, wild or tame. - -It has been seen that in remote ages fish did not constitute any great -part of the sustenance of the Greeks. But public opinion afterwards -underwent a very considerable change. From having been held in so little -estimation as to be left chiefly to the use of the poor, in the -historical ages it became their greatest luxury.[577] And there arose -among gourmands, those ancient St. Simonians, whose god was their belly, -a kind of enthusiastic rivalry as to who should be first in the morning -at the fish-market, and bear away, as in triumph, the largest Copaic -eels, the finest pair of soles, or the freshest _anthias_.[578] On this -subject, therefore, our details must be somewhat more elaborate than on -beef and mutton. And first, we shall take the reader along with us to -the market, whither it will be advisable that he carry as little money -as possible, since, according to the comic poets, your Athenian -fishmonger, not content with being a mere rogue, dealt a little also in -the assassin’s trade.[579] - ------ - -Footnote 577: - - The Pythagoreans, however, must be excluded from this category since - they abstained from fish because they kept perpetual silence like - themselves.—Athen. vii. 80. Another and a better reason, perhaps, may - be discovered in a passage of Archestratos, who, observing that the - sea-dog is delicious eating, proceeds to dispose of the objection that - it feeds on human flesh, by saying, that all fish do the same. Id. - vii. 85. From this fact the Pythagoreans esteemed fish-eaters no - better than cannibals at second-hand. - -Footnote 578: - - Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 525. - -Footnote 579: - - Amphis ap. Athen. vi. 5. - ------ - -The first thing which a rich gourmand inquired in the morning was, which -way the wind blew. If from the north, and there was anything like a sea, -he remained sullenly at home, for no fishing smacks could in that case -make the Peiræeus;[580] but if the wind sat in any other quarter, out he -went eagerly and stealthily with a slave and basket[581] at his heels, -casting about anxious looks to discover whether any other impassioned -fish-eater had got the start of him on his way to the Agora, who might -clear the stalls of the best anthias or thunny before he could reach the -spot. - ------ - -Footnote 580: - - Athen. viii. 81. Cf. Xenoph. Hellen. v. i. 23. - -Footnote 581: - - This basket was usually of rushes, in form like a basin, and with a - handle passing over the top.—Antich. di Ercol. tav. 21. tom. i. p. - 111. - ------ - -The unmoneyed rogue, however, whose ambitious taste soared to these -expensive dainties, approached the market with a rueful countenance. -Thus we find a poor fellow describing, in Antiphanes, his morning’s -pilgrimage in search of a pair of soles: - - I once believed the Gorgons fabulous: - But in the agora quickly changed my creed, - And turned almost to stone, the pests beholding - Standing behind the fish stalls. Forced I am - To look another way when I accost them, - Lest if I saw the fish they ask so much for, - I should at once grow marble.[582] - ------ - -Footnote 582: - - Athen. vi. 4. - ------ - -Amphis, another comic poet, supplies us with further details respecting -the hardships encountered by those who had to deal with fishmongers at -Athens. Much of his wit is, I fear, intransferable, depending in a great -measure on the vernacular clipping of Greek common in the market-place. -But the sense, at least, may perhaps be given: - - “Ten thousand times more easy ’tis to gain - Admission to a haughty general’s tent, - And have discourse of him, than in the market - Audience to get of a cursed fishmonger. - If you draw near and say, How much, my friend, - Costs _this_ or _that_?—No answer. Deaf you think - The rogue must be, or stupid; for he heeds not - A syllable you say, but o’er his fish - Bends silently like Telephos (and with good reason, - For his whole race he knows are cut-throats all). - Another minding not, or else not hearing, - Pulls by the legs a polypus.[583] A third - With saucy carelessness replies, ‘Four oboli, - That’s just the price. For this no less than eight. - Take it or leave it!’”[584] - ------ - -Footnote 583: - - Cf. Chandler, ii. 143. Plin. Hist. Nat. ix. 45, seq. - -Footnote 584: - - Athen. vi. 5. - ------ - -Alexis, too, that most comic of comic writers, seems to have imagined, -that the humour of his pieces would be incomplete without a spice of the -fishmonger. Commencing, like Amphis, with an allusion to the haughty -airs of military men, he glides into his subject as follows:— - - However, this is still endurable. - But when a paltry fishfag will look big, - Cast down his eyes affectedly, or bend - His eyebrows upwards like a fullstrained bow, - I burst with rage. Demand what price he asks - For—say two mullets; and he answers straight - “Ten obols”—“Ten? That’s dear: will you take eight?” - “Yes, if one fish will serve you.”—“Friend, no jokes; - I am no subject for your mirth.”—“Pass on, Sir! - And buy elsewhere.”—Now tell me is not this - Bitterer than gall?[585] - ------ - -Footnote 585: - - Athen. vi. 5. - ------ - -But if the reader should be disposed to infer from these testimonies -that the fishmongering race were saucy only at Athens, he will be in -danger of falling into error. Throughout the ancient world they were the -same, and we fear that should any poor devil from Grub-street, or the -_Quartier Latin_, presume to dispute respecting the price of salmon with -one of their cockney or Parisian descendants, he would meet with little -more politeness. At all events their manners had not improved in the -Eternal city,[586] for it is _a propos_ of the Roman fishfags that -Athenæus brings forward his examples of like insolence elsewhere. The -poet Diphilos would appear, like Archestratos, to have travelled in -search of good fish and civil fishmongers, but his labours were -fruitless; he might as well have peregrinated the world in the hope of -finding that island where soles are caught ready-fried in the sea. Such -at least is the tenour of his own complaint: - - Troth, in my greener days I had some notion - That here at Athens only, rogues sold fish; - But everywhere, it seems, like wolf or fox, - The race is treacherous by nature found. - However, we have one scamp in the agora - Who beats all others hollow. On his head - A most portentous fell of hair nods thick - And shades his brow. Observing your surprise, - He has his reasons pat; it grows forsooth - To form, when shorn, an offering to some god! - But that’s a feint, ’tis but to hide the scars - Left by the branding iron upon his forehead. - But, passing that, you ask perchance the price - Of a sea-wolf—“Ten oboli”—very good. - You count the money. “Oh not those,” he cries, - “Æginetan I meant.” Still you comply. - But if you trust him with a larger piece, - And there be change to give; mark how the knave - Now counts in Attic coin, and thus achieves - A two-fold robbery in the same transaction![587] - ------ - -Footnote 586: - - Deipnosoph. vi. 4. - -Footnote 587: - - Athen. vi. 6. - ------ - -Xenarchos paints a little scene of ingenious roguery with a comic -extravagance altogether Shakespearian, and incidentally throws light on -a curious law of Athens, enacted to protect the citizens against -stinking fish.[588] The power of invention, he observes—willing to kill -two birds with one stone—had totally deserted the poets in order to take -up with the fishmongers; for while the former merely hashed up old -ideas, the latter were always hitting upon new contrivances to poison -the Demos: - - Commend me for invention to the rogue - Who sells fish in the agora. He knows - In fact there’s no mistaking,—that the law - Clearly and formally forbids the trick - Of reconciling stale fish to the nose - By constant watering. But if some poor wight - Detect him in the fact, forthwith he picks - A quarrel, and provokes his man to blows. - He wheels meanwhile about his fish, looks sharp - To catch the nick of time, reels, feigns a hurt: - And prostrate falls, just in the right position. - A friend placed there on purpose, snatches up - A pot of water, sprinkles a drop or two, - For form’s sake on his face, but by mistake, - As you must sure believe, pours all the rest - Full on the fish, so that almost you might - Consider them fresh caught.[589] - ------ - -Footnote 588: - - The longer to preserve fish fresh, the Orientals sometimes cover them - with a coating of wax. Mullets, caught at Damietta, are sent, thus - preserved, throughout the Turkish Empire, as well as to different - parts of Europe. Pococke’s Description of the East. - -Footnote 589: - - Our readers will probably remember the good old Italian marchioness, - who having, perhaps, been cajoled, by the blarney of some Hibernian - peripatetic, into the purchase of a pair of strong-odoured soles, - recommended to our magistrates the adoption of an ordinance passed, as - she affirmed, by his grace of Tuscany. In that prince’s territories, - she assured their worships, the man who has fish to sell, must - transact business standing on one leg in a bucket of hot water, a - practice undoubtedly calculated to induce despatch and prevent - haggling. This Tuscan enactment might evidently have been adopted with - great advantage at Athens, where, however, legislation proceeded on - exactly the same principles, and attained in this point an almost - equal degree of perfection. - ------ - -By a law passed at the instance of the wealthy Aristonicos, himself no -doubt an ichthyophagos, the penalty of imprisonment was decreed against -all those who, having named a price for their fish, should take less, in -order that they might at once demand what was just and no more. In -consequence of this enactment, an old woman or a child might be sent to -the fish-market, without danger of being cheated. According to another -provision of this Golden Law, as it is termed by Alexis, fishmongers -were compelled to stand at their stalls and not to sit as had previously -been the custom. The comic poet, in the fulness of his charity, -expresses a hope that they might be all _suspended_ aloft on the -following year, by which means, he says, they would get a quicker sight -of their customers, and carry on their dealings with mankind from a -machine like the gods of tragedy.[590] - ------ - -Footnote 590: - - Athen. vi. 8. - ------ - -In consequence no doubt of the perpetually increasing demand, fish was -extremely dear at Athens. Accordingly Diphilos, addressing himself to -Poseidon, who, as god of the sea, was god also of its inhabitants, -informs him that, could he but secure the tithe of fish, he would soon -become the wealthiest divinity in Olympos. Among those who distinguished -themselves in this business in the agora, and apparently became rich, it -is probable that many were metoiki, such as Hermæos, the Egyptian, and -Mikion, who, though his country is not mentioned, was probably not an -Athenian. In proportion as they grew opulent, the gourmands on whom they -preyed became poor, and doubtless there was too much truth in the satire -which represented men dissipating their whole fortunes in the -frying-pan. There were those also it seems who spent their evenings on -the highway, in order to furnish their daily table with such dainties. -For this fact we have the satisfactory testimony of Alexis in his -Heiress: - - Mark you a fellow who, however scant - In all things else, hath still wherewith to purchase - Cod, eel, or anchovies, be sure i’ the dark - He lies about the road in wait for travellers. - If therefore you’ve been robbed o’ernight, just go - At peep of dawn to th’ agora and seize - The first athletic, ragged vagabond - Who cheapens eels of Mikion. He, be sure, - And none but he’s the thief: to prison with him![591] - ------ - -Footnote 591: - - Athen. vi. 10. 12. - ------ - -They had at Corinth a pretty strict police regulation on this subject. -When any person was observed habitually to purchase fish, he was -interrogated by the authorities respecting his means. If found to be a -man of property they suffered him to do what he pleased with his own; -but, in the contrary event, he received a gentle hint that the state had -its eye upon him. The neglect of this admonition was followed, in the -first place, by a fine, and ultimately, if persevered in, by a -punishment equivalent to the treadmill.[592] These matters were in -Athens submitted to the cognizance of two or three magistrates, called -Opsonomoi, nominated by the Senate.[593] With respect to the purchase of -this class of viands, everywhere attended with peculiar difficulties, it -may be said, that the ancients had considerably the advantage of us; -since in Lynceus of Samos’s “Fish-buyer’s Manual,” they possessed a sure -guide through all the intricacies of bargaining in the agora. - ------ - -Footnote 592: - - Diphilos apud Athen. vi. 12. - -Footnote 593: - - Athen. vi. 72. - ------ - -But before we proceed further with this part of our subject, we will -demand permission of Lynceus to hear what Hesiod has to say of saltfish, -on which Euthydemos, the Athenian, composed a separate treatise. -According to this poet, who boldly speaks of cities erected long after -his death, immense quantities of fish were salted on the Bosporos, -sometimes entire, as in modern times,[594] sometimes cut into gobbets of -a moderate size. Among these were the oxyrinchos whose taste proved -often fatal, the thunny, and the mackerel. The little city of Parion -furnished the best kolias (a kind of mackerel), and the Tarentine -merchants brought to Athens pickled orcynos from Cadiz, cut into small -triangular pieces, in jars.[595] Physicians, indeed, inveighed against -these relishes; but the gourmands would consult only their palates and -preferred a short life with pickled thunny to that of Saturn himself on -beef and mutton. - ------ - -Footnote 594: - - Herod. iv. 53. - -Footnote 595: - - Athen. iii. 84. - ------ - -But the Hesiod of Euthydemos (a creation probably of his own) is but -very poor authority compared with Archestratos, who made the pilgrimage -of the world in search of good cheer, and afterwards, for the benefit of -posterity, treasured up his experience in a grand culinary epic. In his -opinion a slice of Sicilian thunny was a rare delicacy, while the -saperda, though brought from the Pontos Euxinos, he held as cheap as -those who boasted of it.[596] The scombros, by some supposed to be a -species of thunny, though others understand by it the common mackerel, -stood high in the estimation of this connoisseur. He directs that it be -left in salt three days, and eaten before it begins to melt into -brine.[597] In his estimation the horaion[598] of Byzantium was likewise -a great delicacy, which he advises the traveller, who might pass through -that city, to taste by all means. It seems to have been there what -macaroni is at Naples. - ------ - -Footnote 596: - - Athen. iii. 85. - -Footnote 597: - - Athen. iii. 85. The Scomber Pelamys or mackerel of Pallas, caught in - the Black Sea, is pickled in casks and not eaten for a twelvemonth. - Travels in Southern Russia, iv. 242. - -Footnote 598: - - Poterant ὡραῖα nominari, ut _vere_ vel initio æstatis salita, quo - tempore minus pinguis totus piscis esset. Schweigh. Animadv. in Athen. - iii. 85. t. vii. 313. Cf. Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxii. 53. Gesner, De - Salsamentis. - ------ - -Alexis, in one of his comedies, introduces the Symposiarch of an Eranos -(president of a picnic) accounting with one of the subscribers who comes -to demand back his ring, and in the course of the dialogue, where -something like Falstaff’s tavern-bill is discussed, we find the prices -of several kinds of salt-fish. An omotarichos (shoulder piece of thunny) -is charged at five chalci; a dish of sea-mussels, seven chalci, of -sea-urchins, an obol, a slice of kybion, three obols, a conger eel, ten, -and another plate of broiled fish, a drachma. This comic writer[599] -rates the fish of the Nile very low, and he is quite right, for they are -generally muddy and ill-tasted, though the Copts, who have considerable -experience during Lent, contrive, by the application of much -Archestratic skill, to render some kinds of them palatable. Sophocles, -in a fragment of his lost drama of Phineus, speaks of salt-fish embalmed -like an Egyptian mummy.[600] Stock-fish, as I know to my cost, is still -a fashionable dish in the Mediterranean, especially on board ship, and -from a proverb preserved by Athenæus we find it was likewise in use -among the Athenians.[601] - ------ - -Footnote 599: - - Ap. Athen. iii. 86. Cf. Herod. ii. 77. - -Footnote 600: - - Athen. iii. 86. - -Footnote 601: - - Deipnosoph. iii. 89. - ------ - -The passion of this refined people for salt-fish furnished them with an -occasion of showing their gratitude publicly. They bestowed the rights -of citizenship on the sons of Chæriphilos, a metoikos who first -introduced among them a knowledge of this sort of food.[602] A similar -feeling prompted the Dutch to erect a statue to G. Bukel, the man who -taught them to salt herrings.[603] - ------ - -Footnote 602: - - Athen. iii. 90. - -Footnote 603: - - Goguet, Origine des Loix, i. 254. - ------ - -Without enumerating a tenth part of the other species eaten among the -Greeks, we pass to the shell-fish, of which they were likewise great -amateurs. Epicharmos, in his marriage of Hebe, supplies a curious list, -which, however, might be extended almost ad infinitum. Among these were -immense limpets, the buccinum, the cecibalos, the tethynakion, the -sea-acorn, the purple fish, oysters hard to open but easy to swallow, -mussels, sea-snails or periwinkles, skiphydria sweet to taste but -prickly to touch, large shelled razor-fish, the black conch, and the -amathitis. The conch was also called tellinè as the same poet in his -Muses observes. Alcæos wrote a song to the limpet beginning with - - “Child of the rock and hoary sea.”[604] - ------ - -Footnote 604: - - Athen. iii. 30, 31. Cf. Scheigh. Animadv. t. vii. p. 68, sqq. - ------ - -Boys used to make a sort of whistle of tortoise and mussel shells. These -mussels were usually broiled on the coals, and Aristophanes, very -ingenious in his similes, compares a gaping silly fellow to a mussel in -the act of being cooked.[605] - ------ - -Footnote 605: - - Fragm. Babylon. 2. Brunck. Athen. iii. 33. - ------ - -Like the sepia, of which excellent pilaus are made at Alexandria, the -porphyra or purple fish was very good eating, and thickened the liquor -in which it was boiled.[606] There was a small delicate shell-fish -caught on the island of Pharos and adjacent coasts of Egypt, which they -called Aphrodite’s ear,[607] and there is still found on the same coast -near Canopos a diminutive and beautiful rose-coloured conch called -Venus’s nipple. On the same shore, about the rise of the Nile, that -species of mussel called tellinè was caught in great abundance, but the -best-tasted were said to be found in the river itself. A still finer -kind were in season about autumn in the vicinity of Ephesos. The -echinos, or sea-chestnut,[608] cooked with oxymel, parsley, and mint, -was esteemed good and wholesome eating. Those caught about Cephalonia, -Icaria, and Achaia were bitterish, those of Sicily laxative; the best -were the red and the quince coloured. A laughable anecdote is told of a -Spartan, who being invited to dine where sea-chestnuts were brought to -table, took one upon his plate, and not knowing how they were eaten put -it into his mouth, shell and all. Finding it exceedingly unmanageable, -he turned it about for some time, seeking slowly and cautiously to -discover the knack of eating it. But the rough and prickly shell still -resisting his efforts, his temper grew ruffled: crunching it fiercely he -exclaimed, “Detestable beast! Well! I will not let thee go now, after -having thus ground thee to pieces; but assuredly I will never touch thee -again.” - ------ - -Footnote 606: - - Athen. iii. 30. During their long fasts the modern Greeks also eat the - cuttle-fish, snails, &c. Chandler, ii. 143. - -Footnote 607: - - Athen. iii. 35. - -Footnote 608: - - Athen. iii. 40. The taking of this fish at Sunium is thus described by - Chandler: “Meanwhile our sailors, except two or three who accompanied - us, stripped to their drawers to bathe, all of them swimming and - diving remarkably well; some running about on the sharp rocks with - their naked feet, as if devoid of feeling, and some examining the - bottom of the clear water for the Echinus or sea-chestnut, a species - of shell-fish common on this coast, and now in perfection, the moon - being nearly at the full.” Vol. ii. p. 8. - ------ - -Oysters were esteemed good when boiled with mallows, or monks’ -rhubarb.[609] In general, however, the physicians of antiquity -considered them hard of digestion. But lest the shelled-fish should -usurp more space than is their due, we shall conclude with Archestratos’ -list, in which he couples with each the name of the place where the best -were caught: - - For mussels you must go to Ænos; oysters - You’ll find best at Abydos. Parion - Rejoices in its urchins; but if cockles - Gigantic and sweet-tasted you would eat, - A voyage must be made to Mitylene, - Or the Ambracian Gulf, where they abound - With many other dainties. At Messina, - Near to the Faro, are pelorian conchs, - Nor are those bad you find near Ephesos; - For Tethyan oysters, go to Chalcedon; - But for the Heralds,[610] may Zeus overwhelm them - Both in the sea and in the agora! - Aye, all except my old friend Agathon, - Who in the midst of Lesbian vineyards dwells.[611] - ------ - -Footnote 609: - - Demet. Scep. ap. Athen. iii. 41. - -Footnote 610: - - The κήρυξ, ceryx, so called because the Heralds (κήρυκες) used its - shell instead of a trumpet, when making proclamation of any decree in - the agora. - -Footnote 611: - - Athen. iii. 44. Cf. Polluc. vi. 47. The ancients made the most of - their fish in every way. They were hawked about the streets in - rush-baskets, as with us.—Athen. vii. 72. - ------ - -We have already mentioned the magnificent eels of Lake Copais,[612] in -Bœotia, a longing for which appears to have been Aristophanes’s chief -motive for desiring an end to the Peloponnesian war. Next in excellence -were those caught in the river Strymon, and the Faro of Messina.[613] -The ellops, by some supposed to be the sword-fish,[614] was found in -greatest perfection near Syracuse; at least, in the opinion of -Archestratos; but Varro and Pliny give the preference to that of Rhodes, -and others to that of the Pamphylian sea.[615] The red mullet, the -hepsetos, the hepatos, the elacaten, the thunny, the hippouros, the -hippos, or sea-horse, found in perfection on the shores[616] of -Phœnicia, the ioulis, the kichlè, or sea-thrush, the sea-boar, the -citharos, the kordylos, the river cray-fish, the shark, which was eaten -when young, the mullet, the coracinos, the carp, the gudgeon, the -sea-cuckoo, the sea-wolf, the latos, the leobatos, or smooth ray, the -lamprey,[617] the myræna, the anchovy,[618] the black tail, the torpedo, -the mormyros, the orphos, the onos, the polypus, the crab, the -sea-perch, the physa, or sea-tench, the raphis, the sea-dog,[619] the -scaros, the sparos, the scorpios, the salpe, or stock-fish, the synodon, -the sauros, the scepinos, or halibut, the sciaina, the syagris, the -sphyræna, the sepia, the tœnia, the skate, the cuttle-fish, the hyca, -the phagros, the perca cabrilla, the chromis, the gilthead, the -trichidon, the thratta, and the turbot;[620] such is a list of the fish -in common use among the Greeks. The species it will be seen has not in -many cases been ascertained. - ------ - -Footnote 612: - - Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 845. Lysist. 36. There were in the fountain at - Arethusa, as we are told by the philosophical Plutarch, eels that - understood their own names.—Solert. Anim. § 23. - -Footnote 613: - - Archestratos gives the preference over all other eels to those caught - in the Faro of Messina. Athen. vii. 53. Very excellent and large eels - are taken in the lake of Korion, in Crete, according to the testimony - of Buondelmonte. Pashley, i. 72. - -Footnote 614: - - On the sword-fish fishery in the Strait of Messina, see Spallanzani’s - Travels in the Two Sicilies, vol. iv. p. 331, sqq. - -Footnote 615: - - Athen. vii. 57. Animadv. t. ix. p. 220. - -Footnote 616: - - The finest prawns were taken at Minturnæ, on the coast of Campania, - exceeding in size those of Smyrna, and the crabs (ἀστακοὶ) of - Alexandria.—Athen. i. 12. - -Footnote 617: - - See on Crassus’s lamprey. Plut. Solert. Animal. § 23. - -Footnote 618: - - Esteemed a delicacy cooked with leeks. Aristoph. Vesp. 494. Cf. - Acharn. 901. Av. 76. - -Footnote 619: - - See Spallanzani’s Travels in the Two Sicilies, vol. iv. p. 343, sqq. - -Footnote 620: - - Athen. vii. 16–39. Aristot. Hist. Anim. iv. 2–6. viii. 3, 4, 5, 16. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - POULTRY, FRUIT, WINE, ETC. - - -The reader by this time will, probably, be willing to escape from fish, -though it would be easy to treat him to many new kinds, and along with -us take a slice of Greek pheasant, or the breast of an Egyptian quail. -In other words, he will hear what we have to say on Hellenic poultry. -Chrysippos, in his treatise on things desirable in themselves, appears -to have reckoned Athenian cocks and hens among the number, and -reprehends the people of Attica for importing, at great expense, -barn-door fowls from the shores of the Adriatic, though of smaller size, -and much inferior to their own; while the inhabitants of those -countries, on the other hand, were anxious to possess Attic -poultry.[621] Matron, the parodist, who furnishes an amusing description -of an Athenian repast, observes, that excellent wild ducks were brought -to town from Salamis, where they grew fat in great numbers on the -borders of the sacred Lake.[622] - ------ - -Footnote 621: - - Athen. vii. 23. - -Footnote 622: - - Athen. iv. 23. - ------ - -The thrush,[623] reckoned among the greatest delicacies of the ancients, -generally at grand entertainments formed part of the propoma, or first -course, and was eaten with little cakes, called ametiskoi. If we may -credit Epicharmos, a decided preference was given to such as fed on the -olive. Aristotle divides the thrush into three species, the first and -largest of which he denominates Ixophagos, or the “mistletoe-eater;” it -was of the size of a magpie. The second, equal in bigness to the black -bird, he calls Trichas,[624] and the third, and smallest kind, which was -named Ilas or Tulas, according to Alexander, the Myndian, went in -flocks, and built its nest like the swallow.[625] Next in excellence to -the thrush was a bird known by a variety of names, elaios, pirias, -sycalis,[626] the beccafico of the moderns, which was thought to be in -season when the figs were ripe. They likewise ate the turtle and the -ringdove,[627] which are excellent in Egypt; the chaffinch, to whose -qualities I cannot bear testimony; and the blackbird. Nor did they spare -the starling, the jackdaw, or the strouthanion, a small bird for which -modern languages cannot afford a name. Brains were thought by the -ancient philosophers an odious and cannibal-like food, because they are -the fountain of all sensation; but this did not prevent the gourmands -from converting pigs’ brains into a dainty dish,[628] and their taste -has maintained its ground in Italy. Partridges, wood-pigeons, geese, -quails, jays, are also enumerated among the materials of an Hellenic -banquet. - ------ - -Footnote 623: - - The solitary sparrow inhabits the cliffs of Delphi, and the - song-thrush is heard in the pine woods of Parnassus. Above these, when - the heights of the mountain are covered with snow, is seen the - Emberiza Nivalis, inhabitant alike of the frozen Spitzbergen, and of - the Grecian Alp.—Sibthorpe in Walp. Mem. i. 76, seq. Homer is said to - have written a poem called Ἐπικιχλίδες, because when he sung it to the - boys they rewarded him with thrushes. In consequence of the estimation - in which these birds were held κιχλίζω “to feed on thrushes,” came to - signify “to live luxuriously.”—Payne Knight, Prolegg. ad Hom. p. 8. - -Footnote 624: - - The red-winged thrush, well known to sportsmen in hard weather. - -Footnote 625: - - Athen. ii. 68. - -Footnote 626: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. viii. 3. p. 221. ix. 49. p. 305. Bekk. - -Footnote 627: - - The turtle and the wood-pigeon are found in the woods and thickets. - Among the larks, I observed the crested lark to be the most frequent - species, with a small sort, probably the alauda campestris of Linnæus. - Blackbirds frequent the olive grounds of Pendeli.—Sibth. in Walp. Mem. - i. 76. - -Footnote 628: - - Athen. ii. 69–72. - ------ - -Goose’s liver was in extreme request both at Rome and Athens.[629] -Another dainty was a cock served up with a rich sauce, containing much -vinegar. Aristophanes speaks of the pheasant in his comedy of the Birds; -and, again, in the Clouds, Athenæus rightly supposes him to mean this -bird, where others imagine he alludes to the horses of the Phasis. -Mnesilochos, a writer of the middle comedy, classes a plucked pheasant -with _hen’s milk_, among things equally difficult to be met with, which -shows that the bird had not then become common. It obtained its name -from being found in immense numbers about the embouchure of the Phasis, -and the bird was evidently propagated very slowly in Greece and Egypt, -since we find Ptolemy Philadelphos, in a grand public festival at -Alexandria, exhibiting it, among other rarities, such as parroquets, -peacocks, guinea-fowl, and Ethiopian birds in cages.[630] - ------ - -Footnote 629: - - See the fragment of Eubulos’s Garland-Seller, in Athen. ix. 33. - -Footnote 630: - - Athen. ix. 38. - ------ - -Among the favourite game of the Athenian gourmands was the Attagas,[631] -or francolin, a little larger than the partridge, variegated with -numerous spots, and of common tile colour, somewhat inclining to red. It -is said to have been introduced from Lydia into Greece, and was found in -extraordinary abundance in the Megaris. Another of their favourites was -the porphyrion, a bird which might with great advantage be introduced -into many countries of modern Europe, since it was exceedingly domestic, -and kept strict watch over the married women, whose _faux pas_ it -immediately detected and revealed to their husbands, after which, -knowing the revengeful spirit of ladies so situated, it very prudently -hung itself. It is no wonder, therefore, that the breed has long been -extinct, or that the remnant surviving has taken refuge in some remote -region, where wives require no such vigilant guardians. In the matter of -eating it agreed exactly with Lord Byron, loving to feast alone, and in -retired nooks, where none could observe. Aristotle describes this half -fabulous bird as unwebfooted, of blue colour, with long legs, and red -beak. The porphyrion was about the size of a cock, and originally a -native of Libya, where it was esteemed sacred.[632] - ------ - -Footnote 631: - - No bird appears to have puzzled commentators more than the _attagas_, - some supposing it to be the _francolin_, or grouse, which is - Schneider’s opinion; others, as Passow, the _hazel-hen_; others, - again, as Ainsworth, consider it to have been a delicious bird, - resembling our wood-cock, or snipe. Mr. Mitchell’s edit. of the - Acharnæ of Aristophanes, 783.—This learned writer professes not to - understand what Schneider means by _francolin_. The word in Italian is - _francolino_, as appears from Bellon. v. 6: Les Italiens ont nommé cet - oiseau Francolin, que parcequ’il est franc dans ce pays, c’est-à-dire, - qu’il est defendu au peuple d’en tuer: il n’y a que les princes qui - aient cette prérogative.—Valmont de Bomare, ii. 739.—Hardouin thinks, - that the Attagas is the _gallina rustica_, or _gelinotte de bois_, - which Laveaux explains to be a sort of partridge.—Cf. Dict. Franç. in - voce, and Plin. Hist. Nat. xi. 68. ed. Franz. Cf. Schol. Aristoph. - Vesp. 257. This bird was plentiful about Marathon, Pac. 249. - -Footnote 632: - - Athen. ix. 40. Aristoph. Hist. Anim. i. 17. viii. 6. - ------ - -Another bird common in Greece, but now no longer known, was the -porphyris, by some confounded with the foregoing. Of the partridge, -common throughout Europe, we need merely remark, that both the gray and -the red (the _bartavelle_ of the French) were common in Greece. - -If we pass from the poultry to puddings and soups,[633] we shall find -that the Athenians were not ill-provided with these dainties. They even -converted gruel into a delicacy,[634] and it is said, that the best was -made at Megara. They had bean soup, flour soup, ptisans made with -pearl-barley or groats.[635] We hear, also, of a delicately-powdered -dish or soup which was sprinkled over with fine flour and olives. The -polphos, evidently _soupe à la julienne_, is said, by some, to have been -composed of scraped roots, vegetables, and flour. Others take it to mean -a sort of made-dish, resembling macaroni or vermicelli. Another kind of -soup was the _kidron_, which, according to Pollux,[636] they made of -green wheat, roasted and reduced to powder. - ------ - -Footnote 633: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 103. - -Footnote 634: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 803.—It was thought, also, to deserve a place - among the offerings to Asclepios, especially by pious old women, who, - having lost their teeth, could eat nothing else. In lieu of the - classical name of ἀθάρα, this gruel obtained, in the dialect of the - common people, the more homely designation of κουρκούτη. Schol. Plut. - 673. - -Footnote 635: - - Athen. iii. 101. iv. 30. - -Footnote 636: - - Onomast. vi. 62.—Made usually from panic seed in Caria.—Schol. - Aristoph. Pac. 580, et Eq. 803. Cf. Goguet, Origine des Loix, i. 212. - ------ - -There was one dish fashionable among the ancient Greeks mistaken by our -neighbours, the French, for plum-pudding, which is still found in -perfection in the Levant, where I have many times eaten of it. Julius -Pollux[637] has preserved the recipe for making it, and we can assure -our gourmands, that nothing more exquisite was ever tasted, even in the -best café of the Palais Royal. They took a certain quantity of the -finest clarified lard, and, mixing it up with milk until it was quite -thick, added an equal portion of new cheese, yolks of eggs, and the -finest flour. The whole rolled up tight in a fragrant fig-leaf, was then -cooked in chicken-broth, or soup made with kid’s flesh. When they -considered it well done, the leaf was removed and the pudding soused in -boiling honey. It was then served up hissing-hot. All the ingredients -were used in equal proportions, excepting the yolks of eggs, of which -there was somewhat more than of anything else, in order to give firmness -and consistency to the whole.[638] - ------ - -Footnote 637: - - Onomast. i. 237. vi. 57, 69. - -Footnote 638: - - Vid. Schol. Arist. Eq. 949. Acharn. 1066. - ------ - -Black puddings, made with blood, suet, and the other materials now used -were also common at Athens.[639] Mushrooms and snails were great -favourites; and Poliochos speaks of going out in the dewy mornings in -search of these luxuries.[640] In spring, before the arrival of the -swallow, the nettle was collected and eaten, it being then young and -tender.[641] Leeks, onions, garlic, were in much request, the last -particularly, which grew in great plenty in the Megarean territory, and -hence, perhaps, the inhabitants were accounted hot and quarrelsome, -garlic being supposed to inspire game, even in fighting cocks, to which -it was accordingly given in great quantities.[642] - ------ - -Footnote 639: - - Aristoph. Eq. 208. - -Footnote 640: - - Athen. ii. 19. - -Footnote 641: - - Aristoph. Eq. 422. Brunck. - -Footnote 642: - - Aristoph. Pac. 503. - ------ - -Among the herbs eaten by his countrymen, Hesiod enumerates the -mallow,[643] and the asphodel, which are likewise said by Aristophanes -to have constituted a great part of the food of the early Greeks. -Gœttling, therefore, not without reason, wonders that Pythagoras should -have prohibited the use of the mallow. Lupines, pomegranates, -horse-radish, the dregs of grapes and olives, all of which entered into -the material of an Attic entertainment, were commonly cried about the -streets of Athens.[644] But these edible lupines, (θέρμοι) still eaten -by the Egyptian peasantry and the poor generally throughout the Levant, -must be distinguished from the common species. An anecdote of Zeno, of -Cittion, will illustrate the character of this kind of pulse, with which -the philosopher was evidently familiar. Being one day asked why, though -naturally morose, he became quite affable when half-seas-over: “I am -like the lupine,” he replied, “which, when dry, is very bitter, but -perfectly sweet and agreeable after it has been well soaked.”[645] -Kidney-beans, too, were in much request, and pickled olives, slightly -flavoured with fennel. - ------ - -Footnote 643: - - Cf. Lucian. Amor. § 33. - -Footnote 644: - - Cf. Arist. Acharn. 166. Eq. 493. Athen. xiii. 22. - -Footnote 645: - - This is as good as the reply of an English labourer who, being - reproached for babbling in his drink, replied, “Sir, I am like a - hedgehog—when I’m wet I open.” - ------ - -The radish[646] was esteemed a great delicacy, particularly that of -Thasos and Bœotia. And the seeds of the ground-pine,[647] still eaten as -a dessert in Italy, entered, in Greece, also into the list of edible -fruits.[648] The tree, I am informed, has been introduced into England, -but I have nowhere seen its fruit brought among pears, walnuts, and -apples, to table. Hen’s milk has already been spoken of among the good -things of Hellas;[649] but lest the reader should suspect us of amusing -him with fables, it should be explained, that the white of an egg was so -called by Anaxagoras.[650] Eggs of all kinds were much esteemed. -Sometimes they were boiled hard, and cut in two with a hair; but, many -writers, confounding ὄα, the berries of the service-tree, with ὠὰ, eggs, -have imagined that the Athenians, in the capriciousness of their -culinary taste, actually ate pickled eggs, an idea which stirs to the -bottom the erudite bile of David Ruhnken.[651] Generally, eggs were -eaten soft, as with us, or swallowed quite raw. Those of the pea-hen -were considered the most delicate; next to these, the eggs of the -chenalopex bergander, or Egyptian goose, and, lastly, those of the hen. -This, at least, is the opinion of Epicrates and Heracleides, of -Syracuse, in their treatises on cookery.[652] - ------ - -Footnote 646: - - Hesiod. Oper. et Dies, 41. ed. Gœttling. Aristoph. Plut. 543. - Brunck.—Lobeck. Aglaoph. p. 899. - -Footnote 647: - - The kernels of the stone-pine are brought to table in Turkey. They are - very common in the kitchens of Aleppo.—Russell ap. Walp. Mem. i. 236. - -Footnote 648: - - Tim. Lex. Platon. v. στέμφυλα, p. 239. Ruhnken. Athen. ii. 45. - -Footnote 649: - - Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 505. - -Footnote 650: - - Athen. ix. 37. - -Footnote 651: - - Not. ad Timæi Lex. Plat. p. 189. Cf. Platon. Conviv. Oper. iv. 404. - Bekk. Athen. ii. 50. - -Footnote 652: - - Athen. ii. 50. - ------ - -As when an entertainment was given the host necessarily expected his -guests to make a good dinner, they usually commenced the business of the -day with an antecœnium or whet, consisting of herbs of the sharpest -taste. At Athens, the articles which generally composed this course were -colewort, eggs, oysters, œnomel—a mixture of honey and wine—all supposed -to create appetite.[653] To these even in later times were added the -mallow and the asphodel, king’s-spear or day-lily, gourds,[654] melons, -cucumbers. The melons of Greece are still delicious, and famous as ever -in the Levant. Antioch was celebrated for its cucumbers, Smyrna for its -lettuces. Mushrooms were always a favourite dish;[655] and they had -receipts for producing them, which even now, perhaps, may not be wholly -unworthy of attention. - ------ - -Footnote 653: - - Potter, Archæol. Græc. iv. 20. Stuck. Antiq. Conviv. iii. 11. Petron. - Satyr. § 31. 33. - -Footnote 654: - - The σίκυα or long Indian gourd, so called because the seed was first - brought from India to Greece. Athen. ii. 53. - -Footnote 655: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 189. 191. Eccles. 1092. Theoph. Hist. Plant. - vii. 13. 8. Dioscor. ii. 200, seq. Athen. xii. 44. 70. Plin. Hist. - Nat. xix. 11. - ------ - -The use, however, of this kind of food was always attended with great -danger, there being comparatively few species that could be safely -eaten. Persons were frequently poisoned by them, and a pretty epigram of -Euripides has been preserved, commemorating a mother and three children -who had been thus cut off, in the island of Icaros: - - Bright wanderer through the eternal way, - Has sight so sad as that which now - Bedims the splendour of thy ray, - E’er bid the streams of sorrow flow? - Here, side by side, in death are laid - Two darling boys, their mother’s care; - And here their sister, youthful maid, - Near her who nursed and thought them fair.[656] - ------ - -Footnote 656: - - Athen. ii. 57. - ------ - -Diodes, of Carystos, enumerates among wholesome vegetables the red beet, -the mallow, the dock, the nettle, orach, the bolbos, or truffle, and the -mushroom, of which the best kinds were supposed to grow at the foot of -elm and pine trees.[657] - ------ - -Footnote 657: - - Athen. ii. 57. 59. - ------ - -The sion[658] (sium latifolium), another of their vegetables, is a plant -found in marshes and meadows, with the smallage.[659] - ------ - -Footnote 658: - - Plin. Hist. Nat. xix. 11. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 191. 199. - -Footnote 659: - - Dioscorid. ii. 154. - ------ - -Another plant, of far greater celebrity, was the Silphion,[660] once -extremely plentiful in Cyrenaica, as also, though of an inferior -quality, in Syria, Armenia, and Media, but afterwards so rare as to be -thought extinct. Besides being used in seasoning soups and sauces, and -mixed with salt for giving a superior flavour to meat, its juice -occupied a high place among the materia medica.[661] A single plant was -discovered in the reign of Nero, and sent to Rome as a present to the -Emperor. Its seed, according to Pollux,[662] was called magudaris, its -root silphion, the stem caulos, and the leaf maspeton. Be this as it -may, it communicated to the sauces in which it was infused a pungent and -somewhat bitter taste, and was in no favour with Archestratos.[663] - ------ - -Footnote 660: - - Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 891. - -Footnote 661: - - It is called _laser_, Plin. Hist. Nat. xix. 15. Hard. But Philoxenos, - in his Glossary, writes λάσαριον. Idem. See Dioscorid. iii. 76; and - Strabo, xi. 13. t. ii. p. 452. Cf. Ezek. Spanh. Diss. iv. De Usu et - Præstant. Numism. p. 253, sqq. Brotier, in his notes on Pliny, - observes, on the authority of Le Maire, that the Silphion is still - found in the neighbourhood of Derné, where it is called _cefie_ or - _zerra_. - -Footnote 662: - - Onomast. vi. 67. - -Footnote 663: - - Ap. Athen. ii. 64. - ------ - -We come now to the fruit,[664] and shall begin with that which was the -pride of Attica, the fig.[665] According to traditions fully credited in -Athens, figs were first produced on a spot near the city, on the road to -Eleusis, thence called _Hiera Sukè_, “the sacred fig-tree.”[666] Like -its men, the figs of Attica were esteemed the best in the world, and to -secure an abundant supply for the use of the inhabitants it was -forbidden to export them. As might have been expected, however, this -decree was habitually contravened, and the informers against the -delinquents were called sycophants, that is, “revealers of figs,”[667] a -word which has been adopted by most modern languages to signify -mean-souled, dastardly persons, such as informers always are. The -fig-tree of Laconia was a dwarfed species, and its fruit, according to -Aristophanes,[668] savoured of hatred and tyranny, like the people -themselves. - - There is no kind of fig, - Whether little or big, - Save the Spartan, which here does not grow; - But this, though quite small, - Swells with hatred and gall, - A stern foe to the Demos, I trow.[669] - -Aristophanes, in Athenæus, speaking of fruit, couples myrtle-berries -with Phibaleian figs.[670] - ------ - -Footnote 664: - - Plat. Tim. t. vii. p. 119. Bruyerin. de Re Cib. 1. xi. p. 447, sqq. - -Footnote 665: - - At present the green fig is esteemed insipid in Greece. Hobhouse, - Travels, i. 227. - -Footnote 666: - - Athen. iii. 6. Meurs. Lect. Att. v. 16. p. 274. - -Footnote 667: - - Athen. iii. 6. - -Footnote 668: - - Fragm. Γεωργ. iv. t. ii. p. 268. Bekk. - -Footnote 669: - - Athen. iii. 7. - -Footnote 670: - - See Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 707. - ------ - -According to the ancients, there were certain sorts of fig-trees that -bore twice, thrice, and even four times, in the year. Sosibios, the -Laconian, attributing the discovery of the fig to Bacchos, observes, -that for this reason the god was, at Sparta, worshiped under the name of -_Sukites_. Andriscos, however, and Agasthenes, relate that this divinity -obtained the name of Meilichios, “the gracious,” among the Naxians -because he taught them the use of figs. To eat figs at noon was regarded -as unwholesome; and they were at all times supposed to be highly -prejudicial to the voice, for which reason singers should carefully -eschew them.[671] - ------ - -Footnote 671: - - Athen. iii. 19. - ------ - -The apples of Delphi enjoyed great celebrity, and probably, therefore, -were mild, since these were thought superior, or at least more -wholesome, than sharp ones. Quinces they esteemed still more salubrious -than apples, and, during certain public rejoicings, this fruit, handfuls -of myrtle-leaves, crowns of roses and violets, were cast before the cars -of their princes and other great men.[672] The Greeks loved to connect -something of the marvellous with whatever they admired. To the quince -they attributed the honour of being a powerful antidote, observing that -even the Phariac poison, though of extremely rapid operation, lost its -virulence if poured into any vessel which had held quinces and retained -their odour.[673] According to Hermon, in his Cretic Glossaries, the -quince was called Kodumala, in Crete. Sidoüs, a village of Corinthia, -was famous for its fine apples; and even Corinth itself, the “windy -Ephyrè” of Homer, produced them in great perfection. - - “O where is the maiden, sweeter far - Than the ruddy fruits of Ephyrè are? - When the winds of summer have o’er them blown, - And their cheeks with autumn’s gold have been strown!”[674] - ------ - -Footnote 672: - - Stesich. ap. Athen. iii. 20. - -Footnote 673: - - Athen. iii. 21. - -Footnote 674: - - Antigonos Carystios, ap. Athen. iii. 22. - ------ - -Another favourite fruit was the peach, introduced from Persia into -Greece.[675] The citron, too, though supposed by some not to have been -known to the ancient inhabitants of Hellas, perfumed in later ages the -tables of the Greeks with its delicious fragrance. This is the fruit -which, according to King Juba, was called in Africa “the apple of the -Hesperides,” a name bestowed by Timachidas on a rich and fragrant kind -of pear called _epimelis_. The oldest Greek writer who has described the -citron tree is Theophrastus,[676] who says it was found in Persia and -Media. Its leaf, he observes, resembled that of the laurel, the -strawberry tree, or the walnut. Like the wild pear tree, and the -oxyacanthos, it has sharp, smooth, and very strong prickles. The fruit -is not eaten, but together with the leaves exhales a sweet odour, and -laid with cloths in coffers protects them from the moth. The citron -tree, is always covered with fruit, some ripe and fit to be gathered, -others green, with patches of gold; and, in the midst of these, are -other branches covered thick with blossoms. It now forms the fairest -ornaments of the gardens of Heliopolis, where it shades the Fountain of -the Sun. - ------ - -Footnote 675: - - Vict. Var. Lect. p. 892. - -Footnote 676: - - Hist. Plantarum, iv. 4. 2. The orange attains great perfection in - Crete. Mr. Pashley speaks of twelve different kinds, and nearly as - many sorts of lemons. Travels, i. 96, seq. - ------ - -Antiphanes observes, in his Bœotian, that it had only recently been -introduced into Attica: - - A. ’Twould be absurd to speak of what’s to eat, - As if you thought of such things; but, fair maid, - Take of these apples. - - B. Oh, how beautiful! - - A. They are, indeed, since hither they but lately - Have come from the great king. - - B. By Phosphoros! - I could have thought them from the Hesperian bowers, - Where th’ apples are of gold. - - A. There are but three. - - B. The beautiful is no where plentiful.[677] - ------ - -Footnote 677: - - Ap. Athen. iii. 27. Mitford, Hist. Greece, i. 154, note 59, misled by - Barthelemy (Anacharsis, ch. 59) confounds Antiphanes, the comic poet, - born B. C. 407 (Clinton, Fast. Hellen. ii. 81) with Antiphon, the - master of Thucydides, born B. C. 479, and who died in the year 411, - four years before the birth of Antiphanes.—Clinton, ii. 31, 37. - ------ - -Athenæus, after quoting the testimony of poets, relates a curious -anecdote _à propos_ of citrons, which I shall here repeat: it has, -probably, some reference to the secret of the Psylli. An opinion, it -seems, prevailed in Egypt, that a citron eaten the first thing in the -morning was an antidote against all kinds of poison, whether taken into -the stomach, or introduced by puncture into the blood, and the notion -arose out of the following circumstance. A governor of Egypt, in the -time of the Emperors, had condemned two criminals to be executed, in -obedience to custom, by the bite of an asp. They were, accordingly, led -in the morning towards the place of execution, and on the way the -landlady of an inn, who happened to be eating citrons, compassionating -their condition, gave them some which they ate. Shortly afterwards they -were exposed to the hungry serpents, which immediately bit them, but -instead of exhibiting the usual symptoms followed by death, they -remained uninjured. At this the governor marvelled much, and at length -demanded of the soldier who guarded them, whether they had taken -anything previously to their arrival. Learning what had happened he put -off the execution to the following day, and ordering a citron to be -given to one and not to the other, they were once more exposed to the -bite of the asp. The wretch who had eaten nothing died soon after he was -bitten, but the other experienced no inconvenience. Similar experiments -were several times afterwards made by others, until it was at length -ascertained that this exquisite fruit is really an antidote against -poisons.[678] - ------ - -Footnote 678: - - Athen. iii. 28. - ------ - -Another fruit of which great use was made, was the damascene plum, -sometimes confounded with the brabylon. The cherry,[679] introduced into -Italy by Lucullus, was known to the Greeks[680] at a much earlier -period, and is described by Theophrastus. The wild service berry,[681] -the dwarf cherry, the arbutus fruit, and the mulberry, formed part of -their dessert. Even the blackberry, when perfectly ripe, was not -disdained.[682] In fact, both the mulberry and blackberry were esteemed -a preventive of gout, and an ancient writer relates, that this kind of -fruit having failed during a period of twenty years, that disease -prevailed like an epidemic, attacking persons of both sexes and all -ages, and extending its ravages even to the sheep and cattle. - ------ - -Footnote 679: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. 13, 1. - -Footnote 680: - - It was spoken of by Xenophanes in his treatise περὶ φύσεως. Poll. vi. - 46. Now this philosopher was born about the 40th Olympiad, 620 B. - C.—Clinton, Fast. Hellen. ii. sub an. 477. - -Footnote 681: - - The berry of the cedar, about the same size as that of the myrtle, had - a pleasant taste, and was commonly eaten.—Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. - 12. 3. - -Footnote 682: - - Athen. ii. 33–37. A dainty of a very peculiar character is sometimes - seen on the tables of the modern Greeks. “We were served also with - some φασκομῆλια, or sage apples, the inflated tumours formed upon a - species of sage, and the effect of the puncture of a cynops.”—Sibth. - in Walp. Mem. t. i. p. 62. Cf. Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. i. pl. 15. - ------ - -Filberts, walnuts, and almonds,[683] deservedly held a high place in the -estimation of the ancients. Of almonds, the island of Naxos had the -reputation of producing very excellent ones, and those of Cypros also -enjoyed considerable reputation. These latter were longer in form than -the former; like pickled olives they were eaten at the commencement of a -repast, for the purpose of producing thirst; and bitter almonds were -considered a preservative against intoxication, as we learn from an -anecdote of Tiberius’s physician, who could encounter three bottles when -thus fortified, but easily succumbed if deprived of his almonds. This -fruit being extremely common in Greece, they had their almond-crackers, -as we have our nut-crackers, which at Sparta were called _moucerobatos_ -but _amygdalocatactes_ in the rest of Greece.[684] - ------ - -Footnote 683: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 11. 2. - -Footnote 684: - - Athen. ii. 40. - ------ - -The larger kind of chestnut, sometimes denominated the “acorns of Zeus,” -appears to have been introduced into Greece from the countries round the -Pontos Euxinos, where they were produced in great abundance, -particularly in the environs of Heraclea. There was, likewise, a sort of -chestnut imported from Persia, and another from the neighbourhood of -Sardes, in Lydia. Both these and the walnut were considered -indigestible; but not so the almond, of which it was thought great -quantities might be eaten with impunity.[685] The best kinds were -produced in Thasos and Cypros, and, when freshly gathered, the almonds -of the south are, undoubtedly, of all fruit, the most delicate. The -walnuts and chestnuts of Eubœa, in the opinion of Mnestheos, were -difficult of digestion, but fattening; and no one can have frequented -the eastern shores of the Mediterranean without observing what an -important article of food, and how nourishing, they are.[686] The -pistachio nut, produced from a tree resembling the almond-tree, was -imported from Syria and Arabia.[687] The _persea_, now no longer known, -but supposed to be represented on the walls of the Memnonium,[688] at -Thebes, is, also, said, by Poseidonios, the stoic, to have grown in -Arabia and Syria, and I brought home a quantity of leaves, preserved in -an Egyptian coffin, which are, probably, those of this tree. Pears, -which were brought to table floating in water,[689] and service-berries, -were grown in great perfection in the island of Ceos, and Bœotia was -famous for its pomegranates.[690] - ------ - -Footnote 685: - - Dioscorid. i. 176. Athen. ii. 42. Cf. Hippocrat. de Morb. ii. p. 484. - Foës. - -Footnote 686: - - Athen. ii. 43. - -Footnote 687: - - Athen. xiv. 61. - -Footnote 688: - - We find that the Persea grew, likewise, in the island of Rhodes, but - there, though flowers came, it produced no fruit.—Theoph. Hist. Plant. - iii. 3, 5. For a full description of the tree see iv. 2, 5, and Cf. - Caus. Plant. ii. 3, 7.—In its original country, Persia, the fruit of - this tree is said to have been poisonous, for which reason the - companions of Cambyses carried along with them numerous young trees, - which they planted in various parts of Egypt, that the inhabitants, - eating of the fruit, might perish. But, through the influence of soil - and climate, the nature of the Persea was wholly changed, and, instead - of a harsh and fatal berry, produced delicious fruit.—Ælian. de Nat. - Animal. ap. Schneid. ad Theoph. Hist. Plant. iv. 2, 5. t. iii. p. - 284.—Cf. Athen. xiv. 61.—Schweigh. Animadv. t. xii. p. 585. Plin. xv. - 13. xvi. 46. - -Footnote 689: - - Athen. xiv. 63. - -Footnote 690: - - The best pomegranates, however, were grown in Egypt and - Cilicia.—Theoph. Caus. Plant. ii. 13. 4. - ------ - -Speaking of this fruit, which the Bœotians call _sidè_, Agatharchides -relates the following anecdote: A dispute arising between the Athenians -and Bœotians, respecting a spot called _Sidè_, situated on the -borders, Epaminondas, in order to decide the question, took out a -pomegranate from under his robe, and demanded of the Athenians, what -they called it. “_Rhoa_” they replied. “Very good,” said Epaminondas; -“but we call it _Sidè_, and, as the place derives its name from the -fruit which grows there in abundance, it is clear the land must belong -to us.” And it was decided in favour of the Bœotians.[691] - ------ - -Footnote 691: - - Athen. xiv. 64. - ------ - -We have already observed, that the palm-tree flourished and produced -dates in Greece, particularly in Attica and Delos;[692] but it is clear, -from a remark of Xenophon, that these dates were small and of an -inferior quality; for, speaking of the productions of Mesopotamia, he -says, that they set aside for the slaves such dates as resembled those -produced in Greece, while the larger and finer kinds,[693] which were -like amber in colour, they selected for their own use. They were also -dried, as they still are in the East, to be eaten as a dessert, at other -seasons of the year. From which we learn, that the black date, which is -larger and finer than the yellow, was not then cultivated in Persia. But -neither dates, nor any other fruit, could compare with the grape, which -is found in perfection in almost every part of Greece, where, as in -Burgundy and, I presume, in the rest of France, the law regulated the -period of the vintage, prohibiting individuals from gathering their -grapes earlier under a heavy penalty.[694] The best kind of grape in -Attica, like that of the _Clos Vougeot_ in Burgundy, was the -_Nikostrateios_, supposed to be unrivalled for excellence, though the -Rhodians pretended, in their _Hipponion_, to possess its equal.[695] - ------ - -Footnote 692: - - Theoph. Char. pp. 33, 233. Casaub. A very fine palm-tree is at present - growing in one of the principal streets of Athens.—Blackwood’s - Magazine, April, 1838. - -Footnote 693: - - Pollux, i. 73. Herod. i. 28, 172, 193. ii. 156. iv. 172, 183. - -Footnote 694: - - Plato de Legg. t. viii. p. 106. Bekk. Athen. xiv. 68. - -Footnote 695: - - Athen. xiv. 68. Cf. Bruyerin. de Re Cibaria, xi. 447, sqq. - ------ - -From the grape we pass naturally to wine, which has of itself formed the -subject of many treatises. It will not, therefore, be expected that we -should enter into very minute details; though, if we are sparing, it -will certainly not be for want of materials. D’Herbelot[696] relates an -oriental tradition which attributes the invention of wine to the ancient -Persian monarch Giamshid; and Bochart, with some show of ingenuity, -attributes to Bacchos, the Grecian inventor and god of wine, an origin -which would confound him with the founder of Babylon.[697] A very -celebrated wine, called _nectar_, is said to have been produced in the -neighbourhood of that city.[698] But, according to Theopompos, it was -the inhabitants of Chios who first planted and cultivated the vine, and -from them the knowledge was transmitted to the other Greeks.[699] - ------ - -Footnote 696: - - Biliothèque Orientale, Article Giamschid. - -Footnote 697: - - Geog. Sacr. I. ii. 13. - -Footnote 698: - - Chæreas. ap. Athen. i. 58. - -Footnote 699: - - Athen. i. 47. - ------ - -Theophrastus[700] relates that, in the territory of Heraclea, in -Arcadia, there was a wine which rendered men insane and women -prolific.[701] In the environs of Cerynia, in Achaia, grew a vine, the -wine of which blasted the fruit of the womb, nay, the very grapes were -said to possess a similar quality.[702] At Thasos were two kinds of -wine, of which the one caused stupefaction, while the other was in the -highest degree exhilarating.[703] The wine called anthosmias,[704] -according to Phanias of Eresos, was produced by mixing one part of -salt-water with fifty parts of wine, and it was considered best when -made with the grapes of young vines. The comic poets are eloquent in -praise of the wines of Thasos, particularly of that mixed sort, of most -agreeable flavour, which was drunk in their Prytaneion. -Theophrastus[705] gives the recipe for making it. They threw, he says, -into the jars, a small quantity of flour kneaded with honey, the latter -to impart a sweet odour to the wine, the former mildness. A similar -effect was produced by mixing up hard inodorous wine with one which was -oily and fragrant.[706] - ------ - -Footnote 700: - - Hist. Plant. ix. 18. 10, seq. In Athenæus, instead of Heraclea, we - find Heræa, i. 57. Cf. Ælian. Var. Hist. xiii. 6. - -Footnote 701: - - The same effect was attributed to the waters of a fountain flowing - near a temple of Aphrodite upon Mount Hymettos.—Chandler, ii. 164. - -Footnote 702: - - Plin. Hist. Nat. xiv. 18. - -Footnote 703: - - Athen. i. 57. - -Footnote 704: - - Ὁ ἀνθέων ὀσμὴν ἔχων οἶνος.—Etym. Mag. 108. 41. Cf. Suid. v. ἀνθοσμίας. - t. i. p. 289. b. Aristoph. Plut. 808. Ran. 1181. - -Footnote 705: - - De Odor. 51. - -Footnote 706: - - Athen. i. 56.—Cydonia, in Crete, is conjectured, by Mr. Pashley, to - have produced a good wine.—Travels in Crete, i. 23, seq. - ------ - -The wines of Cos, Myndos, and Halicarnassos, being thought to temper the -crudity of rain and well-water, were, therefore, like all others -containing a quantity of salt-water, in great request at Athens and -Sicyon, where the springs were harsh. The Mareotic wine[707] was made -from vineyards on the banks of the lake Mareotis, where the present -Pasha has his gardens, in the vicinity of Marea, once a place of -considerable importance, but now a small village. Attempts, however, -have been made by M. Abro, an Armenian, once more to cover the ancient -sites with vineyards, several acres of ground being planted with -cuttings imported from the great nursery grounds at Chambéry, in Savoy. - ------ - -Footnote 707: - - Athen. i. 59. - ------ - -The town of Marea derived its name, according to tradition, from -Maron,[708] a person who accompanied Bacchos in his military expedition, -and, in honour of its founder, surrounded itself with the fruit-tree -most agreeable to that god. The grapes here produced were delicious, and -the wine, slightly astringent and aromatic, had an exquisite flavour. -The Mareotic was white, of delicate taste, light, sparkling, and by no -means heady. The best sort was the Tæniotic, so called from the _tænia_, -“sandy eminences,” on which the vineyards were situated. This wine, in -its pure state, had a greenish tinge, like the Johanisberg, and was rich -and unctuous; but, mingled with water, it assumed the colour of Attic -honey. By degrees the vine grew to be cultivated along the whole course -of the Nile,[709] but its produce differed greatly in different places, -both in colour and quality. Among the best was that of Antylla, a city -near Alexandria, the revenues arising from which the ancient kings of -Egypt, and afterwards those of Persia, settled on their queens for their -girdle. The wines of the Thebaid, particularly those made about Koptos, -were so extremely light as to be given even in fevers, as, moreover, -they passed quickly, and greatly promoted digestion.[710] - ------ - -Footnote 708: - - Idem, i. 60. Horat. Carm. i. 37. 14. - -Footnote 709: - - The cultivation of the vine appears to have flourished in Egypt down - to the reign of the Caliph Beamrillah, who commanded all the vineyards - both in the valley of the Nile and in Syria to be utterly destroyed. - Maured Allatafet Jemaleddini, p. 7. - -Footnote 710: - - Athen. i. 60. - ------ - -According to Nicander of Colophon, the word οἶνος, “wine,” was derived -from the name of _Oineus_, who having squeezed out the juice of the -grape into vases, called it, after his own name, _wine_. Diphilos,[711] -the comic poet, gives us, however, something better than etymologies in -that burst of Bacchic enthusiasm in which, in verses fragrant as -Burgundy, he celebrates the praises of the gift of Dionysos: - - “Oh! friend to the wise, to the children of song, - Take me with thee, thou wisest and sweetest, along; - To the humble, the lowly, proud thoughts dost thou bring, - For the wretch who has thee is as blythe as a king: - From the brows of the sage, in thy humorous play, - Thou dost smooth every furrow, every wrinkle away; - To the weak thou giv’st strength, to the mendicant gold, - And a slave warmed by thee as a lion is bold.” - ------ - -Footnote 711: - - Idem, ii. 1, where are collected many other etymologies and curious - fables. - ------ - -Nectar, the poetical drink of the gods, was a sort of wine made near -Olympos in Lydia, by mingling with the juice of the grape a little pure -honey and flowers of delicate fragrance. Anaxandrides, indeed, regards -the nectar as the food of the immortals, and ambrosia as their wine; in -which opinion he is upheld by Alcman and Sappho. But Homer and Ibycos -take an opposite view of the matter.[712] - ------ - -Footnote 712: - - Athen. ii. 8. - ------ - -Alexis speaks of those who are half-seas-over as much addicted to -reasoning. Nicænetus[713] considers wine as the Pegasus of a poet, -mounted on the wings of which like Trygæos on his beetle he soars “to -the bright heaven of invention.” At the port of Munychia, too, good wine -was held in high estimation; indeed, the honest folks of this borough, -with small respect for the water nymphs, paid particular honour to the -hero _Acratopotes_, that is, in plain English, “one who drinks unmixed -wine.” Even among the Spartans,[714] in spite of their cothons, and -black broth, certain culinary artistes set up in the Phydition, or -common dining-hall, statues in honour of the heroes _Matton_ and -_Keraon_, that is, the genii of eating and drinking. In Achaia, too, -much reverence was paid to _Deipneus_, or the god who presides over good -suppers.[715] - ------ - -Footnote 713: - - Or Nicarchos. Anthol. Græc. xiii. 29. Athen. ii. 9. - -Footnote 714: - - Athen. ii. 9. - -Footnote 715: - - Athen. ii. 9. Cf. x. 9. - ------ - -As the Greeks had a marvellous respect for wine they, like the German -paper enthusiast, almost appeared to imagine it could be made out of a -stone. They had, accordingly, fig wine,[716] root wine, palm wine, and -so on; and their made or mixed wines were without number. There was -scarcely an island or city in the Mediterranean that did not export its -wines to Athens: they had the Lesbian, the Eubœan, the Peparethian, -the Chalybonian, the Thasian, the Pramnian, and the Port wine. We have -already observed, that wine was drunk mixed with flour,[717] and in the -island of Theræ it was thickened with the yolk of an egg. In the Megaris -they prepared with raisins or dried grapes[718] a wine called _passon_, -in taste resembling the Ægosthenic sweet wine, or the Cretan malmsey. -But, however exquisite the wines themselves, it was not thought enough -in the summer months unless they were brought to table cooled with ice -or snow,[719] which was accordingly the practice. - ------ - -Footnote 716: - - Damm. 2224. βρύτον. Athen. x. 67. Plato de Rep. t. vi. p. 144. Xenoph. - Anab. p. 54. 138. Cyrop. p. 522. Plin. Hist. Nat. xiii. 4. Diod. Sic. - ii. 136. On the οἶνος συκίτης vid. Foës. Œcon. Hip. in v. Dioscorid. - v. 40. Lotus wine. Theoph. Hist. Plant, iv. 3. 1. Herod, iv. 177. - Athen. vii. 9–13. - -Footnote 717: - - Plato de Repub. t. vi. p. 144. Bekk. Athen. viii. 1. On the Pramnian - cf. Athen. 1, 17. - -Footnote 718: - - Athen. x. 41. - -Footnote 719: - - Athen. x. 56. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER V. - ENTERTAINMENTS. - - -Having now gone rapidly through the materials of which Grecian repasts -consisted, it will next be necessary to describe the manner in which all -these good things were disposed of, first to maintain the energy of the -frame, and secondly, for mere pleasure and pastime. Locke, with many -other modern philosophers, erroneously supposes the Greeks of remote -antiquity to have been so abstemious as to content themselves with one -meal per diem. But experience appears to have led all mankind on this -point to much the same conclusion; viz., that health and comfort require -men to eat at least thrice in the day,[720] which accordingly was the -practice of the ancient Greeks, though Philemon and others enumerate -four repasts. Our own ancestors, before the introduction of tea and -coffee, appear to have been very well content with beer or ale for their -morning’s meal, so that we could not pity the Greeks even though it -should be found that they had nothing better[721] than hot rolls, -muffins, or crumpets, with strawberries, grapes, pears, and a flask of -Chian or Falernian. But they soon found the necessity of some warm -beverage; and though it does not appear how it was prepared, they had a -substitute for tea,[722] in use at Athens, in Eubœa, in Crete, and, no -doubt, in all other parts of Greece. This meal, of whatever it -consisted, was called _acratisma_, or _ariston_, and eaten at break of -day.[723] Homer’s heroes, whose business was fighting, just snatched a -hasty meal, and hurried to the field; but at Athens, where people had -other employments, they breakfasted early, to allow themselves ample -time for despatching their affairs in the city, if they had any, and -afterwards at their neighbouring farms or villas.[724] The second -repast, _deipnon_, or dinner, seems to have been eaten about eleven or -twelve o’clock: the _hesperisma_,[725] equivalent to our tea, late in -the afternoon, and the _dorpon_, or supper, the last thing in the -evening. But of these meals two only were serious affairs, and the -_hesperisma_ was often dispensed with altogether. In fact, Athenæus, a -great authority on this subject, considers it perfectly absurd to -suppose, that the frugal ancients could have thought of eating so often -as three times in one day.[726] - ------ - -Footnote 720: - - Æschyl. Palamed. fr. 168. Klausen. Comm. in Agamemnon. p. 136. - -Footnote 721: - - In modern times a breakfast in the Troad often consists of grapes, - figs, white honey in the comb, and coffee.—Chandler, i. p. 37. - -Footnote 722: - - Athen. xi. 26, 50. Pollux, ix. 67, sqq. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 643. - Cf. Bœckh. Pub. Econ. of Athens, i. 140. - -Footnote 723: - - Which we may infer from a passage of Aristotle, Hist. Anim. vi. 8. - where describing the habits of birds, he says, τῶν δὲ φαβῶν ἡ μὲν - θήλεια ἀπὸ δείλης ἀρξαμένη τὴν τε νύχθ᾽ ὅλην ἐπῳάζει καὶ ἕως - ἀκρατίσματος ὥρας, ὁ δ᾽ ἄῤῥην τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ χρόνου.—One of the Homeric - scholiasts is more explicit:—καὶ τὴν μὲν πρώτην ἐκάλουν ἄριστον, ἣν - ἐλάμβανον πρωΐας σχεδὸν ἔτι σκοτίας οὔσης.—In Iliad β. 381. Cf. Athen. - i. 19. - -Footnote 724: - - Xenoph. Œcon. xi. 14. - -Footnote 725: - - Philemon, ap. Athen. i. 19. Suid. v. δεῖπνον t. i. p. 671. a. b. - -Footnote 726: - - Deipnosoph v. 20.—τρισὶ δὲ οὐδέποτε οὔτε μνηστῆρες οὔτε μὴν κύκλωψ - ἐχρῶντο τροφαῖς.—Schol. Il. β. 381. Yet Athenæus i. 19. speaks in one - place of a fourth repast in Homeric times.—τῆς δὲ τετάρτης τροφῆς - οὔτως Ὅμηρος μέμνηται—“σὺ δ᾽ ἔρχεο δειελιήσας.” ὁ καλοῦσι τινες - δειλινὸν, ὁ ἐστι μεταξὺ τοῦ ὑφ’ ἡμῶν λεγομένου ἀρίστου καὶ δείπνου. - ------ - -As the greater includes the less, instead of confining ourselves to the -ordinary daily dinner of a Greek, we shall in preference describe their -grand entertainments, introducing remarks on the former by the way. -These repasts were divided into three classes, the public dinner, the -pic-nic, and the marriage feast. The last, so far as it had any peculiar -features, has been described among the circumstances attending -matrimony. We have, therefore, for the present, to do with two only; -and, as the Greek contrived to throw much of his ingenuity into all -matters connected with feasting and merry-making, the discussion of this -part of our subject should savour strongly of mirth and jollity. - -The grand dinner,[727] which they called _eilapinè_, was generally given -at the expense of an individual, and its sumptuousness knew no limit but -the means of the host. Other kinds of feasts there were at which all the -members of a tribe, a borough, or a fraternity, were entertained, not to -speak for the present of the common tables of the Cretans, Spartans, or -Prytanes of Athens. We now confine ourselves to those jovial assemblages -of private citizens whose object in meeting was not so much the dinner, -though that was not overlooked, as the elevation of animal spirits and -flow of soul produced by the union of a thousand different -circumstances. - ------ - -Footnote 727: - - On the subject of dining see Pollux, vi. 9, seq. with the notes of - Jungermann, Kuhn, Hemsterhuis. &c. - ------ - -When a rich man desired to see his friends around him at his board, he -delivered to his _deipnocletor_[728] a domestic kept for this purpose, a -tablet, or as we should say, a card, whereon the names of the persons to -be invited, with the day and hour fixed upon for the banquet, were -inscribed. With brothers and other very near relations this ceremony was -thought unnecessary.[729] They came without invitation. So likewise did -another class of men, who, living at large upon the public and lighting -unbidden upon any sport to which they were attracted by the savour of a -good dinner, were denominated[730] FLIES, and occasionally SHADES or -PARASITES. There was at one time a law at Athens, which a good deal -nonplussed these gentlemen. It was decreed, that not more than thirty -persons should meet at a marriage feast, and a wealthy citizen, desirous -of “going the whole hog,” had invited the full complement. An honest -Fly, however, who respected no law that interfered with his stomach, -contrived to introduce himself, and took his station at the lower end of -the table. Presently the magistrate appointed for the purpose, entered, -and espying his man at a glance, began counting the guests, commencing -on the other side and ending with the parasite. “Friend,” said he, “you -must retire. I find there is one person more than the law allows.” “It -is quite a mistake, sir,” replied the Fly, “as you will find if you will -have the goodness to count again, beginning _on this side_.”[731] Among -the Egyptians, who shrouded all their poetry in hieroglyphics, _a fly_ -was the emblem of impudence, which necessarily formed the principal -qualification of a Parasite, and in Hume’s[732] opinion is no bad -possession to any man who would make his way in the world. - ------ - -Footnote 728: - - Athen. iv. 70. Aristoph. Concion. 648, et Schol. - -Footnote 729: - - For a further account of the persons usually invited, see Athen. v. 4. - -Footnote 730: - - Plut. Sympos. vii. 6. Each guest was also followed by a footman who - stood behind his master’s chair and waited on him. Casaub. ad Theoph. - Char. p. 219. To persons of this description the guests delivered the - presents that were made them, or if they happened to be bad - characters, what they stole. Athen. iv. 2. Plut. Anton. § 28. Lucian. - Conviv. seu Lapith. § 46. Rich men then as now were usually haunted by - flatterers who would pluck off the burrs from their cloaks or the - chaff which the wind wafted into their beards, and try to screw a joke - out of the circumstance by saying, they were grown grey! Theoph. Char. - c. ii. p. 7. If the patron joked, they would stuff their chlamys into - their mouths as if they were dying of laughter. In the street they - would say to the person they met, “Stand aside, friend, and allow this - gentleman to pass!” They would bring apples and pears in their pocket - for his little ones and be sure to give them in his sight, with great - praise both of father and children. - -Footnote 731: - - Athen. vi. 45, seq. - -Footnote 732: - - Nothing, says this philosopher, carries a man through the world like a - true genuine natural impudence. Essays, p. 9, quarto. - ------ - -Archbishop Potter,[733] in his account of Grecian entertainments, -observes, upon the authority of Cicero and Cornelius Nepos, that women -were never invited with the men.[734] But in this, as has been shown in -the proper place, he was misled by those learned Romans; for, in many -cities and colonies of Greece, no banquet was given at which they were -not present. Even at Athens, where women of character thought it -unbecoming to mingle in the convivial revelries of the men,[735] in -which wine constantly overleaps the boundaries of decorum, their place -was supplied by hetairæ, whose polished manners, ready wit, and enlarged -and enlightened understandings, recommended them to their companions, -and caused the laxity of their morals to be forgotten.[736] To proceed, -however, with our feast: it will readily be supposed, that gentlemen -invited out to dinner were careful to apparel themselves elegantly, to -shave clean, and arrange their beards and moustachios after the most -approved fashion of the day. Even Socrates, who cared as little as most -people for external appearances, bathed, put on a pair of new shoes, -brushed his chlamys, and otherwise spruced himself up when going to sup -at Agathon’s with Phædros, Aristophanes, Eryximachos, and other -exquisites. Even in Homeric times the bath was among the preliminaries -to dinner, and guests arriving from a distance were attended through all -the operations of the toilette by female slaves.[737] But this general -ablution was not considered sufficient. On sitting down to table water -was again presented to every guest in silver[738] lavers or ewers of -gold. And since they ate with their fingers, as still is the practice in -the Levant, it was moreover customary to wash the hands between every -course,[739] and wipe them,[740] in remoter ages, with soft bread, which -was thrown to the dogs, and in aftertimes with napkins. The Arcadians, -however, about whose mountains all the old superstitions of Hellas clung -like bats, found a very different use for the cakes with which they -wiped their fingers. They supposed them to acquire some mystic powers by -the operation, and preserved them as a charm against ghosts.[741] - ------ - -Footnote 733: - - Antiq. iv. 19. - -Footnote 734: - - Plato giving directions for a marriage feast, observes, that five male - and five female friends should be invited; along with these, five male - and five female relations, who with the bride and bridegroom, with - their parents, grandfathers, &c., would amount to 28. De Legg. vi. t. - vii. Schweigh. ad Athen. t. vi. p. 60. Among the ancient Etruscans, - who, if not Greeks, had many Greek customs, the women reclined at - table with the men, under the same cover. Athen. i. 42. - -Footnote 735: - - Isæus, De Pyrrh. Hered. § 2. That among the more simple and - old-fashioned citizens of Athens, however, men and women, when of the - same family or clan, dined together, we have the testimony of Menander - to prove. He introduces one of his characters, apparently a fop, - observing that it was a bore to be at a family party, where the - father, holding the goblet in his hand, first made a speech, abounding - with exhortations: the mother followed, and then the grandmother - prated a little. Afterwards stood up her father, hoarse with age, and - his wife, calling him her dearest; while he mean time nodded to all - present. Athen. ii. 86. - -Footnote 736: - - Athen. v. 6. - -Footnote 737: - - Odyss. δ. 48, sqq. - -Footnote 738: - - Athen. ix. 27. In some luxurious houses wine mingled with spices was - presented to the guests in lavers for the purpose of washing their - feet. Plut. Phoc. § 20. In the palace of Trimalchio we find Egyptian - servants pouring water, cooled with snow, on the hands of the guests. - Petron. Satyr. p. 76. - -Footnote 739: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 412. - -Footnote 740: - - Rich purple napkins were sometimes used. Sappho in Deipnosoph. ix. 79. - These articles are still in the Levant elaborately embroidered. - -Footnote 741: - - Athen. iv. 31. - ------ - -But we are proceeding too fast, for the guests are scarcely within -doors, and our imagination has jumped to the conclusion. To return then. -Immediately on entering, and when the host had welcomed and shaken hands -with all, such gentlemen as possessed beards[742] had them perfumed over -burning censers of frankincense, as ladies have their tresses on -visiting a Turkish harem. The hands, too, after each lavation, were -scented.[743] Before sitting down to table, and while the cooks were -peppering the soup, frying the fish, or giving the roast-meat another -turn, politeness required the guests to take a stroll[744] in the -picture-gallery and admire the exquisite taste of their entertainer in -articles of _virtu_.[745] Here while the scent of the savoury viands -found its way through every apartment, and set the bowels of the hungry -parasites croaking, the rogues who had lunched well at home leisurely -discussed the merits of Zeuxis or Parrhasios, of Pheidias or Polygnotos, -or opened wide their eyes at the microscopic creations of that Spartan -artist whose chisel produced a chariot and four that could be hidden -under the wing of a fly. At length, however, the connoisseurs were -interrupted in their learned disquisitions by the entrance of Xanthos, -Davos, or Lydos, with the welcome intelligence that dinner was on the -table. - ------ - -Footnote 742: - - Hom. Odyss. γ. 33, seq. Athen. xv. 23. Similar customs still prevail - in the Levant: “When we visited the Turks we were received with - cordiality and treated with distinction. Sweet gums were burned in the - middle of the room to scent the air, or scattered on coals before us - while sitting on the sofa, to perfume our moustachios and garments, - and at the door, at our departure, we were sprinkled with rose-water.” - Chandler, ii. 150. - -Footnote 743: - - Athen. ix. 77. - -Footnote 744: - - Cf. Hom. Odyss. δ. 43, sqq. - -Footnote 745: - - Aristoph. Vesp. 1208. Athen. v. 6, where the splendid roofs and - ornaments of the court are mentioned. These ornaments, κρεκάδια, - whatever they were, must have been worth looking at. See the note of - Casaubon, Animadv. in Athen. t. viii. p. 27, seq. Consult likewise the - note on Aristophanes in Bekker’s edition, t. iii. p. 606. - ------ - -But the appetites of the gourmands had still to encounter another -trial.[746] The Greeks were above all things a pious people, and -regarded every banquet, nay, every meal, in the light of a sacrifice, at -which the first and best portion should be offered as an oblation to the -gods,[747] with invocations and prayer, after which it was considered -lawful to attend to their own appetites. An altar, accordingly, of Zeus -stood in the midst of every dining-room, on which these ceremonies were -performed, and libations of pure wine poured.[748] This done, the guests -took their places, in the earlier ages on chairs, but afterwards, when -they had become familiar with the East, on rich sofas, arranged round -the board.[749] Occasionally, however, even so late as the age of -Alexander,[750] princes and other great men chose to adopt the ancient -custom, and, on one occasion, that conqueror himself entertained four -hundred of his officers, when seats of wrought silver, covered with -purple carpets, were provided for all. - ------ - -Footnote 746: - - Athen. v. 7. Cf. Plat. Symp. t. iv. p. 376, et Xenoph. Conviv. ii. 1. - Schweigh. Animadv. in Athen. viii. p. 26, seq. - -Footnote 747: - - Casaubon mentions this as a thing _nota eruditis_. Ad Theoph. Charact. - p. 232; but we must not on that account pass it over. Alexis - poetically deplores the miseries of the half-hour before dinner. - Athen. i. 42. - -Footnote 748: - - There was in great houses a person whose duty it was to assign each - guest his place at table, ὀνομακλήτωρ, or nomenclator. Athen. ii. 29. - -Footnote 749: - - Plin. xxxiii. 51. xxxiv. 8. - -Footnote 750: - - At most sumptuous entertainments _tasters_ were employed who, as in - the East, made trial of the dishes before the guests, lest they should - be poisoned. These persons were called ἐδέατροι and προτένθαι. Athen. - iv. 71. - ------ - -The manner of reclining on the divans was not a little ludicrous. For, -at the outset, while the appetite was keen, they stretched themselves -flat upon their stomachs, in order, I presume, to command the use of -both hands, and putting forward their mouths towards the table looked -like so many sparrows with their open bills projecting over the nest. -But this they could conveniently do only when they had a large space to -themselves. When packed close, as usually they were, one man, the chief -in dignity, throwing off his shoes,[751] placed himself on the upper end -of the divan, that is, next the host, reclining on one elbow supported -by soft cushions. The head of the next man reached nearly to his -breast,—whence in Scripture, the beloved disciple is said to recline on -the bosom of Christ,[752]—while the feet of the first extended down -behind him. The third guest occupied the same position with respect to -the second, and so on until five individuals sometimes crowded each -other on the same sofa. - ------ - -Footnote 751: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 825. - -Footnote 752: - - John, xiii. 23. On the cushions, of which there was a great variety, - see Pollux, vi. 9, where he reckons among them the ὑπηρέσιον, which - Mitford confounds with the ἄσκωμα, or leathern bags which closed the - row-port of war-galleys round the oar, to prevent the influx of - sea-water. - ------ - -As the heaven of the poets was but a colossal picture of earth, we may, -from the practice of the gods, infer what took place among mortals, even -where supported by no direct testimony. Now, in Homer, we find gods and -goddesses mingling freely together at the feast. Zeus takes the head of -the table, next him sits his daughter Athena, while the imperial Hera, -as Queen of Heaven, takes precedence of all the she Olympians, by -placing herself at the head of the secondary divinities, directly -opposite her husband. On one occasion we find Athena, the type of -hospitality and politeness, yielding up her seat of honour to Thetis, -because, as an Oceanid, she was somewhat of a stranger in Olympos.[753] -Potter has discussed, with more learning than perspicuity, the question -of precedence at table. To render the matter perfectly intelligible -would require a plan of the dining-room; but wanting this, it may be -observed, that in Persia the king, or host of whatever rank, sat in the -middle, while the guests ranged themselves equally on both sides of him. - ------ - -Footnote 753: - - Iliad, ω. 100. - ------ - -In Greece, the bottom of the table was the end next the door. Here no -one sat, it being left open for the servants to bring in and remove the -dishes. From this point, on either side, the seats augmented in value, -and consequently the post of greatest honour was the middle of the other -extremity.[754] There were those, however, who made no account of these -matters, but suffered their guests to seat themselves as they pleased. -This was the case with Timon, who, having invited a very miscellaneous -party, would not be at the pains to settle the question of precedence -between them; but a pompous individual of aristocratic pretensions, -dressed like an actor, arriving late with a large retinue, and surveying -the company from the door, went away again, observing, there was no fit -place left for him. Upon which the guests, who, as Plutarch remarks, -were far gone in their cups, burst into shouts of laughter, and bade him -make the best of his way home.[755] - ------ - -Footnote 754: - - Cf. Plut. Conv. Quæst. i. 3. Pet. Ciacon, De Triclin. p. 44. - -Footnote 755: - - Sympos. i. 2. 1. - ------ - -Some persons observed a very different order in arranging their guests, -grouping those together whom they considered suited by age or temper to -each other, in order by this contrivance to produce general harmony,—the -vehement and impetuous being placed beside the meek and gentle, the -silent beside the talkative, the ripe and full and expansive minds -beside those who were ready to receive instruction. But very often, as -at Agathon’s, those sat next each other, who were most intimately -acquainted or united together by friendship; for thus the greatest -freedom of intercourse with the brightest sallies of convivial wit were -likely to be produced. - -At length, however, we must imagine the guests in their places and every -thing in proper train. The servants bring in first one well-covered -table, then a second, then a third, till the whole room is filled with -dainties. Brilliant lamps and chandeliers poured a flood of light over -the crowned heads of the guests, over the piled sweetmeats, over the -shining dishes, and all the baits with which the appetite is caught. -Then, on silver pateræ, cakes whiter than snow were served round. To -these succeeded eggs, pungent herbs, oysters, and thrushes.[756] Next -several dishes of rich eels, brown and crisp, sprinkled thickly with -salt, followed by a delicious conger dressed with every rare device of -cookery, calculated to delight the palate of the gods. Then came the -belly of a large ray, round as a hoop; dishes, containing, one some -slices of a sea-dog, another garnished with a sparos, a third with a -cuttle-fish, or smoking polypus whose legs were tender as a chicken. -While the sight of these dainties was feasting the eyes of the guests, -the noses of the experienced informed them of the approach of a -synodon,[757] which perfumed the passages all the way from the kitchen, -and, flanked with calamaries, covered the whole table. Shrimps too were -there in their yellow cuirasses, sweet in flavour as honey, with -delicious varieties of puff pastry bordered with fresh green -foliage.[758] The teeth of the parasites watered at the sight. But while -deeply engaged in the discussion of these good things, in came some -smoking slices of broiled thunny, a mullet fresh from the fish-kettle, -with the teats of a young sow cooked _en ragoût_. - ------ - -Footnote 756: - - Probably also the myttotos, a dish flavoured with garlic and rich - spices, formed a part of this course. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 173. - Vesp. 62. - -Footnote 757: - - Athen. i. 8. vii. 46. 68. 119. Arist. Hist. Anim. v. 5. - -Footnote 758: - - Pollux, vi. 77. - ------ - -Pleasure of all kinds being supposed to promote digestion, female -singers, flute-players and dancers, were meanwhile exercising their -several arts for the entertainment of the guests. But as they paid very -little attention to them till the rage of hunger was appeased, we shall -imitate their example, and proceed with the gourmandize. One of the -greatest accomplishments a boon companion could possess, was the power -to seize with the fingers, and swallow hissing-hot, slices of grilled -fish or morsels of lamb or veal broiled like kabobs, so as to be -slightly burnt and cracking externally, while all the juice and flavour -of the meat remained within. And the acquirement being highly important, -great pains were taken to become masters of it. For this purpose some -accustomed themselves daily to play with hot pokers, others -case-hardened their fingers by repeatedly dipping them in water as hot -as they could bear, and gargled their throats with the same, while one -famous gourmand, more inventive than the rest, hit upon the ingenious -device of wearing metallic fingerlings with which he could have seized a -kabob even from the gridiron. These proficients in the art of eating, an -art practised indeed by all, but possessed in perfection by very few, -enjoyed great advantages over the ignorant and uninitiated. And -accordingly, when invited out, they generally succeeded in bribing the -cook to send in all his dishes hot as Phlegethon, that, while the more -modest and inexperienced guests sat gazing on, they might secure the -best cuts, and come again before the others could venture on a mouthful. - -Among the articles served up in this scorching state were calf’s pluck, -pig’s harslet, with the chine, the kidneys, and a variety of small -hors-d’œuvre. To these may be added the head of a sucking-kid which had -tasted nothing but milk, baked between two dishes well luted together; -giblets boiled; small, delicate hams with their white sward unbroken; -pigs’ snouts and feet swimming in white sauce, which the gourmand -Philoxenos thought a rare invention. Roast kid and lamb’s chitterlings, -or the same viands boiled, formed a supplement to the dishes above -enumerated, and were usually done so exactly to a turn, that even the -gods, Bacchos for example, and Hermes, the parasites of Olympos, might -have descended expressly to wag their beards over them. But the -Levantines have always been enamoured of variety in cookery. Lady -Wortley Montague counted fifty dishes served up in succession at the -Sultana Hafiten’s table; and this she-barbarian, with all her wealth, -could never rival the variety of invention of an ancient Eleian or -Sicilian cook, who usually closed the list of his dainties with hare, -chickens roasted to the gold-colour celebrated by Aristophanes, -partridges, pheasants, wood-pigeons or turtle-doves, which your true -gourmand should eat in the Thebaid, immediately after the close of -harvest. But the dinner was not yet over. There still remained the -dessert to be disposed of, consisting of pure honey from the district of -the silver mines, curdled cream, cheese-tarts, and all that profusion of -southern fruit of which we have already spoken.[759] - ------ - -Footnote 759: - - Athen. iv. 28. There was a kind of cheese, apparently much in use, - imported from Gythion, in Laconia. Lucian. Diall. Hetair. xiv. 2. - ------ - -It is a well-known rule among modern gourmands, that no man should utter -a syllable at table till the first course is removed, and precisely the -same regulation prevailed among the ancients. Silence, however, was -sometimes interrupted by the arrival of some wandering buffoon, who, -after long roaming about in search of a dinner, happened, perhaps, to be -attracted thither by the wings and feathers ostentatiously scattered -before the door. This sort of gentry required no introduction: they had -only to knock and announce themselves to ensure a ready welcome; for -most men would willingly part with a share of their supper to be made -merry over the remainder. The Athenian demos was pre-eminently of this -humour. No king, in fact, ever kept up so large an establishment of -fools by profession, or, which is much the same thing, of wits,—fellows -who grind their understandings into pointed jests to tickle the risible -muscles and expand the mouths of sleek junketters, who esteem nothing -beyond eating and grinning. - -At a feast given by Callias, the famous jester, Philip, a-kin in spirit, -I trow, to him of Macedon, presented himself in this way, and, on being -admitted,—“Gentlemen,” said he, “you know my profession and its -privileges, relying on which I am come uninvited, being a foe to all -ceremony, and desiring to spare you the trouble of a formal -invitation.”—“Take your place,” replied the host; “your company was much -needed, for our friends appear to be plunged up to the chin in gravity, -and would be greatly benefited by a hearty laugh.”[760] - ------ - -Footnote 760: - - Xenoph. Conv. i. 13, 14. - ------ - -In fact, the heads of the honest people were filled with very serious -meditations, being all in love, and endeavouring to discover how each -might excel the other in absurdity. Philip began to fear, therefore, -that he had carried his jests to a bad market, and, in reality, made -many vain attempts to kindle the spirit of mirth, and call home the -imaginations of persons who had evidently suffered them to stray as far -as the clouds. Aware that success on this point was indispensable to his -subsistence, the jester grew piqued at the indifference of his hearers, -and breaking off in the midst of his supper, wrapped up his head in his -chlamys, and lay down like one about to die. “What, now!” cried Callias. -“Has any sudden panic seized on thee, friend?”—“The worst possible, by -Zeus!” replied Philip; “for, since laughter, like justice, has taken its -leave of earth, my occupation is gone. Hitherto I have enjoyed some -celebrity in this way, living at the public expense, like the guests of -the Prytaneion, because my drollery was effective, and could set the -table in a roar. But it is all over, I see, with me now, for I might as -soon hope to render myself immortal as acquire serious habits.” All this -he uttered in a pouting, desponding tone, as if about to shed tears. The -company, to humour the joke, undertook to comfort him, and the effect of -their mock condolences, and assurances that they would laugh if he -continued his supper, was so irresistibly ludicrous, that Autolychos, a -youthful friend of Callias, was at length unable to restrain his -merriment; upon which the jester took courage, and apostrophising his -soul, informed it very gravely, that there would be no necessity for -them to part company yet.[761] - ------ - -Footnote 761: - - Xenoph. Conviv. i. 15. 16. - ------ - -The Greeks had, properly speaking, no drawing-rooms, so that, instead of -retreating to another part of the house, they had the tables themselves -removed immediately after dinner. Libations were then poured out to Zeus -Teleios, and having sung a hymn to Phœbos Apollo, the amusements of the -evening commenced. Professional singers and musicians were always hired -on these occasions. They were female slaves, selected in childhood for -their beauty and budding talents, and carefully educated by their -owners.[762] When not already engaged, they stood in blooming bevies in -the agora, waiting, like the Labourers of Scripture, until some one -should hire them, upon which they proceeded, dressed and ornamented with -great elegance, to the house of feasting. But, besides these, there were -other _artistes_ who contributed to the entertainment of the demos, -persons that, like our Indian jugglers, performed wonderful feats by way -of interlude between the regular exhibitions of the damsels from the -agora.[763] - ------ - -Footnote 762: - - Cf. Luc. Amor. § 10. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 1058. - -Footnote 763: - - The Indian jugglers themselves became known to the Greeks in the age - of Alexander. Ælian. Var. Hist. viii. 7. - ------ - -Xenophon introduces into that living picture of Greek manners called the -Banquet, a company of this kind. Finding Philip’s jokes dull things, he -brings upon the scene a strolling Syracusan, with a beautiful female -flute-player, a dancing girl who could perform surpassing feats of -activity, and a handsome boy, who, besides performing on the cithara, -was likewise able, on occasion, to sport the toe like his female -companions. - -But, where philosophers were present, amusements of this kind were not -allowed to occupy their whole attention. Every thing that occurred was -made a handle for conversation, so that discussions, more or less -lively, according to the temperament or ability of the interlocutors, -formed the solid ground-work upon which the flowers of gaiety and -laughter were spread. It was usual, immediately after supper, to perfume -the guests, and great was the variety of unguents, essences, and odorous -oils, made use of by the rich and vain upon these occasions; but when -Callias proposed conforming to the mode in this particular, Socrates -objected, observing, that the odour of honourable toil was perfume -enough for a man.[764] Women, indeed, to whom every thing sweet and -beautiful naturally belongs, might, he admitted, make use of perfume, -and they did so most lavishly as we have already shown, when we entered -their dressing-room and assisted at their toilette. - ------ - -Footnote 764: - - Xen. Conv. ii. 4. - ------ - -The Greeks, however, were careful not to convert their pleasure-parties -into a mere arena for the exhibition of dialectic power. They from time -to time glanced at philosophy, but only by the way, in the moments of -transition from one variety of recreation to another. Their conversation -was now and then brought to a pause by the rising of dancing girls,[765] -robed elegantly, as we behold them still on vases and on bas-reliefs, in -drapery adapted to display all the beauty of their forms. Hoops were -brought them, and while musicians of their own sex called forth -thrilling harmonies from the flute, they executed a variety of graceful -movements, in part pantomimic,—now casting up the hoops, now catching -them as they fell, keeping time exactly with the cadences of the flute. -Their skill in this accomplishment was so great, that many were enabled -to keep up twelve hoops in the air at the same time, while others made -use of poniards.[766] - ------ - -Footnote 765: - - Lucian. Amor. § 10. - -Footnote 766: - - Artemid. Oneirocrit. i. 68. Xen. Conviv. ii. 8. - ------ - -When the novelty of this exhibition was worn off a little, other -different feats followed. A hoop stuck all round with upright swords was -placed in the midst of the apartment, into which one of the dancing -girls threw herself head foremost, and while standing on her head -balanced the lower part of her body round over the naked points, to the -infinite terror of the spectators. She would then dart forth between the -swords, and, with a single bound, regain her footing without the -circle.[767] To add to the entertainment of the company, some -parasitical buffoon would at times undertake to exhibit his awkwardness -as a foil to the grace of the dancers, frisking about with the clumsy -heaviness of a bear, and exaggerating his own ignorance of orchestics to -excite a laugh. Sometimes the female dancer, like our own fair tumblers, -would throw back her head till it reached her heels, and then putting -herself in motion, roll about the room like a hoop.[768] To these, as a -relief and a change, would succeed, perhaps, a youth with fine rich -voice, who accompanied himself on the lyre with a song. - ------ - -Footnote 767: - - Poll. iii. 134. - -Footnote 768: - - Xen. Conviv. ii. 22. - ------ - -But nothing could entirely restrain the Greeks from indulging in the -pleasure of listening to their own voices. The buzz of conversation -would soon be heard in different parts of the room, which, when Socrates -was present, sometimes provoked from him a sarcastic reproof. For -example, at Callias’s dinner, observing the company broken up into -knots, each labouring at some particular question in dialectics, and -filling the apartment with a babel of confused murmurs; “As we talk all -at once,” said he, “we may as well sing all at once;” and without -further ceremony he pitched his voice and began a song.[769] - ------ - -Footnote 769: - - Xen. Conviv. vii. 1. - -But when professed jugglers happened to be present, gentlemen were not -long abandoned to their own resources for amusement. Trick followed -trick in rapid succession. To the pantomimic dances, and the sword -circle, succeeded the exhibition of the potter’s wheel, in which a young -girl seated on this machine, like a little Nubian at a cow’s-tail in a -_sakia_, was whirled round with great velocity,[770] but retained so -much self-possession as to be able both to write and to read. These, -however, were merely sources of momentary wonder. Other amusements -succeeded capable of exciting superior delight, such for example, as the -mimetic dance, which, like that of the ghawazi, could tell a whole story -of love, of adventure, of war, of religious frenzy and enthusiasm, -transporting by vivid representations the fancy of the spectators to -warmer or wilder scenes, calling up images and reminiscences of times -long past, or steeping the thoughts in poetical dreams, filled with the -caverned nymphs, the merry Seileni, the frisking satyrs, Bacchos, Pan, -the Hours, the Graces, sporting by moonlit fountains, through antique -woods, or on the shelled and sand-ribbed margin of the ocean.[771] - ------ - -Footnote 770: - - Xen. Conviv. vii. 3. - -Footnote 771: - - Plat. de Legg. vii. t. viii. p. 55. Bekk. Xen. Conv. vii. 5. - ------ - -On some occasions a slight dramatic scene was represented. Clearing the -centre of the banqueting hall, the guests ranged themselves in order as -at the theatre. A throne was then set up in the open space, and a female -actor, representing Ariadne, entering, took her seat upon it, decked and -habited like a bride, and supposed to be in her Thalamos at Naxos. -Dionysos, who has been dining with Zeus, comes flushed with Olympian -nectar into the harem to the sound of the Bacchic flute, while the nymph -who has heard his approaching footsteps makes it manifest by her -behaviour that her soul is filled with joy, though she neither advances -nor rises to meet him, but restrains her feelings with difficulty, and -remains apparently tranquil. The god, drawing near with impassioned -looks, and dancing all the while, now seats himself, and places the fair -one on his knee. Then, in imitation of mortal lovers, he embraces and -kisses her, nothing loth; for, though she hangs down her head, and would -wish to appear out of countenance, her arms find their way round his -neck and return his embrace. At this the company, we may be sure, -clapped and shouted. The god, encouraged by their plaudits, then stood -up with his bride, and going through the whole pantomime of courtship, -not coldly and insipidly, but as one whose heart was touched, at length -demanded of Ariadne if in truth she loved him. Sometimes the mimic scene -concealed beneath it all the reality of passion. From personating -enamoured characters, the youthful actor and his partner learned in -reality to love; and what was amusement to others contained a deep and -serious meaning for them. This, Xenophon says, was the case with the -youth and maiden who enlivened the banquet of Callias. Absorbed in the -earnestness of their feelings, they seem to have forgotten the presence -of spectators, and instead of a stage representation, gave them a scene -from real life, where every impassioned look and gesture were genuine, -and every fiery glance was kindled at the heart.[772] - -This, however, may be considered a serious amusement, and something like -broad farce was necessary to awaken the guests from the reverie into -which the love scene had plunged them. Jesters were, therefore, put in -requisition; and, as even they sometimes failed to raise a laugh, their -more humorous brethren the wits and jesters of the forests, or, in the -language of mortals, monkeys were called upon to dissipate the clouds of -seriousness. These were the favourite buffoons of the Scythian -Anacharsis,—not the Abbé Barthélemy’s,—who said, he could laugh at a -monkey’s tricks, because his tricks were natural, but that he found no -amusement in a man who made a trade of it.[773] Nor could Euripides at -all relish punsters and manufacturers of jokes, whom he considered, with -some reason, as a species of animal distinct from mankind. - - Many there be who exercise their wits - In giving birth, by cutting jests, to laughter. - I hate the knaves whose rude unbridled tongues - Sport with the wise; and cannot for my life - Think they are men, though laughter doth become them, - And they have houses filled with treasured stores - From distant lands.[774] - ------ - -Footnote 772: - - Xen. Conviv. ix. 1–7. - -Footnote 773: - - Athen. xiv. 2. - -Footnote 774: - - Eurip. Fragm. Melanipp. 20. - ------ - -But if Euripides found nothing desirable in laughter, there were those -who had a clean contrary creed, and lamented nothing so much as the loss -of their risible faculties. On this subject Semos has a story quite _à -propos_. Parmeniscos, the Metapontine, having descended, he says, into -the cave of Trophonios, became so extremely grave, that with all the -appliances, and means to boot, furnished by wealth, and they were not a -few, he thereafter found himself quite unable to screw up his muscles -into a smile; which taking much to heart, as was natural, he made a -pilgrimage to Delphi, to inquire by what means he might rid himself of -the blue devils. Somewhat puzzled at the strangeness of the inquiry, the -Pythoness replied,— - - Poor mortal unmerry, who seekest to know - What will bid thy brow soften, thy quips and cranks flow, - To the house of the mother I bid thee repair— - Thou wilt find, if she’s pleased, what thy heart covets, there. - -Upon this, Parmeniscos hastened homeward, hoping soon to enjoy a good -laugh as the reward of his industry; but, finding his features remain -fixed as cast-iron, he began to suspect the oracle had deceived him. -Some time after, being at Delos, he beheld with admiration the several -wonders of the island, and, lastly, proceeded to the temple of Leto, -expecting to find in the mother of Apollo something worthy of so great a -divinity. But, on entering and perceiving, instead, a grotesque and -smoky old figure in wood, he burst into an immoderate fit of laughter, -whereupon the response of the oracle recurred to his mind, and he -understood it; and, being thus delivered from his infirmity, he ever -after held the goddess in extremest reverence.[775] - ------ - -Footnote 775: - - Athen. xiv. 2. - ------ - -Even from this story, therefore, it will be seen how highly “broad -grins” were estimated in antiquity, particularly at Athens, where there -was a regular “Wits’ Club,” consisting of threescore members, who -assembled during the Diomeia,[776] in the temple of Heracles. The names -of several of these jovial mortals have come down to us; Mandrogenes, -for example, and Strato, Callimedon, who, for some particular quality of -mind or body, obtained the _sobriquet_ of the _Lobster_, Deinias, -Mnasigeiton, and Menæchmos. The reputation of these gentlemen spread -rapidly through the city, and, when a good thing had a run among the -small wits, it was remarked, that “the Sixty had said _that_.” Or, if a -man of talent were asked, whence he came, he would answer, “From the -Sixty.” This was in the time of Demosthenes, when, unhappily, jesters -were in more request in Athens than soldiers; and Philip of Macedon, -himself no mean buffoon, learning the excellent quality of their _bon -mots_, sent them a present of a talent of gold, with a request that, as -public business prevented his joining the sittings of the club, they -would make for his use a collection in writing of all their smart -sayings, which was, probably, the first step towards those repositories -for stray wit, called “Joe Millers,” that form so indispensable a -portion of a bon vivant’s library.[777] - ------ - -Footnote 776: - - Eustath. ad Iliad. δ. p. 337. 53. Etym. Mag. 277. 24. Meurs. Græc. - Feriat. ii. 96. - -Footnote 777: - - Athen. xiv. 3. - ------ - -But we are all this while detaining the company from their wine, and -those other recreations which the fertile genius of the Greeks invented -to make the wheels of life move smoothly. Though the tables, according -to the fashion of the times, were removed with the solid viands, others -were brought in to replace them, on which the censers, the goblets, the -silver or golden ladles for filling the smaller cups, were arranged in -order.[778] The chairman, or, as he was then called, the king of the -feast,[779] enjoyed absolute power over his subjects, and could -determine better than their own palates, how much and how often each man -should drink. This important functionary was not always identical with -the entertainer, but sometimes his substitute, sometimes a person chosen -by lot.[780] Capacious bowls of wine,[781] mingled with water, were -placed on a sideboard, whence cup-bearers, sometimes of one, sometimes -of the other sex, but always selected for their youth and beauty, -filled, with ladles,[782] the goblets of the guests, which, when the -froth rose above the brim, were, by an obvious metaphor, said to be -crowned.[783] Among the Doric Greeks, female cup-bearers seem to have -been always preferred; the Ptolemies of Egypt cherished the same taste; -and the people of Tarentum, themselves of Doric race, passing -successively through every stage of luxury, came, at length, to be -served at table by beautiful young women without a vestige of clothing. -In most cases, these maidens were slaves, but, in some countries, and -everywhere, in remoter ages, the performance of such offices was not -regarded as any way derogatory to persons of noble or princely blood. -But, whatever might be their birth, beauty of form and countenance -constituted their chief recommendation. For there is a language in looks -and gestures, there is a fountain of joy and delight concealed deep in -the physical structure, and its waters laugh to the eye of intellect, -and reflect into the hearts of those who behold it a sunniness and -exhilaration greater than we derive from gazing on the summer sea. -Hence, Hebe and Ganymede were chosen to minister at the tables of the -gods, even Zeus himself[784] not disdaining to taste of the pleasures to -be derived from basking in the irradiations of beauty. - ------ - -Footnote 778: - - Among the Etruscans these ladles were of bronze, and of extremely - elegant form, the point ending in a swan’s or duck’s head. - -Footnote 779: - - The proceedings of this person were governed by a code of laws, the - making and reformation of which employed the wits of no less - personages than Xenophanes, Spensippos, and Aristotle. Athen. i. 5. - -Footnote 780: - - Horat. Od. ii. 7. 25. - -Footnote 781: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1183. Vesp. 1005. - -Footnote 782: - - Eustath. ad Iliad, γ. p. 333. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 855.—A specimen - of these ladles (ἀρύταιναι) occurs in Mus. Chiaramont. pl. 2. - -Footnote 783: - - Virgil actually wreaths the bowls with garlands.—Æneid. iii. - 525.—Homer, however, crowns his bowls only with wine.-Il. ε. 471. - -Footnote 784: - - Homer. Iliad. δ. 2. γ. 232. β. 813. Odyss. ο. 327. Juven. Sat. v. 60. - Cf. Philo. Jud. de Vit. Contempl. t. ii. p. 479. Mangey. - ------ - -When the goblets were all crowned with the nectar of earth, the Master -of the Feast[785] set the example of good-fellowship by drinking to his -guests, beginning with the most distinguished.[786] Originally, custom -required him who drank to the health of another to drain off his cup -while his comrade did the same; but, in after ages, they sipped only a -portion of the wine, and, as they still do in the East, presented the -remainder to their friend. The latter, by the rules of politeness, was -bound to finish the goblet, or, where the antique fashion prevailed, to -drink one of equal size.[787] The Macedonians, who, probably, excelled -the Greeks in drinking, if in nothing else, disdained small cups as -supplying a very roundabout way to intoxication, and plunged into Lethe -at once by the aid of most capacious bowls. It was customary, when the -practice of passing round the goblet had been introduced, for the king -of the feast to drink to the next man on his right hand, who, in his -turn, drank to the next, and so on till the bowl had circulated round -the board. But different customs prevailed in the different parts of -Greece. At Athens, small cups, like our wine-glasses, were in use; among -the Chians, Thracians, and Thessalians, nations more prone to sensual -indulgences, the goblets were of larger dimensions; but, at Sparta, -where sobriety and frugality long flourished, the practice was to drink -from diminutive vessels, which, as often as required, were replenished -by the attendants.[788] - ------ - -Footnote 785: - - There were certain barbarians, who, to cement their friendships, drank - wine tinged with each other’s blood.—Athen. xv. 47. - -Footnote 786: - - Plut. Symp. i. 2. 2. The first cup was drunk to the - Agathodemon.—Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 85. Athen. xv. 47. - -Footnote 787: - - Athen. v. 20. - -Footnote 788: - - Athen. x. 39. Plut. Cleom. § 13. - ------ - -Isocrates, in his exhortation to Demonicos, marks the distinction -between the true and false friend, by observing, that, while the latter -thinks only of those around him, the former remembers the absent, and -makes his affection triumph over time and distance. And the Greeks -generally had this merit. Amid the enjoyments of the festive board, they -recalled to mind the friends of other days; and, having first performed -libations to the gods, those best and purest of friends, drank to the -health and prosperity of former associates, now far removed by -circumstances,[789] and this they did not in the mixed beverage which -formed their habitual potations, but in pure wine.[790] There was -something extremely delicate in this idea, for tacitly it intimated, -that their love placed the objects of it almost on a level with their -divinities, in whose honour, also, on these occasions, a small portion -of the wine was spilt in libations[791] upon the earth. The young, in -whose hearts a mistress held the first place,[792] drank deeply in -honour of their beloved, sometimes equalling the number of cups to that -of the letters forming her name,[793] which, if the custom prevailed so -early, would account for Ægisthos’s being a sot. Sometimes, however, -taking the hint from the number of the Graces, they were satisfied with -three goblets; but, when an excuse for drinking “pottle deep” was -sought, they chose the Muses for their patrons, and honoured their -mistresses’ names with three times three.[794] This is the number of -cheers with which favourite political toasts are received at our public -dinners, though every one who fills his bumper, and cries “hip, hip, -hip, hurrah!” on these occasions, is, probably, not conscious that he is -keeping up an old pagan custom in honour of the Muses. - ------ - -Footnote 789: - - Theoc. Eidyll. vii. 69. - -Footnote 790: - - Cicero in Verr. Act. ii. Orat. i. § 26, and Ascon. Pedan. in loc. - -Footnote 791: - - Antiphon. Acc. Nec. Ven. § 3.—The third libation was in honour of - Zeus.—Scol. Pind. Isth. vi. 22. - -Footnote 792: - - Theocrit. Eidyll. xiv. 18, et Schol. - -Footnote 793: - - Mart. Epig. i. 78. - -Footnote 794: - - Horat. Od. iii. 19. 11, sqq. Lambinus in loc. p. 143. - ------ - -The number four was in no favour at the drinking-table, not because it -was an even number, for they sometimes drank ten, but because some old -superstition had brought discredit on it. Our very fox-hunters, however, -exhibit an inferior capacity to many of the ancients in affairs of the -bottle, though when it is the poets who perform the feat, we may safely -consider them to be simply regaling their fancies on “air-drawn” -goblets, which cost nothing, and leave no head-aches behind them. On -this subject there is a very pretty song in the Anthology, which Potter, -following some old edition, completely misrepresents.[795] It deserves -to be well translated, and I would translate it well if I could. The -following at least preserves the meaning: - - Pour out ten cups of the purple wine, - To crown Lycidicè’s charms divine; - One for Euphrantè, young and fair, - With the sparkling eye and the raven hair. - Then I love Lycidicè more, you say? - By this foaming goblet I say ye nay. - More valued than ten is Euphrantè to me, - For, as when the heavens unclouded be, - And the stars are crowding far and nigh - On the deep deep blue of the midnight sky, - The moon is still brighter and lovelier far - Than the loveliest planet or brightest star; - So, ’mid the stars of this earthly sphere, - None are so lovely or half so dear - As to me is Euphrantè young and fair, - With the sparkling eye and the raven hair.[796] - ------ - -Footnote 795: - - Antiq. ii. 394, seq. - -Footnote 796: - - Marc. Argent. ap. Anthol. Græc. v. 110. - ------ - -But the Macedonians entertained no respect for poetical goblets: they -loved to scent their moustachios with the aroma of the real rosy wine -when it sparkled in the cup,—when it moved itself aright, as the wise -king of Judah expresses it. Plutarch describes briefly one of their -drinking-bouts which took place on the evening of the day wherein old -Kalanos, the Hindù Yoghi, burnt himself alive to escape the colic. -Alexander, on returning from the funeral pile, invited a number of his -friends and generals to sup with him, and, proposing a drinking contest, -appointed a crown for the victor. Prodigious efforts were made by all -present to achieve so enviable a triumph; but the man who proved himself -to possess the most capacious interior was Promachos, who is said to -have swallowed upwards of two gallons. He obtained the prize, which was -a golden crown, valued at a talent, but died within three days.[797] -Chares, the Mitylenian, relates the matter somewhat differently. -According to him, Alexander celebrated funeral games in honour of -Kalanos, at his barrow, where horseraces and gymnastic contests took -place,[798] and a poetical encomium was pronounced upon the Yoghi, who, -like the rest of his countrymen, was, doubtless, a great toper, and -thence the drinking-match instituted in the evening. Chares says there -were three prizes; the first, in value, a talent; the second, thirty -minæ, or about a hundred and twenty pounds sterling; the third, three -minæ. The number of aspirants is not stated, but thirty-five (Plutarch -says forty-one) perished in cold shiverings on the spot, and six more -died shortly after in the tents.[799] - ------ - -Footnote 797: - - Plut. Alexand. Magn. §§ 69, 70. - -Footnote 798: - - Ælian. Var. Hist. ii. 41. Periz. - -Footnote 799: - - Athen. x. 49. - ------ - -Numbers have celebrated the military genius of Alexander; but Athenæus -alone has given him due credit for his truly royal power of drinking. -Like his father, Philip, who, in his jolly humour, ruffled the Athenian -dead at Chæronea, where he could safely beard the fallen republicans, -Alexander delighted to spend his evenings among drunken roysterers, -whose chief ambition consisted in making a butt of their bowels. One of -these worthies was Proteas, the Macedonian mentioned by Ephippos, in his -work on the sepulture of Alexander and Hephæstion. He was a man of iron -constitution, on which wine, whatever quantity he drank, appeared to -make no impression. Alexander, knowing this, loved to pledge him in huge -bowls, such as none, perhaps, but themselves could cope with. This he -did even at Babylon, where the climate suffers few excesses to be -indulged in with impunity. Taking a goblet more like a pail than a -drinking-cup, Alexander caused it to be crowned with wine, which, having -tasted, he presented the bowl to Proteas. The veteran immediately -drained it off, to the great amusement of the company, and presently -afterwards, desiring to pledge the king, he filled it up again, and -sipping a little, according to custom, passed the bowl to Alexander, -who, not to be outdone by a subject, forthwith drank the whole. But if -he possessed the courage, he wanted the physical strength of Proteas: -the goblet dropped from his hand, his head sank on a pillow, and a fever -ensued of which the conqueror of Persia, and the rival of Proteas in -drinking, died in a few days.[800] - ------ - -Footnote 800: - - Athen. x. 44. - ------ - -But to return from these barbarians: as the presence of sober persons -must always be felt by hard drinkers to be a tacit reproach, it was one -of the rules of good fellowship, that all such as joined not in the -common potations should depart. “Drink, or begone!” said the law, and a -good one in Cicero’s opinion it was, for if men experienced no -disposition to join in the mirth and enjoyment of the company, what had -they to do there?[801] - ------ - -Footnote 801: - - Tuscul. Quæst. ii. 41. - ------ - -From the existence of these rules, however, an inference has been drawn -unfavourable to the Greek character, as if, because some were merry, the -nation generally must of necessity have been wine-bibbers.[802] But this -is scarcely more logical than the reasoning of a writer, who, because -the comic poets speak chiefly of the mirth and lighter enjoyments of the -Athenians, very gravely concludes that they busied themselves about -little else. The truth is, that like all ardent and energetic people, -they threw their whole souls into the affair, whether serious or -otherwise, in which they happened to be engaged; and besides, while the -careful and industrious applied themselves to business, there was always -an abundance of light and trifling people to whom eating and drinking -constituted a serious occupation. - ------ - -Footnote 802: - - Potter, ii. 396. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - ENTERTAINMENTS. - - -The man upon the creations of whose art the principal enjoyments of -Greek gourmands were based was the cook,[803] whose character and -achievements ought not perhaps to be entirely passed over. We are, -indeed, chiefly indebted for our information to the comic poets; but, in -spite of some little exaggeration, the likeness they have bequeathed to -us is probably upon the whole pretty exact. - ------ - -Footnote 803: - - On famous Cooks see Max. Tyr. Dissert. v. 60. 83. Pollux, vi. 70, seq. - Athen. iii. 60. - ------ - -The Athenian cook was a singularly heterogeneous being, something -between the parasite and the professed jester; he was usually a poor -citizen, with all the pride of autochthoneïty about him, who considered -it indispensable to acquire, besides his culinary lore, a smattering of -many other kinds of knowledge, not only for the purpose of improving his -soups or ragouts, but in order, by the orations he pronounced in praise -of himself, to dazzle and allure such persons as came to the agora in -search of an artist of his class. Of course the principal source of his -oratory lay among pots and frying-pans, and the wonders effected by his -art. Philemon hits off with great felicity one of these worthies, who -desires to convey a lofty opinion of himself,— - - “How strong is my desire ’fore earth and heaven, - To tell how daintily I cooked his dinner - ’Gainst his return! By all Athena’s owls! - ’Tis no unpleasant thing to hit the mark - On all occasions. What a fish had I— - And ah! how nicely fried! Not all bedevilled - With cheese, or browned atop, but though well done, - Looking alive, in its rare beauty dressed. - With skill so exquisite the fire I tempered, - It seemed a joke to say that it was cooked. - And then, just fancy now you see a hen - Gobbling a morsel much too big to swallow; - With bill uplifted round and round she runs - Half choking; while the rest are at her heels - Clucking for shares. Just so ’twas with my soldiers; - The first who touched the dish upstarted he - Whirling round in a circle like the hen, - Eating and running; but his jolly comrades, - Each a fish worshiper, soon joined the dance, - Laughing and shouting, snatching some a bit, - Some missing, till like smoke the whole had vanished. - Yet were they merely mud-fed river dabs: - But had some splendid scaros graced my pan, - Or Attic glaucisk, or, O saviour Zeus! - Kapros from Argos, or the conger eel, - Which old Poseidon exports to Olympos, - To be the food of gods, why then my guests - Had rivalled those above. I have, in fact, - The power to lavish immortality - On whom I please, or, by my potent art, - To raise the dead, if they but snuff my dishes!”[804] - ------ - -Footnote 804: - - Athen. vii. 32. - ------ - -This honest fellow, in the opinion of Athenæus, exceeded in boasting -even that Menecrates of Syracuse, who for his pride obtained the surname -of Zeus; he was a physician, and used vauntingly to call himself the -arbiter of life to mankind. He is supposed to have possessed some -specific against epilepsy; but being afflicted with a vanity at least -equal to his skill, he would undertake no one’s cure unless he first -entered into an agreement to follow him round the country ever after as -his slave, which great numbers actually did. Nicostratos, of Argos, one -of the persons so restored, travelled in his train habited and equipped -like Heracles; others personated Asclepios, and Apollo, while Menecrates -himself enacted in this fantastic masquerade the part of Zeus; and, as -the actors say, he dressed the character well, wearing a purple robe, a -golden crown upon his head, sandals of the most magnificent description, -and bearing a sceptre in his hand.[805] - ------ - -Footnote 805: - - Athen. vii. 33. - ------ - -But whatever might have been the conceit of our Syracusan physician, -there were those among the cooking race, who certainly lagged not far -behind him. They usually stunned such as came to hire them with reciting -their own praises, laying claim to as much science and philosophy as -would have sufficed to set up two or three sophists. In fact, to take -them at their word, there was nothing which they did not know, nothing -which they could not do. Painting they professed to comprehend as -profound connoisseurs, and, no doubt, the soles they fried tasted all -the better for the accomplishment. In astronomy, medicine, and geometry, -they appear to have made a still greater proficiency than Hudibras, -notwithstanding that— - - “In mathematics he was greater - Than Tycho Brahe, or Erra Pater; - For he by geometric scale - Could take the size of pots of ale; - Discern by sines and tangents strait - If bread and butter wanted weight; - And wisely tell what hour o’ the day - The clock does strike by algebra.” - -In all this he was a fool to the Athenian cooks; for, by the help of -astronomy, they could tell when mackerel was in season, and at what time -of the year a haddock is better than a salmon. From geometry they -borrowed the art of laying out a kitchen to the best advantage, and how -to hang up the gridiron in one place, and the porridge-pot in another. -To medicine it is easy to see how deeply they must have been indebted, -since it not only taught them what meats are wholesome, and what not, -but also enabled them by some sleight of art to diminish the appetite of -those voracious parasites, who when they dined out appeared to have -stomachs equal in capacity to the great tun of Heidelberg.[806] - ------ - -Footnote 806: - - Athen. vii. 37. - ------ - -Many individuals, half guests, half parasites, used to extract -considerable matter for merriment out of the dinner materials, that they -might render themselves agreeable, and be invited again. Thus Charmos, -the Syracusan, used to convert every dish served at table into an -occasion for reciting poetical quotations or old proverbs, and -sometimes, perhaps, suffered the fish to cool while he was displaying -his erudition. He had always civil things to say both to shell-fish and -tripe, so that a person fond of flattery might have coveted to be -roasted, in order that his shade might be soothed with this kind of -incense, which even Socrates allowed was not an illiberal enjoyment. It -was, however, a common custom among parasites to make extracts from the -poets and carry them in portfolios to the tables of their patrons, where -they recited all such as appeared to be _à propos_. In this way the -above Charmos obtained among the people of Messina the reputation of a -learned man, and Calliphanes,[807] son of Parabrycon,[808] succeeded no -less ingeniously by copying out the first verses of various poems, and -reciting them, so that it might be supposed he knew the whole. - ------ - -Footnote 807: - - Suidas in v. t. i. p. 1361. c. - -Footnote 808: - - Athen. i. 6. “Sic ut παράσιτος, et παραμασήτης vel παραμασύντης - convivam denotat invocatum, qui absque symbola ad convivium venit; sic - nomen παραβρύκων (à verbo βρύκω, mordeo, rodo, deglutio) eumdem habet - significatum.”—Scheigh. Animadv. t. vi. p. 54. - ------ - -Cleanthes, of Tarentum, always spoke at table in verse, so likewise did -the Sicilian Pamphilos; and these parasites, travelling about with -wallets of poetry on their backs, were everywhere welcomed and -entertained, which might with great propriety have been adduced by -Ilgen[809] among his other proofs of the imaginative character of the -Greeks. - ------ - -Footnote 809: - - De Scol. Poes. p. 8. - ------ - -Archestratos, the Syracusan, belonged no doubt to this class. He -composed an epic poem on good eating, which commenced with recommending -that no company, assembled for convivial enjoyment, should ever exceed -four,[810] or at most five, otherwise he said they would rather resemble -a troop of banditti than gentlemen. It had probably escaped him, that -there were twenty-eight guests at Plato’s banquet. Antiphanes, after -observing that the parasites had lynx’s eyes to discover a good dinner -though never invited, immediately adds, that the republic ought to get -up an entertainment for them, upon the same principle that during the -games an ox[811] was slaughtered some distance from the course at -Olympia, to feast the flies, and prevent them from devouring the -spectators. - ------ - -Footnote 810: - - Athen. i. 7. - -Footnote 811: - - Athen. i. 7. This ox was sacrificed to Zeus the Fly-Chaser, in order - to prevail on him to drive the swarms of insects, by which the - spectators were incommoded, beyond the Alpheios. Cf. Plin. Nat. Hist. - x. 40. ix. 34. Pausan. v. 14. i. viii. 26. 7. Ælian. De Nat. Animal. - v. 17. xi. 8. - ------ - -Besides Archestratos, there were several other celebrated gastronomers -among the ancients. Of these the principal were Timachidas, of Rhodes, -who wrote a poem in eleven books on good eating,[812] Noumenios, of -Heraclea, pupil to the physician Dieuches, Metreas, of Pitana, the -parodist Hegemon, of Thasos, surnamed the _Lentil_, by some reckoned -among the poets of the old comedy, Philoxenos, of Leucadia, and a second -Philoxenos, of Cythera, who composed his work in hexameter verse. The -former, after chaunting the eulogium of the kettle, comes nevertheless -to the conclusion at last, that superior merit belongs to the -frying-pan. He earnestly recommended truffles to lovers, but would not -have them touch the barbel. His anger burst forth with great vehemence -against those who cut in pieces fish which should be served up whole; -and, though he admits that a polypus may occasionally be boiled, it was -much better, he says, to fry it. From this man the Philoxenian cakes -derived their name; and he it is whom Chrysippos reproaches with half -scalding his fingers in the warm bath and gargling his throat with hot -water, in order that he might be able to swallow kabobs hissing from the -coals.[813] He likewise used, at the houses of his friends, to bribe the -cooks to bring up everything fiery hot, that he might help himself -before any one else could touch them. A kindred gourmand, in the poet -Krobylos, exclaims: “My fingers are insensible to fire like the Dactyls -of Mount Ida. And ah! how delightful it is to refresh my throat with the -crackling flakes of broiled fish! Oh I am in fact an oven, not a man!” - ------ - -Footnote 812: - - Athen. i. 8. Suidas. v. Τιμαχίδας. t. i. p. 899, seq. - -Footnote 813: - - Athen. i. 9. - ------ - -According to Clearchos it was this same Philoxenos, who used to maraud -about rich men’s houses, followed by a number of slaves laden with wine, -vinegar, oil, and other seasonings. Wherever he smelled the best dinner -he dropped in unasked, and slipping slily among the cooks, obtained -their permission to season the dishes they were preparing, after which -he took his place among the guests where he fed like a Cyclops. Arriving -once at Ephesos, by sea, he found, upon inquiry in the market, that all -the best fish had been secured for a wedding feast. Forthwith he bathed, -and repairing to the house of the bridegroom, demanded permission to -sing the Epithalamium. Every one was delighted; they could do no less -than invite him to dinner. And “Will you come again to-morrow?” inquired -the generous host. “If there be no fish in the market,” replied -Philoxenos. It was this gourmand who wished nature had bestowed on man -the neck of the crane that the pleasure of swallowing might be -prolonged.[814] - ------ - -Footnote 814: - - Suid. in v. Φιλοξ. t. ii. p. 1058. c. Athen. i. 10. - ------ - -Pithyllos, another parasite, surnamed “the Dainty,” not content with the -membrane which nature has spread over the tongue, superinduced -artificially a sort of mucous covering, which retained for a -considerable time the flavour of what he ate.[815] To prolong his -luxurious enjoyment as much as possible, he afterwards scraped away this -curious coating with a fish. Of all ancient gourmands he alone is said -to have made use of artificial finger-points, that he might be enabled -to seize upon the hottest morsels. An anecdote so good as to have given -rise to many modern imitations, is related of Philoxenos, of Cythera. -Dining one day with Dionysios, of Syracuse, he observed a large barbel -served up to the prince, while a very diminutive one was placed before -him. Upon this, taking up the little fish, he held it to his ear and -appeared to be listening attentively. Dionysios, expecting some humorous -extravagance, made a point of inquiring the meaning of this movement, -and Philoxenos replied, that happening just then to think of his -Galatea,[816] he was questioning the barbel respecting her. But as it -makes no answer, said he, I imagine they have taken him too young and -that he does not understand me. I am persuaded, however, that the old -fellow they have placed before your majesty must know all about it. The -king, amused by his ingenuity, immediately sent him the larger fish -which he soon questioned effectually.[817] - ------ - -Footnote 815: - - Athen. i. 10. Suid. v. Πιθυλλ. t. ii. p. 526. c. - -Footnote 816: - - Making allusion perhaps to his love for Galatea, the mistress of - Dionysios. Athen. i. 11. Ælian. Var. Hist. xii. 44. Schol. Aristoph. - Plut. 290. - -Footnote 817: - - Athen. i. 11. See another anecdote of this gourmand in Ælian. Var. - Hist. x. 9. - ------ - -But the Athenians were not reduced to depend for amusement at table upon -the invention of these humble companions. They knew how, when occasion -required, to entertain themselves, and, in the exuberance of their -hilarity, descended for this purpose to contrivances almost infantine. -They posed each other with charades, enigmas, conundrums, and, -sometimes, in the lower classes of society, related stories of witches, -lamias, mormos, and other hobgoblins believed in by the vulgar of all -nations. Among persons engaged in public affairs the excitement of -political discussion was often, of course, intermingled with their more -quiet pleasures.[818] But with this we have, just now, nothing to do, -nor with the enigmas which we shall describe anon. There was another and -more elegant practice observed by the Greeks at convivial meetings, -which, though not peculiar to them, has nowhere else, perhaps, prevailed -to the same extent,—I mean the introduction of music and the singing of -songs,[819] light, graceful, and instinct with wit and gaiety, to the -barbitos or the lyre. - ------ - -Footnote 818: - - Aristoph. Aves. 1189, sqq. - -Footnote 819: - - Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 403. - ------ - -Among the Greeks, generally, the love of music and poetry seemed to be a -spontaneous impulse of nature. Almost every act of life was accompanied -by a song,—the weaver at his loom, the baker at his kneading-trough, the -reaper, the “spinners and the knitters in the sun,” the drawer of water, -even the hard-working wight who toiled at the mill, had his peculiar -song, by the chaunting of which he lightened his labour. The mariner, -too, like the Venetian gondolier, sang at the oar, and the shepherd and -the herdsman, the day-labourer and the swineherd, the vintager and the -husbandman, the attendant in the baths, and the nurse beside the cradle. -It might, in fact, be said, that from an Hellenic village music arose as -from a brake in spring. Their sensibilities were tremblingly alive to -pleasure. There was elasticity, there was balm in their atmosphere, and -joy and freedom in their souls.—How could they do other than sing? - -But, if music and poetry thus diffused their delights over the industry -of the laborious, it was quite natural that where men met solely for -enjoyment, these best handmaids of enjoyment should not be absent. -Accordingly, we find that while the goblet circulated, kindling the -imagination, and unbending the mind, the lyre was brought in and a song -called for. Nor was the custom of recent date. It prevailed equally in -the heroic ages, and, like many other features of Greek manners, derived -its origin from religion. For, in early times, men rarely met at a -numerous banquet, except on occasion of some sacrifice, when hymns in -honour of the gods constituted an important part of the ceremonies. Thus -Homer, describing the grand expiatory rites by which the Achæan host -sought to avert the wrath of Apollo, observes, that they made great -feasts, and celebrated the praises of the god amid their flowing -goblets.[820] - ------ - -Footnote 820: - - Iliad, α. 492, sqq. Ilgen, Disq. de Scol. Poes. p. 55. - ------ - -Yet, though the theme of those primitive songs may have been at first -serious, it was, probably, not long before topics better adapted to -festive meetings obtained the preference. At all events, they soon came -to be in fashion. The first step appears to have been from the gods to -the heroes, whose achievements, being sometimes tinged with the -ludicrous, opened the door to much gay and lively description. And these -convivial pleasures,[821] so highly valued on earth, were, with great -consistency, transferred to Olympos, where the immortals themselves were -thought to heighten their enjoyments by songs and merriment. - ------ - -Footnote 821: - - Conf. Odyss. θ 72, sqq. α. 154. 350. - ------ - -In the ages following, the art of enhancing thus the delights of social -intercourse, so far from falling into neglect, grew to be more than ever -cultivated. Even the greatest men, beginning from the Homeric Achilles, -disdained not to sing. They did not, says a judicious and learned -writer, consider it sufficient to perform deeds worthy of immortality, -or to be the theme of poets and musicians, or so far to cultivate their -minds as to be able to relish and appreciate the songs of others, but -included music within the circle of their own studies, as an -accomplishment without which no man could pretend to be liberally -educated. For this reason it was objected by Stesimbrotos, as a reproach -to Cimon, that he was ignorant of music, and every other gentlemanly -accomplishment held in estimation among the Greeks;[822] and even -Themistocles himself incurred the charge of rusticity, because, when -challenged at a party, he refused to play on the cithara.[823] - ------ - -Footnote 822: - - Plut. Cim. § 4. Afterwards, however, we find Cimon represented as - singing with great skill. § 9. - -Footnote 823: - - Cicero, Tuscul. Quæst. i. 2. Cf. Ilgen. De Scol. Poes. p. 62. - ------ - -A different theory of manners prevailed among the Romans, who, like the -modern Turks, considered it unbecoming a gentleman to sing. But to the -Greeks, a people replete with gaiety and ardour, and whose amusements -always partook largely of poetry, music presented itself under a wholly -different aspect, and was so far from appearing a mean or sordid study, -that no branch of education was held in higher honour, or esteemed more -efficacious in promoting tranquillity of mind, or polish and refinement -of manners. The lyre is accordingly said, by Homer, to be a divine gift, -designed to be the companion and friend of feasts, where it proved the -source of numerous advantages. In the first place, persons too much -addicted to the bottle found in this instrument an ally against their -own failing, for, whether playing or listening, a cessation from -drinking was necessarily effected. Rudeness also and violence, and that -unbridled audacity commonly inspired by wine, were checked by music, -which, in their stead, inspired a pleasing exaltation of mind, and joy -free from all admixture of passion.[824] - ------ - -Footnote 824: - - Athen. xiv. 24. Ilgen, Disq. De Scol. Poes. p. 64. - ------ - -It has already been observed that the convivial song soon divested -itself of its religious and sombre character; for, as parties are made -up of persons differing extremely in taste and temperament, it -necessarily happened that when each was required to sing, much variety -would be found in the lays, which generally assumed a festive and jocund -air. Hymns in honour of the gods were more sparingly introduced,[825] -nor was much stress laid on the praises of heroes;[826] the spirit of -joviality moulded itself into - - Quips and cranks, and wanton wiles; - Nods and becks, and wreathed smiles. - ------ - -Footnote 825: - - The hymn, for example, in honour of Pallas was, in all ages, sung. - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 954. - -Footnote 826: - - Of Harmodios, for example, and Aristogeiton. Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. - 942. See Ilgen, Disq. de Scol. Poes. p. 69. - ------ - -Every one poured forth what the whim of the moment inspired,—jokes, -love-songs, or biting satires, with the freedom and fertility of an -improvisatore.[827] - -These convivial songs were divided by the ancients into several kinds, -with reference sometimes to their nature, sometimes to the manner in -which they were chaunted: the most remarkable they denominated Scolia, -or zig-zag songs,[828] for a reason somewhat difficult of explanation. -Several of the later Greek writers appear to have been greatly at a loss -to account for the appellation, which is, no doubt, a singular one; but -the learning and diligence of Ilgen[829] may be said to have fully -resolved this curious question. After determining the antiquity of the -Scolion, which Pindar[830] supposes to have been an invention of -Terpander, or, at least, the verses of the song, but which Ilgen dates -as far back as the heroic period, he observes, that the name itself was -known in very remote ages, since they formed a separate class among the -works of Pindar, and are mentioned by Aristophanes and Plato,[831] and -that, like the Cyclic chorus, it arose out of the circumstances under -which it was sung. For as this chorus was called Cyclic, or circular, -because chaunted by persons moving in a circle round the altar of -Bacchos, so the Scolion, or zig-zag song,[832] received its name from -the myrtle branch, or the cithara, to which it was sung, being passed -from one guest to another in a zig-zag[833] fashion, just as those who -possessed the requisite skill happened to sit at table. - ------ - -Footnote 827: - - Conf. Hom. Hymn. in Herm. 52, sqq. Pind. Olymp. i. 24. - -Footnote 828: - - Poll. vi. 108, with the notes of Seber and Jungermann, t. v. p. 142. - -Footnote 829: - - Who has published a collection of these songs, accompanied by very - interesting and instructive notes. Σκολια· hoc est, Carmina Convivalia - Græcorum. Jenæ, 1798. - -Footnote 830: - - Apud Plut. de Musica, § 28. - -Footnote 831: - - Pind. Fragm. Dissen. t. i. p. 234, with the Commentary, t. ii. p.639, - sqq. Aristoph. Vesp. 1222, 1240. Acharn. 532. Pac. 1302. Plat. Gorg. - t. iii. p. 13. Bekk. - -Footnote 832: - - Suidas, v. σκολίον, t. ii. p. 759, e. sqq. Etym. Mag. 718, 35, sqq. - Eustath. ad Odyss. η. 276, 49. - -Footnote 833: - - Mr. Müller, however, disapproves of this etymology. “It is much more - likely,” he says, “that in the melody to which the scolia were sung, - certain liberties and irregularities were permitted, by which the - extempore execution of the song was facilitated.”—History of Greek - Literature, pt. i. chap. xiii. § 16, seq. - ------ - -To render this explanation perfectly intelligible, it will, perhaps, be -necessary to describe succinctly the whole process of singing in -company. At first, it has been conjectured, when manners were rude, and -the language still in its infancy, singing, like dancing, required no -great art, and was little more than those wild bursts of melody still -common among the improvisatori of Arabia and other Eastern countries, -but that from these humble beginnings lyrical poetry took its rise, -preserving still the freedom of its original state, and rising, -unshackled by the rigid laws of metre, to heights of sublimity and -grandeur beyond which no human composition ever soared. By degrees some -complex forms of verse obtained the preference,—such, for example, as -those of Sappho and Alcæos,—and fixed and definite laws of metre were -established. - -The Scolion, however, always preserved something of its original -spontaneous character, at least in appearance, and the same thing may be -predicated of all their festive lays. But before they gave loose to -their gaiety, the deep religious sentiment which pervaded the whole -nation required a pæan, or hymn, to be sung in honour of the gods, and -in this every person present joined.[834] While thus engaged, each -guest, it is supposed, held in his hand a branch of laurel, the tree -sacred to Apollo.[835] To the pæan succeeded another air, which all -present sang in their turn, holding this time a branch of myrtle,[836] -which, like the laurel bough mentioned above, was called æsakos, or the -“branch of song.”[837] The singing commenced with the principal guest, -to whom the symposiarch or host delivered the Cithara[838] and æsakos, -demanding a song, which, according to the laws of the table, no one -could refuse. Having performed his part, the singer was, in turn, -entitled to call upon his neighbour, beginning on the right hand, and -delivering to him the Cithara and the myrtle branch. The second, when he -had sung, handed it then to the third, the third to the fourth, and so -on until the whole circle of the company had been made. It sometimes -happened, though not often, that among the guests an individual, -unskilled in instrumental music, was found, and, in this case, he sang -without accompaniment, holding the æsakos in his hand.[839] - ------ - -Footnote 834: - - Plut. Symp. i. 1. Athen. xiv. 24. - -Footnote 835: - - Hesych. v. ᾄσακος, ap. Ilgen. De Scol. Poes. p. 154. - -Footnote 836: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 1339, 1346. - -Footnote 837: - - Potter, Antiq. ii. 403. - -Footnote 838: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 1337, seq. - -Footnote 839: - - Ilgen, De Scol. Poes. p. 156. - ------ - -The poets who had the honour thus to cheer the convivial hours of the -Greeks were, in remoter times, Simonides and Stesichoros, and, probably, -Anacreon, with others of the same grade;[840] and, if we may credit -Aristophanes, songs were also selected from the plays of Æschylus, -Sophocles, and Euripides, as among ourselves from Shakespeare, Beaumont -and Fletcher, or Ben Jonson. It may even be inferred that passages from -Homer himself[841] were sung on these occasions; or, if not sung, they -were certainly recited by rhapsodists introduced for the purpose into -the assembly, who, holding a laurel branch while thus engaged, probably -gave rise to the practice of passing round the myrtle bough. This -branch, therefore, whether of myrtle or laurel,[842] constituted a part -of a singer’s apparatus. The latter was originally chosen as sacred to -Apollo, the patron of music, and because it was also believed to be -endowed with something of prophetic power, the Pythoness eating its -leaves before she ascended the tripod, while it was the symbol of -ever-during song. Instead of the laurel, myrtle was afterwards -introduced, on account, probably, of its being sacred to Aphrodite, -whose praises were celebrated in those amatory songs common at feasts. -It may, likewise, have been considered an emblem of republican virtue, -since Harmodios and Aristogeiton concealed their swords in a myrtle -wreath.[843] - ------ - -Footnote 840: - - Aristoph. Nub. 1358. Conf. Schol. ad Vesp. 1222. - -Footnote 841: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1367. - -Footnote 842: - - Dresig. de Rhapsodis. p. 7. sqq. ap. Ilgen, De Scol. Poes. p. 157. - Pind. Isthm. iv. 63. - -Footnote 843: - - Ilgen, De Scol. Poes. p. 159. - ------ - -To proceed, however, with the Scolia. These lays, like the rest, made -the circle of the company, though not by passing in an unbroken series -from man to man, but, as has already been said, from one skilful singer -to another. In fact, the chanting of the scolia was a kind of contest -which took place when all the other songs were concluded.[844] The -person who occupied the seat of honour chanted to the Cithara a song -containing the praises of some mortal or immortal, or the developement -of some moral precept or erotic subject, which was comprehended in a -small number of verses. When he had finished, he handed the Cithara and -myrtle, at his own discretion, to some other among the guests, and the -person thus challenged, who could not refuse without passing for an -illiterate clown, must at once take up the same subject, and, without -delay or premeditation, break forth into a song in the same metre and -number of verses, if possible; and if unfamiliar with the Cithara, he -could sing to the myrtle. The second singer now exercised his privilege -and called upon a third, who was expected to do as he had done; so that -very often the same idea underwent five or six transformations in the -course of the evening. When the first argument had thus made the circle -of the company, he who concluded had the right to start a new theme, -which received the same treatment as the first; so that sometimes, when -people were in a singing humour, air followed air, until eight or ten -subjects had received all the poetical ornaments which the invention of -those present could bestow upon them. - ------ - -Footnote 844: - - Athen. xv. 49. - ------ - -But to sing without wine would have been insipid. I have said the -chanting of the scolia was a sort of contest, and, as he who contends -and obtains the victory looks naturally for a reward, so the successful -performer aspired to his, which, it must be owned, was not -inappropriate, consisting of a brimming bowl, called _odos_, or the “cup -of song,” at once a mark of honour and a reward of skill.[845] All these -particulars are inferable from the examples of the scolion, which still -remain; and Aristophanes in the “Wasps,” presents something like an -outline, though dim and obscure, both of the argument and the mode of -execution. He imagines a company of jolly fellows,[846] such as Theoros, -Æschines, Phanos, Cleon, Acestor, and a foreigner of the same kidney, -and represents them as engaged in performing certain scolia for their -own entertainment. - ------ - -Footnote 845: - - Athen. xi. 110. - -Footnote 846: - - Vesp. 1220. - ------ - -But the idea we should form of this kind of song from the very comic -passage in the “Wasps” differs materially from the theoretic view of -Ilgen, since Philocleon constantly interrupts his son, terminating each -sentence for him in a manner wholly unexpected, and of course calculated -to excite laughter. - -But though musical, the Greeks would not imitate the grasshoppers,[847] -who are said to sing till they starve; but, having accomplished the -circle above-mentioned, proceeded to other amusements which, though too -numerous to be described at length, must not be altogether passed over. -In the heroic ages the discovery had not been made that rest after meals -is necessary to digestion, which in later times was a received maxim, -and accordingly we find from the practice of the Phæacians,[848] who, if -an after-dinner nap had been customary, would certainly have taken it, -that the men of those times, instead of indulging in indolent repose out -of compliment to their stomachs, sallied forth to leap, to run, to -wrestle, and engage in other athletic sports, which by no means appear -to have impaired their health or their prowess. As civilisation -advances, however, excuses are found for laying aside the habits of -violent exercise. Science, in too many cases, fosters indolence and -pronounces what is fashionable to be wise. But to the race-course and -the wrestling-ring, sedentary, or at least indoor, pastimes succeed, -and, instead of overthrowing their antagonists on the palæstra-floor or -the greensward, men seek to subdue them at Kottabos, or on the -chess-board, or to ruin them at the card-table or in the billiard-room. - ------ - -Footnote 847: - - Plato Phædr. t. i. p. 65. - -Footnote 848: - - Homer. Odyss. θ. 97, sqq. Eustath. p. 295, 43. - ------ - -The play of Kottabos,[849] invented in Sicily, soon propagated itself, -as such inventions do, throughout the whole of Greece, and got into -great vogue at Athens, where the lively temperament of the people -inclined them to indulge immoderately in whatever was convivial and gay. -The most usual form of the game was this,—a piece of wood like the -upright of a balance having been fixed in the floor or upon a stable -basis, a small cross-beam was placed on the top of it with a shallow -vessel like the basin of a pair of scales, at either end. - ------ - -Footnote 849: - - Athen. xv. 2, sqq. xi. 22, 58, 75.—Suidas, v. κοταβίζειν. t. i. p. - 1504, b. seq. Etym. Mag. 538. 13, sqq. - ------ - -Under each of these vessels stood a broad-mouthed vase, filled with -water, with a gilt bronze statue, called Manes, fixed upright in its -centre. The persons who played at the game, standing at some little -distance, cast, in turn, their wine, from a drinking-cup into one of the -pensile basins, which descending with the weight, struck against the -head of the statue, which resounded with the blow. The victor was he who -spilled least wine during the throw, and elicited most noise from the -brazen head. It was, in fact, in its origin a species of divination, the -object being to discover by the greater or less success obtained, the -place occupied by the player in his mistress’s affections. By an -onomatopœa the sound created by the wine in its projection was called -_latax_, and the wine itself _latagè_. Both the act of throwing and the -cup used were called _ankula_, from the word which expresses the -dexterous turn of the hand with which the skilful player cast his wine -into the scales.[850] - ------ - -Footnote 850: - - Potter, ii. 405, 406. - ------ - -Our learned Archbishop Potter, who has not unskilfully abridged the -account of Athenæus, confounds the above with the _kottabos katactos_, -another form of the game described both by Pollux and Athenæus.[851] In -this the apparatus was suspended like a chandelier from the roof. It was -formed of brass, and a brazen vessel, called the skiff, was placed -beneath it. The player, standing at a little distance, with a long wand, -struck one end of the kottabos, which descending came in contact with -the skiff, or rather the manes within, and produced a hollow sound. -Occasionally the small vessels at the extremity of the kottabos were -brought down, as in the former game, by having wine cast into them. -Another variety required the skiff to be filled with water, upon which -floated a ball, an instrument like the tongue of a balance, a manes, -three myrtle boughs, and as many phials. In this the great art consisted -in striking some one of these with the kottabos, and whoever could sink -most of them won the game. The prize, on these occasions, was usually -one of those cakes called _pyramos_[852] or something similar; but -instead of these it was sometimes agreed, when women were present, that -the prize should be a kiss, as in our game of forfeits. Another kind of -kottabos, chiefly practised on those occasions which resembled our -christenings, when on the tenth day the child received its name, was a -contention of wakefulness, when the person who longest resisted sleep, -won the prize. Properly, however, kottabos was the amusement first -described; and so fashionable did it become, that persons erected -circular rooms expressly for the purpose, in order that the players -might take their stand at equal distances from the apparatus which stood -in the centre.[853] - ------ - -Footnote 851: - - Pollux. vi. 100, sqq. Athen. xv. 4. Cf. Flor. Christian ad Aristoph. - Pac. 343. - -Footnote 852: - - Pollux. vi. 101. - -Footnote 853: - - Athen. xv. 7. - ------ - -It might, without any authority, be presumed that when people met -together for enjoyment they would derive the greater portion of it from -conversation, which would, of course, vary and slide - - “From grave to gay, from lively to severe,” - -according to the character or fluctuating humour of the company. The -Spartans, like all military people, were grievously addicted to jokes, -which among them supplied the place of that elegant badinage, -alternating with profound or impassioned discourse, familiar to the more -intellectual Athenians. The latter, however, though free from the -coarseness, possessed more than the mirthfulness of the Dorians, and in -the midst of their habits of business and application to philosophy, -knew better than any people how, amidst wine and good-eating, to unbend -and enjoy the luxury of careless trifling and an unwrinkled brow. While -some therefore retired to the kottabos-room, which occupied the place of -our billiard-room, others still sat clustered round the table, -extracting amusement from each other. Among these of course would be -found all such as excelled in the art of small talk, who could tell a -good story or anecdote, scatter around showers of witticisms, or give -birth to a pun. Some, like the Spartans, had a Welsh passion for -genealogies, and loved to run back over the history of the “Landed -Gentry” of old Hellas, to the time of Deucalion or higher; others coined -their wisdom and experience into fables, for which they exhibited an -almost Oriental fondness; while the greater number, like the princes in -the Arabian Nights, exercised their wits in propounding and resolving -difficult questions, enigmas, charades, anagrams, and conundrums. - -But the principal classes into which these contrivances were divided -were two: _enigmas_ and _griphoi_,[854] the former comprehending all -those terminating in mere pleasure, the latter such questions and -riddles as involved within themselves the kernel of wisdom or -knowledge,[855] supposed to have been a dull and serious affair. -Casaubon,[856] however, vindicates it stoutly from this charge, -affirming that in the griphos the _utile_ was mingled with the _dulce_ -in due proportion; so that it must, according to Horace’s opinion, have -borne away the palm from most literary inventions. In point of -antiquity, too, the riddle may justly boast; for, if to be old is to be -noble, it has “more of birth and better blood” even than the hungry -Dorians of the Peloponnesos, whom Mr. Mitchell prefers, on this account, -before all nations of Ionic race. Like everything good also it comes -from the East. The earliest mention of the riddle occurs in the book of -Judges,[857] where Samson, during his marriage-feast at Timnath, -perplexes his guests with the following riddle: - - “Out of the eater came forth meat, and out of the strong came forth - sweetness;” - ------ - -Footnote 854: - - Vid. Clem. Alexan. Protrep. i. 1. Diog. Laert. ii. 33. - -Footnote 855: - - Pollux. vi. 107. - -Footnote 856: - - Animadv. in Athen. x. 15. Cf. Scaliger, Poet. iii. 84, where the - distinction made by Pollux is explained. - -Footnote 857: - - Chap. xiv. vv. 14. 18. Chytræus, in his note on this passage, has - several excellent and learned remarks on the subject. Vid. Seber. ad - Poll. t. v. p. 141. - ------ - -To which they, being instructed by his wife, replied: - - “What is sweeter than honey? and what is stronger than a lion?” - -The word griphos, in its original acceptation, signified a fishing-net, -and hence by translation was employed to describe a captious or -cunningly contrived question, in which the wits of people were -entangled.[858] As the ancients delighted in this sort of intellectual -trifling they were at the pains to be very methodical about it, dividing -the riddle into several kinds, which Clearchos of Soli[859] made the -subject of a separate work. This writer, a sort of Greek D’Israeli, -defines the griphos to mean “a sportive problem proposed for solution on -condition, that the discovery of the sense should be attended by a -reward, and failure with punishment.” His description of the seven -classes could scarcely be rendered intelligible, and certainly not -interesting to the modern reader. It will be more to the purpose to -introduce two or three specimens, prefacing them by a few remarks. - ------ - -Footnote 858: - - Pollux. vi. 108. Scalig. Poet. iii. 84. - -Footnote 859: - - Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 20. Athen. x. 69. - ------ - -It has been above observed, that philosophical truths were often wrapped -up in these sportive problems, which purposely obscured, so as to afford -but dim and distant glimpses of the forms within, necessarily exercised -and sharpened the wit and induced keen and persevering habits of -investigation. The reward also and the penalty had the same tendency. A -crown, an extra junket, and the applause of the company, cheered the -successful Œdipos, while the lackwit who beat about the bush without -catching the owl, had to make wry faces over a cup of brine or pickle. -Theodectes, the sophist, a man distinguished for the excellence of his -memory, obtained reputation as a riddle-solver, and denominated such -questions the “springs of memory.”[860] But whatever the interrogatories -themselves may have been, the reward, to which their solution often led, -was rather a source of forgetfulness, consisting of a goblet of wine -which, when no interpreter could be found, passed to the -propounder.[861] - ------ - -Footnote 860: - - Pollux. vi. 108. - -Footnote 861: - - Etym. Mag. 341, 35, sqq. Suidas. v. γρῖφος, t. i. p. 628, seq. - ------ - -The riddle was of course a mine of wealth to the comic poets, who could -not be supposed to forego the use of so admirable a contrivance to raise -expectation and beget surprise. But it is clear, from the examples still -preserved, that they oftener missed than hit. Antiphanes’s griphoi on -“bringing and not bringing;” on the “porridge-pot;” on a “tart,” &c., -are poor things; but the following from the “Dream” of Alexis is good: - - A. A thing exists which nor immortal is, - Nor mortal, but to both belongs, and lives - As neither god nor man does. Every day, - ’Tis born anew and dies. No eye can see it, - And yet to all ’tis known. - - B. A plague upon you! - you bore me with your riddles. - - A. Still, all this - Is plain and easy. - - B. What then can it be? - - A. SLEEP—that puts all our cares and pains to flight.[862] - ------ - -Footnote 862: - - Athen. x. 71. - ------ - -The following from Eubulos is not amiss: - - A. What is it that, while young, is plump and heavy, - But, being full grown, is light, and wingless mounts - Upon the courier winds, and foils the sight? - - B. The THISTLE’S BEARD; for this at first sticks fast - To the green seed, which, ripe and dry, falls off - Upon the cradling breeze, or, upwards puffed - By playful urchins, sails along the air. - -Antiphanes, in his Sappho, introduces a very ingenious riddle, partly -for the purpose of offering a sarcastic explanation directed against the -orators: - - There is a female which within her bosom - Carries her young, that, mute, in fact, yet speak, - And make their voice heard on the howling waves, - Or wildest continent. They will converse - Even with the absent, and inform the deaf.[863] - ------ - -Footnote 863: - - Athen. x. 73. - ------ - -The poet introduces the “Lesbian maid,” explaining the riddle, and this -passage of the Athenian comic writer may be regarded as the original of -those fine lines in Ovid, which Pope has so elegantly translated: - - Heaven first taught LETTERS for some wretch’s aid, - Some banish’d lover, or some captive maid, - They live, they speak, they breathe what love inspires, - Warm from the soul, and faithful to its fires, - The virgin’s wish without her fears impart, - Excuse the blush and pour out all the heart, - Speed the soft intercourse from soul to soul, - And waft a sigh from Indus to the pole. - -By this time, however, the reader will probably be of opinion, that we -have lingered long enough about the dinner-table and its attendant -pastimes. We shall therefore hasten the departure of the guests, who -after burning the tongues of the animals that had been sacrificed, to -intimate that whatever had been uttered was to be kept secret, offered -libations to Zeus, Hermes, and other gods, and took their leave, in -ancient times before sunset; but afterwards, as luxury and extravagance -increased, the morning sun often enabled them to dispense with -link-boys. Examples, indeed, of similar perversions of the night occur -in Homer and Virgil, but always among the reckless or effeminate in the -palaces of princes, whence, in all ages, the stream of immorality has -flowed downward upon society to disturb and pollute it. The company -assembled at Agathon’s, also, sit up all night in Plato; and -Aristophanes represents drunken men reeling home through the agora by -daylight. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - THE THEATRE. - - -It is far from being my purpose to repeat the information which may be -obtained from a hundred authors on the rise and progress of scenic -representation in Greece. I shall, on the contrary, confine myself -chiefly to those parts of the subject which others have either -altogether neglected, or treated in a concise and unsatisfactory manner. -It would, nevertheless, be beside my purpose to attempt the clearing up -of all such difficulties as occur in the accounts transmitted to us of -the Hellenic drama; and, in fact, notwithstanding the laborious -investigations into which I have been compelled to enter, I feel that -there are many points upon which I can throw no new light, and which -appear likely for ever to baffle the ingenuity of architects and -scholars. - -Dionysos, being a deity connected with agriculture, his worship -naturally took its rise, and for a long time prevailed chiefly, in the -country. His festivals were celebrated with merriment; and, the power of -mimicry being natural to man, the rustics, when congregated to set forth -the praise of their tutelar god, easily glided into the enactment of a -farcical show. And dramatic exhibitions at the outset were little -superior to the feats of Punch, though, so great was their suitableness -to the national character, that, in the course of time, every town of -note had its own theatre, as it had of old its own dithyrambic -bard;[864] and dramatic writers were multiplied incomparably beyond what -they have been in any other country. - ------ - -Footnote 864: - - Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1404. - ------ - -Both tragedy and comedy,[865] properly so called, took their rise in -Attica, and there only, in the ancient world, flourished and grew up to -perfection. The theatre, in fact, formed at length a part of the -constitution, and, probably, the worst part, its tendency being to -foster personal enmities, to stir the sources of malice, and, while -pretending to purge off the dross of the passions by the channels of -sorrow and mirth, to induce habits of idleness and political apathy, by -affording in the brilliant recesses of a mock world a facile refuge from -the toils and duties of the real one. Nevertheless, it may be curious to -open up a view into that universe of shadows wherein the vast creations -of Æschylus, of Sophocles, of Euripides, of Aristophanes, and Menander -displayed themselves before the eyes of the Athenians, with a costly -grandeur and magnificence never equalled save in imperial Rome. - ------ - -Footnote 865: - - See Bentley, Dissert. on Phal. i. 251. - ------ - -It has been already remarked, that to the Dionysiac theatre of Athens -the architectural speculations of Vitruvius on dramatic edifices apply, -this building having constituted the model on which similar structures -were afterwards erected.[866] By carefully studying its details, -therefore, we shall be enabled to form a tolerably just conception of -all the theatres once found in Greece, though each, perhaps, may have -been slightly modified in plan, general arrangement, and decorations, by -the peculiarities of the site, and the science or taste of its -architect. - ------ - -Footnote 866: - - On the form and construction of ancient theatres, see Chandler, - Travels, &c., who describes the ruins of the theatre of Teos. i. 110; - of Ephesos, 138; of Miletos, (457 feet in length,) 168; of Myos, 191; - of Stratonica, 222; of Nysa, built with a blue-veined marble, 245; of - Laodicea, 262; of Ægina, ii. 16; of Athens, 113; of Eleusis, 215; on - the theatre of Syracuse, see Antiq. of Athens, &c. Supplementary to - Stuart, by Cockerel, Donaldson, &c. p. 38.—See a plan of the theatre - in the grove of Asclepios at Epidauros, pl. 1. p. 53, and another of - that of Dramysos, near Joannina, pl. 3.—(Compare on the Dionysiac - Theatre, Leake, Topog. of Athens, p. 53, sqq.) - ------ - -The great theatre of Bacchos, partly scooped out of the rock on the face -of the hill at the south-eastern angle of the Acropolis, stretched -forth, on solid piers of masonry, a considerable distance into the -plain, and was capable of containing upwards of thirty thousand people. -The diameter, accordingly, if it did not exceed, could have fallen -little short of five hundred feet.[867] For we are not to suppose that, -while Sparta,[868] and Argos, and Megalopolis, cities comparatively -insignificant, possessed theatres of such dimensions, Athens, -incomparably the largest and most beautiful of Hellenic capitals, would -have been content with one of inferior magnitude.[869] - ------ - -Footnote 867: - - Even a provincial theatre is compared by the rustic in Dion Chrysostom - to a large hollow valley, i. 229; what then could the Abbé Dubos be - thinking of when he wrote, “Il étoit impossible que les altérations du - visage que le masque cache furent aperçûes distinctment des - spectateurs, dont plusieurs étoient éloignes _de plus de douze toises_ - du comédien qui récitoit!”—Reflex. Crit. i. 609. - -Footnote 868: - - Scalig. Poet. i. 21. - -Footnote 869: - - Colonel Leake, Topog. of Ath. p. 59. Cf. Wordsworth’s Athens and - Attica, p. 29. The conjecture of Hemsterhuis on the passage of - Dicæarchos cannot be adopted. The words must apply to the theatre; for - he says the Parthenon charmed the spectators. But this could not apply - to the Odeion, which was roofed. - ------ - -To determine accurately the various parts of the theatre, and thus affix -a distinct meaning to every term connected with it, has exercised the -ingenuity of critics and architects for the last three hundred years, -still leaving many difficulties to be overcome. I can scarcely hope in -every case to succeed where they have failed. But the following -explanation may, perhaps, convey of its interior an idea sufficiently -exact for all practical purposes. - -Supposing ourselves to be standing at the foot of the Katatomè,[870] a -smooth wall of rock, rising perpendicularly from the back of the theatre -to the superimpending fortifications of the Acropolis, we behold on -either hand, surmounted by porticoes, lofty piers of masonry projecting -like horns down the rocky slope into the plain and united at their -extremities by a wall of equal height, running in a straight line from -one point of the horseshoe to the other. The space thus enclosed is -divided into three principal parts,—the amphitheatre for the spectators, -the orchestra,[871] filling all the space occupied by the modern pit, -for the chorus, and the stage, properly so called, for the actors. Each -of these parts was again subdivided. Looking down still from the -Katatomè, we behold the benches of white marble, sweeping round the -whole semicircle of the theatre, descend like steps to the level of the -orchestra, and intersected at intervals by narrow straight passages -converging towards a point below.[872] A number of the upper seats, cut -off, by an open space extending round the whole semicircle, from the -rest, was set apart for the women. Other divisions were appropriated to -other classes of the population, as the tier of seats immediately -overlooking the orchestra to the senators, or dicasts, another portion -to the youth, another to foreigners and the guests of the state, while -the remainder was occupied by the dense mass of citizens of all -ages,[873] with crowns of flowers on their heads. - ------ - -Footnote 870: - - Poll. iv. 123. - -Footnote 871: - - Tim. Lex. Platon. in v. ὀρχήστρα. p. 104. Poll. iv. 123. - -Footnote 872: - - Poll. iv. 123.—The Cunei, for greater convenience, had particular - marks, numbers, or names to distinguish them: the podium of the - diazoma of the theatre at Syracuse has an inscription cut on the - fascia of the cornice to each cuneus.—Antiq. of Ath. &c. Supplem. to - Stuart, &c., by Cockerel, Kinnaird, Donaldson, &c., p. 38. - -Footnote 873: - - For the children, see Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 128. Athen. xi. 13. Cf. - Aristid. t. i. p. 505. Jebb. - ------ - -Above the level of the most elevated range of seats, and stretching -round the whole sweep of the edifice,[874] arose a spacious -portico,[875] designed to afford shelter to the spectators during the -continuance of a sudden shower. Another range of porticoes extended -along the small lawn or grove within the limits of the theatre, at the -back of the stage, so that there was little necessity for the Athenian -people to take refuge, as some have imagined, from the weather in the -public buildings, sacred or civil, in the vicinity. - ------ - -Footnote 874: - - Vitruv. v. 9. Donaldson, Theatre of the Greeks, p. 139. - -Footnote 875: - - Among the Romans it was customary to carry along with them, as a - defence against rain, thick cloaks, rockets, or mandilions. Buleng. de - Theat. i. 15.—The theatre of Regilla, built by Herodes Atticus in - honour of his wife, was roofed with cedar.—Philost. Vit. Sophist. ii. - 1. 5.—In later ages a velarium appears to have been extended over the - great Dionysiac theatre, as was the custom at Rome.—Wordsworth, Athens - and Attica, p. 90. Cf. Dion. Cass. xliii. p. 226. a. Hanov. 1606. - ------ - -It would appear from an expression in Pollux,[876] that the lower seats -of the theatre, appropriated to persons of distinction, were covered -with wood,[877] notwithstanding which, it was usual, in the later ages -of the commonwealth, for rich persons to have cushions brought for them -to the theatre by their domestics,[878] together with purple carpets for -their feet. Theophrastus, accordingly, whom few striking traits of -manners escaped, represents his flatterer snatching this theatrical -cushion from the slave, and adjusting and obsequiously smoothing it for -his patron.[879] To render their devotion to Dionysos still less -irksome, it was customary to hand round cakes and wine during the -representation, though, like Homer’s heroes, they were careful to -fortify themselves with a good meal before they ventured abroad. We are -informed, moreover, that when the actors were bad there was a greater -consumption of confectionary, the good people being determined to make -up in one kind of enjoyment what they lost in another. Full cups, -moreover, were habitually drained on the entrance and exit of the -chorus.[880] - ------ - -Footnote 876: - - Onomast. iv. 122.—To kick the seats with the heel was called - πτερνοκοπεῖν, which they did when they wanted to drive away an actor, - id. ibid. Cf. Diog. Laert. ii. 8. 4. - -Footnote 877: - - On the old wooden theatre see Hesych. v. ἰκρία. Suid. v. ἰκρία, t. i. - p. 1234. d. Sch. Aristoph. Thesm. 395.—This theatre fell down whilst a - play of Pratinas was acting.—Suid. v. Πρατίνας, t. ii. 585. d. - -Footnote 878: - - Upon this practice Dr. Chandler has an ingenious conjecture. After - attentively viewing the seats of several ancient theatres, and - “considering their height, width, and manner of arrangement, I am - inclined to believe that the ancient Asiatics sate at their plays and - public spectacles, like the modern, with under them, and, it is - probable, upon carpets.”—Travels, &c. i. 269. - -Footnote 879: - - Charact. c. ii. p. 10. Casaub. - -Footnote 880: - - Philoch. Frag. Sieb. p. 85. Aristot. Ethic. Nic. 5. Athen. xi. 13. - ------ - -The orchestra, being considerably below the level of the stage, had in -the middle of it a small square platform, called the Thymele,[881] -sometimes regarded as a bema on which the leader of the chorus mounted -when engaged in dialogue with the actors; sometimes as an altar on -which sacrifice was offered up to Dionysos. That part of the orchestra -which lay between the Thymele and the stage was denominated the -Dromos, while the name of Parodoi was bestowed on those two spacious -side-passages,[882] the one from the east, the other from the west, at -the extremities of the tiers of seats which afforded the chorus ample -room for marching in and out in rank and file, in the quadrangular -form it usually affected. - ------ - -Footnote 881: - - Etym. Mag. 653. 7. Cf. 458. 30. 743. 30. et Suid. v. σκηνὴ t. ii. p. - 753, seq. Cf. Thom. Magist. in v. θυμέλη, p. 458, seq. Blancard. - Scalig. Poet. i. 21. Poll. iv. 123. - -Footnote 882: - - Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 8. Cf. Vesp. 270. - ------ - -At the extremity of the orchestra a pier of masonry called the -Hyposcenion, adorned with columns and statues, rose to the level of the -stage, where a most intricate system of machinery and decoration -represented all that was tangible to sense in the creations of the poet. -The stage was divided into two parts; first, the Ocribas or -Logeion,[883] floored with boards, and hollow beneath, for the purpose -of reverberating the voice; second, the Proscenion,[884] a broader -parallelogram of solid stonework, necessary to support the vast -apparatus of machinery and decoration required by the character of the -Grecian drama. The descent from the stage[885] into the orchestra was by -two flights of steps situated at either extremity of the Logeion, at the -point where the Parodoi touched upon the Dromos. Beyond the Proscenion -arose the Scene,[886] properly so called, the aspect of which was -constantly varied, to suit the requirements of each successive piece. In -most cases, however, it represented the front of three different -edifices, of which the central one, communicating with the stage by a -broad and lofty portal, was generally a palace. Sometimes, as in the -Philoctetes, this portal was converted into the mouth of a cavern,[887] -opening upon the view, amid the rocks and solitudes of Lemnos, while in -other plays it formed the entrance to the mansion of some private person -of distinction, but was always appropriated to the principal actor. The -building on the right assumed in comedy the appearance of an inn, -through the door of which the second actor issued upon the stage, while -the portal on the left led into a ruined temple, or uninhabited house. -In tragedy the right hand entrance was appropriated to strangers, while -on the left was that of the female apartments, or of a prison.[888] - ------ - -Footnote 883: - - Plat. Conviv. t. iv. 411. Tim. Lex. v. ὀκρίβας, p. 102. Etym. Mag. - 620. 52. Poll. iv. 123. - -Footnote 884: - - Poll. iv. 123. - -Footnote 885: - - It is impossible to adopt Genelli’s idea on these flights of steps, by - the injudicious position of which in his plan, he entirely breaks up - and destroys the beauty of the Hyposcenion, especially as the - Scholiast on Aristophanes positively states, that they led from the - Parodoi to the Logeion.—Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 149. - -Footnote 886: - - On the stage and scenery, see Casalius.—De Trag. et Com. c. i. ap. - Gronov. Thesaur. t. viii. p. 1603. - -Footnote 887: - - Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Av. i. - -Footnote 888: - - Vid. Scalig. de Art. Poet. i. 21. - ------ - -Upon the stage, in front of the doors, stood an altar of Apollo Aguieus, -and a table covered with cakes and confectionary,[889] which appears -sometimes to have been regarded as the representative of that ancient -table, on which, in the simplicity of Prothespian times, the solitary -actor mounted when engaged in dialogue with the chorus. - ------ - -Footnote 889: - - Poll. iv. 123. Vid. Spanh. ad Callim. t. ii. p. 228, seq. - ------ - -When the stage was fitted up for the performance of comedy, there stood -near the house a painted scene representing a large cattle-shed, with -capacious double gates, for the admission of waggons and sumpter oxen, -with herds and droves of asses, when returning from the field. In the -Akestriæ of Antiphanes,[890] this rustic building was converted into a -workshop. Beyond each of the side-doors on the right and left were two -machines,[891] one on either hand, upon which the extremity of the -periactoi abutted. The scene on the right represented rural landscapes, -that on the left prospects in the environs of the city, particularly -views of the harbour. On these periactoi,[892] were represented the -marine deities riding on the waves, and generally all such objects as -could not be introduced by machinery. By turning the periactoi on the -right, the situation was changed, but when both were turned a wholly new -landscape was placed before the eye. Of the parodoi, or side-passages, -that on the right led from the fields, from the harbour, or from the -city, as the necessities of the play required, while those arriving on -foot from any other part entered by the opposite passage, and, -traversing a portion of the orchestra, ascended the stage by the flights -of steps before mentioned. - ------ - -Footnote 890: - - Scalig. reads Antipho. De Art. Poet. i. 21. - -Footnote 891: - - Μηχαναὶ for μία. Cf. Annot. Poll. iv. 126. - -Footnote 892: - - Poll. iv. 126, 130, seq. - ------ - -The machinery[893] by which the dumb economy of the play was developed -consisted of numerous parts, highly complicated and curious. To avoid -labour, and, perhaps, some tediousness, these might be passed over with -such a remark as the above, but this would be to escape from -difficulties not to diminish them. I shall descend to particulars. - ------ - -Footnote 893: - - Vid. Buleng. De Theat. c. 21. - ------ - -First, and most remarkable, was that machine called an Eccyclema,[894] -much used by the ancients when scenes within-doors were to be brought to -view. It consisted of a wooden structure, moved on wheels, and -represented the interior of an apartment. In order to pass forth through -the doors, it was formed less deep than broad, and rolled forth -sideways, turning round afterwards, and concealing the front of the -building from which it had issued. The channels in the floor, which were -traversed by the wheels, doubtless concealed beneath the lofty basis, -received the name of Eiscyclema.[895] Sometimes, as in the Agamemnon, it -presented to view “the royal bathing apartment with the silver laver, -the corpse enveloped in the fatal garment, and Clytemnestra, besprinkled -with blood, and holding in her hand the reeking weapon, still standing -with haughty mien over her murdered victim.”[896] On other occasions a -throne, a corpse, the interior of a tent, the summit of a building, were -exhibited; and in the Clouds of Aristophanes the interior of Socrates’ -house was laid open to the spectators, containing a number of masks, -gaunt and pale, the natural fruit of philosophy.[897] It should be -remarked that the Eccyclema issued through any of the doors, as the -piece required the cells of a prison, the halls of a palace, or the -chambers of an inn, to be placed before the eyes of the audience. - ------ - -Footnote 894: - - Poll. iv. 127, seq. - -Footnote 895: - - Poll. iv. 128. - -Footnote 896: - - Müller, Dissert. on the Eumenid. p. 91. - -Footnote 897: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 185. - ------ - -That peculiar machine in which the gods made their appearance,[898] or -such heroes as enjoyed the privilege of travelling through the -air,—Bellerophon, for example, and Perseus,—stood near the left -side-entrance, and, in height, exceeded the stone skreen at the back of -the stage. This, in tragedy, was denominated Mechanè, and Kradè in -comedy,[899]—in this case resembling a fig-tree, which the Athenians -called Kradè. The watch-tower, the battlements, and the turret, were -constructed for the use of those watchmen, such as the old man in the -Agamemnon, who looked out for signals, or indications of the coming foe. -The Phructorion[900] was a pharos, or beacon-tower. Another portion of -the stage was the Distegia, a building two stories high in palaces, from -the top of which, in the Phœnissœ of Euripides,[901] Antigone beholds -the army. It was roofed with tiles, (and thence called Keramos,) which -they sometimes cast down upon the enemy. In comedy, libertines and old -women, or ladies of equivocal character, were represented prying into -the street for prey from such buildings. - ------ - -Footnote 898: - - Ξενοκλῆς ὁ Καρκίνου δοκεῖ μηχανὰς καὶ τερατείας εἰσάγειν ν τοῖς - δράμασι. Πλάτων Σοφισταῖς· Ξενοκλῆς ὁ δωδεκαμήχανος ὁ Καρκίνου παῖς - τοῦ θαλαττίου· μηχανοδίφας δὲ εἶπεν αὐτοὺς, ἐπειδὴ πολλάκις ὡς - τραγῳδοὶ μηχανὰς προσέφερον, ἡνίκα Θεοὺς ἐμιμοῦντο ἀνερχομένους ἢ - κατερχομένους ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἢ ἄλλοτι τοιοῦτον. Schol. Aristoph. Pac. - 769. - -Footnote 899: - - Poll. iv. 129. Etym. Mag. 465. 56. 534. 39. - -Footnote 900: - - Aristoph. Av. 1161, et Schol. Cf. Herod. ap. Const. in v. φρυκτώριον. - Poll. iv. 127. - -Footnote 901: - - Phæn. 688, cum not. et Schol. Bekk. Poll. iv. 127, 129. - ------ - -The Keraunoskopeion[902] was a lofty triangular column, which appears to -have been hollow, and furnished with narrow fissures, extending in right -lines from top to bottom. Within seem to have been a number of lamps, on -stationary bases, from which, as the periactos whirled round, sheets of -mimic lightning flashed upon the stage from behind the scenes. - ------ - -Footnote 902: - - Poll. iv. 127, 130. - ------ - -The construction of the Bronteion,[903] or thunder magazine, I imagine -to have been nearly as follows:—a number of brazen plates, arranged one -below another, like stairs, descended through a steep, vaulted passage -behind the scene, into the bottom of a tower, terminating in a vast -brazen caldron. From the edge of this, a series of metallic -apertures,[904] probably spiral, pierced the tower wall, and opened -without in funnels, like the mouths of trumpets. - ------ - -Footnote 903: - - Idem, Ibid. - -Footnote 904: - - These were called ἠχεῖα. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 292. - ------ - -When some deity was required to descend to earth in the midst of -lightning and sudden thunder, the Keraunoskopeion was instantaneously -put in motion, and showers of pebbles from the sea-shore were hurled -down the mouth of the Bronteion, and, rolling over the brazen -receptacles, produced a terrific crash, which, with innumerable -reverberations, was poured forth by the Echeia upon the theatre.[905] - ------ - -Footnote 905: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 292, 294. - ------ - -In a lofty gallery called the Theologeion, extending over the marble -skreen at the back of the stage, appeared the gods, when the drama -required their presence; and hence, I imagine, the Hebrew colony which -makes its appearance nightly near the roof of our own theatres have -obtained the name of gods. Here Zeus, and the other deities of Olympos, -were assembled in that very extraordinary drama of Æschylus, the -Psychostasia, or weighing in the balance the souls of Achilles and -Hector. - -They employed in the theatre the machine called a Crane,[906] the point -of which being lowered, snatched up whatever it was designed to bear -aloft into the air. By means of this contrivance, Eos, goddess of the -dawn, descended and bore away the body of Memnon, slain by Achilles -before Troy. At other times strong cords, so disposed as to resemble -swings, were let down from the roof, to support the gods or heroes who -seemed to be borne through the air. - ------ - -Footnote 906: - - Poll. iv. 130. - ------ - -Though by turning the Periactoi three changes of scene could be -produced, many more were sometimes required, and, when this was the -case, new landscapes were dropped, like hangings, or slided in frames in -front of those painted columns. These usually represented views of the -sea, or mountain scenery, or the course of some river winding along -through solitary vales, or other prospects of similar character, -according to the spirit of the drama. - -The position of the Hemicycle is more difficult to comprehend. It -appears to have been a retreating semicircular scene, placed facing the -orchestra, and masking the marble buildings at the back of the stage, -when a view was to be opened up into some distant part of the city, or -shipwrecked mariners were to be exhibited buffeting with the waves. Not -very dissimilar was the Stropheion,[907] which brought to view heroes -translated to Olympos, or on the ocean, or in battle slain, where change -of position with respect to the spectator was produced by the rotatory -motion of the machine. - ------ - -Footnote 907: - - Poll. iv. 131. - ------ - -The position of the Charonian staircase,[908] by which spectres and -apparitions ascended from the nether world, is exceedingly difficult to -be determined; but that it was somewhere on the stage appears to me -certain, notwithstanding the seeming testimony of Pollux to the -contrary. The hypothesis which makes the ghosts issue from a door -immediately beneath the seats of the spectators, and rush along the -whole depth of the orchestra, among the chorus and musicians, is, at any -rate, absurd. It must have been somewhere towards the back of the stage, -near the altar of Loxios, the table of shew-bread and those sacred and -antique images which in certain dramas were there exhibited. Here, -likewise, was the trap-door, through which river-gods issued from the -earth, while the other trap-door, appropriated to the Furies, seems to -have been situated in the boards of the Logeion, near one of the flights -of steps leading down into the orchestra. - ------ - -Footnote 908: - - Id. iv. 132. - ------ - -The above synopsis of the machinery and decorations employed by the -Greeks in their theatrical shows may, possibly, from its imperfection, -suggest the idea of a rude and clumsy apparatus. But, as the arts of -poetry, sculpture, painting, and architecture reached in Greece the -highest perfection, and, as this perfection was coëtaneous with the -flourishing state of the drama, it is impossible to escape the -conviction, that the art of scene-painting and the manufacturing of -stage machinery, likewise, underwent all the improvements of which by -their nature they are susceptible. For, in the first place, it is not -easy to suppose, that a people, so fastidious as were the Athenians, -would have tolerated in the theatre displays of ignorance and want of -skill which everywhere else they are known to have overwhelmed with -contempt and derision; more especially as, in the first place, the -landscapes and objects represented were usually those with which they -were most familiar, though the fancy of the poet sometimes ventured to -transport them to the most elevated and inaccessible recesses of Mount -Caucasus, to the summit of the celestial Olympos, to the palaces and -harems of Persia, to the wilds of the Tauric Chersonese,[909] or even to -the dim and dreary regions of the dead. The names, nevertheless, of few -scene-painters, besides Agatharchos,[910] have come down to us, though -it is known, that, in their own day, they sometimes divided with the -poet the admiration of the audience, and, on other occasions, enabled -poets of inferior merit to bear away the prize from their betters. - ------ - -Footnote 909: - - Cf. Æsch. Prom. 2. - -Footnote 910: - - Vitruv. Præfat. lib. vii. Plut. Alcib. § 16. - ------ - -The character, however, of stage-scenery differed very widely in -tragedy, comedy, and satyric pieces,[911] usually consisting, in the -first, of façades of palaces, with colonnades, architraves, cornices, -niches, statues, &c.; in comedy, of the fronts or courts of ordinary -houses, with windows, balconies, porticoes, &c.; while, in the satyric -drama, the fancy of the painter and decorator was allowed to develope -before the audience scenes of rural beauty remote from cities, as the -hollows of mountains shaded with forests, winding valleys, plains, -rivers, caverns, and sacred groves. - ------ - -Footnote 911: - - Vitruv. v. 8. Etym. Mag. 763. 27. - ------ - -Of the Grecian actors,[912] whose business and profession next require -to be noticed, too little by far is known, considering the curious -interest of the subject. Their art, however, would appear to have sprung -from that of the rhapsodists, who chanted in temples, during religious -festivals, and afterwards in the theatres, the heroic lays of Greece. To -a certain extent, indeed, the rhapsodist was himself an actor. His art -required him to enter deeply into the spirit of the poetry he recited, -to suit to the passion brought into play the modulations and inflexions -of his voice, his tone, his looks, his gesture, so as vividly to paint -to the imagination the picture designed by the poet, and sway the whole -theatre by the powerful wand of sympathy through all the gradations of -sorrow, indignation, and joy.[913] By some writers, accordingly, the -rhapsodist is apparently confounded with the actor, that is, he is -considered an actor of epics,[914] though in reality his imitations of -character were partial and imperfect. - ------ - -Footnote 912: - - Vid. Casal. c. 2. - -Footnote 913: - - Plat. Ion. t. ii. p. 183, seq. Wolf. Proleg. p. 95. Cf. S. F. Dresig. - Comment. Lips. 1734. Gillies, Hist. of Greece, vol. i. c. 6. - -Footnote 914: - - Diod. Sic. xiv. 109. xv. 7. - ------ - -Actors formed at Athens part of a guild, or company, called the -Dionysiac artificers,[915] among whom were also comprehended -rhapsodists, citharœdi, citharistæ, musicians, jugglers, and other -individuals[916] connected with the theatre. These persons, though for -the most part held in little estimation, were yet somewhat more -respectable than at Rome, where to appear on the stage was -infamous.[917] Like the rhapsodists, they generally led a wandering -life, sometimes appearing at Athens,[918] sometimes at Corinth, or -Sicyon, or Epidauros, or Thebes, after the fashion approved among the -strollers of our own day. In the course of these wanderings they now and -then fell in with rare adventures, as in the case of that company of -comedians which, on returning from Messenia towards the Isthmus, was met -by king Cleomenes and the Spartan army near Megalopolis.[919] To exhibit -the superiority of his power and his contempt for the enemy, Cleomenes -threw up, probably with turf and boards, a temporary theatre, where he -and his army sat all day enjoying the jokes and wild merriment of the -stage, after which, he bestowed, as a prize, upon the principal -performers, the sum of forty minæ, or about one hundred and sixty pounds -sterling. - ------ - -Footnote 915: - - Philost. Vit. Soph. ii. 16. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. v. 7. Vandale, Dissert. - 380, seq. - -Footnote 916: - - Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. p. 121. Athen. v. 49. Animadv. t. viii. p. - 196. - -Footnote 917: - - Vandale. Dissert, v. p. 383. - -Footnote 918: - - Plat. de Rep. viii. t. ii. p. 229, seq. Athen. xiii. 44. In Roman - times we find an actor travelling from the capital to Seville in - Spain, where with his lofty cothurni, strange dress, and gaping mask, - he frightened the natives out of the theatre.—Philost. Vit. Apoll. - Tyan. v. 9. Cf. Luc. de Saltat. § 27. A taste for the amusements of - the Grecian stage was diffused far and wide through the ancient world, - so that we find the princes of Persia and Armenia not only enjoying - the representation of Greek tragedies, but themselves, likewise, in - some instances, aspiring to rival the dramatic poets of Hellas. Thus - Artavasdes, the Armenian prince, is said to have written tragedies, as - well as histories and orations, some of which still existed in the age - of Plutarch. The Parthian court was engaged in beholding the Bacchæ of - Euripides, in which Jason of Tralles was the principal performer, when - Sillaces brought in the head of Marcus Crassus, upon which both king - and nobles delivered themselves up to immoderate joy, and the actor, - seizing upon the Roman’s head, exchanged the part of Pentheus for that - of his mother, who appears upon the stage bearing a bleeding head upon - her thyrsus; for this he received a present of a talent from the - king.—Plut. Crass. § 33. Polyæan. vii. 41. 1. - -Footnote 919: - - Plut. Cleom. § 12. - ------ - -About this period, however, it was usual for the armies of Greece, -republican as well as royal, to be followed by companies of strollers, -jugglers, dancing girls, and musicians.[920] Even in the army of -Alexander, when proceeding on the Persian expedition, the “flatterers of -Dionysos”[921] were not forgotten; in fact, the son of Philip set a high -value upon the performances of these gentlemen, and with truly royal -munificence allowed them to enjoy their full share of the plunder of the -East. Thus, when Nicocreon, king of Salamis, and Pasicrates, king of -Soli,[922] played the part of Choregi in Cyprus, in getting up certain -tragedies there performed for the amusement of Alexander, and the -actors, Thessalos, and Athenodoros the Athenian, contended for the -prize; he was piqued at the victory of the Athenian, and, though he -commended the judges for bestowing the prize on him whom they regarded -as the best performer, said, he would have given a part of his kingdom -rather than have beheld Thessalos overcome by a rival. - ------ - -Footnote 920: - - Plut. ubi supra. - -Footnote 921: - - Διονυσοκόλακες. Athen. vi. 56. - -Footnote 922: - - Plut. Alex. § 29. - ------ - -Afterwards, when Athenodoros was fined by his countrymen for absenting -himself from Athens during the Dionysiac festival, evidently contrary to -the statutes in that case made and provided, Alexander paid the fine for -his humble friend, though he refused to make application to the people -for its remission. - -An anecdote related of Lycon of Scarphe, also shows the high value set -by the Macedonian prince upon the amusements of the stage, and the -influence exercised over his mind by the Dionysiac artificers, though, -according to Antiphanes, he wanted the taste to discriminate between a -good play and a bad one. The Scarpheote being one day in want of money, -as actors sometimes are, introduced into the piece he was performing a -line of his own making, beseeching the conqueror to bestow on him ten -talents; Alexander, amused by his extravagance, or captivated perhaps, -by the flattery which accompanied it, at once granted his request, and -thus upwards of two thousand four hundred pounds of the public money -were expended for the momentary gratification of a prince.[923] - ------ - -Footnote 923: - - Plut. Alex. § 29. - ------ - -The philosophers, almost of necessity, thought and spoke of these -wandering performers with extreme contempt. Plato observes, that they -went about from city to city collecting together thoughtless crowds, -and, by their beautiful, sonorous, and persuasive voices, converting -republics into tyrannies and aristocracies. Aristotle endeavoured to -account for their evil character and agency.[924] They were worthless, -he says, because of all men they profited least by the lessons of reason -and philosophy, their whole lives being consumed by the study of their -professional arts, or passed in intemperance and difficulties. - ------ - -Footnote 924: - - Prob. xxx. 10. They were likewise corrupted by their profession, - since, in female parts, they frequently indulged in immodest gestures, - as is particularly related of Callipedes. Id. Poet. v. 2. Cf. Macrob. - Saturnal. l. ii. c. 10. - ------ - -Nevertheless, even among them there were different grades, some aiming -at the higher walks of tragedy and comedy; while others were content to -declaim rude, low songs, seated on waggons like mountebanks during the -Lenæan festival.[925] Nor must this fashion be at all regarded as -Prothespian, since it prevailed down to a very late period. And as in -every thing the Greeks aimed at excellence and distinction, so even here -we find that there was a contest between the poets who wrote the comic -songs sung by these humble performers from their waggons.[926] - ------ - -Footnote 925: - - Occasionally, as among ourselves, jugglers were introduced upon the - stage, swallowing swords and performing other fantastic tricks.—Plut. - Lycurg. § 19. - -Footnote 926: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 545. - ------ - -The various classes of actors known to the ancients were numerous. Among -the lower grades were the Magodos, and the Lysiodos,[927] who though -confounded by some, appear clearly to have been distinct; the former -personating both male and female characters; the latter female -characters only, though disguised in male costume. But the songs, and -every other characteristic of their performances, were the same. The -spirit of the coarse satirical farces they acted forbids my explaining -their nature fully. - ------ - -Footnote 927: - - Athen. iv. 80. v. 47. vi. 61. Cf. Eustath. ad Odyss. ψ. p. 106, sub - fin. - ------ - -There were even several authors who attained a “bad eminence” in this -department of literature, which especially affected the Ionic dialect, -as Alexander, the Ætolian,[928] Pyretos of Miletos, a city noted for its -dissolute characters, and Alexos, who obtained on this account an -opprobrious sobriquet. The most remarkable, however, of this vicious -brood would appear to have been Sotades[929] the Maronite, and his son -Apollonios who wrote a work on his father’s poems. Sotades was probably -the original imitated by Pietro Aretino, who obtained in modern times a -like reputation, though timely penitence may have snatched him from a -similar end. The ancient libeller, enacting the part of Thersites, -fastened with peculiar delight on the vices of princes, not from -aversion to their manners, but because such scandal paved the way to -notoriety. Thus at Alexandria, he covered Lysimachos with obloquy, -which, when at the court of Lysimachos, he heaped upon Ptolemy -Philadelphos. His punishment, however, exceeded the measure of his -offences. Being overtaken in the island of Caunos by Patrocles, one of -Ptolemy’s generals, the obsequious mercenary caused him to be enclosed -in a leaden box and cast into the sea.[930] - ------ - -Footnote 928: - - Suid. v. φλύακες, t. ii. p. 1073. b. - -Footnote 929: - - Cf. Fabric. Bib. Græc. ii. p. 495, seq. - -Footnote 930: - - Athen. xiv. 13. - ------ - -The Magodos, then, was a wandering farce actor, not unlike the tumbling -mountebanks one sometimes sees in France and southern Europe. He -travelled about with an apparatus of drums, cymbals, and female -disguises, sometimes impersonating women, sometimes adulterers or the -mean servants of vice; and the style of his dancing and performances -corresponded with the low walk he selected, being wholly destitute of -beauty or decorum. It seems necessary, therefore, to adopt the opinion -of Aristoxenos, who considered the art of the Hilarodos as a serious -imitation of tragedy; that of the Magodos as a comic parody, brought -down to the level of the grossly vulgar. The latter art would appear to -have derived its name from the charms, spells, or magical songs chanted -by the mountebanks who likewise pretended to develope the secrets of -pharmaceutics. - -Superior in every way to the Magodos and Lysiodos was the -Hilarodos,[931] who, though a wandering singer like the Italians and -Savoyards of modern Europe, affected no little state, and was evidently -treated with some respect. His costume, in conformity with the popular -taste, displayed considerable magnificence, consisting of a golden -crown, white stole and costly sandals, though in earlier ages he -appeared in shoes. He was usually accompanied by a youth or maiden who -touched the lyre as he sung. The style of his performances was decorous -and manly. When a crown was given him in token of approbation by the -audience, it was bestowed on the Hilarodos himself, not on the musician. - ------ - -Footnote 931: - - Cf. Athen. iv. 57. Salm. Exercit. Plin. p. 76. Voss. Institut. Poet. - ii. 21. Rhinthon was the inventor of the Hilaro-tragœdi. i. e. - Tragi-comedy. Suid. v. Ῥίνθων, t. ii. p. 685. b. - ------ - -A class of actors existed, also from very remote times, among the -Spartans. They were called Deikelistæ,[932] and their style of -performing showed the little value set upon the drama at Sparta. The -poetry of the piece, if poetry it could be called, was extempore and of -the rudest description, and the characters were altogether conformable. -Sometimes the interest of the play turned upon a man robbing an orchard, -or on the broken Greek of an outlandish physician, whom people respected -for his gibberish. This weakness, prevalent of course at Athens also, is -wittily satirised by Alexis in his Female Opium Eater. - - “Now if a native - Doctor prescribe, ‘Give him a porringer - Of ptisan in the morning,’ we despise him. - But in some _brogue_ disguised ’tis admirable. - Thus he who speaks of _Beet_ is slighted, while - We prick our ears if he but mention _Bate_, - As if _Bate_ knew some virtue not in _Beet_.”[933] - ------ - -Footnote 932: - - Schol. Apoll. Rhod. i. 746. Plut. Ages. 21. Athen. xiv. 15. Etym. Mag. - 260. 42. - -Footnote 933: - - I have substituted this joke, à la Smollett, “for the miserable joke - in the original.” Beet, Atticé σευτλίον, became τεύτλιον in the Doric - brogue. Athen. xiv. 15. - ------ - -The Deikelistæ, however, were not confined to Laconia, but, under -various names were known in most other parts of Greece. Thus, at Sicyon, -they obtained the appellation of Phallophori, elsewhere they were called -Autocabdali, or Improvisator; while in Italy, (that is, among the Greek -colonists,[934]) they were known by the name of Phlyakes.[935] By the -common people they were called the wise men (σοφίσται), upon the same -principle that actors in France are known by the name of _artistes_. The -Thebans, renowned for the havoc they made in the language of Greece, -denominated them the Voluntaries, alluding proleptically perhaps to the -“voluntary principle.” Semos, the Delian, draws an amusing picture of -these Improvisatori. Those performers, he says, who are called -Autocabdali made their appearance on the stage, crowned with ivy, and -poured forth their verse extempore. The name of Iambi was afterwards -bestowed, both on them and their poems. Another class who were called -Ithyphalli,[936] wore those masks, which on the stage were appropriated -to drunkards, with crowns of ivy and flowered gloves upon their hands. -Their chitons were striped with white, and over these, bound by a girdle -at the loins, they wore a Tarentine pelisse descending to the ankle. -They entered upon the stage by the great door appropriated to royal -personages, and, advancing in silence across the stage, turned towards -the audience and exclaimed,— - - “Make way there, a wide space - Yield to the god; - For Dionysos has a mind to walk - Bolt upright through your midst.” - ------ - -Footnote 934: - - Among the mimics of this part of Italy, the most celebrated was Cleon, - surnamed the Mimaulos, who dispensed with the use of a mask.—Athen. x. - 78. - -Footnote 935: - - Athen. xiv. 15. Cf. Suid. in φλύακες, t. ii. p. 1073. b. - -Footnote 936: - - Vid. Harpocrat. in v. ἰθύφαλλοι. Mauss. p. 152. - ------ - -The Phallophori made their appearance unmasked, shading their face with -a drooping garland of wild thyme, intermingled with acanthus-leaves, and -surmounted by an ample crown of ivy, with violets appearing between its -glossy dark foliage. Their costume was the caunacè. Of these actors, -some entered through the side-passages, others through the central door, -advancing with measured tread, and saying,— - - “Bacchos, to thee our muse belongs, - Of simple chant, and varied lays; - Nor fit for virgin ears our songs, - Nor handed down from ancient days: - Fresh flows the strain we pour to thee, - Patron of joy and minstrelsy!” - -After which, skipping forward, they made a halt and showered their -sarcasms indiscriminately on whomsoever they pleased, while the leader -of the troop moved slowly about, his face bedaubed with soot.[937] - ------ - -Footnote 937: - - Athen. xiv. 16. - ------ - -The superior classes of performers, whether actors or musicians, seem to -have been held in much estimation, and to have been still more -extravagantly paid than in our own day. Thus Amœbæos, the Citharœdos, -who lived near the Odeion at Athens, received, but at what period of the -republic is not known, an Attic talent a day, as often as he played in -public.[938] Music, however, was always in high estimation in Greece, -where the greatest men, though they did not seek to rival regular -professors in skill, yet learned to amuse their leisure with it. Thus -the Homeric Achilles plays on the lyre, the sounds of which could not -only cure diseases of the mind but of the body. A similar belief existed -among the Israelites, as we learn from the example of Saul. - ------ - -Footnote 938: - - Athen. xiv. 17. - ------ - -Though talent must have been always respected in an actor, it appears to -me that anciently they made comparatively little figure, while there -were great poets to excite admiration. But, afterwards, when dramatic -literature had sunk very low, the actor usurped the consideration due to -the poet, as has long been the case in this country. They then contended -for the prize in the tragic contests,[939] and began to entertain a high -opinion of their own merits. In fact, the ignorant being better -calculated to feel than to judge, the actors often obtained the first -prizes in the games, and were held in higher estimation than the poets -themselves.[940] - ------ - -Footnote 939: - - Aristot. Ethic. Nicom. iii. 4. - -Footnote 940: - - Aristot. Rhet. iii. 1. - ------ - -Thus persuaded of their own importance, they gradually exercised over -the poor devils who composed plays for them, much the same tyranny as -that in our own age complained of by the poetical servants of the -theatre. That is, they despotically interfered with the framing of the -plot, with the succession of the scenes, and procured episodes to be -introduced, in order that they might show off their peculiar abilities. -This is evident from a passage in Aristotle’s Politics,[941] where he -observes that the celebrated actor Theodoros would allow no inferior -performer to appear before him on the stage, knowing the force of first -impressions; from which it is evident that the author was compelled to -yield to his caprice. - ------ - -Footnote 941: - - Polit. vii. 17. - ------ - -Antiquity has preserved the names of many celebrated actors, of whom -several played a conspicuous though sometimes a dishonourable part in -the great theatre of the world. Thus Aristodemos, who performed the -first character alternately with Theodoros, became afterwards a traitor -and betrayed the state to Philip. Such too was the case with Philocrates -and Æschines, both actors,[942] and both rogues. Satyros, a comedian of -the same period, appears to have been a man of high character and -honour, who in consequence obtained the friendship of Demosthenes. But -the Garrick of that age seems to have been Theocrines,[943] who by many, -however, is supposed to have afterwards degenerated into a sycophant. -Callipedes is chiefly known to us from the anecdote which describes the -check his vanity received from Agesilaos. Having acquired great -reputation as a tragic actor, he appears to have considered himself as -equal at least to any king, and therefore, meeting one day with -Agesilaos, he ostentatiously put himself forward, mingled with the -courtiers and took much pains to attract his notice. Finding all these -efforts useless, his pride was wounded, and going up directly to the -Spartan, he said, - -“Dost thou not know me, king?” - -“Why,” replied Agesilaos, “art thou not Callipedes, the -stage-buffoon?”[944] - ------ - -Footnote 942: - - Dem. de Fal. Leg. § 58. - -Footnote 943: - - Dem. de Coron. § 97. - -Footnote 944: - - Δεικηλίκτας. Plut. Ages. § 21. Apothegm. Lac. Ages. 57. - ------ - -The account transmitted to us of Æsopos is somewhat puzzling; he is -described as one of the actors[945] who performed in the tragedies of -Æschylus, but is said to have been at the same time a fellow of infinite -merriment who turned everything into a jest, a sort I suppose of comic -Macbeth. Œagros obtained celebrity in the part of Niobe,[946] in the -tragedy of Æschylus or Sophocles; and Aristophanes enumerates among the -pleasures of Dicasts the power, should such an actor appear before them -in a court of justice, of requiring him by way of pleading his own -cause, to give them a few choice speeches of his favourite tragic queen. - ------ - -Footnote 945: - - Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 566. Flor. Christ. ad loc. In Plato’s time there - were few or no actors who excelled at the same time in tragedy and - comedy. Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 123. - -Footnote 946: - - Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 579. - ------ - -Among the most celebrated actors of antiquity was Polos, a native of -Ægina, who studied the art of stage-declamation under Archias, known in -his own age by the infamous surname of Phugadotheras, or the “Exile -Hunter.”[947] This miscreant it was, who, under the orders of Antipater, -pursued Demosthenes to the temple of Poseidon in Calauria, where, to -escape the cruelty of the Macedonians, the orator put a period to his -own life. - ------ - -Footnote 947: - - Plut. Dem. § 28. Vit. x. Orat. 8. Another actor obtained the name of - the Partridge. Athen. iii. 82. - ------ - -Polos appears to have risen speedily to that eminence which he -maintained to the last. A striking anecdote is related of the means by -which he worked upon his own feelings, in order the more vehemently to -stir those of his audience. On one occasion,[948] having to perform the -part of Electra, he took along with him to the theatre an urn containing -the ashes of a beloved son, whom he had recently lost, and thus, instead -of shedding, under the mask of the heroic princess, feigned tears over -the supposed remains of Orestes, he sprinkled the urn which he bore upon -the stage with the dews of genuine and deep sorrow. He eclipsed in -reputation all the actors of his time, and was in tragedy what -Theocrines, in the preceding age, had been in comedy. His salary, -accordingly, was very great, amounting at one time to half a talent per -day, out of which, to be sure, he was required to pay the third actor. - ------ - -Footnote 948: - - Aulus Gellius, vii. 5. - ------ - -He must have led, moreover, a life of much temperance, otherwise he -would scarcely have been able to accomplish what is related of him by -Philochoros, who says, that, at seventy years of age, a little before -his death, he performed the principal parts of eight tragedies in four -days. His devotion to his art did not, however, carry him so far as that -of the comic poets, Philemon and Alexis, who breathed their last upon -the stage at the moment that the crown of victory was placed upon their -heads, and so were literally dismissed for the last time from the scene -amidst the shouts and acclamations of the admiring multitude.[949] But -the passion of the Greeks for the arts of imitation did not confine -itself to the enacting of human character and human feelings. Every -species of mimicry found its patrons among them. There were, for -example, persons who, by whistling, could imitate the notes of the -nightingale; and Agesilaos, being once invited to witness the -performances of one of these artists, replied somewhat contemptuously, -“I have heard the nightingale herself.”[950] Others, as Parmenion, could -counterfeit to perfection the grunt of a pig,[951] though it is -probable, that actors of smaller dimensions were called upon to perform -in the comedy of Aristophanes, where the Megarean[952] brings on the -stage his daughters in a sack, and disposes of them as porkers, having -first carefully instructed them in the proper style of squeaking. Other -actors obtained celebrity[953] through their power of imitating by their -voice the grating or rumbling of wheels, the creaking of axletrees, the -whistling of winds, the blasts of trumpets, the modulations of flutes, -or pipes, or the sounds of other instruments. It was customary, too, -among this class of performers, to mimic, doubtless, in pastoral scenes, -the bleating of sheep, and the bark of the shepherd’s dog, the neighing -of horses, and the deep bellowing of bulls. They could imitate, -moreover, but by what means is uncertain, the pattering of hail-storms, -the dash and breaking of water in rivers or seas, with other natural -phenomena. It was customary, likewise, as in modern times, to introduce -boats and galleys rowed along the mimic waters of the stage, an example -of which occurs on an Etruscan Chalcidone, where we behold a little -vessel of extraordinary form, with a mariner at bow and stern, paddled -along a bank adorned with flowers, while on a platform, occupying the -boat’s waist, two naked dancers are exhibiting their saltatorial -powers.[954] - ------ - -Footnote 949: - - Plut. An. Seni. § 3. - -Footnote 950: - - Plut. Ages. § 21. - -Footnote 951: - - Etym. Mag. 607. 25. - -Footnote 952: - - Acharn. 834. - -Footnote 953: - - Plut. de Aud. Poet. § 3. Plat. de Rep. t. vi. pp. 125–127. This - philosopher, it is clear, entertained a less elevated idea of art than - some modern writers, who define it as follows: “Art is a - representation (μίμησις), i. e. an energy by means of which a subject - becomes an object,”—(Müller, cited by Mr. Donaldson, Theatre of the - Greeks, p. 4,)—in other words, by which a nominative becomes an - accusative. - -Footnote 954: - - Mus. Cortonens. tab. 60. - ------ - -Very singular figures were also introduced upon the stage, as wasps, -frogs, and birds, of sufficiently large dimensions to be enacted by men; -and still stranger personages occasionally made their appearance, as -where, in a kind of practical parody of the story of Andromeda,[955] a -whale emerges on the sea beach to snap off an old woman. In another -drama the transformation of Argos was represented, after which this -luckless male duenna strutted like a peacock before the audience. Io, -moreover, was changed into a cow, and Euippe, in Euripides, into a mare. -What there was peculiar in the appearance of Amymone it is not easy to -conjecture; but she was, possibly, represented in the act of withdrawing -the trident of Poseidon from the rock, from which gushed forth three -fountains. The rivers, and mountains, and cities introduced[956] were, -doubtless, personifications, such as we still find in many works of art. -The giants were simply, in all probability, huge figures of men, made to -stalk about the stage, like elephants, with an actor in each leg; and -the Indians, Tritons, Gorgons, Centaurs, with other personages of -terrible or fantastic aspect, owed their existence, perhaps, to masks, -if we may so speak, representing the whole figures. - ------ - -Footnote 955: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 548. - -Footnote 956: - - See the figure of Alexandria in the Gemme Antiche Figurate of - Agostini. - ------ - -In what form the Seasons, the Pleiades,[957] or the nymphs of Mithakos, -made their appearance on the stage, we are, I believe, nowhere told, -though we possess some information respecting the costume and figure of -those other strange persons of the drama, the Clouds,[958] which came -floating in through the Parodoi, enveloped, some in masses of white -fleecy gauze, like vapour, others in azure, or many-tinted robes, or in -drapery like piled-up flocks of wool, to represent the various aspects -of the skies; while a hazy atmosphere was probably diffused around them, -as around the other gods, by the smoke of styrax or frankincense, burnt -in profusion on the altars of the theatre. Here and there, through these -piles of drapery, a mask with ruddy pendant nose, like the tail of a -lobster, peered forth, and a human voice was heard chanting in richest -cadence and modulation the lively anapæsts of the chorus. - ------ - -Footnote 957: - - Poll. iv. 142. - -Footnote 958: - - Vid. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 289. 343. 442. - ------ - -In the tragedy of Alcestis, the grim, spectral figure of Death was -beheld gliding to and fro through the darkness, in front of the palace -of Admetos, while personifications still, if possible, more strange and -wild, made their appearance in other dramas,—as Justice, Madness, -Frenzy, Strength, Violence, Deceit, Drunkenness, Laziness, Envy.[959] - ------ - -Footnote 959: - - Poll. iv. 141, seq. - ------ - -Plato, who entertained peculiar notions[960] respecting the dignity of -human nature, banished the theatre from his Republic, because he thought -it unbecoming a brave man, who had political rights to watch over and -defend, to demean himself by low stage impersonations; and, from his -account of what he would not have his citizens do, we learn what by -others was done. Sometimes, he observes, the actor was required to -imitate a woman, (though this task often devolved upon eunuchs,) whether -young or old, reviling her husband, railing at and expressing contempt -for the gods, either puffed up by the supposed stableness of her -felicity, or stung to desperation by the severity of her misfortunes and -sorrows. Other female characters were to be represented, toiling, or in -love, or in the pangs of labour; which shows that there was scarcely an -act or passage in human life not occasionally imitated on the stage. - ------ - -Footnote 960: - - De Rep. t. vi. p. 125. - ------ - -Slaves of course performed an important part in the mimic world of the -theatre; and with these, Plato, by some unaccountable association of -ideas, classes smiths, and madmen, and vagabonds, and low artificers of -every kind, and the rowers of galleys, and rogues, and cowards, below -which his imagination could discover nothing in human nature. - -But it was these very characters, with their low wit, buffoonery, and -appropriate actions, that constituted the most effective materials of -the comic poet, whose creed was, that - - Les fous sont ici-bas pour nos menus plaisirs. - -They accordingly hesitated at no degree of grotesque buffoonery and -extravagance, introducing not only low sausage-sellers with their trays -of black-puddings and chitterlings suspended on their paunches,[961] and -drunkards lisping, hiccuping, and reeling about the stage,[962] but even -libertines and profligates carrying on their intrigues in the view of -the spectators. An example of this kind of scene occurs on an Etruscan -bronze seal dug up near Cortona, which represents an adulterer in -conference with his mistress, together with the Leno who brought them -together.[963] - ------ - -Footnote 961: - - Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 150. - -Footnote 962: - - Athen. x. 33. - -Footnote 963: - - Mus. Cortonens. tabb. 18, 19. Cf. p. 26, seq. 1750. Rom. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - THEATRE (_continued_). - - -Into the various questions which have been raised respecting the origin -and constitution of the chorus it is not my intention to enter. It -undoubtedly appears, however, to have arisen amid the festivities of the -vintage, when, after the grapes were brought home and pressed and the -principal labours of the season concluded,[964] the rustics delivered -themselves up to wild joy and merriment, chanting hymns and performing -dances in honour of Dionysos, the protecting god of the vine. At first -the number of the persons engaged in these dances could not have been -fixed, since it is probable that all the vintagers, both male and -female, joined in the sports, as they had previously joined in the -labour. And this free and unformal character the Dithyrambic or -Dionysiac chorus must have preserved, as long as it remained a mere -village pastime. But when afterwards, advancing from one step to -another, it assumed something of an artificial form and several -chorusses arose which contended with each other for a prize, the -performers must have undergone some kind of training,[965] both in -singing and dancing, and then the number of the individuals constituting -the chorus was possibly fixed. There appears to be some reason for -thinking, that these exhibitions were more ancient than the congregation -of the Athenians in one city, and that originally every tribe had its -own chorus,[966] since we find that afterwards, when all the inhabitants -of Attica came to regard themselves as one people, the Choreutæ were -chosen from every tribe five. - ------ - -Footnote 964: - - Cf. Ficorini, Degli Masch. Scen. p. 15. - -Footnote 965: - - On the importance afterwards attached to the training of the chorus, - see the substance of an inscription in Chandler, ii. 72. - -Footnote 966: - - Sch. Aristoph. Av. 1404. Schneid. de Orig. Trag. Græc. c. i. p. 2. The - Dithyrambic ode was said to have been invented by Arion at Corinth. - Schol. Pind. Olymp. xiii. 25, seq. The first choral songs were - improvisations. Max. Tyr. Dissert. xxi. p. 249. - ------ - -By what gradations, however, the village chorus was transformed into the -Dithyrambic, the Dithyrambic into the Satyric, and the Satyric again -into the Tragic, it now appears impossible to ascertain; but it seems to -be quite clear,[967] that in many ancient tragedies the number of the -chorus was fifty,[968] as, for example, in the “Judgment of the Arms,” -by Æschylus, in which silver-footed Thetis appeared upon the stage -accompanied by a train of fifty Nereids.[969] Again, according to -certain ancient authors,[970] in the Eumenides of Æschylus, the chorus -of Furies at first amounted to fifty, which, rushing tumultuously, with -frightful gestures and horrid masks,[971] into the orchestra, struck so -great a terror into the people, particularly the women[972] and -children, that their number was afterwards reduced by law. I am aware -that several distinguished scholars think very differently on this -subject; some maintaining, that the chorus of Furies always consisted of -fifteen, while others reduce their number to three. But, though both -these opinions have been supported with much learning and ingenuity, it -seems difficult to admit either the one or the other. In the first -place, since every thing connected with the stage was in a state of -perpetual fluctuation, since the masks and costume were repeatedly -altered, since the number of the actors was augmented, since almost -every arrangement of the theatre, and every characteristic of the -poetry, underwent numerous modifications; the chorus, also, it is -probable, submitted to the same alterations or reforms till it settled -in that tetragonal figure[973] and determinate number which it -afterwards preserved, as long as the legitimate drama existed in Greece. - ------ - -Footnote 967: - - Poll. iv. 108. Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 210. - -Footnote 968: - - Cf. Schol. ad Æschin. Tim. Orator. Att. t. xii. p. 376. Tzetz. ad - Lycoph. p. 251, sqq. See also Müller, Dissert. on the Eumenides of - Æschylus, p. 54. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 587.—“Nous savons que sur les - Théâtres Grecs les femmes dansaient dans les chœurs.”—Winkel. Mon. - Ined. iii. p. 86. I have found no proof in any ancient author that - this was the practice among the Greeks. - -Footnote 969: - - Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 848. - -Footnote 970: - - Vit. Æschyl. p. vi. - -Footnote 971: - - Bœttiger, Furies, p. 2. Poll. iv. 110. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 298. Eq. - 586. - -Footnote 972: - - According to Mr. Bœttiger, however, “chez les anciens Atheniens les - femmes n’ont jamais assisté aux représentations théatrales.”—Furies, - p. 3, note. But, in addition to the proofs of the contrary, - accumulated in the preceding book, the reader may consult the - testimony of Aristides, who severely blames his countrymen for - allowing their wives and children to frequent the theatres, t. i. p. - 518, cf. p. 507.—Jebb. He speaks, indeed, more particularly of the - Smyrniotes; but Smyrna was an Ionian colony.—Herod. i. 149. - -Footnote 973: - - Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 209. - ------ - -In one point of view the history of the chorus is extremely remarkable. -At first, and for some time, it constituted in itself the whole of the -spectacle exhibited at the Dionysiac festivals, where its songs and -dances, accompanied by such rude music as the times afforded, satisfied -the demands of the popular taste, and were consequently supposed to be -everything that the god required. By degrees, as experience suggested -improvements either in the music, in the manner of dancing, or in the -materials and composition of the odes, the movements, singing, and -appearance of the Chorus, assumed a more artificial form, which was -necessarily carried forward many steps in the career of amelioration by -the institution of rival bodies of Choreutæ, who, from the natural -principle of emulation, endeavoured to excel each other. Next, a -detached member of its own body, mounted on a table, enacted the part of -a stranger or messenger come to announce something which it imported the -servants of Dionysos to know. This table was doubtless placed directly -in front of the altar of Bacchos, on the steps of which the leader of -the chorus was probably mounted in after ages, to hold communication -with the stranger; and, as this altar ripened through many gradations -into the Thymele, so the aforesaid table rose through innumerable -changes into the Logeion. It may be remarked, moreover, that the slope -of a hill,[974] when any such existed near the village, would naturally -be chosen on such occasions to afford the peasants an opportunity of -standing behind each other on ascending levels, and thus, without -inconvenience, beholding the show; and where such natural aid did not -present itself, they probably threw up embankments of turf in the -semicircular form, which experience proved to be most convenient, and, -out of this rude contrivance, grew those vast and magnificent -structures, which afterwards constituted one of the noblest ornaments of -Greece. - ------ - -Footnote 974: - - Cf. Scalig. Poet, i. 21. Leroy, Ruines des plus beaux Monumens de la - Grèce, p. 14. - ------ - -The single actor, detached in the manner we have said from the Chorus, -speedily acquired greater importance, and the aid of poetry was called -in to frame and adorn his recitals; and as, during the songs and dances -of the Chorus, he necessarily remained idle, the idea soon suggested -itself that a second actor[975] would be an improvement, upon which -dialogue and the regular drama sprang into existence. - ------ - -Footnote 975: - - Cf. Hesych. v. νέμησις ὑποκριτῶν. - ------ - -Among the principal duties of the Chorus was the performance of certain -dances, simple enough at the outset, but, in process of time, refined -and rendered so intricate by art, that it required no little learning -and ability to execute all their varied movements with dignity and -grace. Somewhat to assist the eye and memory, the whole pattern, as it -were, of the dance seems to have been chalked out on the floor of the -orchestra;[976] while the greatest possible pains were taken in drilling -the Choreutæ to open, file off, and wheel through their labyrinthine -evolutions, without confusion. The manner in which these persons usually -entered the orchestra, that is to say, ranged in a square body, three in -front and five deep, or five in front and three deep, has suggested to -some the notion that they represented a military Lochos;[977] but -besides that this is inconsistent with their Dionysiac origin, they did -not always preserve this arrangement, but, on some occasions, came -rushing in confusedly, while on others they traversed the Parodos in -Indian file. - ------ - -Footnote 976: - - This, however, I merely conjecture from the practice of marking with - lines the station of the chorus. Hesych. v. γραμμαί. - -Footnote 977: - - When making their exit, it is said they were preceded by a - flute-player. Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 582. These musicians wore, while - playing, straps of leather called φορβείαι, bound over their mouth in - order to regulate the quantity of air transmitted into the pipe. Id. - ibid. See Burney, Hist. of Music, i. 279. - ------ - -The musicians,[978] in the Greek theatre, took their station upon and -about the steps of the Thymele, which answers as nearly as possible to -the position of the orchestra in our own theatres. Here, also, stood the -Rhabduchi,[979] or vergers of the theatre, whose business it was to see -that order was preserved among the spectators. - ------ - -Footnote 978: - - Cf. Torrent. in Suet. Domit. Com. p. 390. a. The best auletæ were - those of Thebes. Dion Chrysost. i. 263. - -Footnote 979: - - Suidas, v. ῥαβδοῦχοι, t. ii. p. 672. f. Scalig. Poet. i. 21. - ------ - -With respect to the dances[980] performed by the Chorus, they were so -numerous, long, and intricate, that it would be here impossible to -enumerate and describe the whole. They appear to have conceived the idea -of representing almost every passion and action in human life by that -combination of movements and gestures which the term pantomime, borrowed -from their own language, expresses much better than our word -dancing.[981] A taste, in some respects similar, still prevails among -the Orientals, whose Ghawazi and Bayadères, though relying rather upon -routine and impulse than on the resources of art, perform at festivals -and marriages, and before the ladies of the harem, little love-pieces -and pastoral scenes, which evidently belong to the class of mimetic -dances described by ancient authors. - ------ - -Footnote 980: - - See Cahusac, Traité Historique de la Dance, ii. i. t. i. p. 61, sqq. - -Footnote 981: - - It is said that certain ancient poets were called orchestic,—as - Thespis, Phrynichos, Pratinas, Carcinos,—not only because they adapted - the subjects of their pieces to the dances of the chorusses, but, - also, because they instructed in dancing the chorusses of other - dramatic writers. Athen. i. 39. The above poet, Carcinos, was likewise - celebrated for being the father of three sons who danced in the tragic - chorusses, and, from their extremely diminutive stature, obtained the - name of Quails. Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 761. - ------ - -In tragedy, such as it existed in the polished ages of Greece, the -movements were slow and solemn, and, no doubt, full of dignity. The -spirit of comedy required brisk and lively, and frequently tolerated, -audaciously wanton dances; while the Chorus of the Satyric Drama would -appear to have been rude and clownish rather than indecent, indulging in -grotesque movements, ludicrous and extravagant gestures, and that rustic -and farcical style of mimicry which may be supposed to have prevailed -among the rough peasantry of Hellas. - -In classing the various dances, it will, perhaps, be sufficient if we -divide them into lively and serious,[982] joining with the latter all -such as attempted to embody a symbol or an allegory. - ------ - -Footnote 982: - - Hesych. v. ἐμμέλεια. Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 532. Poll. iv. 99. Athen. - xiv. 27, seq. Luc. de Saltat. § 22. 26. Plut. Symposiac. ix. 15. 1. - ------ - -In certain dramas of Phrynichos the Chorus represented a company of -wrestlers,[983] who contrived by the quick, flexible, and varied -movements of the dance, to imitate all the accidents of the palæstra. -Sometimes they personated a party of scouts in the active look-out for -the enemy, each with his right hand curved above the brow: this was one -form of the Scops.[984] On other occasions the dancer mimicked the -habits of the Scops, or mocking-owl, twirling about the head, and -appearing to be absorbed in an ecstasy of imitation, until taken by the -fowler. The performance of a piece like this, by a numerous Chorus, -sometimes breaking off into a brisk gallopade, sometimes maintaining the -same position, jigging, pirouetting, and ducking the crest, must, no -doubt, have appeared infinitely comic; and yet it could have been -nothing in comparison with the Morphasmos,[985] in which, not the -characteristic peculiarities of a single owl, but those of the whole -animal creation were “taken off.” Thus we may suppose that the Hegemon -of the Chorus started as a baboon, his next-door neighbour as a hog, a -third as a lion, a fourth as an ass, and so on, each man accommodating -his voice to the character he had, pro tempore, assumed, and gibbering, -grunting, roaring, braying, as he leaped, or gamboled, or bounded, or -scampered about the orchestra. Anon the frisky foresters were -transformed into slaves, who would seem to have been introduced to the -audience pounding something, perhaps onions and garlick, in a mortar. - ------ - -Footnote 983: - - Suid. v. Φρυνίχου πάλαισμα, t. ii. p. 1092. b. c. d. - -Footnote 984: - - Poll. iv. 103. Athen. xiv. 27. - -Footnote 985: - - Poll. iv. 103. Cf. Xenoph. Conviv. vi. 4. - ------ - -The Oclasma,[986] a dance borrowed from the Persians, reminds one -strongly of the performances of the negroes in the interior of Africa, -the whole Chorus alternately crouching upon its heels, and springing -aloft, like the frogs of Aristophanes about the fens of Acheron. Not, -perhaps, un-akin to this, were those three frenzied dances, alluded to -rather than described by the ancients,—that is to say, the -Thermaustris,[987] which seems to have consisted of a series of violent -bounds, like the performances of the Hurons and Iroquois;[988] the -Mongas, which, from the name, probably represented the friskings and -caracollings of a jackass; and the Kernophoros,[989] or dance of the -first-fruits, wherein the Chorus appeared upon the stage, some bearing -censers, others fruit-baskets, evidently in a character resembling that -of Bacchanals. - ------ - -Footnote 986: - - Poll. vi. 99. - -Footnote 987: - - Pfeiffer. Antiq. Græc. ii. 58. p. 382. - -Footnote 988: - - Cf. Dodwell, Classical Tour in Greece, vol. i. p. 133, seq. - -Footnote 989: - - Athen. xiv. 27. Poll. iv. 104. - ------ - -To this species of dance belonged, also, the Hecaterides, in which the -performer interpreted his desires or passion by furious gestures of the -hands. The Eclactisma was a female dance,[990] requiring the exertion of -great force and agility, its characteristics consisting in flinging the -heels backwards above the level of the shoulders. Corresponding, in some -measure, to the Eclactisma, was the Skistas,[991] in which the dancer -bounded aloft, crossing his legs several times while in the air. There -was a dance, evidently of a very extraordinary description, which they -performed to an air called Thyrocopicon,[992] or “knocking at doors,” -possibly representing the frolics of such wild youths as anticipated the -scape-graces of our own day. The Mothon was a loose dance, common among -sailors; the Baukismos, Bactriasmos, Apokinos, Aposeisis, and -Sobas,[993] were laughable, but lewd dances,[994] resembling the Bolero -and Fandango of the Spaniards.[995] - ------ - -Footnote 990: - - Poll. iv. 10. 2. Aristoph. Vesp. 1492. 1495, et Schol. - -Footnote 991: - - Poll. iv. 105. See, in the Mus. Cortonens. tab. 60, the representation - of a group of dancers on a platform in a boat, on the margin of the - sea. - -Footnote 992: - - Athen. xiv. 9. - -Footnote 993: - - Athen. xiv. 27. - -Footnote 994: - - On the character of the old comedy, which tolerated these dances, see - Plut. Lucull. § 39. Demet. § 12. Pericl. § 5. - -Footnote 995: - - Poll. iv. 99. - ------ - -The Heducomos was a dance expressive of the outbreaks of joy, and the -Knismos,[996] represented the pinching, struggling, and quarrels of -lovers. The Deimalea was a Laconian dance performed by Satyrs and -Seileni, skipping and jumping about in a circle.[997] Another Spartan -dance[998] was the Bryallika, of a ludicrous and licentious character, -performed by women in grotesque masks, whence a courtezan at Sparta was -denominated, Bryallika. The name of Hypogypones,[999] was bestowed on -certain performers who imitated old men, flourishing their sticks about -the stage, as we are informed they did in the play of Simermnos.[1000] -Akin in spirit to these were the Gypones,[1001] who made their -appearance in transparent Tarentine robes, and mounted on stilts -probably in the form of goats’ feet, to give them a resemblance to the -Ægipanes, worshipped as gods of the woods. A peculiar dance in honour of -Artemis took its rise in the village of Carya in Laconia, where its -invention was attributed to Castor and Polydeukes. No description of it, -so far as I know, has come down to us; but the maidens by whom it was -performed probably bore, and steadied with one hand, a basket of flowers -on their heads, thus forming the model of those architectural figures, -still from them called Caryatides.[1002] The representation of this -performance was, doubtless, a favourite subject among Spartan artists or -such as were employed by the Spartans, as may perhaps be fairly inferred -from the circumstance, that the device on the ring, which, in return for -a comb, was presented by Clearchus to Ctesias to be shown to his friends -at Lacedæmon, was a dance of Caryatides.[1003] - ------ - -Footnote 996: - - Id. ib. - -Footnote 997: - - Poll. iv. 104. - -Footnote 998: - - See Müller. ii. 354. - -Footnote 999: - - Poll. iv. 104. - -Footnote 1000: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 534. - -Footnote 1001: - - Poll. iv. 104. - -Footnote 1002: - - Vitruv. i. 1.—Poll. iv. 104. - -Footnote 1003: - - Plut. Artaxerx. § 18. - ------ - -Amid the laxity of morals which prevailed in the later ages of Greece, -the Pyrrhic,[1004] once supposed to be peculiar to warriors, degenerated -into a dance of Bacchanals, with thyrsi instead of spears, or carrying -torches in one hand, while with the other they sportively cast light -reeds at one another. The story told in this mimetic performance -referred to remote antiquity, and was both curiously and elaborately -intricate, comprehending all the adventures of Bacchos and his merry -crew during the Indian expedition, and assuming towards the conclusion a -tragical form, developing the sad story of Pentheus.[1005] - ------ - -Footnote 1004: - - Duport. ad Theoph. Char. c. 6. p. 305, sqq. Poll. iv. 99.—Athen. xiv. - 29. On the Cretan warlike dances Orsites and Epicredios, id. xiv. - 26.—Luc. de Saltat. § 9. - -Footnote 1005: - - Athen xiv. 29. - ------ - -Among the dances of a grave character are enumerated the Gingra -performed like the Podismos to slow and solemn music, the Lion and the -Tetracomos,[1006] a warlike measure performed in honour of Heracles and -supposed in its origin to have had some connexion with the Tetracomoi of -Attica, that is, the Peiræeus, Phaleron, Oxypeteones, and -Thymotadæ.[1007] We read, moreover, of dances in which the performers -represented certain historic or mythological personages, such as -Rhodope, Phædra, or Parthenope.[1008] - ------ - -Footnote 1006: - - Poll. iv. 99. - -Footnote 1007: - - Poll. iv. 105. - -Footnote 1008: - - Luc. de Saltat. § 2. - ------ - -The Anthema,[1009] or Flower-dance, appears to have been chiefly -performed in private parties by women, who acted certain characters and -chanted, as they moved, the following verses: - - Where is my lovely parsley, say? - My violets, roses, where are they? - My parsley, roses, violets fair, - are my flowers? Tell me where. - ------ - -Footnote 1009: - - Athen. xiv. 27. - ------ - -The Athenians, however, seem to have imagined that there was nothing in -nature which might not be imitated in the dance, by the turns and mazes -of which they accordingly sought to represent the movements of the -stars.[1010] A similar fancy, if Lucian may be credited, possessed the -Indian Yoghis, who every morning and evening before their doors saluted -the sun, at his rising and setting, with a dance resembling his -own,[1011] which, as that luminary no otherwise dances than by turning -on its axis, must have been a performance resembling that of the -whirling derwishes, whose broad symbolical petticoats are meant, I -presume, to represent the disk of the sun. But the dance most difficult -of comprehension is that upon which they bestowed the name of κόσμου -εκπύρωσις,[1012] or the “Conflagration of the World.” Of the figure and -character of this performance antiquity, I believe, has left us no -account, though it probably represented, by a train of allegorical -personages and movements, the principal events which, according to the -Stoics, are to precede the delivering up of the Universe to fire.[1013] -Scaliger,[1014] who does not attempt to explain this strange exhibition, -observes, however, pertinently, that it was a dance in which Nero might -have figured, his burning of Rome deserving in some sort to be regarded -as a rehearsal of this piece. - ------ - -Footnote 1010: - - It may possibly have been in this dance that Eumelos or Arctinos, an - old Corinthian poet, introduced Zeus himself sporting the toe:— - - Μέσσοισιν δ᾽ ὠρχεῖτο πατὴρ ἀνδοῶν τε θεῶν τε. Athen. i. 40. - - Cf. Plut. Sympos. ix. 15. - -Footnote 1011: - - Luc. de Saltat. § 17. - -Footnote 1012: - - Athen. xiv. 27. - -Footnote 1013: - - Cf. Lips. Physiolog. Stoic. ii. 22. t. iv. p. 955. - -Footnote 1014: - - De Poet. i. 18. - ------ - -There existed among the Spartans[1015] an elegant dance denominated -Hormos, or the Necklace, performed by a chorus of youths and virgins who -moved through the requisite evolutions in a row. The line was headed by -a young man who executed his part in the firm and vigorous steps proper -to his age, and which he would afterwards be expected to preserve in the -field of battle. A maiden immediately followed, but, instead of -imitating his masculine manner, confined herself to the modest graceful -paces and gestures of her sex, and this alternation and interweaving, as -it were, of force and beauty, suggesting the idea of a necklace composed -of many coloured gems, gave rise to the appellation. - ------ - -Footnote 1015: - - Luc. de Saltat. § 12. - ------ - -The dance of the Crane,[1016] among the Athenians, in some respects -resembled the above. It was, according to tradition, first invented by -Theseus, who landing at Delos on his return from Crete, offered -sacrifice to Apollo and dedicated the statue of Aphrodite which he had -received from Ariadne, after which he joined the young men and women -whom he had delivered, in performing a joyous dance[1017] about the -altar of Horns erected by Apollo, from the spoils of his sister’s bow. -The Choreutæ, engaged in executing the Geranos, or Crane, formed -themselves into one long line with a leader in van and rear, and then, -guided by the design on the floor of the orchestra, described by their -movements the various mazes and involutions of the Cretan labyrinth, -until, having traversed all its intricate passages, they emerged at -once, like their great countryman and his companions, into light and -safety. Other dances there were, which, however curious they may have -been, cannot now be described from the scanty materials left us: such -were the dance of Heralds, or Messengers, the dance of the Lily,[1018] -the Chitonea, the Pinakides, the dance of the Graces,[1019] and that of -the Hours, in which the performers floated about with a circle of light -drapery held over the head by both hands.[1020] - ------ - -Footnote 1016: - - Poll. iv. 101. Spanh. ad Callim. t. ii. p. 513. Plut. Thes. § 21. Cf. - Douglas, Essay on some points of Resemblance, &c., p. 123. - - “One of the dances still performed by the Athenians has been supposed - that which was called the Crane, and was said to have been invented by - Theseus, after his escape from the labyrinth of Crete. The peasants - perform it yearly in the street of the Frank convent at the conclusion - of the vintage; joining hands and preceding their mules and asses, - which are laden with grapes in panniers, in a very curved and - intricate figure; the leader waving a handkerchief, which has been - imagined to denote the clue given by Ariadne.” Chandler, ii. 151. - -Footnote 1017: - - Like the Cyclic Chorus. Vid. Izetzes ad Lycoph. i. p. 251, sqq. Sch. - Aristoph. Nub. 311. - -Footnote 1018: - - Athen. iii. 82. xiv. 27. - -Footnote 1019: - - Poll. iv. 93. Xenoph. Conviv. vii. 5. Plat. De Legg. vii. t. viii. p. - 55. Cf. Herm. Comment. ad Arist. Poet. xxvii. 3. p. 190, sqq. - -Footnote 1020: - - Scalig. Poet. i. 18. - ------ - -If from the dances we now pass to the Choreutæ,[1021] by whom they were -performed, we shall find that they generally made their appearance in -the orchestra with golden crowns upon their heads, and habited in -gorgeous raiment, frequently interwoven or embroidered with gold.[1022] -The Chorus, however, like the actors, must have constantly varied its -costume, to suit the exigencies of the drama; sometimes to perform the -part of senators, sometimes of Nereids, sometimes of female suppliants, -sometimes of urn-bearers, sometimes of clouds, or wasps, or birds. When -in the tragedy of Æschylus they were required to personate the Furies, -their exterior was the most frightful that can well be imagined,—their -long but scanty robes consisting, as has been conjectured, of black -lamb-skins, slit up below and exposing their tawny withered limbs to -sight, while their blood-stained eyes, livid tongue hanging out, and -hair like a mass of knotted serpents, easily accredited the belief of -their being infernal existences. Thus habited, with fingers terminating -in black claws,[1023] and grasping a burning torch, they burst upon the -view of the spectators, like so many hideous phantoms conjured up by an -imagination diseased with terror. - ------ - -Footnote 1021: - - Cf. Buleng. de Theat. c. 55. - -Footnote 1022: - - Dem. cont. Mid. § 7, seq. Athen. iii. 62. Animadv. t. vii. p. 215. - -Footnote 1023: - - Bœttiger, Furies, p. 28, sqq. and pl. ii. Casaub. ad Athen. xii. 2. - Aristoph. Plut. 423. - ------ - -The costume of the actors,[1024] which some modern writers suppose to -have been extremely monotonous,[1025] was in reality, however, as rich, -varied, and characteristic as the masks of which we shall presently have -to speak. Gods, heroes, kings, chiefs, soothsayers, heralds, rustics, -the hetairæ, and their mothers; gay youths, flatterers, libertines, -procurers, cooks, satyrs, slaves, &c., had each and all their -appropriate dresses and ornaments, modified, no doubt, from time to time -by the change in public taste, and the fancy of the poets. The -divinities had almost to be wholly framed by the Dionysiac artificers. -Conceived to be of superhuman stature, it was necessary that the actors -who represented them should, in the first place, be lifted up on -Cothurni,[1026] or half-boots, the soles of which were many inches -high,[1027] their limbs and bodies were enlarged by padding, their arms -lengthened by gloves, while their countenances, which might be ignoble -or even ugly, were concealed by masks of exquisite ideal beauty, rising -above the stately forehead in a mass of curls, which at once -corresponded with the nobleness of their features and augmented their -colossal height: add to all this robes of purple, or scarlet, or azure, -or saffron, or cloth of gold, floating about the person in graceful -folds, and training along the floor, and we have some faint idea of the -celestial personages who with gemmed sceptres and glittering crowns made -their appearance on the Grecian stage. - ------ - -Footnote 1024: - - On the actors’ wardrobe, see Poll. iv. 113, sqq. - -Footnote 1025: - - Müller, Dissert. on the Eumenides, p. 100. Mr. Donaldson, Theatre of - the Greeks, p. 132, adopts this opinion. - -Footnote 1026: - - Luc. Jup. Tragœd. § 41. Cf. Xen. Cyrop. viii. 8, 17. Poll. ii. 151. - vii. 62. - -Footnote 1027: - - See Winkel. Monum. Ined. t. iii. p. 84. c. ix. § 1. Les extrémités des - Cothurnes étoient ronds et quelquefois un peu aigues; mais on n’en vit - jamais de carrés, comme aux gravés sur l’estampe, de Vasali. p. 85. - Cf. Luc. de Saltat. § 27. Their height depended first upon the stature - of the actor, second, upon that of the character represented. - Sometimes they were satisfied with attributing four cubits even to the - heroes.—Aristoph. Ran. 1046. Cf. Athen. v. 27. But the ghost of - Achilles when it appeared to Apollonios of Tyana, rose five cubits in - height, and, no doubt, the spectre was careful to accommodate itself - to public opinion.—Philost. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. iv. 16. Aul. Gell. iii. - 10. See, also, Scalig. Poet. i. 13. Scaliger relates _à propos_ of the - Cothurnus a facetious remark of his father: “Italas mulieres - altissimis soccis usas vidimus; quamvis diminutiva dicant voce - Socculos. Patris mei perfacetum dictum memini. Ejusmodi uxorum dimidio - tantùm in lectis frui maritos, alter dimidio cum soccis deposito,” p. - 53. - ------ - -The queens and heroes,[1028] who were constantly beheld grouped in -converse, or in action, with these sublime dwellers of Olympos, were -clad in a costume scarcely less majestic; the former, for example, in -times of prosperity, issued forth from their palaces in white garments, -with loose sleeves reaching to the elbow, and closed on the upper part -of the arm by a succession of jewelled agraffes,[1029] their tresses -confined in front by a golden sphendone, or fillet, crusted with gems, -while their robes terminated below in long sweeping trains of -purple.[1030] But when their houses were visited by misfortune, the -milk-white pelisse was exchanged for one quince-coloured or blue, while -the purple train was converted into black. The costume of the -kings,[1031] likewise varied by circumstances, consisted usually of an -ample robe of purple, or scarlet, or dark green, descending to the feet, -a rich cloak of cloth of gold, or of some delicate colour, adorned with -gold embroidery, and a lofty mitre on the head.[1032] When any of these -characters, as Tydeus or Meleager, was engaged in hunting or war, he -wore the scarlet or purple mantle called Ephaptis,[1033] which in action -was wrapped about the left arm. Athenæus, in describing the horsemen of -Antiochos, observes, that these Ephaptides[1034] were embroidered with -gold and adorned with the figures of animals. Bacchanals and -soothsayers, like Teiresias, generally appeared upon the stage in an -extraordinary garment, denominated Agrenon,[1035] formed of a reticular -fabric of wool of various colours. Dionysos himself,[1036] in whose -honour the theatre with all its shows was created, descended from -Olympos in a saffron-coloured robe compressed below the bosom by a broad -flowered belt, and bearing a thyrsus in his hand.[1037] This girdle, in -the case of other gods, or heroes, was sometimes replaced by one of -gold.[1038] Persons overtaken by calamity, especially exiles, wore -garments dirty-white, or sad-coloured, or black, or quince-coloured, or -bluish. The costume of Philoctetes, Telephos, Œneus, Phœnix, -Bellerophontes, was ragged. The Seileni appeared in a shaggy Chiton, and -the other personages of the Satyric drama in the skins of fawns, or -goats, or sheep, or pards, and, sometimes, in the Theraion or Dionysiac -garment, and a flowered cloak and a scarlet Himation. Old men were -distinguished by the Exomis,[1039] a white Chiton of mean appearance, -having no seam or arm-hole on the left side—young men by the -Campulè,[1040] a scarlet or deep purple Himation,—the parasites by -bearing the Stlengis and flask (as country people by the Lagobalon) and -by black or sad-coloured robes, except in the play of the Sicyonians, -where a person of this class, being about to be married, sported a white -garment,—the cook by an Himation double and unfulled,—priestesses by -white robes,—comic old women by such as were quince-coloured or dusky, -like a cloudy morning sky in autumn,—the mothers of the hetairæ wore a -purple fillet about the head,—the dresses of young women were white and -delicate,—of heiresses the same with fringes. Pornoboski wore garments -of various colours, with flowered cloaks, and carried a straight wand, -called ἀρéσκος.[1041] There were, likewise, female characters which wore -the Parapechu and the Symmetria, a chiton reaching to the feet, with a -border of marine purple. - ------ - -Footnote 1028: - - Poll. iv. 119. - -Footnote 1029: - - Cf. Mus. Chiaramont. tavv. 3. 7. 16. - -Footnote 1030: - - Poll. vii. 60. Bœttiger, Furies, p. 32. Luc. Jup. Tragoed. § 41. - -Footnote 1031: - - On voit parmi les plus belles peintures d’Herculaneum un de ces - premiers acteurs, ou protagonistes, avec une large ceinture de couleur - d’or, une sceptre dans une main, et l’épée au côté.—Winkelmann. Monum. - Ined. t. iii. p. 84. Pitt. Ercol. i. 4. i. 41.—Plutarch observes, - that, together with their royal garments, actors assumed the very - strut of kings.—Vit. Demet. § 18.—Demetrius moreover, is said to have - resembled a tragic actor, because he went clad in cloth of purple and - gold, and wore sandals of purple and gold tissue. § 41. - -Footnote 1032: - - Aristoph. Av. 512, et Schol. Nub. 70. Poll. iv. 115. Suid. v. Ξυστὶς. - t. ii. p. 264. e.—The actor who personated Heracles made his - appearance with club and lion’s skin.—Luc. de Saltat. § 27. - -Footnote 1033: - - Poll. iv. 116, 117. Aristoph. Nub. 71, et Schol. Lysist. 1189. - -Footnote 1034: - - Deipnosoph. v. 22. - -Footnote 1035: - - Poll. iv. 117. Hesych. v. ἀγρηνὸν. - -Footnote 1036: - - Poll. iv. 118. - -Footnote 1037: - - It behoved the actors, however, to take care of their gold and jewels, - since it would appear that thieves found their way even to the - stage.—Aristoph. Acharn. 258. - -Footnote 1038: - - Poll. iv. 118. - -Footnote 1039: - - Dion. Chrysost. i. 231. Scalig. Poet. i. 13. - -Footnote 1040: - - Poll. iv. 119, sqq. - -Footnote 1041: - - Scalig. Poet. i. 13. - ------ - -We now come to the masks,[1042] a subject upon which much has been -written, though very little has been explained. The primary difficulty -connected with them is, to determine whether they were so constructed as -to resemble a speaking-trumpet,[1043] which, by narrowing the stream, -and compressing, as it were, the particles of the voice, cast it forth -condensed and corroborated upon the theatre,[1044] which it was thus -enabled to penetrate and fill, even to its utmost extremities. My own -opinion, after bestowing much attention upon the subject, is, that the -mask was in reality so constructed as to communicate additional force -and intensity to the voice; but whether by roofing or encircling the -artificial mouth by metallic plates, or thin laminæ of the stone called -Chalcophonos,[1045] it is now scarcely possible to determine. Be this, -however, as it may, there existed in some theatres other contrivances -for conveying and augmenting the volume of the actor’s voice; these were -the Echeia,[1046] vases generally of metal, finely toned, and arranged -according to the musical scale, in a succession of domed cells,[1047] -running in diverging lines up the hollow face of the theatre. They -rested with one edge upon a smooth and polished pavement, the mouth -outward, and the external edge reposing on the summit of a small, blunt -obelisk,[1048] while a low opening in each cell enabled the resonances, -or echoes, thus created, to issue forth, and fill the air with -sound,[1049] which, however the fact may be accounted for, produced no -isolated reverberations, no confusion. - ------ - -Footnote 1042: - - When actors displeased the audience they were sometimes compelled to - take off their masks and face those who hissed them, which was - regarded as a serious punishment. Duport. ad Theoph. Char. p. 308. We - ought, perhaps, to understand Lucian _cum grano_, when he informs us - that actors who performed their parts ill were scourged. Piscator, § - 33. On the derivation of the word _persona_, Aul. Gell. v. 7. Cf. - Aristoph. Poet. c. 5. Scalig. Poet. i. 13, on the derivation of - πρόσωπον. Etym. Mag. 691. 1. - -Footnote 1043: - - Vid. Cassiod. iv. 51. Plin. xlvii. 10. Solin. cxxxvii. Lucian. de - Saltat. § 27. De Gymnast. § 23. A tragic poet, Hieronymos, exposed - himself to ridicule by introducing into one of his pieces a mask of - frightful aspect. Aristoph. Acharn. 390. - -Footnote 1044: - - Cf. Suid. v. φλοιός. t. ii. p. 1073. Diog. Laert. iv. p. 27. - -Footnote 1045: - - Plin. xxxvii. 56. - -Footnote 1046: - - See Burney’s Hist. of Music, i. 153. sqq. Scalig. Poet. i. 21. Antiq. - of Athens, &c., Supplementary to Stuart, by Cockerell, Kinnaird, - Donaldson, &c. p. 39. - -Footnote 1047: - - Vitruv. v. 6. Antiq. of Ath. by Cockerell, Donaldson, &c. p. 39. - Tectum porticus quod est in summa gradatione, respondet Sienæ - altitudinem, ut vox crescens æqualiter ad summas gradationes et tectum - perveniat. Buleng. de Theat. c. 17. - -Footnote 1048: - - Marinus’s edition of Vitruv. t. iv. tab. 81. - -Footnote 1049: - - Empty pots were built into the walls of certain public edifices to - augment the sound of the voice. Aristot. Prob. xi. 8. i. 1. v. 5. The - orchestra was sometimes strewed with chaff, which was found to deaden - the voice. 25. Plin. ii. 51. - ------ - -The materials wherewith the masks were constructed varied, no doubt, -considerably in different ages;[1050] but that they were ever -manufactured of bronze or copper is scarcely credible, if we reflect -upon the weight of so voluminous an apparatus, covering the entire head -and neck, composed of either of those metals. Such metallic specimens as -have come down to us are to be regarded simply as model-masks, or as -works of art, designed by the statuary as ornaments. The intention, at -first, of this disguise being to give additional boldness and -self-confidence to the actor, by concealing from his neighbours the -shamefacedness which a raw performer would sometimes naturally feel -while strutting about in imperial robes, and pouring forth the -_sesquipedalia verba_ of Pelias and Telephos, they were contented to -cover the face with a piece of linen, having openings for the eyes and a -breathing-place.[1051] To this appears to have succeeded a mask -manufactured from the flexible bark of certain trees,[1052] shaped, of -course, and coloured to resemble the human countenance. The next step -was to employ wood, some kinds of which, while possessing the advantage -of extreme lightness, might be wrought with all the delicacy and -fineness of a statue, while, better than any other material, it would -receive that smooth and polished enamel by which were represented the -texture[1053] and complexion of the skin. Specimens of masks of this -kind have been found among nations in a very rude state; among the -inhabitants, for example, of Nootka Sound, whose dress, we are -told,[1054] “is accompanied by a mask representing the head of some -animal: it is made of wood, with the eyes, teeth, &c., and is a work of -considerable ingenuity. Of these masks they have a great variety, which -are applicable to certain circumstances and occasions. Those, for -example, which represent the head of the otter or any other marine -animals, are used only when they go to hunt them. In their war -expeditions, but at no other time, they cover the whole of their dress -with large bear-skins.” - ------ - -Footnote 1050: - - Scalig. Poet. i. 14. Poll. iv. 143. - -Footnote 1051: - - Suid. in θέσπις, p. 1315. d. Poll. x. 167. - -Footnote 1052: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 387. - -Footnote 1053: - - Vid. Horat. de Art. Poet. 278. Athen. xiv. 77. Suid. v. χοιρίλλος, t. - ii. p. 1160. f. Etym. Mag. 376. 47. Poll. iv. 133, sqq. Schol. Soph. - Œdip. Tyr. 80. - -Footnote 1054: - - Meare’s Voyage, p. 254. - ------ - -But while the above improvements were going on in the national -theatre,[1055] the rustic drama continued to preserve its original -simplicity, the actors to prevent their being recognised, shading their -brows with thick projecting crowns of leaves, and daubing their -faces[1056] with lees of wine. Thus disguised they chanted their songs -upon the public roads, sitting in a waggon,[1057] whence the proverb, -“he speaks as from the waggon,” _i. e._ he is shamelessly abusive, which -was in fact the case with the comic poets. - ------ - -Footnote 1055: - - On the Roman Stage the actors appeared in hats up to the age of Livius - Andronicus. Roscius Gallus was the first who put on a mask, which he - did on account of his squinting. Ficorini, Masch. Scen. p. 15. On the - origin of the Mask see Paccichelli De Larvis, Capillamentis, et - Chirothecis. Neap. 1693. - -Footnote 1056: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 29. Scalig. Poet. i. 13. - -Footnote 1057: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 545. Nub. 29.—Demosth. De Coron. § 37. Ulp. in. § - 5. - ------ - -The masks were divided into three kinds, the Tragic, the Comic, and the -Satyric. Those belonging to Tragedy were again subdivided into numerous -classes, representing every marked variety of character, and every stage -of human life from childhood to extreme old age. In the highly varied -range of countenances thus brought into play, the mask-maker enjoyed -abundant opportunities of exhibiting his skill. The hair, of course, was -real and adjusted on the mask like a wig,[1058] differently fashioned -and coloured according to the age, habits, and complexion of the wearer. -In some cases it was gathered together and piled up on the -forehead,[1059] in a triangular figure,[1060] adding many inches to the -actor’s stature; at other times it was combed smoothly downwards, from -the crown, twisted round a fillet and disposed like a wreath about the -head as we sometimes find it in the figures of Asclepios and the -philosopher Archytas. Some characters were represented wholly bald, with -a garland of vine-leaves or ivy wreathed about the brow,[1061] others -were simply bald in front, while a third class exhibited a bushy fell of -hair, something like a lion’s mane. Young ladies displayed a profusion -of pendant curls, kept in order by the fillet or sphendone, or gathered -up in nets, or twisted about the head in braided tresses. In -representing certain characters the eye-sockets were left open, so that -the actor’s eyes could be seen moving and flashing within;[1062] but on -other occasions, when the part of a squinter was to be acted by a -performer who did not squint or vice versa, as in the case of Roscius -Gallus, the mask-maker must have represented the eyes by glass or some -other transparent substance, through which the actor could see his way. -This was necessarily the case in the part of the poet Thamyris,[1063] -who, like our own Chatterton, had eyes of different colours, one blue, -the other black, which, as Aristotle informs us, was common among the -horses of Greece. - ------ - -Footnote 1058: - - Scalig. Poet. i. 13.—Poll. iv. 133, sqq. - -Footnote 1059: - - Cf. Thucyd. i. 6, et Schol. Ælian. Var. Hist. iv. 22. - -Footnote 1060: - - See a beautiful head of Aphrodite with a pole of curls. (ὄγκος) Mus. - Chiaramont. tav. 27. Cf. a tragic female mask, with the hair bound by - a fillet, in the Cabinet d’ Orleans, pl. 52. - -Footnote 1061: - - It may be remarked that persons ridiculed upon the stage were - introduced with masks exactly resembling their countenances. They - seized, however, upon the ludicrous features, which any one happened - to possess, as the eyebrows of Chærephon, and the baldness of - Socrates. Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 147, 224. This applies to living - characters. The dead were protected from ridicule by the laws. Sch. - Pac. 631. The Comic mask was said to have been invented by Mason. - Athen. xiv. 77. The Comte de Caylus, however, attributes the invention - of masks to the Etruscans. Recueil d’ Antiq. i. 147, seq. - -Footnote 1062: - - Cic. de Orat. ii. 46. See in Agostini Gemme Antiche, pl. 17, a - representation of one of these masks. For examples of hideous masks - see Mus. Florent. t. i. pp. 45–51. - -Footnote 1063: - - Poll. iv. 141. Dubos, Reflex. Crit. sur la Poes. et sur la Peint. i. - 603. - ------ - -The time of acting, as is well-known, was during the Dionysiac and -Lenæan festivals, in the spring and autumn.[1064] The theatres being -national establishments, in the proper sense of the word, were therefore -open, free of expense, to all the citizens, who were not called together -as with us by playbills,[1065] but for the most part knew nothing of -what they were going to see till they were seated in the theatre, and -the herald[1066] commanded the chorus of such and such a poet to -advance. Previously to the commencement of the performance the theatre -was purified by the sacrifice of a young hog, the blood of which was -sprinkled on the earth.[1067] - ------ - -Footnote 1064: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 545. Acharn. 336. Cf. Dem. cont. Mid. § 4, et - annot. Plut. Vit. x. Rhet. Lycurg. - -Footnote 1065: - - Winkelmann, however, supposes they had a kind of playbill, Monum. - Ined. iii. p. 86, founding his opinion upon a misinterpretation of - Pollux, iv. 131. - -Footnote 1066: - - Aristoph. Acharn. 10, sqq. - -Footnote 1067: - - Sch. Æschin. Tim. p. 17. Orator. Att. t. xiii. p. 377. Vales. ad - Harpoc. 99, 296. Suid. v. καθάρσιον, t. i. p. 1346. a. Poll. viii. - 104. - ------ - - - - - BOOK V. - RURAL LIFE. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - THE VILLA AND THE FARMYARD. - - -If we now, for a moment, quit the city and its amusements, and observe -the tone and character of Hellenic rural life, we shall find, perhaps, -that there existed in antiquity a still greater contrast between town -and country than in modern times. From the poetry of Athens, rife with -sylvan imagery, we, no less than from its history, discover how deeply -they loved the sunshine and calm and quiet of their fields. The rustic -population confined to the city during the Peleponnesian war almost -perished of nostalgia within sight of their village homes. Half the -metaphors in their language are of country growth. The bee murmurs, the -partridge whirrs, the lark, the nightingale, the thrush, pour their -music through the channels of verse and prose. The odours of ripe fruit, -of new wine “purple and gushing,” the fresh invigorating morning breeze -from harvest fields, from clover meadows dotted with kine, the scent of -milk-pails, of honey, and the honey-comb, still breathe sweetly over the -Attic page, and prove how smitten with home delights the Athenian people -were, - - “With plesaunce of the breathing fields yfed.” - -This their manly and healthful taste, however, constantly, in time of -war, exposed them to the malice of their enemies. For the valleys and -grassy uplands of Attica, being thickly covered with villas and -farmhouses,[1068] the first act of an invading army was to lay all those -beautiful homesteads in ashes. Thus the Persians, in their two -invasions, destroyed the whole with fire and sword. But the gentlemen, -immediately on their return, rebuilt their dwellings[1069] with greater -taste and magnificence, so that, before the breaking out of the -Peloponnesian war, it is probable that, as a scene of unambitious -affluence, taste, high cultivation, and rustic contentment, nothing was -ever beheld to compare with Attica. Here and there, throughout the land, -perched on rocks, or shaded by trees, were small rustic chapels -dedicated to the nymphs, or rural gods.[1070] On the mountains, and in -solitary glens, and wherever springs gushed from the cliffs, caverns -were scooped out by the hands of the leisurely shepherds,[1071] and -consecrated by association with mythology. Fountains, also, and -water-courses, altars, statues,[1072] and sacred groves,[1073] protected -at once by religion and the laws,[1074] imprinted on the landscape -features of poetry and elegance. - ------ - -Footnote 1068: - - Demosth. in Ev. et Mnes. § 15. - -Footnote 1069: - - Thucyd. ii. 65. - -Footnote 1070: - - In the neighbourhood of the Isthmus the shepherds of the present day - often pass the winter months in mountain caverns.—Chandler, ii. p. - 261. - -Footnote 1071: - - Theocrit. i. 143, seq. - -Footnote 1072: - - Cf. Iliad. β. 305, seq. - -Footnote 1073: - - On the wild olive and other trees, of which these groves were - composed, the eye of the passenger usually beheld suspended a number - of votive offerings.—Sch. Aristoph. Ran. 943. - -Footnote 1074: - - Cf. Plat. Phæd. t. i. p. 9. - ------ - -Another cause which, in the eyes of the Athenians, imparted sanctity to -their lands, was the practice of burying in them their dead. The spot -selected for this sacred purpose seems usually to have been the orchard, -where, amid fig-trees and trailing vines,[1075] often near the -boundaries of the estate, might be seen the ancient and venerable -monuments of the dead. All Attica, therefore, in their eyes, appeared -holy as a sepulchre; and, as every one guarded his own ancestral ashes, -to sell a farm cost a man’s feelings more than in countries where people -inter those they love in public cemeteries; and this circumstance with -many would operate like a law of entail.[1076] - ------ - -Footnote 1075: - - Eurip. Bacch. 10, seq. Cf. Kirch. de Funer. Rom. iii. 17. - -Footnote 1076: - - Demosth. in Callicl. § 4. - ------ - -But it is easy thus to present to the imagination a general picture of -the country. What we want is to thrust aside the impediments, to -dissipate the obscurity of two thousand years, and lift the latch of a -Greek farmhouse, such as it existed in the days of Pericles. - -In the first place it was common in Attica to erect country-houses in -the midst of a grove of silver firs,[1077] which in winter protect from -cold, and in summer attract the breezes that imitate in their branches -the sound of trickling runnels, or the distant murmur of the sea. -Towards the centre of the grove, with a spacious court in front and a -garden behind, stood the house,[1078] sometimes with flat, sometimes -with pointed roof, ornamented with a picturesque porch, and surrounded -with verandahs or colonnades. Occasionally opulent persons had on the -south front of their houses large citron trees,[1079] growing in pots, -on either side the door, where they were well watered and carefully -covered during winter.[1080] In the plainer class of dwellings, numerous -outhouses, as stables, sheds for cattle,[1081] henroosts, pigstyes, &c., -extended round the court, while the back-front, generally in the East -the principal, opened upon the garden or orchard. - ------ - -Footnote 1077: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 406. On the music of the pine-groves, the Schol. - on Theocritus, i. 1, has an amusing passage: ἡ πίτυς ἐκείνη, ἡδὺ τι - μελουργεῖ, κατὰ τὸ ψιθύρισμα. κ. τ. λ. - -Footnote 1078: - - Called in Latin pagus from πηγὴ, a fountain. Serv. ad Virg. Georg. - 182. See also the note of Gibbon, t. iii. p. 410. - -Footnote 1079: - - Geop. x. 7. 11. These pots, like those in which the palm-tree was - cultivated, were pierced at the bottom like our own. Theoph. Hist. - Plant. iv. 4. 3. - -Footnote 1080: - - As the orange-tree is still in Lemnos. Walp. Mem. i. 280. - -Footnote 1081: - - The stalls for cattle were built as often as convenient, near the - kitchen and facing the east, because when exposed to light and heat - they became smooth-coated. Vitruv. vi. 9. Cf. Varro. i. 13. - ------ - -Much pains was usually taken in selecting the site of a farmhouse,[1082] -though opinions of course varied according to the peculiar range of -experience on which they were based. In general such positions were -considered most favourable as neighboured the sea, or occupied the -summits or the slopes of mountains,[1083] more especially if looking -towards the north.[1084] The vicinity of swamps and marshes, and as much -as possible of rivers, was avoided, together with coombs, or hollow -valleys, and declivities facing the south or the setting sun. If -necessitated by the nature of the ground to build near the banks of a -stream, the front of the dwelling was carefully turned away from it, -inasmuch as its waters communicated an additional rigour to the winds in -winter, and in summer filled the atmosphere with unwholesome vapours. -The favourite exposure was towards the east whence the most salubrious -breezes were supposed to blow, while the cheerful beams of the sun, as -soon as they streamed above the horizon, dissipated the dank fogs and -murkiness of the air. Notwithstanding the warmth of the climate, -moreover, they loved such situations as were all day long illuminated by -the sun, whilst every care was taken to fence out the sirocco, a moist -and pestilential wind, blowing across the Mediterranean from the deserts -of Africa. In Italy, nevertheless, the farmer often selected for the -site of his mansion the southern roots of mountains, further defended -from Alpine blasts by a sweep of lofty woods. - ------ - -Footnote 1082: - - Geop. ii. 3. Cf. Vitruv. i. 4. - -Footnote 1083: - - Petatur igitur aer calore et frigore temperatus, quem fere medius - obtinet collis, quod neque depressus hieme pruinis torpet, aut torret - æstute vaporibus, neque elatus in summa montium perexiguis ventorum - motibus, aut pluviis omni tempore anni sævit. Columell. De Re Rust. i. - 4. - -Footnote 1084: - - The same opinion is held by Hippocrates, De Morbo Sacro. cap. 7. p. - 308, ed. Foes. Ὁ Βορέης ὑγιεινότατος ἐστι τῶν ἀνέμων. Cf. Plin. ii. - 48. Varro. i. 12. - ------ - -According to the fashion prevailing in antiquity, farmhouses were built -high, large, and roomy, though Cato[1085] shrewdly advises, that their -magnitude should bear some relation to that of the domain, lest the -villa should have to seek for the farm, or the farm for the villa. - ------ - -Footnote 1085: - - De Re Rust. 3. “Ita ædifices, ne villa fundum quærat, neve fundus - villam.” Cf. Colum. De Re Rust. i. 4. It may here by the way be - observed that, during the flourishing periods of Roman agriculture, - farms were generally rather small than large. Plin. Hist. Nat. viii. - 21. Schulz. Antiq. Rustic. § vii. - ------ - -Much, however, would depend upon the taste of the individual; but in a -plain farmhouse more attention appears to have been paid to substantial -comfort, and something like rough John-Bullism, than to that cold -finical elegance which certain persons are fond of associating with -whatever is classical. An Attic farmer of the true old republican school -was anything but a fine gentleman. He scorned none of the occupations or -productions by which he lived. On entering his dwelling you found no -small difficulty in steering between bags of corn,[1086] piles of -cheeses, hurdles of dried figs[1087] or raisins, while the racks groaned -with hams[1088] and bacon flitches. If they resembled their -descendants,[1089] too, even their bedchambers were invaded by some -species of provisions, for there in the present day you often behold -long strings of melons suspended like festoons from the rafters. In one -corner of the ground-floor stood a corbel filled with olive-dregs, -recently pressed, in another a wool-sack or a pile of dressed -skins.[1090] Yonder in the room looking into the garden, with the -honey-suckle twining about the open lattice, were madam’s loom and -spinning-wheel, and carding apparatus, and work-baskets; and there with -the lark[1091] might you see her, serene and happy, suckling her young -democrat, and rocking the cradle of a second with her foot, thriftily -giving directions the while to Thratta, Xanthia or “the neat-handed” -Phillis.[1092] - ------ - -Footnote 1086: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 45. - -Footnote 1087: - - Philost. Icon. ii. 26. p. 851. - -Footnote 1088: - - Cf. Athen. iv. 38. - -Footnote 1089: - - Walp. Mem. i. 281. - -Footnote 1090: - - Aristoph. Nub. 45, seq. et Schol.—Schol. Eq. 803. - -Footnote 1091: - - Plat. De Legg. vii. t. viii. p. 40. Aristoph. Lysist. 18, sqq. - -Footnote 1092: - - Aristoph. Acharn. 272. Vesp. 824. Pac. 1138. Thesm. 286, seq. Suid. v. - Θρᾶττα. t. p. 1330. a. - ------ - -The kitchen must sometimes have been in fine disorder; geese and ducks -waddling across the floor, picking up the spilled grain, or snatching -away the piece of bread and honey which my young master had just put -down on the stool to play at a game of romps with Thratta. Up in the -dusky corner there, behind a huge armchair or settle, you may discern a -very suspicious looking enclosure, from which, at intervals, issues a -suppressed grunt; it is the pigsty.[1093] But be not offended; the -practice is classical; and pigs, in my apprehension, are as pleasant -company as geese and many other animals. Now, that geese were fed even -about palaces, we have the testimony of Homer, whose Penelope, the _beau -idéal_ of a good housewife, says— - - “Full twenty geese have we at home, that feed - On wheat in water steeped.”[1094] - ------ - -Footnote 1093: - - Ἐπὶ τῆς ἑστίας τρέφουσι χοίρους.—Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 844. Lysist. - 1073, Poll. ix. 16. - -Footnote 1094: - - Odyss. τ. 536. - -Footnote 1095: - - Cf. Vict. Var. Lect. p. 891. - ------ - -But the whole economy of geese-feeding[1095] has been transmitted to us; -in the first place, the birds usually preferred were those most -remarkable for their size and whiteness.[1096] The ancients esteemed the -variegated, or spotted, as of inferior value. The same rule applied to -fowls. The chenoboscion,[1097] or enclosure in which the geese were -kept, was commonly situated near ponds or freshes,[1098] abounding with -rich grass and aquatic plants. Geese, it was observed, are not nice in -the article of food, but devour eagerly nearly all kinds of plants, -though the chick-pea, and the couch-grass, the laurel and the -laurel-rose,[1099] were by the ancients supposed to be hurtful to them. -Of their eggs some were hatched by hens, but such as were designed to be -sitten on by the goose herself, (who, during the period of -incubation[1100] was fed on barley steeped in water,) were marked by -writing or otherwise, to distinguish them from the eggs of their -neighbours, which it was thought she would not be at the pains to hatch. -For the first ten days after they had broken the shell the young -goslings were kept within-doors, where they were fed on wheat steeped in -water, _polenta_ a preparation of barley-meal dried at the fire, and -chopped cresses. This period over, they were driven out to feed and -afterwards to water; they who tended them taking great care that they -should not be stung by nettles, or pricked by thorns, or swallow the -hair[1101] of pigs or kids, which they imagined to be fatal to them. - ------ - -Footnote 1096: - - Geop. xiv. 22. Varro. iii. 10. Colum. viii. 14. - -Footnote 1097: - - Poll. ix. 16. Heresbach. De Re Rust. lib. iv. p. 285. a. - -Footnote 1098: - - Cf. Pallad. i. 30. Plin. x. 79. Plaut. Trucul. ii. 1. 41. - -Footnote 1099: - - Ælian. De Nat. Anim. v. 29. This ingenious writer, anxious to remove - from geese the reputation of folly, relates that, when traversing - Mount Taurus, conscious of their disposition to cackling, they carry - stones in their bills, and thus frequently escape the eagles which - inhabit that lofty ridge of mountains. This the poet Phile undertakes - to confirm in verse:— - - Λίθον δὲ τῷ στόματι μὴ κλάγξῃ στέγων - Ὅνπερ καλοῦσι Ταῦρον, ἀμείβει πάγον - Τοὺς ἀετοὺς γὰρ φασὶ τοὺς χηνοσκόπους, - Ἐκεῖσε δεινῶς ἐλλοχᾷν πρὸ τοῦ ψύχους. - - Iamb. De Animal. Proprietat. c. 15. p. 62. - -Footnote 1100: - - Which according to Aristotle was thirty days.—-Hist. Anim. vii. 6. - -Footnote 1101: - - Pallad. i. 30. Cavendum est etiam, ne pulli eorum setas glutiant. - ------ - -When full-grown geese were intended to be fattened, the custom was, to -confine them in dark and extremely warm cells.[1102] Their food was -scientifically varied and regulated, proceeding from less to more -nutritious, until they were judged fit for the table. At first their -diet consisted of a preparation composed of two parts _polenta_, and -four parts bran boiled in water. Of this they were permitted to eat as -much as they pleased three times a day, and once again at midnight, -while water was furnished them in abundance. When they had continued on -this regimen for some time, they were indulged with a more luxurious -table,—nothing less than the most exquisite dried figs, which, being -chopped small, and dissolved in water, were served up as a sort of jelly -for twenty days, after which the pampered animal itself was ready for -the spit. - ------ - -Footnote 1102: - - The Quintilian Brothers, ap. Geop. xiv. 22. For the fate of these - illustrious authors, Maximus and Condianus, see Gibbon, i. 142. “Sint - calido et tenebroso loco: quæres ad creandas adipes multum conferunt.” - Colum. viii. 14. - ------ - -Occasionally that delicate and humane device, for the practice of which -Germany has, in modern times, obtained so enviable a celebrity, of -enlarging preternaturally the dimensions of the liver, was resorted to -by the ancients,[1103] whose mode of proceeding was as follows: during -five-and-twenty days, being cooped up as before in a place of high -temperature, the geese were fed with wheat and barley steeped in water, -the former of which fattened, while the latter rendered their flesh -delicately white. For the next five days certain cakes or balls, -denominated collyria,[1104] the composition of which is not exactly -known, were given them at the rate of seven per day, after which the -number was gradually augmented to fifteen, which constituted their whole -allowance for other twenty days. To this succeeded the most -extraordinary dish of all, consisting of bolusses of leavened dough, -steeped in a warm decoction of mallows, by which they were puffed up for -four days. Their drink, meanwhile, was still more delicious than their -food, being nothing less than hydromel,[1105] or water mingled with -honey. During the last six days dried figs, chopped fine, were added to -their leaven, and the process being thus brought to a conclusion, the -gourmands for whom they were intended, feasted on the tenderest geese -and the largest livers in the world. It should be added, however, that -before being cooked the liver was thrown into a basin of warm water, -which the _artistes_ several times changed. Geese, adds the ingenious -gastronomer to whom we are indebted for these details, are, both for -flesh and liver, much inferior to ganders. The Greeks did not, however, -like the Romans and the moderns, select young geese for this species of -culinary apotheosis, but birds of a mature age and of the largest size, -from two to four years old, which only proves the superior strength and -keenness of their teeth. - ------ - -Footnote 1103: - - Eupolis, ap. Athen. ix. 32. - -Footnote 1104: - - Cf. Suid. v. κολλύρα. t. i. p. 1489. a. Poll. i. 248. Etym. Mag. 526. - 26. Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 122. - -Footnote 1105: - - Cf. Dioscor. v. 30. - ------ - -Ducks were kept in ponds, carefully enclosed, and, perhaps, covered over -that they might not fly away. In the centre were certain green -islets,[1106] planted with couch-grass, which the ancients considered as -beneficial to ducks as it was hurtful to geese. Their usual food, which -was cast in the water encircling the islets, consisted of wheat, millet, -barley, sometimes mixed with grape-stones and grape-skins. Occasionally -they were indulged with locusts, prawns, shrimps,[1107] and whatever -else aquatic birds habitually feed on. Persons desirous of possessing -tame ducks were accustomed to beat about the lakes and marshes[1108] for -the nest of the wild bird. Giving the eggs to a hen to sit on, they -obtained a brood of ducklings perfectly domesticated.[1109] Wild ducks -were sometimes caught by pouring red wine, or the lees of wine, into the -springs whither they came to drink. - ------ - -Footnote 1106: - - Geop. xiv. 23. Varro, iii. 11. Ælian. De Nat. Anim. v. 33. Aristot. De - Hist. Anim. viii. 3. Athen. ix. 52. Phile, De Anim. Proprietat. c. 14. - p. 59. - -Footnote 1107: - - Athen. iii. 64. Κουρίδες· καρίδες, ἢ τὰς μικρ`ας ἐγχλώρας, τὰς δὲ - ἐρυθρὰς καμμάρους. Hesych. - -Footnote 1108: - - Cf. Philost. Icon. i. 9. p. 776. - -Footnote 1109: - - Colum. viii. 15. Heresbach. De Re Rust. lib. iv. p. 288. a. - ------ - -With respect to barn-door fowl, originally introduced from India and -Media into Greece, the greatest care appears to have been taken to vary -and improve the breeds. For this purpose cocks and hens were -imported[1110] from the shores of the Adriatic, from Italy, Sicily, -Numidia, and Egypt, while those of Attica were occasionally exported to -other countries. There appears to have been a prejudice against keeping -more than fifty fowls[1111] about one farmyard, some traces of which may -also be discovered in the practice of the Arabs.[1112] The fowl-house -furnished with roosts,[1113] as with us, was so contrived and situated -as to receive from the kitchen a tolerable supply of smoke, which was -supposed to be agreeable to these Median strangers. The food of -fowls[1114] being much the same all the world over, it is unnecessary to -observe more than that the green leaves of the Cytisus were supposed to -render them prolific. To preserve them from vermin, the juice of rue, by -way I suppose of charm, was sprinkled over their feathers.[1115] The -proportion of male birds was one to six. Hens were usually put to sit -about the vernal equinox, during the first quarter of the moon, in nests -carefully constructed of boards, and strewed with fresh clean straw, -into which, as a sort of talisman against thunder, they threw an iron -nail, heads of garlic, and sprigs of laurel.[1116] During the period of -incubation, the eggs which had previously been kept in bran were turned -every day. - ------ - -Footnote 1110: - - Athen. vii. 23. Of these birds the black were esteemed less than the - white. ix. 15. On the fighting cocks. Plin. x. 24. Æsch. Eum. 864, - 869. Schol. ad Æsch. Tim. Orat. Attic. t. xii. p. 379. Schol. - Aristoph. Eq. 492. - -Footnote 1111: - - Geop. xiv. 7, 9. - -Footnote 1112: - - Arabian Nights, Story of the Ass, the Ox, and the Labourer, vol. 1. p. - 23. - -Footnote 1113: - - Ταῤῥοὶ. Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 227. - -Footnote 1114: - - Beans, however, were eschewed as they were supposed to prevent them - from laying.—Geoponic. ii. 35. But cocks were suffered to feed on - them, at least when they belonged to poor men.—Luc. Mycill. § 4. - -Footnote 1115: - - Dioscor. iii. 52. - -Footnote 1116: - - Geop. xiv. 7. 11. Colum. viii. 5. - ------ - -The other inhabitants of the farmyard were peacocks,[1117] commonly -confined in beautiful artificial islands provided with elegant sheds; -pheasants[1118] from the shores of the Black Sea;[1119] guinea-fowls -from Numidia,[1120] though according to other authors they were -originally found in Ætolia;[1121] partridges, quails, and the attagas. -Thrushes were bred in warm rooms with slight perches projecting from the -walls, and laurel boughs or other evergreens fixed in the corners.[1122] -Over the clean floor was strewed their food, dried figs, which had been -steeped in water, and mixed with flour or barley meal, together with the -berries of the myrtle; the lentiscus, the ivy, the laurel, and the -olive. They were fattened with millet, panic, and pure water.[1123] -Other still smaller birds were reared, and fattened in like manner. -Every farmhouse had, moreover, its columbary and dove-cotes,[1124] -sometimes so large as to contain five thousand birds. They usually -consisted of spacious buildings,[1125] roofed over and furnished with -windows closed by lattice work, made so close that neither a lizard nor -a mouse could creep through them. In the floor were channels and basins -of water, in which these delicate birds[1126] might wash and plume -themselves, and adjoining was a chamber into which such as were required -for sale, or the table, were enticed. Even jackdaws were kept about -farmyards, and like common fowls had perches set up for them.[1127] - ------ - -Footnote 1117: - - Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 63. Petit. Leg. Att. p. 277. Geop. xiv. 18. - 1. Athen. xiv. 70. See the poetical description of this bird by Phile: - De Animal. Proprietat. c. 8. p. 32, sqq. - -Footnote 1118: - - Geop. xiv. 19. Colum. viii. 12. Pallad. i. 28. Athen. ix. 37, seq. - Suid. v. φασιανοὶ. t. i. p. 1083. a. b. Aristoph. Nub. 109. - -Footnote 1119: - - According to Diogenes Laertius, (i. iv. 51) both pheasants and - peacocks were familiar to the Greeks in the days of Solon. - -Footnote 1120: - - Athen. xiv. 71. Ælian. De Nat. Anim. v. 27. Aristot. Hist. Anim. vi. - 2. A number of these birds were kept on the Acropolis of Athens.—Suid. - v. μελεαγρίδες. t. ii. p. 122. a. - -Footnote 1121: - - Within the enclosure for these birds pellitory of the wall was - probably planted, as they loved to roll in and pluck it up.—Theoph. - Hist. Plant. i. 6. 11. - -Footnote 1122: - - Cf. Pollux. ii. 24. - -Footnote 1123: - - Geop. xiv. 24. 5, seq. - -Footnote 1124: - - The king of Tuban, in Java, had formerly his bed surrounded by cages - of turtle-doves, which roosted on perches of various coloured - glass.—Voyage de La Compagnie des Indes, i. 533. - -Footnote 1125: - - Varro. iii. 7. Columell. viii. 8. Pallad. i. 24. - -Footnote 1126: - - For the food with which they were supplied, see Geopon. xiv. 1. 5. - Occasionally when the birds were permitted to fly abroad, their owners - sprinkled them with unguents, or gave them cumin seed to eat, in order - that they might attract and bring back with them flights of doves or - wild pigeons to their cells.—Id. xiv. 3. 1. So also Palladius: - Inducunt alias, si cumino pascantur assidue, vel hirci alarum balsami - liquore tangantur, i. 24. Cf. Plin. x. 52. - -Footnote 1127: - - Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 129. - ------ - -Much pains was taken by the ancients to improve the breed of -animals.[1128] Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, introduced into that island -the Molossian and Spartan dogs, goats from Scyros and Naxos, and sheep -from Attica and Miletos.[1129] The fineness and beauty of Merinos were -also known to the ancients, who purchased from Spain rams for breeding -at a talent each, that is, about two hundred and forty-one pounds -sterling.[1130] - ------ - -Footnote 1128: - - Cf. Arist. Hist. Anim. vii. 6. 5. - -Footnote 1129: - - Athen. xii. 57. - -Footnote 1130: - - Strab. iii. 2. t. i. p. 231. - ------ - -Horses were at all times few, and, consequently, dear in Greece; they -were, therefore, seldom employed in agriculture, but bred and kept -chiefly for the army, for religious pomps and processions, and for the -chariot races at Olympia. Originally, no doubt, the horse was introduced -from Asia, and, up to a very late period, chargers of great beauty and -spirit, continued to be imported from the shores of the Black Sea.[1131] -Princes, in the Homeric age, appear to have obtained celebrity for the -beauty of their steeds, as Laomedon, Tros, and Rhesos; and it was -customary for them to possess studs of brood mares in the rich pasture -lands on the sea-shore. That of Priam, for example, lay at Abydos, on -the Hellespont.[1132] - ------ - -Footnote 1131: - - Aristoph. Nub. 109. Suid. v. φασιανοὶ. t. ii. p. 1033. b. Thom. - Magist. v. φασιανοὶ. p. 885. Blancard. Of the commentators on - Aristophanes, however, some by the word φασιανοὶ understand horses, - and some pheasants. The probability is, that they imported both, and - that the poet means to play upon the word. - -Footnote 1132: - - Iliad. δ. 500. - ------ - -The high estimation in which horses[1133] were held in remote antiquity, -may be gathered from the numerous fables invented respecting them,—as -that of the centaurs in Thessaly, of the winged courser of -Bellerophontes, and the Muses, and of the marvellous steeds presented by -Poseidon to Peleus on his marriage with Thetis. They were reckoned, -likewise, among the most precious victims offered in sacrifice to the -gods. Thus we find the Trojans plunging live horses into the whirlpool -of the Scamander[1134] to deprecate the anger of that divinity. The -Romans, likewise, in later times, sacrificed horses to the ocean;[1135] -and, in many parts of Asia, it appears to have been customary in nearly -all ages, to offer up, as anciently in Laconia,[1136] this magnificent -animal on the altars of the sun.[1137] Thus, among the Armenians, whose -breed, though smaller than that of the Persians, was far more spirited, -this practice prevailed as it still does in Northern India, and -Xenophon,[1138] a religious man, observes in the Anabasis, that he gave -his steed, worn down with the fatigues of the march, to be fed and -offered up by the Komarch, with whom he had been for some days a guest. -From Homer’s account of Pandarus we may infer, that the possessors of -fine horses often submitted to great personal inconvenience rather than -hazard the well-being of their favourites. For this wealthy -prince,[1139] who possessed eleven carriages and twenty-two steeds, came -on foot to the assistance of Priam, lest they should not find a -plentiful supply of provender at Troy. - ------ - -Footnote 1133: - - See also Iliad, ε. 358. Wolf. Proleg. 80, seq. - -Footnote 1134: - - Iliad φ. 132. - -Footnote 1135: - - Fest. v. October, t. ii. p. 521, seq. v. Panibus, p. 555. Lomeier, de - Lustrat. cap. 23. p. 292, seq. Propert. iv. i. 20, with the note of - Frid. Jacob, in whose edition it is, v. i. 20. - -Footnote 1136: - - Pausan. iii. 20. 4. Fest. v. October, t. ii. p. 520, tells us that - this horse was sacrificed to the winds. - -Footnote 1137: - - Herod. i. 216. Brisson. de Regn. Pers. ii. 5. The reason why the horse - was selected as a victim to the sun, was that its swiftness appeared - to resemble that of the god:—ὡς τακύτατον τῷ τακύτατω. Bochart. - Hierozoic. pt. i. l. ii. c. 10. Olear. in Philost. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. - i. 31. p. 29. Justin. i. 10. Suid. v. μίθρου. t. ii. p. 162, f. This - practice is likewise mentioned by Ovid, (Fast. i. 385, seq.) - - Placat equo Persis radiis Hyperiona cinctum, - Ne detur celeri victima tarda deo. - - Cf. Vigenere, Images des Philostrates, p. 773. Par. 1627. - -Footnote 1138: - - Anab. iv. 5. 35. - -Footnote 1139: - - Iliad. ε. 192, seq. - ------ - -Several countries were famous[1140] for their breed of horses, as -Cyrene, Egypt, Syria, Phrygia, and the Phasis.[1141] Thessaly, too, -particularly the neighbourhood of Triccæ, abounded in barbs, as did -likewise Bœotia. But one of the most remarkable races was that produced -in Nisæon,[1142] a district of Media, which seems to have been white, or -of a bright cream colour,[1143] and of extraordinary size and swiftness. -On one of these Masistios[1144] was mounted during the expedition into -Greece. Apollo, in an oracle is said to have spoken of the beauty of -mares, alluding, perhaps, to those of Elis, which were remarkable for -their lightness and elegance of form; and Aristotle celebrates a -particular mare of Pharsatis, called Dicæa, which was famous for -bringing colts resembling their sires.[1145] Among the Homeric chiefs, -Achilles and Eumelos boasted the noblest coursers, as we learn from a -picturesque and striking passage in the Catalogue:[1146] “And now, O -Muse, declare, which of the leaders and their horses were most -illustrious. Excepting those of Achilles, the finest steeds before Troy -were those of Eumelos from Pheræ, swift as birds, alike in mane, in age, -and so equal in size, that a rule would stand level on their backs. They -were both bred by Apollo in Pieria, both mares, and they bore with them -the dread of battle. Noblest of all, however, were the coursers of -Achilles. But he, in his lunar-prowed, sea-passing ships remains -incensed against Atreides, the shepherd of his people; his myrmidons -amuse themselves on the sea-shore with pitching the quoit, launching the -javelin, and drawing the bow; their horses, standing beside the -chariots, feed upon lotus, trefoil and marsh parsley; and the chariots -themselves, well covered with hangings, are drawn up in the tents of the -chiefs, while the soldiers, sighing for the leading of their impetuous -general, stroll carelessly through the camp without joining in the war.” - ------ - -Footnote 1140: - - Sch. Pind. Pyth. iv. 1. - -Footnote 1141: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 110. - -Footnote 1142: - - Strab. xi. 13. p. 453. Τούς δὲ Νησαίους ἵππους, οἷς ἐχρῶντο οἱ - βασιλεῖς ἀρίστοις οὖσι καὶ μεγίστοις. Cf. Herod. i. 189, on the sacred - horses of Persia. - -Footnote 1143: - - Suid. v. ἱππος Νισαῖος. t. i. p. 1271. d. who relates that, according - to some, the breed was found near the Erythrean Sea. - -Footnote 1144: - - Herod. ix. 20. Cf. Il. ε. 583. δ. 142, seq. In Philostratus we find - mention made of a black Nisæan mare with white feet, large patch of - white on the breast, and white nostrils.—Icon. ii. 5. p. 816. - -Footnote 1145: - - Hist. Anim. vii. 6. - -Footnote 1146: - - Il. β. 760, sqq. - ------ - -The food of the Homeric horses,[1147] was little inferior to that of -their masters, since, besides the natural delicacies of the meadows, -they were indulged with sifted barley and the finest wheat.[1148] The -halter with which, while feeding, they were tied to the manger seems -usually to have been of leather. Aristotle,[1149] remarks, that horses -are fattened less by their food than by what they drink, and that, like -the camel,[1150] they delight in muddy water, on which account they -usually trouble the stream before they taste it. - ------ - -Footnote 1147: - - Iliad. θ. 560. Cf. ι. 123, seq. 265, 407. κ. 565, seq. - -Footnote 1148: - - Il. ε. 196. On an ancient crystal engraved in Buonaroti a man with cap - and short breeches is represented feeding an ass with corn. Osserv. - Istorich. sop. alc. Medagl. Antich. p. 345. - -Footnote 1149: - - Hist. Anim. viii. 10. - -Footnote 1150: - - Phile applies the same observation to the elephant: - - Ὕδωρ δὲ πίνει πλῆθος ἄφθονον πάνυ· - Πλὴν οὐ καθαρὸν, καὶ διειδὲς οὐ θέλει, - Ἀλλ’ οὖν ῥυπαρὸν καὶ κατεσπιλωμένον. - - Iamb. de Animal. Proprietat. c. 39. p. 56, 165, seq. - ------ - -The Greek conception of equine beauty[1151] differed but little from our -own, since they chiefly loved horses of those colours which are still -the objects of admiration: as snow-white, with black eyes like those of -Rhesos, which Plato thought the most beautiful; cream-coloured, light -bay, chestnut, and smoky grey. They judged of the breeding of a horse by -the shortness of its coat and the dusky prominence of its veins. As a -fine large mane greatly augments the magnificent appearance of this -animal, they were careful after washing to comb and oil it[1152] while -they gathered up the forelock in a band of gilded leather.[1153] The -floors of their stables were commonly pitched with round pebbles bound -tight together by curbs of iron.[1154] - ------ - -Footnote 1151: - - Geop. xvi. 2. Philost. Icon. i. 28. p. 804. Notwithstanding the - admiration of the Greeks for horses we do not find that they made any - attempt to naturalize among them those Shetlands of the ancient world - which, according to a very grave naturalist, were no larger than rams. - These diminutive steeds were found in India:—Παρά γε τοῖς ψύλλοις - καλουμένοις τῶν Ἰνδῶν, εἱσὶ γὰρ καὶ Λιβύων ἕτεροι, ἵπποι γίνονται τῶν - κριῶν οὐ μείζους. Ælian. de Animal. xvi. 37. Modern writers relate the - same thing of a certain breed of oxen in India: “Naturalists speak of - a diminutive breed of oxen in Ceylon, and the neighbourhood of Surat, - no larger than a Newfoundland dog, which, though fierce of aspect, are - trained to draw children in their little carts.” Hindoos, i. 23. - -Footnote 1152: - - Iliad, χ. 281, seq. - -Footnote 1153: - - Il. ε. 358. - -Footnote 1154: - - Xenoph. de Re Equest. iv. 4. - ------ - -Horses were usually broken[1155] by professed grooms, who entered into a -written agreement with the owners implicitly to follow their -directions.[1156] The process was sufficiently simple. They began with -the year-and-a-half colts,[1157] on which they put a halter when -feeding, while a bridle was hung up close to the manger, that they might -be accustomed to the touch of it, and not take fright at the jingling of -the bit.[1158] The next step was to lead them into the midst of noisy -and tumultuous crowds in order to discover whether or not they were bold -enough to be employed in war.[1159] The operation was not completely -finished till they were three years old. When, on the course or -elsewhere, horses had been well sweated,[1160] they were led into a -place set apart for the purpose, and, in order to dry themselves, made -to roll in the sand. It was customary for owners to mark their horses -with the Koppa,[1161] or other letter of the alphabet, whence they were -sometimes called Koppatias, Samphoras, &c. - ------ - -Footnote 1155: - - Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 158. - -Footnote 1156: - - Xenoph. de Re Equest. ii. 2. Cf. Œconom. iii. 11. xiii. 7. - -Footnote 1157: - - Geop. xvi. i. 11. - -Footnote 1158: - - Xen. de Re Equest. 10. 6. Poll. viii. 184. - -Footnote 1159: - - The swimming powers of the war-horse were probably augmented by - exercise, since we find them passing by swimming from Rhegium to - Sicily. Plut. Timol. § 19. This feat, however, was nothing to that of - the stags which swam from Syria to Cyprus! Ælian. De Nat. Anim. v. 56. - -Footnote 1160: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 32. Cf. 25, 28. - -Footnote 1161: - - Aristoph. Eq. 601. Nub. 25. Spanh. in loc. Athen. xi. 30. - ------ - -The mule and the ass were much employed in rural labours, the former -both at the cart and the plough, the latter in drawing small tumbrils, -and in bearing wood[1162] or other produce of the farm to the -city.[1163] The wild ass[1164] was sometimes resorted to for improving -the breed of mules, which, in the Homeric age, were found in a state of -nature among the mountains of Paphlagonia.[1165] - ------ - -Footnote 1162: - - In carting wood from Mount Ida in the Troad oxen are at present - substituted for asses, and the bodies of the vehicles they draw, in - form resembling ancient cars, are constructed of wickerwork. Chandler, - i. 47. - -Footnote 1163: - - Lucian. Luc. siv. Asin. § 43. Cf. Artemid. Oneirocrit. ii. 12. p. 97. - -Footnote 1164: - - Geop. xvi. 21. Varro ii. 6. 3. To account for this care it may be - observed, that rich men sometimes rode, as they still do in the East, - on asses superbly caparisoned and adorned with bells. Lucian. Luc. - sive Asin. § 48. - -Footnote 1165: - - Il. β. 852. - ------ - -But their cares extended even to swine, which, if King Ptolemy may be -credited, were sometimes distinguished in Greece for their great size -and beauty. He, in fact, observes in his Memoirs, that in the city of -Assos he saw a milk-white hog two cubits and a half in length, and of -equal height; and adds, that King Eumenes had given four thousand -drachmæ, or nearly two hundred pounds sterling, for a boar of this -enormous size, to improve the breed of pigs in his country.[1166] So -that we perceive those great generals, whom posterity usually -contemplates only in the cabinet or in the battle-field, were, at the -same time, in their domestic policy, the rivals of the Earls Spencer and -Leicester. Superstition, among the Cretans, prevented the improvement of -bacon; for as a sow was said to have suckled the infant Jupiter, and -defended his helpless infancy, they, in gratitude,[1167] abstained from -hog’s flesh. - ------ - -Footnote 1166: - - Athen. ix. 17. Cf. Steph. De Urb. 184. e. - -Footnote 1167: - - Athen. ix. 18. - ------ - -In all farms the care of cattle necessarily formed a principal -employment. The oxen[1168] were used in ploughing, treading out the -corn, drawing manure to the fields, and bringing home the produce of the -harvest. To prevent their being overcome by fatigue while engaged in -their labours, the husbandmen of Greece had recourse to certain -expedients, one of which was, to smear their hoofs with a composition of -oil and terebinth, or wax, or warm pitch:[1169] while, to protect them -from flies, their coats were anointed with their own saliva, or with a -decoction of bruised laurel berries and oil.[1170] Their milch cows, in -the selection of which much judgment was displayed,[1171] were commonly -fed on cytisus and clover; and, still further to increase their milk, -bunches of the herb dittany were sometimes tied about their flanks. The -usual milking-times[1172] were, in the morning immediately after the -breaking-up of the dawn, and in the evening about the close of twilight; -though, occasionally, both cows, sheep, and goats were milked several -times during the day. In weaning calves they made use of a species of -muzzle,[1173] as the Arabs do in the case of young camels. Their pails, -like our own, were of wood,[1174] but somewhat differently shaped, being -narrow above, and spreading towards the bottom. When conveyed into the -dairy the milk was poured into pans,[1175] on the form of which I have -hitherto found no information.[1176] That they skimmed their milk is -evident (whatever they may have done with the cream), from the mention -of that thin pellicle which is found on it only when skimmed, whether -scalded or not. “Here, drink this!” said Glycera to Menander, when he -had returned one day in exceeding ill-humour from the theatre. “I don’t -like the wrinkled skin,” replied the poet to the lady, whose beauty, it -must be remembered, was at this time on the wane. “Blow it off,” replied -she, immediately comprehending his meaning, “and take what is -beneath.”[1177] Milk, in those warm latitudes, grows sour more rapidly -than with us; but the ancients observed that it would keep three days -when it had been scalded, and stirred until cold with a reed or -ferula.[1178] - ------ - -Footnote 1168: - - Scheffer, De Re Vehic. p. 80; et vid. Dickenson, Delph. Phænicizant. - c. 10. p. 116, seq. Heresbach. De Re Rust. p. 236, sqq. - -Footnote 1169: - - Geop. xvii. 9, with the note of Niclas. Aristoph. Hist. Anim. viii. 7. - 23. Cato. De Re Rust. 72. Plin. xxviii. 81. - -Footnote 1170: - - African. ap. Geop. xvii. 11. - -Footnote 1171: - - Geop. xvii. 2. 8. - -Footnote 1172: - - Buttm. Lexil. p. 86. - -Footnote 1173: - - Hesych. v. πύσσαχος. - -Footnote 1174: - - Eustath. ad Odyss. ε. p. 219. Their milk-cups were sometimes of ivy. - Eurip. Fragm. Androm. 27. Athen. xi. 53. Macrob. Sat. v. 21. Cf. on - the milk-pans and cheese-vats, Poll. x. 130; Theocrit. Eidyll. v. 87. - Milk-pails were sometimes called πέλλαι, ἀμολγοὶ, γαλακτοδόκα, and out - of these they sometimes drank. Schol. i. 25. - -Footnote 1175: - - Cf. Il. π. 642, et Schol. Venet. Etym. Mag. 659. 41. Athen. xi. 91. - -Footnote 1176: - - Even Philostratus, while mentioning these vessels, filled to the brim - with milk, on which the cream lies rich and shining, omits to furnish - any hint of their form:—ψυκτῆρες γάλακτος, οὐ λευκοῦ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ - στιλπνοῦ· καὶ γὰρ στίβειν ἔοικεν, ὑπὸ τῆς ἐπιπολαζούσης αὐτῷ πιμελῆς. - Icon. i. 31. p. 809. - -Footnote 1177: - - Athen. xiii. 49. - -Footnote 1178: - - Geop. xviii. 19. 4. - ------ - -The Greeks of classical times appear to have made no use of -butter,[1179] though so early as the age of Hippocrates they were well -enough acquainted with its existence and properties.[1180] Even in the -present day butter is much less used in Greece than in most European -countries, its place being supplied by fine olive oil. For cheese, -however, they seem to have entertained a partiality, though it is -probable that the best they could manufacture would have lost very -considerably in comparison with good Stilton or Cheshire, not to mention -Parmasan. It was a favourite food, however, among soldiers in Attica, -who during war used to supply themselves both with cheese and -meal.[1181] Their cheese-lope or rennet in most cases resembled our own, -consisting of the liquid substance found in the ruen of new-born -animals, as calves, kids, or hares, which was considered superior to -lamb’s rennet.[1182] Occasionally they employed for the same purpose -burnt salt or vinegar, fowl’s crop or pepper, the flowers of bastard -saffron, or the threads which grow on the head of the artichoke. For -these again, was sometimes substituted the juice of the fig-tree;[1183] -or a branch freshly cut[1184] was used in stirring the milk while -warming on the fire. This cheese would seem, for the most part, to have -been eaten while fresh and soft,[1185] like that of Neufchatel, though -they were acquainted with various means of preserving it for a -considerable space of time. Acidulated curds were kept soft by being -wrapped in the leaves of the terebinth tree, or plunged in oil, or -sprinkled with salt. When desirous of preserving their cheese for any -length of time, they washed it in pure water, and, after drying it in -the sun, laid it upon earthen jars with thyme and summer savory. Some -other kinds were kept in a sort of pickle, composed of sweet vinegar or -oxymel or sea-water, which was poured into the jars until it entirely -penetrated and covered the whole mass. When they wished to communicate a -peculiar whiteness to the cheese, they laid it up in brine. Dry cheese -was rendered more solid and sharp-tasted by being placed within reach of -the smoke. If from age it were hard or bitter, it was thrown into a -preparation of barley-meal, then soaked in water, and what rose to the -top was skimmed off.[1186] - ------ - -Footnote 1179: - - See Beckman. Hist. of Inv. i. 372, seq. Butter is made at present in - Greece by filling a skin with cream and treading on it. Chandler, ii. - 245. - -Footnote 1180: - - Foes, Œconom. Hippoc. v. πικέριον, p. 306. - -Footnote 1181: - - Sch. Aristoph. Pac. 394. - -Footnote 1182: - - Varro. De Re Rust. ii. 11. 4. Colum. vii. 8. Eustath ad Il. ε. p. 472. - Hesych. v. ὀπὸς.—Mœris: ὀπὸς Ἀττικοὶ, πυτία Ἕλληνες. p. 205. Cf. - Aristot. Hist. Anim. iv. 21. - -Footnote 1183: - - The cheese made in this manner was called ὀπίας. Eurip. Cyclop. 136. - Athen. xiv. 76. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 353. Dioscor. i. 183. Plin. - xxiii. 63. Plut. Sympos. vi. 10. - -Footnote 1184: - - Geop. xviii. 12. These cheeses were sometimes made in box-wood moulds. - Colum. vii. 8. - -Footnote 1185: - - Philostratus describes one of these delicate little cheeses freshly - made and quivering like a slice of blanc-manger:—καὶ τρυφαλὶς ἐφ᾽ - ἑτέρου φύλλου νεοπαγὴς, καὶ σαλέυουσα. Icon. i. 31. p. 809. - -Footnote 1186: - - Geop. xviii. 19. - ------ - -That the milk-women in Greece understood all the arts of their -profession may be gathered from the instructions which have been left us -on the best methods of detecting the presence of water in milk. If you -dip a sharp rush into milk, says Berytios, and it run off easily, there -is water in it. And again, if you pour a few drops upon your thumb-nail, -the pure milk will maintain its position, while the adulterated will -immediately glide away![1187] - ------ - -Footnote 1187: - - Geop. xviii. 20. - ------ - -Their mode of fattening cattle[1188] was as follows: first they fed them -on cabbage chopped small and steeped in vinegar, to which succeeded -chaff and gurgions during five days. This diet was then exchanged for -barley, of which for nearly a week they were allowed four cotylæ a-day, -the quantity being then gradually augmented for six other days. As of -necessity the hinds were stirring early, the cattle began even in winter -to be fed at cock-crowing; a second quantity of food was given them -about dawn, when they were watered, and their remaining allowance -towards evening. In summer their first meal commenced at day-break, the -second at mid-day, and the third about sunset. They were at this time of -the year suffered to drink at noon and night of water rendered somewhat -tepid; in winter it was considerably warmer. - ------ - -Footnote 1188: - - Geop. xvii. 12. Heresbach. p. 233. a. - ------ - -About Mossynos, in Thrace, cattle were sometimes fed upon fish, which -was likewise given to horses, and even to sheep. Herodotus, who mentions -a similar fact, calls food of this description χόρτος, “fodder,”[1189] -though hay or dried straw was, doubtless, its original meaning. The -provender of cattle in the district about Ænia appears to have been so -wholesome, that the herds which fed upon it were never afflicted by the -mange.[1190] - ------ - -Footnote 1189: - - Herod. v. 16. Athen. vii. 72. Ælian. de Nat. Anim. v. 25. Cf. Sch. - Aristoph. Pac. 891. - -Footnote 1190: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. iv. 14. 3. - ------ - -Among the animals domesticated and rendered useful by the Greeks we -must, doubtless, reckon bees,[1191] which, in the heroic ages, had not -yet been confined in hives. For, whenever Homer describes them, it is -either where they are streaming forth from a rock,[1192] or settling in -bands and clusters on the spring flowers. So, likewise, in Virgil, they - - Hunt the golden dew; - In summer time on tops of lilies feed, - And creep within their bells to suck the balmy seed. - ------ - -Footnote 1191: - - Athen. iii. 59. Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 107. - -Footnote 1192: - - Il. β. 87. μ. 67. Odyss. ν. 106. - ------ - -In that Bœotian old savage, Hesiod,[1193] however, we undoubtedly find -mention of the hive where he is uncourteously comparing women to drones— - - As when within their well-roofed hives the bees - Maintain the mischief-working drones at ease, - Their task pursuing till the golden sun - Down to the western wave his course hath run, - Filling their shining combs, while snug within - Their fragrant cells, the drones, with idle din, - As princes revel o’er their unpaid bowls, - On others’ labours cheer their worthless souls. - ------ - -Footnote 1193: - - Theogon. 594, seq.—Pro σίμβλοισι, quod præbet R. S., cæteri Mss. - σμήνεσσι. Schæferus tamen malebat σίμβλοισιν ἐπηρεφέεσι. Gœttling. But - Goguet, who has considered this passage, does not think that “hives” - are meant; because, if their use had been known in the times of - Hesiod, he would not have failed to leave us some directions on the - subject. Origine des Loix, t. iii. p. 399. Wolff, following in the - footsteps of Heyne, gets easily over the difficulty by pronouncing the - whole passage, v. 590–612, spurious. Gœttling, p. 55. Cf. Schol. - Aristoph. Nub. 937. Phile, de Animal. Proprietat. c. 28. p. 87, seq. - ------ - -As the honey of Attica constantly, in antiquity, enjoyed the reputation -of being the finest in the world,[1194] the management of bees naturally -formed in that country an important branch of rural economy. The natural -history, moreover, of the bee was studied with singlar enthusiam by the -Greeks in general. Aristomachos of Soli, devoted to it fifty-eight -years, and Philiscos, the Thasian, who passed his life among bees in a -desert, obtained on that account the name of the Wild Man. Both wrote on -the subject.[1195] - ------ - -Footnote 1194: - - The pasturage of Hymettos, however, was, by Pausanias, regarded as - second to that of the Alazones on the river Halys, where the bees were - tame, and worked in common in the fields. i. 32. 1. - -Footnote 1195: - - Plin. Hist. Nat. xi. 9. - ------ - -This branch of rural economy was carried to very great perfection in -Attica. The vocabulary[1196] connected with it was extensive, as every -separate operation had its technical term, by the study of which, -chiefly, an insight into their practice is obtained. Thus, from certain -expressions employed by Aristotle[1197] and Pollux, it seems clear that -bee-managers, whom we may occasionally call melitturgi, constituted a -separate division among the industrious classes; and these, instructed -by constant experience, probably anticipated most of the improvements -imagined in modern times. For example, instead of destroying the -valuable and industrious little insects for the purpose of obtaining -possession of their spoils, they in some cases compelled them by smoke -to retire temporarily from the hive, whence their treasures were to be -taken; and in the mining districts about Laureion they understood the -art, concerning which, however, no particulars are known, of procuring -the virgin honey pure and unsmoked.[1198] - ------ - -Footnote 1196: - - Poll. i. 254. Artemid. Oneirocrit. ii. 22. p. 109. - -Footnote 1197: - - Hist. Anim. v. 22. ix. 40. Etym. Mag. 458. 44. - -Footnote 1198: - - Τοῦ δὲ μέλιτος, ἀρίστου ὄντος τῶν πάντων τοῦ Ἀττικοῦ, πολὺ βέλτιστὸν - φάσι τὸ ἐν τοῖς ἀργυρέοις, ὁ καὶ ἀκαπνίστον καλοῦσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ τρόποῦ - τῆς σκευασίας. Strab. ix. 2. t. ii. p. 246.—Wheler describes the - modern method observed by the Athenians in taking honey without - destroying the bee, but in a style so lengthy and uncouth, that I must - content myself with a reference to his travels. Book vi. p. 412, seq. - ------ - -The grounds of a melitturgos or bee-keeper were chosen and laid out with -peculiar care.[1199] In a sheltered spot, generally on the thymy slope -of a hill, the hives were arranged in the midst of flowers and -odoriferous shrubs. And if the necessary kinds had not by nature been -scattered there, they were planted by the gardener. Experience soon -taught them what blossoms and flowers yielded the best honey,[1200] and -were most agreeable to the bees. These, in Attica, were supposed to be -the wild pear-tree, the bean, clover, a pale-coloured vetch, the syria, -myrtle, wild poppy, wild thyme, and the almond-tree.[1201] To which may -be added the rose, balm gentle, the galingale or odoriferous rush, basil -royal, and above all the cytisus,[1202] which begins to flower about the -vernal equinox, and continues in bloom to the end of September.[1203] Of -all the plants, however, affected by the bee, none is so grateful to it -as the thyme, which so extensively abounds in Attica and Messenia[1204] -as to perfume the whole atmosphere. In Sicily too, all the slopes and -crests of its beautiful hills, from Palermo to Syracuse, are invested -with a mantle of thyme,[1205] and other odoriferous shrubs, which, -according to Varro, gives the superior flavour to the Sicilian honey. -Box-wood abounded on mount Cytoros, in Galatia, and in the island of -Corsica, on which account the honey of the latter country was -bitter.[1206] - ------ - -Footnote 1199: - - On the management of bees in Circassia and other countries on the - Black Sea, see Pallas, Travels in Southern Russia, ii. p. 204. - -Footnote 1200: - - On the coast of the Black Sea bees sucked honey from the grape. Geop. - v. 2. - -Footnote 1201: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. ix. 26, 27. - -Footnote 1202: - - Geop. xv. 2. 6. - -Footnote 1203: - - Varro, De Re Rust. iii. 16. - -Footnote 1204: - - Sibthorpe in Walpole’s Memoirs, t. ii. p. 62. Geop. xv. 2. 5. Speaking - of Hymettos, Chandler observes, that it produces a succession of - aromatic plants, herbs, and flowers, calculated to supply the bee with - nourishment both in winter and summer, ii. p. 143. “Les montagnes (des - îles) sont couvertes de thym et de lavande. Les abeilles, qui y volent - par nuées, en tirent un miel qui est aussi transparent que notre - gelée.” Della Rocca, Traité sur les Abeilles, t. i. 6. - -Footnote 1205: - - This plant in Greece flowers about midsummer, and those who kept bees - conjectured whether honey would be plentiful or not, according as it - was more or less luxuriant. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 2, 3. The wild - thyme of Greece was a creeping plant which was sometimes trained on - poles or hedges, or even in pits, the sides of which it speedily - covered. Id. vi. 7. 5. - -Footnote 1206: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. 15. 5. The honey of modern Crete is esteemed - of a good quality. Pashley, Travels, vol. i. p. 56. - ------ - -In selecting a spot for hives, the ancients observed a rule which I do -not recollect to have been mentioned by modern bee-keepers, and that was -to avoid the neighbourhood of an echo,[1207] which by repeating their -own buzzing and murmuring suggested the idea perhaps of invisible -rivals. Place them not, says Virgil,[1208] - - Near hollow rocks that render back the sound, - And doubled images of voice rebound. - ------ - -Footnote 1207: - - Echo, in the mythology, is said to have been beloved of Pan, by which - she seems tacitly to be connected with the generation of Panic Terrors - Polyæn. Stratagem. i. 2. 1. Offensive smells are often reckoned among - the aversions of bees, but I fear without good reason. At least they - have sometimes been found to select strange places wherein to deposit - their treasures of sweets. In the book of Judges, chap. xiv. ver. 8, - seq., it is related that, when Samson, on his way to Timnath, turned - aside to view the carcass of a young lion which he had a short time - previously slain, “behold, there was a swarm of bees and honey in the - carcass of the lion, and he took thereof in his hands and went on - eating, and came to his father and mother, and he gave them and they - did eat, but he told not them that he had taken the honey out of the - carcass of the lion.” Upon this passage the following may serve as a - note:—“Among this pretty collection of natural curiosities, (in the - cemetery of Algesiras,) one in particular attracted our attention; - this was the contents of a small uncovered coffin in which lay a - child, the cavity of the chest exposed and tenanted by an industrious - colony of bees. The comb was rapidly progressing, and I suppose, - according to the adage of the poet, they were adding sweets to the - sweet, if not perfume to the violet.” Napier, Excursions on the Shores - of the Mediterranean, v. i. 127. - -Footnote 1208: - - Georg. iv. 50, with the commentaries of Servius and Philargyrius; and - Varro, De Re Rust. iii. 16. - ------ - -Care was taken to conduct near the hives small runnels of the purest -water, not exceeding two or three inches in depth with shells or pebbles -rising dry above the surface, whereon the bees might alight to -drink.[1209] When of necessity the apiary was situated on the margin of -lakes or larger streams other contrivances were had recourse to for the -convenience of the airy labourers. - - Then o’er the running stream or standing lake - A passage for thy weary people make, - With osier floats the standing water strow, - Of massy stones make bridges if it flow, - That basking in the sun thy bees may lie - And resting there their flaggy pinions dry, - When late returning home the laden host - By raging winds is wrecked upon the coast. - ------ - -Footnote 1209: - - Cf. Geop. xv. 2, 3, 4. - ------ - -Their hives were of various kinds and shapes. Some, like the modern -Circassians, they made with fine wicker-work, of a round form and -carefully plastered on the inside with clay.[1210] Other hives were -constructed of bark, especially that of the cork-tree, others of fig, -oxya, beech, and pine-wood,[1211] others, as now in Spain, of the trunk -of a hollow tree, others of earthenware, as is the practice in Russia; -and others again of plaited cane of a square shape, three feet in length -and about one in breadth, but so contrived that, should the honey -materials prove scanty, they might be contracted, lest the bees should -lose courage if surrounded by a large empty space. The wicker-hives were -occasionally plastered both inside and outside with cow-dung to fill up -the cavities and smooth the surface.[1212] A more beautiful species of -hive was sometimes made with the lapis specularis,[1213] which, being -almost as transparent as glass, enabled the curious owner to contemplate -the movements and works of the bees.[1214] When finished, they were -placed on projecting slabs, so as not to touch or be easily shaken. -There were generally three rows of hives rising above each other like -Egyptian tombs on the face of the wall, and there was a prejudice -against adding a fourth. - ------ - -Footnote 1210: - - Vir. Georg. iv. 34, seq. Varro, iii. 16. Colum. ix. 2–7. Sch. - Aristoph. Nub. 295. Vesp. 241. Callim. Hymn. i. 50. Cf. Wheler, - Travels into Greece. Book vi. p. 411. - -Footnote 1211: - - Geop. xv. 2. 7. Cf. Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. 10. 1. - -Footnote 1212: - - Geop. xv. 2. 8. Varro, iii. 16. Colum. ix. 14. Pallad. vii. 8. Cato. - 81. - -Footnote 1213: - - Plin. xxi. 47. - -Footnote 1214: - - At present the hives, we are told, are set on the ground in rows - enclosed within a low wall. Chandler, ii. 143. - ------ - -The fences of apiaries were made high and strong to protect the inmates -from the inroads of the bears,[1215] which would otherwise have -overthrown the hives and devoured all the combs.[1216] Another enemy of -the bee was the Merops,[1217] which makes its appearance about Hymettos -towards the end of summer.[1218] - ------ - -Footnote 1215: - - Phile gives a long list of the bees’ foes, which begins as follows: - - Ὄφις, δὲ καὶ σφὴξ, καὶ χελιδὼν, καὶ φρύνος, - Μύρμηξ τε, καὶ σὴς, αἰγιθαλὴς, καὶ φάλαγξ, - Καὶ σαῦρος ὦχρὸς, καὶ φαγεῖν δεινὸς μέροψ, - Σμήνει μελισσῶν δυσμενεῖς ὁδοστάται. - - Iamb. De Animal. Proprietat. c. 30, p. 104, seq. - -Footnote 1216: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. viii. 5. Plin. Nat. Hist. viii. 54. - -Footnote 1217: - - Besides this enemy the bees of America have another still more - audacious, that is to say, the monkey, which either carries off their - combs or crushes them for the purpose of dipping his tail in the - honey, which he afterwards sucks at his leisure. Schneider, Observ. - sur Ulloa, t. ii. p. 199.—See a very amusing chapter on the enemies of - the bee in Della Rocca, iii. 219, sqq. - -Footnote 1218: - - Sibthorpe in Walp. Mem. i. 75. The practice, moreover, of stealing - hives was not unknown to the ancients. Plat. De Legg. t. viii. p. 104. - ------ - -There were, in ancient times, two entrances, one on either hand, and on -the top a lid, which the Melitturgos could remove when he desired to -take the honey, or inspect the condition of the bees. The best of these -lids were made of bark, the worst of earthenware, which were cold in -winter, and in summer exceedingly hot.[1219] It was considered necessary -during spring and the succeeding season for the bee-keeper to inspect -the hives thrice a month, to fumigate them slightly, and remove all -filth and vermin. He was careful, likewise, to destroy the usurpers if -there were more than one queen,[1220] since, in Varro’s[1221] opinion, -they gave rise to sedition; but Aristotle thinks there ought to be -several, lest one should die, and the hive along with it. Of the queen -bees there are three kinds, the black, the ruddy, and the variegated; -though Menecrates, who is good authority, speaks only of the black and -variegated.[1222] Aristotle, however, describes the reddish queen bee as -the best. Even among the working insects there are two kinds, the -smaller, in form round, and variegated in colour, the larger, which is -the tame bee, less active and beautiful. The former, or wild bee,[1223] -frequents the mountains, forests, and other solitary places, labours -indefatigably, and collects honey in great quantities; the latter, which -feeds among gardens, and in man’s neighbourhood, fills its hive more -slowly.[1224] With respect to the drones, or males, which the working -bees generally expel at a certain time of the year, the Attic melitturgi -got rid of them in a very ingenious manner. It was observed, that these -gentlemen though no way inclined to work, would yet occasionally, on -very fine days, go abroad for exercise, rushing forth in squadrons, -mounting aloft into the air, and there wheeling, and sporting, and -manœuvring in the sun.[1225] Taking advantage of their absence, they -spread a fine net over the hive-entrance, the meshes of which, large -enough to admit the bee, would exclude the drone. On returning, -therefore, they found themselves, according to the old saying, “on the -smooth side of the door,” and were compelled to seek fresh -lodgings.[1226] - ------ - -Footnote 1219: - - Colum. ix. 6. Della Rocca, however, considers this kind as equal to - any other, except that it is more fragile. t. ii. p. 17. - -Footnote 1220: - - Geop. xv. 2. 15. - -Footnote 1221: - - De Re Rust. iii. 16, 18. Colum. ix. 9. 6. Hist. Anim. v. 19, 22. - Xenoph. Œconom. vii. 32. - -Footnote 1222: - - Cf. Geop. xv. 2, 6. - -Footnote 1223: - - On the humble bee, see Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 831. - -Footnote 1224: - - Varro, De Re Rust. iii. 16. - -Footnote 1225: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. ix. 27. - -Footnote 1226: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. v. 21. Cf. Xenoph. Œcon. xvii. 14, seq. - ------ - -In late springs, or when there is a drought or blight, the bees breed -very little, but make a great deal of honey, whereas in wet seasons they -keep more at home, and attend to breeding. Swarms in Greece[1227] -appeared about the ripening of the olive. Aristotle is of opinion, that -honey is not manufactured by the bee, but falls perfectly formed from -the atmosphere, more especially at the heliacal rising or setting of -certain stars, and when the rainbow appears. He observes, too, that no -honey is found before the rising of the Pleiades,[1228] which happens -about the thirteenth of May.[1229] This opinion is in exact conformity -with the fact, that at certain seasons of the year what is called the -honey dew descends, covering thick the leaves of the oak, and several -other trees, which at such times literally drop with honey. On these -occasions the bees find little to do beyond the labour of conveying it -to their cells, and, accordingly, have been known to fill the hive in -one or two days. It has been observed, moreover, that autumn flowers, -which yield very little fragrance, yield, also, little or no honey. In -the kingdom of Pontos there was a race of white bees which made honey -twice a month; and at Themiscyra there were those which built their -combs both in hives and in the earth, producing very little wax, but a -great deal of honey.[1230] - ------ - -Footnote 1227: - - Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 425. In the island of Cuba, where the tame - bee was originally introduced by the English, it has been found to - swarm and multiply with incredible rapidity, each hive sometimes - sending forth two swarms per month, so that the mountains are - absolutely filled with them. This rapid increase seems to have taken - place chiefly in the neighbourhood of the sugar plantations, which - they were long since supposed to deteriorate by extracting too much - honey from the cane. Don Ulloa, Memoires Philosophiques, &c., t. i. p. - 185. In North America where bees are known among the natives by the - name of the “English Flies,” they betray an invariable tendency for - migrating southward. Kalm. t. ii. 427. Schneider, Observ. sur Ulloa, - ii. 198. - -Footnote 1228: - - Hist. Anim. v. 22. Orion rises on the 9th of July, Gœttling ad Hesiod. - Opp. et Dies, 598. Arcturus, 18th September. Id. 610. - -Footnote 1229: - - A similar opinion has been sometimes maintained also by the - moderns:—“I have heard,” observes Lord Bacon, “from one that was - industrious in husbandry, that the labour of the bee is about the wax, - and that he hath known in the beginning of May, honey combs empty of - honey, and within a fortnight when the sweet dews fall filled like a - cellar.”—Sylva Sylvarum, 612. - -Footnote 1230: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. v. 22. In the Crimea wild bees are found in great - abundance in the clefts and caverns of the mountains.—Pallas, Travels - in Southern Russia, iii. 324. Among the numerous species of wild bees - found in America there is one which pre-eminently deserves to be - introduced into Europe and brought under the dominion of man. This bee - does not, like the ordinary kind, deposit its honey in combs but in - separate waxen cells about the size and shape of a pigeon’s egg. As - the honey of this bee is of an excellent quality, many persons in - South America have been at the pains to tame its maker, whose labours - have proved extremely profitable.—Schneider, Observ. sur Ulloa, ii. - 200. - ------ - -When the time of year arrived for robbing the bee, some hives were found -to produce five, others ten, others fifteen quarts of honey, still -leaving sufficient for winter consumption.[1231] And in determining what -quantity would suffice great judgment was required; for if too much -remained the labourers grew indolent, if too little they lost their -spirits. However, in this latter case the bee-keepers, having -ascertained that they were in need of food, introduced a number of sweet -figs, and other similar fruit into the hive, as now we do moist sugar in -a split cane. Elsewhere the practice was to boil a number of rich figs -in water[1232] till they were reduced to a jelly, which was then formed -into cakes and set near the hive. Together with this, some bee-keepers -placed honey-water, wherein they threw locks of purple wool, on which -the bees might stand to drink.[1233] Certain melitturgi, desirous of -distinguishing their own bees[1234] when spread over the meadows, -sprinkled them with fine flour. Mention is made of a person who obtained -five thousand pounds’ weight of honey annually; and Varro[1235] speaks -of two soldiers who, with a small country house, and an acre of ground -left them by their father, realised an independent fortune. - ------ - -Footnote 1231: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. ix. 27. 24. In Attica, the honey was taken about - the summer solstice; at Rome about the festival of Vulcan, in the - month of August.—Winkelmann. Hist. de l’Art, i. 65. But commentators - are not at all agreed respecting the meaning of Pliny, whom this - writer relies upon. xi. 15. Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 797. - -Footnote 1232: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. ix. 27. 19. Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 752. Cf. Meurs. - Græc. Ludib. p. 13. - -Footnote 1233: - - Varro, de Re Rust. iii. 16. - -Footnote 1234: - - A gentleman in Surrey desirous of knowing his own bees, when he should - chance to meet them in the fields, touched their wings with vermilion - as they were issuing from the hive. Being one fine day in summer on a - visit at Hampstead, he found them thickly scattered among the wild - flowers on the heath. - -Footnote 1235: - - De Re Rust. iii. 16. - ------ - -Theophrastus, in a fragment[1236] of one of his lost works, speaks of -three different kinds of honey, one collected from flowers, another -which, according to his philosophy, descended pure from heaven, and a -third produced from canes. This last, which was sometimes denominated -Indian honey, is the sugar of modern times. There appear, likewise, to -have been other kinds of sugar manufactured from different substances, -as Tamarisk and Wheat.[1237] The honey-dew, on the production of which -the ancients[1238] held many extraordinary opinions, was supposed to be -superior to the nectar of the bee. - ------ - -Footnote 1236: - - Preserved by Photius. Biblioth. cod. 278. p. 529. b. - -Footnote 1237: - - Herod. vii. 31. Cf. iv. 194. - -Footnote 1238: - - On the origin of the honeydew, see the Quarterly Journal of - Agriculture, No. XLIV. p. 499, sqq. - ------ - -Amyntas, in his Stations of Asia, cited by Athenæus, gives a curious -account of this sort of honey which was collected in various parts of -the East, particularly in Syria. In some cases they gathered the leaves -of the tree, chiefly the linden and the oak, on which the dew was most -abundantly[1239] found, and pressed them together like those masses of -Syrian figs, which were called _palathè_. Others allowed it to drop from -the leaves and harden into globules, which, when desirous of using, they -broke, and, having poured water thereon in wooden bowls called -_tabaitas_, drank the mixture. In the districts of Mount Lebanon[1240] -the honey-dew fell plentifully several times during the year, and was -collected by spreading skins under the trees, and shaking into them the -liquid honey from the leaves; they then filled therewith numerous -vessels, in which it was preserved for use. On these occasions, the -peasants used to exclaim, “Zeus has been raining honey!” - ------ - -Footnote 1239: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. 7. 6. Cf. Hes. Opp. et Dies, 232. seq. Cf. - Lord Bacon, Sylva Sylvarum. 496. - -Footnote 1240: - - Schneid. Comm. ad Theoph. Frag. t. iv. p. 822. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER II. - GARDEN AND ORCHARD. - - -Lord Bacon, who loved to be surrounded by plants and trees and flowers, -delivers it as his opinion, that the scientific culture of gardens -affords a surer mark of the advance of civilisation than any improvement -in the science of architecture, since men, he observes, enjoyed the -luxury of magnificent palaces before that of picturesque and -well-ordered garden-grounds. This, likewise, was the conviction of the -ancient Greeks,[1241] in whose literature we everywhere discover -vestiges of a passion for that voluptuous solitude which men taste in -artificial and secluded plantations, amid flower-beds and arbours and -hanging vines and fountains and smooth shady walks. No full description, -however, of an Hellenic garden has survived; even the poets have -contented themselves with affording us glimpses of their “studious walks -and shades.” We must, therefore, endeavour, by the aid of scattered -hints, chance expressions, fragments, and a careful study of the natural -and invariable productions of the country, to work out for ourselves a -picture of what the gardens of Peisistratos, or Cimon, or Pericles, or -Epicurus, whom Pliny[1242] denominates the _magister hortorum_, or any -other Grecian gentleman, must in the best ages have been. - ------ - -Footnote 1241: - - But see Dr. Nolan on the Grecian Rose, Trans. Roy. Soc. ii. p. 330, - and Poll. i. 229. - -Footnote 1242: - - Hist. Nat. xix. 4. Dr. Nolan, p. 330. Nic. Caussin. De Eloquent. xi. - p. 727, seq. Cic. De Senect. § 17. Ælian. De Nat. Anim. xiii. 18, has - a brief but interesting description of the garden of the Indian kings, - with its evergreen groves, fish-ponds, and flights of peacocks, - pheasants, and parrots, reckoned sacred by the Brahmins. Cf. Xenoph. - Œconom. iv. 13, where he celebrates the fondness of the Persian kings - for gardens. - ------ - -That portion of the ground[1243] which was devoted to the culture of -sweet-smelling shrubs and flowers, usually approached and projected -inwards between the back wings of the house, so that from the windows -the eye might alight upon the rich and variegated tints of the -parterres[1244] intermingled with verdure, while the evening and morning -breeze wafted clouds of fragrance into the apartments.[1245] The lawns, -shrubberies, bosquets, thickets, arcades, and avenues, were, in most -cases, laid out in a picturesque though artificial manner, the principal -object appearing to have been to combine use with magnificence, and to -enjoy all the blended hues and odours which the plants and trees -acclimated in Hellas could afford. Protection, in summer, from the sun’s -rays, is, in those southern latitudes, an almost necessary ingredient of -pleasure, and, therefore, numerous trees, as the cedar,[1246] the -cypress, the black and white poplar,[1247] the ash, the linden, the elm, -and the platane, rose here and there in the grounds, in some places -singly, elsewhere in clumps, uniting their branches above, and affording -a cool and dense shade. Beneath these umbrageous arches the air was -further refrigerated by splashing fountains,[1248] whose waters, through -numerous fair channels, straight or winding, as the use demanded of them -required,[1249] spread themselves over the whole garden, refreshing the -eye and keeping up a perpetual verdure. Copses of myrtles, of roses, of -agnus-castus,[1250] and other odoriferous shrubs intermingled, -clustering round a pomegranate-tree, were usually placed on elevated -spots,[1251] that, being thus exposed to the winds, they might the more -freely diffuse their sweetness. The spaces between trees were sometimes -planted with roses,[1252] and lilies, and violets, and golden -crocuses;[1253] and sometimes presented a breadth of smooth, close, -green sward, sprinkled with wild-flowers, as the violet and the blue -veronica,[1254] the pink, and the pale primrose, the golden motherwort, -the cowslip, the daisy, the pimpernel, and the periwinkle. In many -gardens the custom was, to plant each kind of tree in separate groups, -and each species of flower-bed also had, as now in Holland,[1255] a -distinct space assigned to it; so that there were beds of white -violets,[1256] of irises, of the golden cynosure,[1257] of hyacinths, of -ranunculuses, of the blue campanula, or Canterbury bells, of white -gilliflowers, carnations, and the branchy asphodel. - ------ - -Footnote 1243: - - Here sometimes were grown both vegetables, as lettuces, radishes, - parsley, &c., and flowering shrubs, as the wild or rose-laurel, which - was supposed to be a deadly poison to horses and asses. Lucian. Luc. - siv. Asin. § 17. - -Footnote 1244: - - Luc. Piscat. § 6. - -Footnote 1245: - - Geop. x. 1. 1. xii. 2. - -Footnote 1246: - - The cedar still grows wild on the promontory of Sunium. Chandler, ii. - 8. - -Footnote 1247: - - Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. i. pl. 4. - -Footnote 1248: - - Plato describes, though not in a garden, a fountain and a plane-tree, - in language so picturesque and harmonious, that it has captivated the - imagination of all succeeding writers, many of whom have sought to - express their admiration by imitating it in their own style:—Ἥ τε γὰρ - πλάτανος αὕτη μάλ’ ἀμφιλαφής τε καὶ ὑψηλή, τοῦ τε ἄγνου τὸ ὕψος καὶ τὸ - σύσκιον πάγκαλον, καὶ ὡς ἀγμὴν ἔχει τῆς ἀνθης, ὡς ἄν εὐωδέστατον - παρέχοι τὸν τόπον· ἥ τε αὖ πηγὴ χαριεστάτη ὑπο τῆς πλατάνου ῥεῖ μάλα - ψυχροῦ ὕδατος, ὥς τε γε τῷ ποδὶ τεκμήρασθαι· νυμφῶν τε τινων καὶ - Ἀχελώου ἱερὸν ἀπὸ τῶν κορῶν τε καὶ ἀγαλμάτων ἔοικεν εἶναι· εἰ δ᾽ αὖ - βούλει, τὸ εὔπνουν τοῦ τόπου ὡς ἀγαπητὸν καὶ σφόδρα ἡδὺ· θερινόν τε - καὶ λιγυρὸν ὑπηχεῖ τῷ τῶν τεττίγων χορῷ, πάντων δὲ κομψότατον τὸ τῆς - πόας ὅτι ἐν ἠρέμα προσάντει ἱκανὴ πέφυκε κατακλινέντι τὴν κεφαλὴν - παγκάλως ἔχειν. Phæd. t. i. p. 8, seq. The prevailing image in this - passage is thus expressed by Cicero: “Cur non imitamur Socratem illum, - qui est in Phædro Platonis; nam me hæc tua platanus admonuit, quæ non - minus ad opacandum hunc locum patulis est diffusa ramis, quam illa - cujus umbram secutus est Socrates quæ mihi videtur non tam ipsa - aquula, quæ describitur, quam Platonis oratione crevisse.” De Orat. i. - 7. The picture is slightly varied by Aristinætos, who introduces it - into a garden:—Ἡ δὲ πηγὴ χαριεστάτη ὑπὸ τῇ πλατάνῳ ῥεῖ ὕδατος εὖ μάλα - ψυχροῦ, ὥς γε τῷ ποδὶ τεκμήρασθαι, καὶ διαφανοῦς τοσοῦτον, ὥστε - συνεπινηχομένων καὶ διὰ διαυγὲς ὑδάτιον διαπλεκομένων ἐπαφροδίτως - ἀλλήλοις, ἅπαν ἡμῶν φανερῶς ἀποκαταφαίνεσθαι μέλος. Epist. Lib.i. - Epist. 3. p. 14. On the epithet ἀμφιλαφὴς, which Ruhnken (ad Tim. Lex. - p. 24) observes was almost exclusively appropriated by the ancients to - the Plane tree, see Apollon. Rhod. ii. 733. Wellauer. et schol. - -Footnote 1249: - - Where running water was not to be obtained, they constructed two - gardens, the one for winter, which depended on the showers, the other - on a northern exposure, where a fresh, cool air was preserved - throughout the summer. Geop. xii. 5. - -Footnote 1250: - - Used by rustics in crowns. Athen. xv. 12. Prometheus was crowned with - agnus-castus. 13. - -Footnote 1251: - - Geop. xi. 7. Plin. xv. 18. - -Footnote 1252: - - Geop. x. 1. 3. - -Footnote 1253: - - Which delighted particularly in the edges of paths and trodden places. - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 6.1. - -Footnote 1254: - - Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. i. pl. 5, sqq. - -Footnote 1255: - - Laing, Notes of a Traveller, p. 6. - -Footnote 1256: - - Geop. xi. 21, 23, sqq. - -Footnote 1257: - - Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. i. pl. 79. pl. 203. pl. 334, &c. - ------ - -One of the principal causes which induced the Greeks to attend to the -culture of ornamental shrubs and flowers, was the perpetual use made of -them in crowns and garlands.[1258] Nearly all their ceremonies, whether -civil or religious, were performed by individuals wearing certain -wreaths about their brow. Thus the Spartans, during the Promachian -festival,[1259] shaded their foreheads with plaited tufts of -reeds—priests and priestesses, soothsayers,[1260] prophets, and -enchanters, appeared in their several capacities before the gods in -temples or sacred groves with symbolical crowns encircling their heads, -as the priests of Hera, at Samos, with laurel,[1261] and those of -Aphrodite with myrtle,[1262] while the statues of the divinities -themselves were often crowned with circlets of these “earthly stars.” In -the festival of Europa, at Corinth, a crown of myrtle, thirty feet in -circumference, was borne in procession through the city.[1263] The -actors, dancers, and spectators of the theatre usually appeared crowned -with flowers,[1264] as did every guest at an entertainment, while lovers -suspended a profusion of garlands on the doors of their mistresses, as -did the devout on the temples and altars of the gods.[1265] - ------ - -Footnote 1258: - - Πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀφ’ ὧν ζῶσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι, ταῦτα ἡ γῆ φέρει - ἐργαζομένοις· καὶ ἀφ’ ὧν τοίνυν ἡδυπαθοῦσι προσεπιφέρει.—Ἔπειτα δὲ ὅσα - κοσμοῦσι βωμοὺς και ἀγάλματα, καὶ οἷς αὐτοὶ κοσμοῦνται, καὶ ταῦτα μετὰ - ἡδίστων ὀσμῶν καὶ θεαμάτων παρέχει. κ. τ. λ. Xenoph. Œconom. v. 2, - seq. - - Pliny has a curious passage on the use of crowns among the Romans, - which Holland has thus translated: “Now when these garlands of flowers - were taken up and received commonly in all places for a certain time, - there came soon after into request those chaplets which are named - Egyptian; and after them, winter coronets, to wit, when the earth - affordeth no flowers to make them, and these consisted of horn - shavings dyed into sundry colours. And so in process of time, by - little and little crept into Rome, also the name of corolla, or as one - would say, petty garlands; for that these winter chaplets at first - were so pretty and small: and not long after them, the costly coronets - and others, corollaries, namely, when they are made of thin leaves and - plates and latten, either gilded or silvered over, or else set out - with golden and silvered spangles, and so presented.” xxi. 2. Pollux - affords a list of the principal flowers used in crowns by the Greeks: - τὰ δὲ ἐν τοῖς στεφάνοις ἄνθη, ῥόδα, ἴα, κρίνα, σισύμθρια, ἀνεμῶναι, - ἕρπυλος, κρόκος, ὑάκινθος, ἑλίχρυσος, ἡμεροκαλὲς, ἑλένειον, θρυαλὶς, - ἀνθρίσκος, νάρκισσος, μελίλωτον, ἀνθεμὶς, παρθενὶς, καὶ τἄλλα ὅσα τοῖς - ὀφθαλμοῖς τέρψιν, ἠῥισὶν ἡδεῖαν ὄσφρησιν ἔχει. Cratinus enumerates - among garland flowers, those of the smilax and the cosmosandalon. - Onomast. vi. 106. Athen. xv. 32. Cf. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 1. 2–6. - 4. Persons returning from a voyage were sometimes crowned with - flowers. Plut. Thes. § 22. Soldiers also going to battle. Ages. § 19. - Cf Philost. Icon. i. 24. p. 799. Plut. Sympos. iii. 1. - -Footnote 1259: - - Athen. xv. 15. - -Footnote 1260: - - Id. xv. 16. - -Footnote 1261: - - Id. xv. 13. - -Footnote 1262: - - Id. xv. 18. - -Footnote 1263: - - Id. xv. 22. - -Footnote 1264: - - Id. xv. 26. - -Footnote 1265: - - Athen. xv. 9. - ------ - -Most of the flowers cultivated, moreover, suggested poetical or -mythological associations; for the religion of Greece combined itself -with nearly every object in nature, more particularly with the -beautiful, so that the Greek, as he strolled through his garden, had -perpetually before his fancy a succession of fables connected with -nymphs and goddesses and the old hereditary traditions of his county. -Thus the laurel recalled the tale and transformation of Daphnè,[1266] -the object of Apollo’s love—the cypresses or graces of the vegetable -kingdom,[1267] were the everlasting representatives of Eteocles’ -daughters, visited by death because they dared to rival the goddesses in -dancing—the myrtle[1268] was a most beautiful maiden of Attica, fairer -than all her countrywomen, swifter and more patient of toil than the -youth, who therefore slew her through envy—the pine[1269] was the tall -and graceful mistress of Pan and Boreas—the mint that of Pluto—while the -rose-campion sprung from the bath of Aphrodite, and the humble cabbage -from the tears of Lycurgus, the enemy of Dionysos.[1270] - ------ - -Footnote 1266: - - Geop. xi. 2. Ovid. Metam. 550. - -Footnote 1267: - - Geop. xi. 4. - -Footnote 1268: - - Geop. xi. 6. - -Footnote 1269: - - Geop. xi. 10. Cf. Plut. Sympos. vol. iii. 1, where he assigns the - reason why the pine was sacred to Poseidon and Dionysos. The foliage - of the pine-forests was so dense in Bœotia as to permit neither snow - nor rain to penetrate through. Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. 9. 6. The - shade of such trees, therefore, would be more especially coveted. - -Footnote 1270: - - Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 537. Geop. xii. 17. 16. - ------ - -It has sometimes been supposed,[1271] that the flower which constitutes -the greatest ornament of gardens was wholly unknown in the early ages of -Greece. But this theory, imagined for the purpose of destroying the -claims of the Anacreontic fragments to be considered genuine,[1272] is -entirely overthrown by the testimony of several ancient writers, more -particularly Herodotus,[1273] who speaks of the rose of sixty leaves, as -found in the gardens of Midas in Thrace, at the foot of the snowy -Bermios. Elswhere, too, he compares the flower of the red Niliac -lotus[1274] to the rose; and Stesichoros,[1275] an older poet than -Anacreon, distinctly mentions chaplets composed of this flower. - - Many a yellow quince was there - Piled upon the regal chair, - Many a verdant myrtle-bough, - Many a rose-crown featly wreathed, - With twisted violets that grow - Where the breath of spring has breathed. - ------ - -Footnote 1271: - - By Dr. Nolan. See his paper on the Grecian Rose. Trans. Roy. Soc. of - Lit. ii. 327, sqq. - -Footnote 1272: - - Cf. Athen. xv. 11. - -Footnote 1273: - - Οἱ δὲ, ἀπικόμενοι ἐς ἄλλην γῆν τῆς Μακεδόνιης, οἴκησαν πέλας τῶν κήπων - τῶν λεγομένων εἶναι Μίδεω τοῦ Γορδίεω. ἐν τοῖσι φύεται αὐτόματα ῥόδα, - ἕν ἕκαστον ἔχον ἑξήκοντα φύλλα ὀδμῆ δὲ ὑπερφέροντα τῶν ἀλλων· ἐν - τούτοισι καὶ ὁ Σιληνὸς τοῖσι κήποισι ἥλω, ὡς λέγεται ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων. - ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν κήτων οὖρος κέεται, Βέρμιον οὔνομα, ἄβατον ὑπὸ χειμῶνος. - viii. 138. On the arts and manners of this Midas, who, together with - Orpheus and Eumolpos was the founder of the Hellenic religion, see J. - G. Voss. de Idololat. i. 24, and Bouhier, Dissert. sur Herod. ch. 80. - -Footnote 1274: - - Cf. Theop. Hist. Plant. iv. 87. - -Footnote 1275: - - Athen. iii. 21. Stesichoros lived before Christ about 632. Clint. - Fast. Hellen. ii. 5. Crowns of roses are mentioned by Cratinus who was - born 519 B. C. which shows that roses must have been largely - cultivated in his time. Athen. xv. 27. - ------ - -Homer,[1276] too, it is evident, was familiar with the rose, to whose -fragrant petals he compares the fingers of the morning, and not, as has -been imagined, to the blood-red flower of the wild pomegranate -tree.[1277] - ------ - -Footnote 1276: - - Il. α. 477. ι. 703. Cf. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 610. To place the matter - beyond dispute, Homer speaks of oils rendered fragrant by the perfume - of the rose:—ῥοδόεντι δὲ χρῖεν ἐλαίῳ. Il. ψ. 186. - -Footnote 1277: - - Dioscor. i. 154. - ------ - -According, moreover, to a tradition preserved to later times, the -seasons of the year, which in remote antiquity were but three, they -symbolically represented by a rose, an ear of corn, and an apple.[1278] -This division is thought to have been borrowed from the Egyptians, in -whose country, however, the apple was never sufficiently naturalised to -be taken as an emblem of one of the seasons of the year. - ------ - -Footnote 1278: - - “Les Egyptiens, selon le département de leur Roy Horus, n’en mettaient - que trois (saisons): le printemps, l’esté, et l’automne: leur - attribuans quatre mois à chacune, et les figurans par une rose, une - espy, et une pomme, ou raisin.” Les Images de Platte Peinture des deux - Philostrates, par Vigenère, Paris, fol. 1627, p. 555. - ------ - -But, at whatever period the rose began to be cultivated, it evidently, -as soon as known, shared with the violet the admiration of the Athenian -people, whose extensive plantations of this most fragrant shrub recall -to mind the rose gardens of the Fayoum, or Serinaghur. The secret, -moreover, was early discovered of hastening or retarding their maturity, -so as to obtain an abundant supply through every month in the -year.[1279] Occasionally, too, numbers of rosebuds were laid among green -barleystalks, plucked up by the roots, in unglazed amphoræ, to be -brought forth and made to blow when wanted. Others deposited them -between layers of the same material on the ground, or dipped them in the -liquid dregs of olives. Another mode of preserving the rose was -exceedingly curious,—cutting off the top of a large standing reed, and -splitting it down a little way, they inserted a number of rosebuds in -the hollow, and then bound it softly round and atop with papyrus in -order to prevent their fragrance from exhaling.[1280] How many varieties -of this flower[1281] were possessed by the ancients it is now, perhaps, -impossible to determine; but they were acquainted with the common, the -white, and the moss rose, the last, in Aristotle’s[1282] opinion, the -sweetest, together with the rose of a hundred leaves,[1283] celebrated -by the Persian poets. Even the wild rose was not wholly inodorous in -Greece.[1284] Roses were artificially blanched by being exposed while -unfolding to powerful and repeated fumigations with sulphur.[1285] The -roses which grew on a dry soil were supposed to be the sweetest, while -their fragrance was augmented by planting garlic near the root.[1286] To -cause them to bloom in January, or in early spring (for even in the most -southern parts of Greece the rose season only commences in April)[1287] -various means were resorted to; sometimes, the bushes were watered twice -a-day during the whole summer; on other occasions, a shallow trench was -dug at a distance of about eighteen inches round the bush, into which -warm water was poured morning and evening;[1288] while a third, and, -perhaps, the surest, method was to plant them in pots, or baskets, -which, during the winter months, were placed in sheltered sunny spots by -day,[1289] and carried into the house at night; afterwards, when the -season was sufficiently advanced, these portable gardens were buried in -the earth. - ------ - -Footnote 1279: - - Geop. xi. 18. A species of perpetual rose is said to have been - recently discovered in France, where “A Parisian florist, we are told, - has succeeded in producing a new hybrid rose from the Bourbon rose and - Gloire de Rosomène, the flowers of which he had fertilised with the - pollen of some Damask and hybrid China roses. The plant is extremely - beautiful, the colour bright crimson shaded with Maroon purple, and is - further enriched with a powerful fragrance.” TIMES, March 24th, 1841. - -Footnote 1280: - - Geop. xi. 18. 12. - -Footnote 1281: - - Plinius varia genera commemorat, Milesia ardentissimo colore, - Alabandica albicantibus foliis, Spermonia vilissima, Damascenæ albæ - distillandis aquis usurpantur. Differunt foliorum multitudine, - asperitate, lævore, colore, odore.—Heresbachius, de Re Rustica, lib. - ii. p. 121. a. - -Footnote 1282: - - Problem. xii. 8. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 6. 5. - -Footnote 1283: - - Athen. xv. 29. Plin. xxi. 10. Cf. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 6. 4. - -Footnote 1284: - - As Dr. Nolan seems to suppose. On the Grecian Rose. Transact. Roy. - Soc. ii. 328. Though Theophrastus states the contrary very distinctly. - Hist. Plant. vi. 2. 1—6. 4—7. 5. The white rose appears at present to - be commonly cultivated in Attica.—Chandler, ii. 181. - -Footnote 1285: - - Geop. xi. 18. 13. - -Footnote 1286: - - Geop. xi. 18. 1. - -Footnote 1287: - - Pashley, Trav. i. 8, who observes, that the rose is common in February - at Malta. - -Footnote 1288: - - Geop. xi. 18. 5. Plin. xxi. 4. Pallad. iii. 21. 2. - -Footnote 1289: - - Geop. xi. 18. 4. Cf. xii. 19. 3. - ------ - -Another favorite denizen of Hellenic gardens was the lily, which, -probably, introduced from Suza or from Egypt, beheld the virginal snow -of its bells compelled, by art, to put on various hues, as deep red and -purple,[1290]—the former, by infusing, before planting, cinnabar into -the bulb,—the latter, by steeping it in the lees of purple wine. This -flower naturally begins to bloom[1291] just as the roses are fading; -but, to produce a succession of lilies at different seasons, some were -set near the surface, which grew up and blossomed immediately, while -others were buried at different depths, according to the times at which -they were required to flower. - -Along with these, about the dank borders of streams or fountains, grew -the favourite flower of the Athenian people, purple, double, white, and -gold,[1292] - - “The violet dim, - But sweeter than the lids of Juno’s eyes, - Or Cytherea’s breath;”[1293] - -the pansy,[1294] “freaked with jet;” the purple cyperus, the iris, the -water-mint,[1295] and hyacinth,[1296] and the narcissus,[1297] and the -willow-herb, and the blue speedwell, and the marsh-marigold, or, brave -bassinet, and the jacinth, and early daffodil, - - “That come before the swallow dares, and take - The winds of March with beauty.” - ------ - -Footnote 1290: - - Geop. xi. 20. Heresbach. de Re Rust. p. 122. b. Theoph. Hist. Plant. - vi. 6. 4, 8. - -Footnote 1291: - - Plin. xxi. 13. - -Footnote 1292: - - Colum. De Cultu Hortorum, x. 102. - -Footnote 1293: - - Winter’s Tale, iv. 5. - -Footnote 1294: - - Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. i. tab. 222, tab. 318. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. - 1320. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 6. 4. The finest violets, crocusses, - &c., in the ancient world, were supposed to be found in Cyrene. Id. - vi. 6. 5. - -Footnote 1295: - - Dioscor. ii. 155. - -Footnote 1296: - - On the birth of the Hyacinth, see Eudocia in the Anecdota Græca, i. - 408. - -Footnote 1297: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 6. 9. 8. 2. This flower flourishes after the - setting of Arcturus, about the autumnal equinox.—“We were ferried over - a narrow stream fringed with Agnus-Castus, into a garden belonging to - the convent. A number of vernal flowers now blossomed on its banks; - the garden anemone was crimsoned with an extraordinary glow of - colouring. The soil which was a sandy loam, was further enlivened with - the Ixia, the grass-leaved Iris, and the enamel-blue of a species of - speedwell, not noticed by the Swedish Naturalist.” Sibth. Walp. Mem. - i. 282, seq. - ------ - -A netting of wild thyme[1298] tufted with sweet mint, and -marjoram,[1299] which, when crushed by the foot, yielded the most -delicious fragrance, embraced the sunny hillocks, while here and there -singly, or in beds, grew a profusion of other herbs and flowers, some -prized for their medicinal virtues, others for their beauty, others for -their delicate odour, as the geranium, the spike-lavender, the -rosemary,[1300] with its purple and white flowers, the basil,[1301] the -flower-gentle, the hyssop, the white privet, the cytisus, the sweet -marjoram, the rose-campion, or columbine,[1302] the yellow amaryllis, -and the celandine. Here, too, - - “Their gem-like eyes - The Phrygian melilots disclose,”[1303] - -with the balm-gentle, the red, the purple, and the coronal -anemone,[1304] the convolvulus, yellow, white, pale pink, and blue, -together with our Lady’s-gloves, the flower of the Trinity, -southernwood,[1305] and summer-savory,[1306] œnanthe,[1307] gith, the -silver sage,[1308] Saint Mary’s thistle, and the amaranth, while high -above all rose the dark pyramidal masses of the rhododendron,[1309] with -its gigantic clusters of purple flowers. - ------ - -Footnote 1298: - - This plant was brought from Mount Hymettos, to be cultivated in the - gardens of Athens. The Sicyonians, likewise, transplanted it to their - gardens from the mountains of Peloponnesos.—Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. - 7. 2. - -Footnote 1299: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 7. 4. - -Footnote 1300: - - Dioscor. iii. 89. Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. i. tab. 14, tab. 192, seq. - tab. 310, tab. 518, tab. 549. Column. x. De Cult. Hort. 96, sqq. - -Footnote 1301: - - The basil-gentle was watered at noon, other plants morning and - evening.—Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 5. 2. - -Footnote 1302: - - Dioscor. iii. 114. - -Footnote 1303: - - Colum. x. 399, seq. Engl. Trans. - -Footnote 1304: - - The anemone among other flowers beautifies the fields of Attica, so - early as the month of February.—Chandler, ii. 211. “Les campagnes et - les collines sont rouges d’anémones.”—Della Rocca, Traité sur les - Abeilles, t. i. p. 5. - -Footnote 1305: - - Cultivated usually in pots, resembling the gardens of Adonis. Theoph. - Hist. Plant. vi. 7. 3. Thickets of this shrub constitute one of the - greatest beauties of the islands of the Archipelago. “Les lauriers - roses, que l’on conserve en France avec tant de soin, viennent à - l’aventure dans les prairies, et le long des ruisseaux qui en sont - bordés. Rien n’est plus agréable que de voir ces beaux arbres, de la - hauteur de douze à quinze pieds, variés de fleurs rouges et blanches, - se croiser par les branches d’en haut, sur un ruisseau ou sur le lit - d’une fontaine, et faire un berceau qui dure quelquefois un grand - quart de lieue.” Della Rocca, Traité Complet sur les Abeilles, t. i. - p. 6. - -Footnote 1306: - - Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 253. - -Footnote 1307: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 8. 2. - -Footnote 1308: - - Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. i. tab. 27. - -Footnote 1309: - - Known also by the names of νηρίον and ῥοδοδάφνη.—Dioscor. iv. 82. - Geop. ii. 42. 1. - ------ - -How many of the lovely evergreens[1310] that abound in Greece were -usually cultivated in a single garden, we possess no means of -ascertaining, though all appear occasionally to have been called in to -diversify the picture. The myrtle,[1311] whose deep blue berries were -esteemed a delicacy,[1312] in some places rose into a tree, while -elsewhere it was planted thick, and bent and fashioned into -bowers,[1313] which, when sprinkled with its snowy blossoms, combined, -perhaps, with those of the jasmine, the eglantine, and the yellow tufts -of the broad-leaved philyrea,[1314] constituted some of the most -beautiful objects in a Greek paradise. Thickets of the tamarisk,[1315] -the strawberry-tree,[1316] the juniper, the box, the bay, the styrax, -the andrachne, and the white-flowered laurel, in whose dark leaves the -morning dew collects and glistens in the sun like so many tiny mirrors -of burnished silver, varied the surface of the lawn, connecting the -bowers, and the copses, and the flower beds, and the grassy slopes with -those loftier piles of verdure, consisting of the pine tree, the smilax, -the cedar, the carob, the maple,[1317] the ash, the elm tree, the -platane,[1318] and the evergreen oak which here and there towered in the -grounds. In many places the vine shot up among the ranges of elms or -platanes, and stretched its long twisted arm from trunk to trunk, like -so many festoons of intermingled leaves and tendrils, and massive -clusters of golden or purple grapes.[1319] Alternating, perhaps, with -the lovely favourite of Dionysos, the blue and yellow clematis[1320] -suspended their living garlands around the stems, or along the boughs of -the trees, in union or contrast with the dodder, or the honeysuckle, or -the delicate and slender briony. And, if perchance a silver fir, with -its bright yellow flowers,[1321] formed part of the group, large pendant -clusters of mistletoe, the food sometimes of the labouring ox,[1322] -might frequently be seen swinging thick among its branches. In some -grounds was probably cultivated the quercus suber,[1323] or cork tree, -with bark four or five inches thick, triennially stripped off,[1324] -after which it grows again with renewed vigour. Occasionally, where -streams and rivulets[1325] found their way through the grounds, the -black and white poplar, the willow, and the lentiscus, with a variety of -tufted reeds, crowded about the margin, here and there shading and -concealing the waters. - ------ - -Footnote 1310: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 9. 3. - -Footnote 1311: - - Cf. Clus. Hist. Rar. Plant. i. 43. p. 65. - -Footnote 1312: - - Plat. De Rep. t. vi. p. 85. The berry, both of the myrtle and the - laurel, assumed, we are told, a black colour in the garden of - Antandros.—Theophrast. Hist. Plant. ii. 2. 6. - -Footnote 1313: - - Hemsterhuis, Annot. ad Poll. ix. 49. p. 943. Cf. Dion. Chrysost. i. - 273. - -Footnote 1314: - - Sibthorp. Flor. Græc. t. i. tab. 2, tab. 367, tab. 374, seq. - -Footnote 1315: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 9. 3. - -Footnote 1316: - - The strawberry-tree is found flourishing in great beauty and - perfection on Mount Helicon, and its fruit is said to be exceedingly - sweet.—Chandler, ii. 290. - -Footnote 1317: - - Sibth. Flor. Græc. tab. 361. - -Footnote 1318: - - Ἔνθα πλάτανος μὲν ἀμφιλαφής τε καὶ σύσκιος, πνεῦμα δὲ μέτριον, καὶ πόα - μαλθακὴ, ὥρα θέρους ἐπανθεῖν εἰωθυῖα. Aristænet. Epist. lib. i. Epist. - 3. p. 13. There was, according to Varro, an evergreen platane tree in - Crete, i. 7. The same platane is mentioned by Theophrastus, who - informs us, that it grew beside a fountain in the Gortynian territory - where Zeus first reclined on landing from the sea with Europa, i. 9. - 5. Near the city of Sybaris, there is said to have grown a common oak - which enjoyed the privilege of being undeciduous. Ibid. - -Footnote 1319: - - Ἄμπελοι δὲ παμμήκεις σφόδρα τε ὑψηλαὶ περιελίττονται κυπαρίττους ὡς - ἀνακλᾷν ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ πολὺ τὸν αὐχενα πρὸς θέαν τῶν κύκλῳ συναιωρουμένων - βοτρών, ὧν οἱ μὲν ὀργῶσιν, οἱ δὲ περκάζουσιν οἱ δὲ ὄμφακες, οἱ δὲ - οἰνάνθαι δοκοῦσιν.—Aristænet. Epist. lib. i. Ep. 3. p. 13, seq. - -Footnote 1320: - - Sibth. Flor. Græc. tab. 516. - -Footnote 1321: - - Theophrast. Hist. Plant. i. 13. 1. - -Footnote 1322: - - Dodwell, ii. 455. Sibth. in Walp. Mem. i. 283. There was a species of - mistletoe called the Cretan, which found equally congenial the - climates of Achaia and Media. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 1. 3. - -Footnote 1323: - - That is to say at a late period, for in the time of Theophrastus it - would seem not to have been common in Greece, if it had been at all - introduced. Hist. Plant. iii. 17. 1. - -Footnote 1324: - - Dodwell, ii. 455. - -Footnote 1325: - - Even the platane, also, delights in humid places. Theoph. Hist. Plant. - i. 4. 2. The black poplar was said to bear fruit in several parts of - Crete. iii. 3. 5. - ------ - -Proceeding now into the orchard we find, that, instead of walls, it was, -sometimes at least, if it touched on the confines of another man’s -grounds, surrounded by hedges[1326] of black and white thorn, brambles, -and barberry bushes, as at present[1327] by impenetrable fences of the -Indian cactus.[1328] On the banks of these hedges, both inside and out, -were found, peculiar tribes of plants and wild flowers, in some places -enamelling the smooth close turf, elsewhere flourishing thickly in dank -masses of verdure, or climbing upwards and interlacing themselves with -the lofty and projecting thorns, such as the enchanter’s nightshade, the -euphorbia, the iris tuberosa, the red-flowered valerian, the -ground-ivy,[1329] the physalis somnifera, with its coral red seeds in -their inflated calyces,[1330] the globularia, the creeping heliotrope, -the penny-cress,[1331] the bright yellow scorpion-flower, and the -broad-leaved cyclamen or our Lady’s-seal, with pink flower, light green -leaf, veined with white and yellow beneath. The ancient Parthians -surrounded their gardens with hedges of a fragrant, creeping shrub -denominated philadelphos or love-brother,[1332] whose long suckers they -interwove into a kind of network forming a sufficient protection against -man and beast. In mountainous districts, where rain-floods were to be -guarded against, the enclosures frequently consisted of walls of loose -stones,[1333] as is still the case in Savoy on the edge of mountain -torrents. - ------ - -Footnote 1326: - - Geop. v. 44. Cf. Artemid. Oneirocrit. ii. 24. p. 112. - -Footnote 1327: - - Walp. Mem. i. 60. - -Footnote 1328: - - The cactus, as most travellers will have remarked, flourishes - luxuriantly in Sicily even among the beds of lava where little else - will grow; it appears, however, to delight in a volcanic soil. - Spallanzani, Travels in the Two Sicilies, “i. 209. In the Æolian - Islands it thrives so well that it usually grows to the height of ten, - twelve, and sometimes fifteen feet, with a stem a foot or more in - diameter. The fruits, which are nearly as large as turkeys’ eggs, are - sweet and extremely agreeable to the palate. It is well-known that the - fruits grow at the edges of the leaves, the number on each leaf is not - constant, but they are frequently numerous, as I have counted two and - twenty on a single leaf.” iv. 97. - -Footnote 1329: - - Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. i. tab. 29. tab. 157. tab. 185. - -Footnote 1330: - - Sibth. in Walp. Trav. p. 73, seq. On the seasons of these wild flowers - see Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 9. 2. - -Footnote 1331: - - Dioscor. ii. 186. - -Footnote 1332: - - Athen. xv. 29. - -Footnote 1333: - - Demosth. in Callicl. § 1. 3, seq. - ------ - -It was moreover the custom, both in Greece and Italy, to plant, on the -boundary line of estates, rows of olives or other trees,[1334] which not -only served to mark the limits of a man’s territory, but shed an air of -beauty over the whole country. A proof of this practice prevailing in -Attica, has with much ingenuity[1335] been brought forward from the -“Frogs,” where Bacchos, addressing the poet Æschylus in the shades, -observes “It will be all right provided your anger does not transport -you beyond the olives.” It may likewise be remarked that in -olive-grounds,[1336] the trees, excepting the sacred ones called -_moriæ_, were always planted in straight lines, from twenty-five to -thirty feet[1337] apart, because, in order to ripen the fruit,[1338] it -is necessary that the wind should be able freely to play upon it from -all sides. And further because they delight in a warm dry air like that -of Libya, Cilicia,[1339] and Attica, the best olive-grounds were -generally supposed to be those which occupied the rapid slopes of hills -where the soil is naturally stony and light. The oil of the plains was -commonly coarse and thick. - ------ - -Footnote 1334: - - Cf. Varro. i. 15. Magii Miscellan. lib. iv. p. 187. b. As the - cotton-tree in modern times has been supposed not to thrive at a much - greater distance than twenty miles from the sea; so, among the - ancients, the olive was supposed not to flourish at a greater distance - than three hundred stadia. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 2. 4. Both - opinions are probably erroneous, as the olive-tree is found in - perfection in the Fayoum, and the cotton-plant in Upper Egypt. - -Footnote 1335: - - Vict. Var. Lect. p. 874. But the Scholiast (Aristoph. Ran. 1026) gives - a different though less probable interpretation to the passage. - -Footnote 1336: - - Cf. Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. i. tab. 3. - -Footnote 1337: - - Cato. De Re Rusticâ 6. They were sometimes also grafted, we are told, - on lentiscus stocks. Plut. Sympos. ii. 6. 1. - -Footnote 1338: - - In Syria and some other warm countries the olive was said to produce - fruit in clusters. Theophrast. Hist. Plant. i. 11. 4. And when this - fruit was found chiefly on the upper branches, they augured a - productive year. id. i. 14. 2. Geop. ix. 2. 4. The ancients - entertained extraordinary ideas concerning the purity of the olive, - which they imagined bore more freely when cultivated by persons of - chaste minds. Thus the olive-grounds of Anazarbos, in Cilicia, were - thought to owe their extraordinary fertility to the reserved and - modest manners of the youths who cultivated them. Id. ix. 2. 6. - -Footnote 1339: - - Geop. ix. 3. 1. Virg. Georg. ii. 179. The heads of olive-stocks when - freshly planted were covered with clay, which was protected from the - wet by a shell. Xenoph. Œconom. xix. 14. The pits for the planting of - the olive and other fruit-trees were of considerable depth and dug - long beforehand. Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 6. 1. - ------ - -Among these olive grounds in summer, the song of the tettix[1340] is -commonly heard; for this musical insect loves the olive, which, like the -sant of the Arabian desert, yields but a thin and warm shade.[1341] The -tettix, in fact, though never found in an unwooded country, as in the -plains about Cyrene, equally avoids the dense shade of the woods.[1342] -Here likewise[1343] are found the blackbird, the roller, and three -distinct species of butcher-bird—the small grey, the ash-coloured, and -the redheaded. - ------ - -Footnote 1340: - - Cf. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 582, seq. - -Footnote 1341: - - Οὐ γίνονται δὲ τέττιγες ὅπου μὴ δένδρα ἐστιν· διὸ καὶ ἐν Κυρήνη οὐ - γίνονται ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, περὶ δὲ τὴν πόλιν πολλοί, μόλιστα δ᾽ οὗ ἐλαῖαι· - οὐ γὰρ γίνονται παλίν σκίοι. Aristot. Hist. Anim. v. 30. Cf. Phile, de - Animal. Proprietat. c. 25. p. 81. - -Footnote 1342: - - In Spain, however, these insects exhibit a somewhat different taste, - being there found amid the foliage of the most leafy trees. “Every oak - in the cork-wood near Gibraltar was the abode if not of harmony, at - least of noise, and the concert kept up amidst the foliage by the - numerous grass or rather tree-hoppers was quite deafening.” Napier, - Excursions on the shores of the Mediterranean, ii. p. 2. - -Footnote 1343: - - Sibth. in Walp. Mem. i. 75. - ------ - -In an Attic orchard were most of the trees reared in England, together -with many which will not stand the rigour of our climate.—The -apple,[1344] cultivated with peculiar care in the environs of Delphi and -Corinth; the pear,[1345] the cherry from Cerasos on the southern shore -of the Black Sea,[1346] which sometimes grew to the height of nearly -forty feet,[1347] the damascene,[1348] and the common plum. Along with -these were likewise to be found the quince,[1349] the apricot, the -peach, the nectarine, the walnut, the chestnut, the filbert, introduced -from Pontos,[1350] the hazel nut, the medlar, and the mulberry, which, -according to Menander, is the earliest fruit of the year.[1351] With -these were intermingled the fig, white, purple, and red, the -pomegranate,[1352] from the northern shores of Africa, the orange,[1353] -still planted under artificial shelter at Lemnos, the citron, the -lemon,[1354] the date-palm,[1355] the pistachio, the almond, the -service, and the cornel-tree. - ------ - -Footnote 1344: - - On the cultivation of the apple see Theophrast. Hist. Plant. i. 3. 3. - Geop. xviii. 18. - -Footnote 1345: - - Athen. xiv. 63. Etym. Mag. 122. 20. - -Footnote 1346: - - Geop. x. 41. Plin. xv. 25. Athen. ii. 35. - -Footnote 1347: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. 13. 1. - -Footnote 1348: - - Etym. Mag. 211. 4, sqq. - -Footnote 1349: - - Geop. x. 3. 73. - -Footnote 1350: - - Geop. xiii. 19. Athen. ii. 38. - -Footnote 1351: - - Athen. ii. 12. Vid. Cœl. Rhodigin. vii. 15. Bochart, Geog. Sac. col. - 629. - -Footnote 1352: - - Theophrast. Hist. Plant. i. 3. 3. The fruit of the pomegranate-tree - lost much of its acidity in Egypt. Id. Hist. Plant. ii. 2. 7. - -Footnote 1353: - - In Greece the orange-tree and the lemon blossom in June, Chandler, ii. - 238. - -Footnote 1354: - - Cf. Chandler, ii. 250. - -Footnote 1355: - - In Babylonia the palm-tree was by some thought to be propagated by - off-shoots. Theophrast. Hist. Plant. ii. 2. 2. In Greece, the fruit - seldom ripened completely. iii. 3. 5. - ------ - -As these gardens were arranged with a view no less to pleasure than to -profit, the trees were planted in lines, which, when sufficiently close, -formed a series of umbrageous avenues, opening here into the lawn and -there into the vineyard, which generally formed part of a Greek -gentleman’s grounds. And such an orchard decked in its summer pride with -foliage of emerald and fruit, ruddy, purple, and gold, the notes of the -thrush, the nightingale,[1356] the tettix, with the “amorous thrill of -the green-finch,”[1357] floating through its boughs, and the perfume of -the agnus-castus, the myrtle, the rose, and the violet, wafting richly -on all sides, was a very paradise. - ------ - -Footnote 1356: - - Ἔτι δὲ τὸ ἔμπνουν τῆς αὔρας λιγυρὸν ὑπηχεῖ τῷ μουσικῷ τῶν τεττίγων - χορῷ δι᾽ ἥν καὶ τὸ πνίγος τῆς μεσημβρίας ἠπιῶτερον ἐγεγόνει ἡδὺ καὶ - ἀηδόνει, περὶ πετόμεναι τὰ νάματα, μελωδοῦσιν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἡδὺ - φώνῶν κατηκούομεν ὀρνίθων, ὥσπερ ἐμμελῶς ὁμιλούντων ανθρώποις. - Aristænet. Epist. lib. i. Ep. 3. p. 17. - -Footnote 1357: - - “The amorous thrill of the green-finch was now heard distinctly. The - little owl hooted frequently round the walls of the convent. In the - river below, otters were frequently taken. On the sides of the banks - were the holes of the river-crabs; and the green-backed lizard was - sporting among the grass.” Sibth. in Walp. Trav. p. 76. - ------ - -Not unfrequently, common foot-paths traversed these orchards and -vineyards, in which case the passers-by were customarily, if not by law, -permitted to pick and eat the fruit,[1358] which seems also from the -account of our Saviour to have been the practice in Judæa. The contrary -is the case in modern Europe. In Burgundy and Switzerland, where -pathways traverse vineyards, it is not uncommon to see the grapes -smeared with something resembling white lime which children are assured -is a deadly poison. This, while in the country, I regarded as a mere -stratagem, intended to protect the vineyards from depredation, though -there seems after all to be too much reason to believe the nefarious -practice to exist in several localities. At least two children were -recently killed at Foix by eating poisoned grapes on the way-side. - ------ - -Footnote 1358: - - Plat. De Legg. t. viii. p. 107. - ------ - -The Greeks placed much of their happiness in spots like those we have -been describing, as may be inferred from such of their fabulous -traditions,[1359] as relate to the garden of the Hesperides,[1360] the -gardens of Midas, with their magnificent roses, and those of -Alcinoös,[1361] which still shed their fragrance over the pages of the -Odyssey. From the East, no doubt, they obtained, along with their -noblest fruit-trees, the art of cultivating them, and, perhaps, that -sacred tradition of the Garden of Eden, preserved in the Scriptures, -formed the basis of many a Hellenic legend.[1362] The Syrians acquired -much celebrity among the ancients for their knowledge of gardening, in -which, according to modern travellers, they still excel. Of the manner -of cultivating fruit-trees in the earlier ages very little is known. No -doubt they soon discovered that some will thrive better in certain soils -and situations than in others, and profited by the discovery; but the -art of properly training and grafting trees is comparatively -modern.[1363] - ------ - -Footnote 1359: - - Eudoc. Ionia. 434. - -Footnote 1360: - - Plin. xix. 19. Athen. xi. 39. - -Footnote 1361: - - Bœttig. Fragm. sur les Jar. des Anciens, in Magaz. Encycloped. Ann. - vii. t. i. p. 337. Cardinal Quirini, Primordia Corcyræ, c. vii. p. 60, - sqq. - -Footnote 1362: - - See in Xenophon a brief description of the gardens of Cyrus. Œconom. - iv. 21. Upon this passage our countryman, Sir Thomas Browne, has - written an elaborate treatise. - -Footnote 1363: - - On the various methods of propagating trees see Theophrast. Hist. - Plant. ii. 1. 2. - ------ - -No mention of it occurs in the Pentateuch, though Moses there gives -directions how to manage an orchard. For the first three years the -blossoms were not to be suffered to ripen into fruit, and even in the -fourth all that came was sacred to the Lord. From the fifth year, -onward, they might do with it what they pleased. Of these regulations -the intention was to prevent the early exhaustion of the trees. Homer, -also, is silent on the practice of grafting, nor does any mention of it -occur in the extant works of Hesiod, though Manilius[1364] refers to his -poems in proof of the antiquity of the practice. By degrees, however, it -got into use;[1365] and, in the age of Aristotle,[1366] was already -common, as at present almost everywhere, save in Greece,[1367] since no -fruit was esteemed excellent unless the tree had been grafted. Some few -of the rules they observed in this process may be briefly noticed.[1368] -Trees with a thick rind were grafted in the ordinary way, and sometimes -by inserting the graft between the bark and the wood, which was called -infoliation.[1369] Inoculation, also, or introducing the bud of one tree -into the rind of another, was common among Greek gardeners.[1370] They -were extremely particular in their choice of stocks.[1371] Thus the fig -was grafted only on the platane[1372] and the mulberry; the mulberry on -the chestnut,[1373] the beech, the apple, the terebinth, the wild pear, -the elm, and the white poplar, (whence white mulberries;) the pear on -the pomegranate, the quince, the mulberry, (whence red pears,) the -almond, and the terebinth; apples[1374] on all sorts of wild pears and -quinces, (whence the finest apples called by the Athenians -Melimela,)[1375] on damascenes, also, and _vice versâ_, and on the -platane, (whence red apples.)[1376] Another method of communicating a -blush to this fruit was to plant rose-bushes round the root of the -tree.[1377] The walnut was grafted on the strawberry-tree only;[1378] -the pomegranate on the myrtle[1379] and the willow; the laurel on the -cherry[1380] and the ash; the white peach on the damascene and the -almond; the damascene on the wild pear, the quince, and the apple; -chestnuts on the walnut, the beech, and the oak;[1381] the cherry on the -terebinth, and the peach; the quince on the oxyacanthus; the myrtle on -the willow; and the apricot on the damascene, and the Thasian -almond-tree. The vine, also, was grafted on a cherry and a myrtle-stock, -which produced, in the first case, grapes in spring,[1382] in the -second, a mixed fruit, between the myrtle-berry and the grape.[1383] -When the gardener desired to obtain black citrons, he inserted a -citron-graft into an apple-stock, and, if red, into a mulberry-stock. - ------ - -Footnote 1364: - - Astronomicon, ii. p. 30. l. 4. Scalig. et not. p. 67. - -Footnote 1365: - - Cf. Athen. xiv. 68. - -Footnote 1366: - - De Plantis, ii. 6. - -Footnote 1367: - - Hobhouse, Travels, i. 227. Thiersch, Etat Actuel de la Grèce, t. i. p. - 297. - -Footnote 1368: - - Geop. iii. 3. 9. Clem. Alexand. Stromat. l. vi. Opera, t. ii. p. 800. - Venet. 1657. - -Footnote 1369: - - Geop. xii. 75. x. 75. 19. - -Footnote 1370: - - Geop. x. 77. Colum. v. 11. 1. Pallad. vii. 5. 2. Plin. xvii. 26. Cato. - 42. Virg. Georg. ii. 73, sqq. - -Footnote 1371: - - Geop. x. 76. - -Footnote 1372: - - Introduced by Dionysios the elder into Rhegium, where it attained, - however, no great size. Theoph. Hist. Plant. iv. 5. 6. The same - naturalist speaks of two plane trees, the one at Delphi, the other at - Caphyæ in Arcadia, said to have been planted by the hand of Agamemnon, - which were still flourishing in his own days, iv. 13. 2. This tree - attains a prodigious size in Peloponnesos. Chandler, Travels, ii. 308. - Our traveller was prevented from measuring the stem by the fear of - certain Albanian soldiers who lay asleep under it; but Theophrastus - gives us the dimensions of a large platane, at Antandros, whose trunk, - he says, could scarcely be embraced by four men, while its height - before the springing forth of the boughs was fifteen feet. Having - described the dimensions of the tree, he relates a very extraordinary - fact in natural history, namely, that this platane, having been blown - down by the winds and lightened of its branches by the axe, rose again - spontaneously during the night, put forth fresh boughs, and flourished - as before. The same thing is related of a white poplar in the museum - at Stagira, and of a large willow at Philippi. In this last city a - soothsayer counselled the inhabitants to offer sacrifice, and set a - guard about the tree, as a thing of auspicious omen. Theoph. Hist. - Plant. iv. 16. 2, seq. Cf. Plin. xvi. 57. In corroboration of the - narrative of Theophrastus, Palmerius relates, that, during the winter - of 1624–25, while Breda was besieged by Ambrosio Spinola, he himself - saw in Brabant an oak twenty-five feet high, and three feet in - circumference, overthrown by the wind, and recovering itself exactly - in the manner described by the great naturalist. The vulgar, who - regarded it as a miracle, preserved portions of its bark or branches - as amulets.—Excercitationes, p. 598. - -Footnote 1373: - - Plut. Sympos. ii. 6. 7. - -Footnote 1374: - - “It is reported,” observes Lord Bacon, “that, in the low countries, - they will graft an apple scion upon the stock of a colewort, and it - will bear a great flaggy apple, the kernel of which, if it be set, - will be a colewort and not an apple.” Sylva Sylvarum, 453. - -Footnote 1375: - - Geop. x. 20. 1. Varro. i. 59. Mustea (mala) a celeritate mitescendi: - quæ nunc melimela dicuntur, a sapore melleo.—Plin. xv. 15. Dioscor. i. - 161. - -Footnote 1376: - - Plut. Sympos. ii. 6. 1. - -Footnote 1377: - - Geop. x. 19. 15, cum not. Niclas. - -Footnote 1378: - - Inseritur vero ex fœtu uncis arbutus horrida. Virg. Georg. ii. 69, - with the note of Servius. - -Footnote 1379: - - Plut. Sympos. ii. 6. 1. - -Footnote 1380: - - Plin. xvii. 14. - -Footnote 1381: - - Castanea inseritur in se, et in salice, sed ex salice tardius maturat, - et fit asperior in sapore. Pallad. xii. 7. 22. Cf. Virg. Georg. ii. - 71. Plutarch speaks of certain gardens on the banks of the Cephissos, - in Bœotia, in which he beheld pears growing on an oak-stock: ἦσαν δὲ - καὶ δρύες ἀπίους ἀγαθὰς ἐκφέρουσαι. Sympos. ii. 6. 1. - -Footnote 1382: - - Geop. x. 41. 3. iv. 12. 5. - -Footnote 1383: - - Geop. iv. 4. - ------ - -Citrons were likewise occasionally grafted on the pomegranate-tree. In -the present day, the almond, the chestnut, the fig, the orange, and the -citron, with many other species of fruit-trees, are no longer thought to -require grafting.[1384] - ------ - -Footnote 1384: - - Thiersch, Etat Actuel de la Grèce, t. i. p. 298. - ------ - -In illustration of the prolific virtue of the Hellenic soil it may be -mentioned, that young branchless pear-trees, transplanted from Malta to -the neighbourhood of Athens, in the autumn of 1830, were the next year -covered thick with fruit, which hung even upon the trunk like hanks of -onions.[1385] - ------ - -Footnote 1385: - - Idem. t. i. p. 288. Speaking of the fertility of the islands, Della - Rocca remarks: “Le terroir y est si bon, et les arbres y viennent si - vîte, que j’ai vu à Naxie des pépins d’orange de Portugal pousser en - moins de huit ans de grands orangers, dont les fruits étoient les plus - délicieux du monde, et la tige de l’arbre si haute, qu’il falloit une - longue échelle pour y monter.”—Traité Complet des Abeilles, t. i. p. - 6. - ------ - -Notwithstanding the early season of the year at which Gaia distributes -her gifts in Greece, numerous arts were resorted to for anticipating the -productions of summer,[1386] though of most of them the nature is -unknown. It is certain, however, that they possessed the means of -ripening fruits throughout the winter, either by hothouses or other -contrivances equally efficacious.[1387] During the festival celebrated -in honour of the lover of Aphrodite, the seeds of flowers were sown in -those silver pots, or baskets, called the gardens of Adonis,[1388] and -with artificial heat and constant irrigation compelled to bloom in eight -days. Among the modern Hindus corn is still forced to spring up in a few -days, by a similar process, during the festival of Gouri.[1389] To -produce rathe figs,[1390] a manure, composed of dove’s dung and pepper -and oil, was laid about the roots of the tree. Another method was that -which is still employed under the name of caprification, alluded to by -Sophocles.[1391] For this purpose care was taken to rear, close at hand, -several wild fig-trees, from which might be obtained the flies made use -of in this process,[1392] performed by cutting off bunches of wild figs -and suspending them amid the branches of the cultivated species,[1393] -when a fly issuing from the former pricked the slowly ripening fruit and -accelerated its maturity.[1394] In growing the various kinds of fig they -were careful to plant the Chelidonian, the Erinean, or wild fig, the -Leukerinean, and the Phibaleian[1395] on plains. The autumn-royals would -grow anywhere. Each sort has its peculiar excellence. The following were -the best: the colouroi, or truncated, the forminion, the diforoi, the -Megaric, and the Laconian, which would bear abundantly if -well-watered.[1396] Rhodes was famous for its excellent figs, which were -even thought worthy to be compared with those of Attica.[1397] Athenæus, -however, pretends that the best figs in the world were found at Rome. -There were figs with a ruddy bloom in the island of Paros, the same in -kind as the Lydian fig.[1398] The Leukerinean produced the white -fig.[1399] - ------ - -Footnote 1386: - - On the artificial ripening of dates, Theoph. ii. 8. 4. - -Footnote 1387: - - Athen. iii. 19. Plut. Phoc. § 3. Xenoph. Vectigal. i. 3. - -Footnote 1388: - - Ὁ νοῦν ἔχων γεωργός, ὧν σπερμάτων κήδοιτο καὶ ἔγκαρπα βούλοιτο - γενέσθαι, πότερα σπονδῇ ἂν θέρους εἰς ᾿Αδώνιδος κήπους ἀρῶν χαίροι - θεωρῶν καλοὺς ἐν ἡμέραισιν ὀκτὼ γιγνομένους.—Plat. Phœd. t. i. p. - 99. Suid. v. Ἀδώνιδ. κῆπ. t. i. p. 84. b. Theoph. Hist. Plant. v. 7. - 3. Caus. Plant. i. 12. 2. Eustath. ad Odyss. λ. p. 459. 4. - -Footnote 1389: - - Tod, Annals of Rajast’han, vol. i. p. 570. - -Footnote 1390: - - Cf. Athen. iii. 12. Theophrast. Hist. Plant. i. 3. 3. The fruit of the - Egyptian sycamore, or Pharaoh’s fig-tree, was eaten in antiquity as - now. Athenæus, who was a native of the Delta, says they used to rip - open the skin of the fruit with an iron claw, and leave it thus upon - the tree for three days. On the fourth it was eatable, and exhaled a - very agreeable odour. Deipnosoph. ii. 36. Theophrastus adds, that a - little oil was likewise poured on the fruit when opened by the iron. - De Caus. Plant. i. 17. 9. ii. 8. 4. In Malta figs are still sometimes - ripened by introducing a little olive oil into the eye of the fruit, - or by puncturing it with a straw or feather dipped in oil. Napier, - Excursions along the Shores of the Mediterranean, vol. ii. p. 144. Cf. - Lord Bacon, Sylva Sylvarum, 446. - -Footnote 1391: - - Ap. Athen. iii. 10. Cf. Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 8. 1. - -Footnote 1392: - - Aristot. de Gen. Anim. t. i. - -Footnote 1393: - - Suid. v. ερινεὸς. t. i. p. 1038. d. - -Footnote 1394: - - Cf. Tournefort, t. ii. p. 23. - -Footnote 1395: - - Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 767 - -Footnote 1396: - - Athen. iii. 7. The Laconian fig-tree was not commonly planted in - Attica. Frag. Aristoph. Georg. 4. Brunck. This kind of fig requires - much watering, which was found to deteriorate the flavour of other - kinds. Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 7. 1. - -Footnote 1397: - - Athen. iii. 8. - -Footnote 1398: - - Athen. iii. 9. In the fig-tree orchards of Asia Minor the spaces - between the trees are sown, as in vineyards, with corn, and the bushes - are often filled with nightingales.—Chandler, i. 244. - -Footnote 1399: - - Athen. iii. 10. There was, also, a species which received its name - from resembling the crow in colour. Sch. Aristoph. Pac. 611. Philost. - Icon. i. 31. p. 809, where figs are enumerated in his elegant - description of the Xenia. Cf. Pausan. i. 37. Vitruv. - ------ - -The fancy of Hellenic gardeners amused itself with effecting numerous -fantastic changes in the appearance and nature of fruit. Thus citrons, -lemons, &c., were made, by the application of a clay mould, to assume -the form of the human face, of birds and other animals.[1400] -Occasionally, too, they were introduced, when small, into the neck of a -bottle provided with breathing holes, the figure of which they assumed -as they projected their growth into all its dimensions. We are assured, -moreover, that, by a very simple process, they could produce peaches, -almonds,[1401] &c., covered, as though by magic, with written -characters. The mode of operation was this,—steeping the stone of the -fruit in water for several days, they then carefully divided it, and -taking out the kernel inscribed upon it with a brazen pen whatever words -or letters they thought proper. This done, they again closed the stone -over the kernel, bound it round with papyrus, and planted it; and the -peaches or almonds which afterwards grew on that tree bore every one of -them, _mirabile dictu!_ the legend inscribed upon the kernel. By similar -arts[1402] they created stoneless peaches, walnuts without husks, figs -white one side, and black the other, and converted bitter almonds into -sweet.[1403] - ------ - -Footnote 1400: - - Geop. x. 9. Clus. Rar. Plant. Hist. i. 4. - -Footnote 1401: - - Geop. x. 14. 60. Pallad. ii. 15. 13. - -Footnote 1402: - - Geop. x. 16. 53. 76. - -Footnote 1403: - - Geop. x. 59. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ii. 8. 1. Caus. Plant. i. 9. 1. - Plin. xvii. 43. Pallad. ii. 15. 1l. - ------ - -The rules observed in the planting of fruit-trees were numerous.[1404] -Some, they were of opinion, were best propagated by seed, others by -suckers wrenched from the root of the parent stock,[1405] others, again, -by branches selected from among the new wood on the topmost boughs. A -rude practice, too, common enough in our own rural districts, appears to -have been in much favour among them,—bending some long pendant bough to -the ground, they covered a part of it with heavy clods, allowing, -however, the extremity to appear above the earth. When it had taken root -it was severed from the tree and transplanted to some proper situation. -At other times, the points of boughs were drawn down and fixed in the -ground, which even thus took root, and sent the juices backwards, after -which the bough was cut off and a new stock produced. Trees generated by -this method, as well as those planted during the waning moon,[1406] were -supposed to spread and grow branchy, while those set during the waxing -moon attained, though weaker, to a much greater height. It ought, -perhaps, to be further added, that all seeds and plants were put into -the ground while the moon was below the horizon.[1407] Those trees which -it was customary to renew by seed were the pistachio, the filbert, the -almond, the chestnut, the white peach, the damascene, the pine-tree, and -the edible pine, the palm, the cypress, the laurel, the ash, the maple, -and the fig. The apple,[1408] the cherry, the rhamnus jujuba, the common -nut, the dwarf laurel, the myrtle, and the medlar, were propagated by -suckers; while the quicker and surer mode of raising trees from boughs -was frequently adopted in the case of the almond, the pear, the -mulberry, the citron,[1409] the apple, the olive, the quince,[1410] the -black and white poplar, the ivy, the jujube-tree, the myrtle, the -chestnut, the vine, the willow, the box, and the cytisus. - ------ - -Footnote 1404: - - Geop. x. 3. Cf. Xenoph. Œconom. xix. 3. - -Footnote 1405: - - Plin. xvii. 13. When a tree was barren, or had lost its strength in - blooming, they split it at the root, and put a stone into the fissure - to keep it open, after which it was said to bear well. Theoph. Hist. - Plant. ii. 7. 6. It was customary, moreover, to wound the trunks of - almond, pear, and other trees, as the service-tree in Arcadia, in - order to render them fertile. 1d. ii. 7. 7. The berries of the cornel - and service-trees were sweeter and ripened earlier wild than when - cultivated, iii. 2. 1. - -Footnote 1406: - - The ancients believed that the moon ripens fruit, promotes digestion, - and causes putrefaction in wood, and animal substances. Athen. vii. 3. - Cf. Plut. Sympos. iii. 10. - -Footnote 1407: - - Geop. x. 2. 13. - -Footnote 1408: - - Cf. Vigenère, Images des Philostrates, p. 48. - -Footnote 1409: - - “Les orangers et les citronniers perfument l’air par la quantité - prodigieuse des fleurs dont ils sont chargés, et qui s’épanouissent - aux premières chaleurs.”—Della Rocca, Traité sur les Abeilles, t. i. - p. 5. - -Footnote 1410: - - Originally of Crete. Pashley, i. 27. κοδύμαλον in the ancient dialect - of the country. Athen. iii. 2. - ------ - -But the thrifty people of Hellas seldom devoted the orchard-ground -entirely to fruit-trees. The custom seems to have been to lay out the -whole in beds and borders for the cultivation of vegetables, and to -plant trees, at intervals, along the edges and at the corners. These -beds, moreover, were often, as with us, edged with parsley and rue; -whence the proverb,—“You have not proceeded beyond the rue,” for “You -know nothing of the matter.”[1411] - ------ - -Footnote 1411: - - Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 480. Geop. xii. 1. 2. - ------ - -The rustics of antiquity, who put generally great faith in spells and -talismans, possessed an extraordinary charm for ensuring unfailing -fertility to their gardens; they buried an ass’s head deep in the middle -of them, and sprinkled the ground with the juice of fenugreek and -lotus.[1412] Somewhat greater efficacy, however, may be attributed to -their laborious methods of manuring and irrigation.[1413] - ------ - -Footnote 1412: - - Geop. xii. 6. Pallad. i. 35. 16. - -Footnote 1413: - - Lucian. Luc. siv. Asin. § 43. - ------ - -The aspect of such a garden differed very little, except perhaps in -luxuriance, from a similar plot of ground in Kent or Middlesex. Here you -perceived beds of turnips, or cabbages, or onions; there, lettuces, or -endive, or succory,[1414] in the process of blanching, or the delicate -heads of asparagus, or broad-beans, or lentils, or peas, or -kidney-beans, or artichokes. In the most sunny spots were ranges of -boxes or baskets for forcing cucumbers.[1415] Near the brooks, where -such existed, were patches of watermelons,[1416] the finest in the -world; and here and there, clasping round the trunks of trees,[1417] -and, suspending its huge leaves and spheres from among the branches, you -might behold the gourd,[1418] as I have often seen it in the palm-groves -of Nubia. It may be added, that the pumpkin, or common gourd, was eaten -by the Greeks,[1419] as it is still in France and Asia Minor.[1420] - ------ - -Footnote 1414: - - Geop. ii. 37. 40. - -Footnote 1415: - - These were covered with plates of the lapis specularis, and furnished - with wheels, that they might the more easily be moved in and out from - under cover. Colum. De Re Rust. xi. 3. p. 461: see also Castell, - Villas of the Ancients, p. 4. - -Footnote 1416: - - These are found growing at present even in the cemeteries. “Des melons - d’eau qui végètent çà et là sur ces tombes abandonnées, resemblent, - par leur forme et leur pâleur, à des crânes humains qu’on ne s’est pas - donné la peine d’ensèvelir.” Chateaub. Itin. i. 27. These fruit are - considered so innocent in the Levant as to be given to the sick in - fevers. Chandler, i. p. 77. - -Footnote 1417: - - Colum. De Cult. Hortor. 234. - -Footnote 1418: - - Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 494. - -Footnote 1419: - - Athen. iii. 1. - -Footnote 1420: - - Chandler, i. 317. - ------ - -Lettuces[1421] were blanched by being tied a-top, or being buried up to -a certain point in sand.[1422] They were, moreover, supposed to be -rendered more rich and delicate by being watered with a mixture of wine -and honey, as was the practice of the gourmand Aristoxenos, who having -done so over-night, used next morning to cut them, and say they were so -many green cakes sent him by mother Earth.[1423] - ------ - -Footnote 1421: - - See Strattis’s Invocation to the Caterpillar. Athen. ii. 79. Theoph. - Hist. Plant. vii. 2. 4. 5. 4. - -Footnote 1422: - - Geop. xii. 13. 3. Pallad. ii. 14. 2. - -Footnote 1423: - - Athen. i. 12. - ------ - -The Greek gardeners appear to have delighted exceedingly in the -production of monstrous vegetables. Thus, in the case of the cucumber, -their principal object appears to have been to produce it without seed, -or of some extraordinary shape.[1424] In the first case they diligently -watched the appearance of the plant above ground, and then covering it -over with fresh earth, and repeating the same operation three times, the -cucumbers it bore were found to be seedless. The same effect was -produced by steeping the seeds in sesamum-oil for three days before they -were sown. They were made to grow to a great length by having vessels of -water[1425] placed daily within a few inches of their points, which, -exciting by attraction a sort of nisus in the fruit, drew them forward -as far as the gardener thought necessary.[1426] They were made, -likewise, to assume all sorts of forms by the use of light, fictile -moulds,[1427] as in the case of the citron. Another method was, to take -a large reed,[1428] split it, and clear out the pith; then introducing -the young cucumber into the hollow, the sections of the reed were bound -together, and the fruit projected itself through the tube until it -acquired an enormous length. It is observed by Theophrastus, that if you -steep the seeds of cucumbers in milk, or an infusion of honey, it will -improve their flavour.[1429] They were, moreover, believed to expand in -size at the full of the moon, like the sea-hedgehog.[1430] A fragrant -smell was supposed to be communicated to melons[1431] by constantly -keeping the seed in dry rose-leaves. To preserve the seed for any length -of time, it was sprinkled with the juice of house-leek. - ------ - -Footnote 1424: - - Geop. xii. 19. 1, sqq. Pallad. iv. 9. 8. - -Footnote 1425: - - Plin. xix. 23. Pallad. iv. 9. 8. - - At qui sub trichila manantem repit ad undam, - Labentemque sequens nimio tenuatur amore, - Candidus, effœtæ tremebundior ubere porcæ. - - Colum. x. De Cult. Hortor. 394. - -Footnote 1426: - - Lord Bacon, having noticed this fact, adds the following sage remark: - “If you set a stake or prop at a certain distance from it (the vine), - it will grow that way, which is far stranger than the other: for that - water may work by a sympathy of attraction; but this of the stake - seemeth to be a reasonable discourse.” Sylva Sylvarum, 462. - -Footnote 1427: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 3. 5. Plin. Hist. Nat. xix. 24. - -Footnote 1428: - - Plin. xix. 23. - -Footnote 1429: - - Cf. Athen. iii. 5. - -Footnote 1430: - - Athen. iii. 2. - -Footnote 1431: - - The best melons at present known in Greece are those of Cephalonia, - which lose their flavour if transplanted. Hobhouse, Trav. &c., i. 227. - Cf. Chandler, i. p. 14. - ------ - -The Megaréans, in whose country melons, gourds,[1432] and cucumbers were -plentiful, were accustomed to heap dust about their roots during the -prevalence of the Etesian winds, and found this answer of -irrigation.[1433] It appears from the following proverb,—“The end of -cucumbers and the beginning of pompions,”—that the former went out of -season as the latter came in.[1434] - ------ - -Footnote 1432: - - Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 494. - -Footnote 1433: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. ii. 7. 5. - -Footnote 1434: - - Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 966. - ------ - -To procure a plentiful crop of asparagus, they used to bury the shavings -of a wild ram’s horn, and well water them.[1435] By banking up the -stalks, moreover, immediately after cutting the heads, they caused new -shoots to spring forth, and thus enjoyed a fresh supply throughout the -year. This plant was probably obtained from Libya,[1436] where it was -said to attain, in its wild state, the height of twelve, and sometimes -even of thirty cubits;[1437] and on the slopes of Lebanon, in Syria, it -has in our own clay been seen from twelve to fifteen feet high. - -Footnote 1435: - - Geop. xii. 18. 2. Plin. xix. 42. Dioscor. ii. 152. The physician, - however, modestly professes his unbelief: ἔνιοι δὲ ἱστόρησαν, ὅτι ἐάν - τις κριοῦ κέρατα συγκόψας κατορύξῃ, φύεται ἀσπάραγος · ἐμοὶ δὲ - ἀπίθανον. - -Footnote 1436: - - The asparagus, however, has been found, in modern times, growing wild - among the ruins of Epidauros. Chandler, ii. 249. - -Footnote 1437: - - Athen. ii. 62. - ------ - -That kind of cabbage which we call savoys was supposed to flourish best -in saline spots, on which account the gardeners used to sift pounded -nitre[1438] over the beds where it was sown, as was the practice also in -Egypt. In and about Alexandria,[1439] however, there was said to be some -peculiar quality in the earth which communicated a bitter taste to the -cabbage. To prevent this they imported cabbage-seed from the island of -Rhodes, which produced good plants the first year, but experienced in -the second the acrid influence of the soil.[1440] Kumè was celebrated -for its fine cabbages, which, when full-grown, were of a yellowish green -colour, like the new leather sole of a sandal. Broccoli and sea-kale and -cauliflowers would appear to have been commonly cultivated in the -gardens of the ancients. There was, likewise, among them a sort of -cabbage supposed to have some connexion with the gift of prophecy;[1441] -and by this, probably, it was, that certain comic personages used to -swear, as Socrates by the dog, and Zeno by the caper-bush. - ------ - -Footnote 1438: - - Geop. ii. 41. - -Footnote 1439: - - Athen. ix. 9. Suid. v. κράμβη. t. i. p. 1518. b. Cf. Foës. Œconom. - Hippoc. v. κραμβίων. p. 214. Dioscorid. ii. 146. - -Footnote 1440: - - Cf. Steph. Byzant. de Urb. p. 488. b. - -Footnote 1441: - - Cf. Casaub. Animadv. in Athen. ix. 9. t. x. p. 24. - ------ - -Radishes[1442] were rendered sweet by steeping the seeds in wine and -honey, or the fresh juice of grapes: Nicander speaks of preserved -turnips.[1443] Parsley-seed was put into the earth in an old rag, or a -wisp of straw,[1444] surrounded with manure, and well-watered, which -made the plant grow large. Rue they sowed in warm and sunny spots, -without manure.[1445] It was defended from the cold of winter by being -surrounded with heaps of ashes,[1446] and was sometimes planted in pots, -probably to be kept in apartments for the sake of its bright yellow -flowers,[1447] and because, when smelt, it was said to cure the -head-ache. The juice of wild rue, mixed with woman’s milk, sharpened the -sight, in the opinion of the ancients.[1448] The juice of sweet mint, -which was a garden herb, squeezed into milk,[1449] was supposed to -prevent coagulation, even should rennet be afterwards thrown into it. - ------ - -Footnote 1442: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 1. 3. - -Footnote 1443: - - Athen. iv. 11. - -Footnote 1444: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 4. 2. 6. 4. Aristoph. Concion. 355, et - schol. - -Footnote 1445: - - Geop. xii. 1. - -Footnote 1446: - - Geop. xii. 25. 1. - -Footnote 1447: - - Cf. Sibth. Flor. Græc. tab. 368. - -Footnote 1448: - - Dioscor. iii. 53. Geop. xii. 25. 4. - -Footnote 1449: - - Geop. xii. 24. - ------ - -Both the root and bean of the nymphæa nelumbo or red lotus,[1450] were -eaten in Egypt,[1451] where its crimson flowers were woven into crowns -which diffused an agreeable odour, and were considered exceedingly -refreshing in the heat of summer.[1452] This plant was by the Greeks of -Naucratis denominated the melilotus, to distinguish it from the lotus -with white flowers. Theophrastus[1453] observes, that it grows in the -marshes to the height of four cubits, and has a striped root and stem. -This lotus was also anciently found in Syria and Cilicia, but did not -there ripen. In the environs of Toronè in Chalcidice,[1454] however, it -was found in perfection in a small marsh. - ------ - -Footnote 1450: - - The rose-coloured lotus was said by the poet Pancrates to have been - produced from the blood of the lion slain by the Emperor Adrian. - Athen. xv. 21. - -Footnote 1451: - - Athen. iii. 1. - -Footnote 1452: - - Nicander in Georgicis ap. Athen. iii. 1. - - Σπείρειας κύαμον Αἰγύπτιον, ὄφρα θερείης - Ἅνθεα μὲν στεφάνους ἀνύῃς· τὰ δὲ πεπτηῶτα - Ἀκμαίου καρποῖο κιβώρια δαινυμένοισιν - Ἐς χέρας ἠΐθεοισι, πάλαι ποθέουσιν, ὀρέξης - Ῥίζας δ᾽ ἐν θοίνῃσιν ἀφεψήσας προτίθημι. - - See the note of Schweighæuser, t. vii. 10. - -Footnote 1453: - - Histor. Plant. iv. 10. - -Footnote 1454: - - It was also found in Thesprotia. Athen. iii. 3. - ------ - -The lupin,[1455] and the caper-bush, probably cultivated for the beauty -of its delicate white flowers,[1456] deteriorated in gardens,[1457] as -did likewise the mallows,[1458] which, together with the beet, were said -to acquire in gardens the height of a small tree.[1459] The stem of the -mallows was sometimes used as a walking stick. Its large pale red flower -which - - Follows with its bending head the sun,[1460] - -constituted one of the ornaments of the garden. - ------ - -Footnote 1455: - - Geop. ii. 39. Apuleius relates that the lupin-flower turned round with - the sun, even in cloudy weather, so that it served as a sort of rural - clock. Cf. Plin. xviii. 67. - -Footnote 1456: - - The caper-bush blossoms in June. Chandler, ii. 275. - -Footnote 1457: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 3. 6. Cf. Sibth. Flor. Græc. tab. 488. - -Footnote 1458: - - Athen. ii. 52. - -Footnote 1459: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 9. 2. Cf. vii. 3, 3. Hesiod reckons the mallow - and the asphodel among edible plants. Opp. et Dies, 41. Gœttling, - therefore, (in loc.) wonders Pythagoras should have prohibited the - mallow. Cf. Aristoph. Plut. 543. Suid. v. θύμος. t. 1. p. 1336. e. - Horat. Od. i. 32. 16. - -Footnote 1460: - - Colum. de Cult. Hortor. 253. Cardan in his treatise De Subtilitate - having undertaken to assign the cause why certain flowers bend towards - the sun, his antagonist, J. C. Scaliger, remarks upon his philosophy - as follows:—“De floribus, qui ad Solem convertuntur non pessime ais: - tenue humidum ad Solis calorem, se habere, ut corii ad ignem. Cæterum - adhuc integra restat quæstio. Rosis enim tenuissimum esse humidum - testantur omnia. Non convertuntur tamen. Platonici flores quosdam - etiam Lunæ dicunt esse familiares: qui sane huic Sideri, sicut illi - suo canant hymnos, sed mortalibus ignotos auribus.” Exercit. 170, § 2. - “The cause (of the bowing of the heliotrope) is somewhat obscure; but - I take it to be no other, but that the part against which the sun - heateth, waxeth more faint and flaccid in the stalk, and thereby less - able to support the flower.” Bacon, Sylva Sylvarum § 493. - ------ - -Besides these the ancients usually cultivated in their grounds two -species of cistus, one with pale red flowers now called the long rose, -the other which about midsummer has on its leaves a sort of fatty dew, -of which laudanum is made;[1461] together with the blue eringo,[1462] -rocket, cresses, (which were planted in ridges,) bastard parsley, -penny-royal, anis,[1463] water-mint, sea-onions, monk’s rhubarb, -purslain, a leaf of which placed under the tongue quenched thirst, -garden coriander, hellebore, yellow, red, and white, bush origany,[1464] -with its pink cones, flame-coloured fox-glove, brank-ursine, or bear’s -foot, admired for its vast pyramid of white flowers, chervil, skirwort, -the mournful elecampane, giant fennel, dill, mustard and wake-robin, -which was sown, - - Soon as the punic tree, whose numerous grains, - When thoroughly ripe, a bright red covering hides, - Itself did with its bloody blossoms clothe.[1465] - ------ - -Footnote 1461: - - Sibth. Flor. Græc. t. 1. tab. 258, seq. - -Footnote 1462: - - Colum. x. de Cult. Hortor. 230, sqq. Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 235. - -Footnote 1463: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 72. 2. - -Footnote 1464: - - Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 826, 837. - -Footnote 1465: - - Colum. x. De Cult. Hortor. 374. English Translation. Theoph. Hist. - Plant. vii. 12. 1. - ------ - -Other garden herbs were the cumin, the seed of which was sown with abuse -and curses,[1466] the sperage-berry, the dittander, or pepperwort, -turnips,[1467] and parsnips, (found wild in Dalmatia,)[1468] with -onions, garlic, and leeks.[1469] For these last Megara was famous, as -Attica was for honey, which suggested to the Athenians an occasion of -compliment to themselves,[1470] it having been a saying among them, that -they were as superior to the Megareans as honey is to garlic and leeks. - ------ - -Footnote 1466: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 3. 3. Cf. Dioscor. iii. 68, seq. - -Footnote 1467: - - Athen. iv. 11. - -Footnote 1468: - - Athen. ix. 8. - -Footnote 1469: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 4. 7, 10, 11. Aristoph. Plut. 283, et schol. - Eq. 675. 494. Vesp. 680. Acharn. 166, 500. Plut. 283. - -Footnote 1470: - - Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 246. 252. - ------ - -The cultivation of that species of leek called gethyllis was carried to -great perfection at Delphi,[1471] where it was an established custom, -evidently with a view to the improvement of gardening, that the person -who, on the day of the Theoxenia,[1472] presented the largest vegetable -of this kind to Leto should receive a portion from the holy table.[1473] -Polemo, who relates this circumstance says, that he had seen on these -occasions leeks nearly as large as turnips. The cause of this ceremony -was said to be, that Leto when great with Apollo longed for a leek. - ------ - -Footnote 1471: - - Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 675. - -Footnote 1472: - - This passage has escaped the diligence of Meursius, Græc. Feriat. p. - 150. - -Footnote 1473: - - Athen. ix. 13. - ------ - -Mushrooms[1474] were sedulously cultivated by the ancients, among whose -methods of producing them were the following. They felled a -poplar-tree[1475] and laying its trunk in the earth to rot, watered it -assiduously, after which mushrooms, at the proper time sprung up. -Another method was to irrigate the trunk of the fig-tree after having -covered it all round with dung, though the best kind in the opinion of -others were such as grew at the foot of elm and pine-trees.[1476] Those -springing from the upper roots were reckoned of no value. - ------ - -Footnote 1474: - - Dioscor. ii. 200, seq. Plin. xix. 11. - -Footnote 1475: - - Athen. ii. 57. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 189, 191. Eccles. 1092. Geop. - xii. 36. - -Footnote 1476: - - A similar observation is made in France respecting the truffles, the - best of which are supposed to grow about the roots and under the - shadow of the oak. Trollope’s Summer in Western France, ii. 352. - ------ - -On other occasions[1477] they chose a light sandy soil accustomed to -produce reeds, then burning brushwood, &c., when the air was in a state -indicating rain, this ambiguous species of vegetable started forth from -the earth with the first shower. The same effect was produced by -watering the ground thus prepared, though this species was supposed to -be inferior. In France, the most delicate sort of mushrooms are said to -proceed from the decayed root of the Eryngium. - ------ - -Footnote 1477: - - Geop. xii. 41. 2. - ------ - -This vegetable appears to have been a favourite dish among the ancients, -together with the truffle,[1478] eaten both cooked and raw;[1479] and -the morrille.[1480] That particular kind, called geranion, is the modern -crane’s bill. The Misu, another sort of truffle,[1481] grew chiefly in -the sandy plains about Cyrene, and, as well as the Iton,[1482] found in -the lofty downs of Thrace, was said to exhale an agreeable odour -resembling that of animal food. These fanciful luxuries, which were -produced among the rains and thunders[1483] of autumn, continued to -flourish in the earth during a whole year, but were thought to be in -season in spring. Truffle-seed was usually imported from Megara, Lycia, -and Getulia; but in Mytelene the inhabitants were spared this expense, -their sandy shores being annually sown from the neighbouring coast by -the winds and showers. It has been remarked, that neither truffles nor -wild onions were found near the Hellespont.[1484] - ------ - -Footnote 1478: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 189. - -Footnote 1479: - - This was more particularly the case on the Tauric Chersonese.—Theoph. - Hist. Plant. vii. 13. 8. - -Footnote 1480: - - Theophrast. Hist. Plant. i. 10. 7. - -Footnote 1481: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 6. 13. - -Footnote 1482: - - Athen. ii. 62. - -Footnote 1483: - - Plut. Sympos. iv. 2. 1. who relates that the ὕδνα attained to a very - large size in Elis. - -Footnote 1484: - - Vid. Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 6. 13. - ------ - -What methods the ancients employed for discovering the truffle, which -grows without stem or leaf in a small cell beneath the surface of the -earth, I have nowhere seen explained. At present[1485] their existence -is said to be detected in Greece, not by the truffle hound, but by the -divining rod. On the dry sandy downs of the Limousin, Gascogne, -Angoumois, and Perigord, as well as in several parts of Italy,[1486] -they are collected by the swineherds; for the hogs being extremely fond -of them utter grunts of joy, and begin to turn up the earth as soon as -they scent their odour, upon which the herdsmen beat the animals away, -and carefully preserve the delicacy for the tables of the rich. At other -times they are discovered in the following manner: the herdsmen stooping -down, and looking horizontally along the surface of the Landes, observe -here and there, on spots bare of grass and full of fissures, clouds of -very diminutive flies hatched in the truffle, and still regaling -themselves with its perfume. In some parts of Savoy they have been found -two pounds in weight. - ------ - -Footnote 1485: - - Walp. Mem. i. 284. - -Footnote 1486: - - Valmont de Bomare, Dict. D’Hist. Nat. t. ii. p. 21, seq. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER III. - VINEYARD, VINTAGE, ETC. - - -One of the principal branches of husbandry[1487] in Greece was the -culture of the vine, probably introduced from Phœnicia.[1488] Long -before the historical age, however, it had spread itself through the -whole country, together with several parts of Asia Minor, as may be -inferred from the language of Homer,[1489] who frequently enumerates -vineyards among the possessions of his heroes. Like most things the -origin of which was unknown, the vine furnished the poets and common -people with the subjects of numerous fables, some of which were reckoned -of sufficient importance to be treasured up and transmitted to -posterity. Thus, among the Ozolian Locrians, it was said[1490] to have -sprung from a small piece of wood, brought forth in lieu of whelps by a -bitch. Others supposed a spot near Olympia[1491] to have given birth to -the vine, in proof of which the inhabitants affirmed a miracle was -wrought annually among them during the Dionysiac festival. They took -three empty brazen vessels, and having closely covered and sealed them -in the presence of witnesses, again opened them after some interval of -time, not stated, when they were found full of wine. According to other -authorities, the environs of Plinthinè, in Egypt, had the honour of -being the cradle of Dionysos, on which account the ancient Egyptians -were by some accused of inebriety, though in the age of Herodotus[1492] -there would appear to have been no vineyards in the whole valley of the -Nile. In reality,[1493] the vine appears to be a native of all temperate -climates, both in the old world and the new, and will even -flourish[1494] and produce fine grapes in various situations within the -tropics, where clusters in different stages of ripeness may be observed -upon its branches at all seasons of the year. - ------ - -Footnote 1487: - - The importance of this branch of cultivation in some countries may be - perceived from the fact, that in France it is said to afford - employment to 2,200,000 families, comprising a population of - 6,000,000, or nearly one-fifth of the population of the entire - kingdom. TIMES, Aug. 3, 1838. The quantity of land devoted to the - culture of the vine was estimated in 1823, at 4,270,000 acres, the - produce of which amounted to 920,721,088 gallons, 22,516,220_l._ - 15_s._ sterling. Redding, Hist. of Modern Wines, chap. iv. p. 56. In - the Greek Budget of 1836, the tax on cattle produced 2,100,000 - drachmas, on bees 35,000, olive-grounds 64,776, and on vineyards and - currant-grounds 58,269.—Parish, Diplomatic History of the Monarchy of - Greece, p. 175. - -Footnote 1488: - - Or according to Athenæus, from the shores of the Red Sea. Deipnosoph. - xv. 17. - -Footnote 1489: - - Iliad. β. 561. γ. 184. ι. 152, 294. Cf. Pind. Isth. viii. 108. - -Footnote 1490: - - Paus. x. 38. 1. - -Footnote 1491: - - Athen. i. 61. - -Footnote 1492: - - ii. 77. - -Footnote 1493: - - Cf. Redding History of Modern Wines, chap. i. p. 2. An interesting and - able work. - -Footnote 1494: - - Nienhoff in Churchill’s Collection, ii. 264. Barbot. iii. 13. Ulloa, - Memoires Philosophiques, t. ii. p. 15. Voyages, t. i. p. 487, 491. - ------ - -The opinions of Grecian writers respecting the soil best suited to the -cultivation of the vine, having been founded on experience, generally -agree with those which prevail in modern times.[1495] They preferred for -their vineyards the gentle acclivities of hills,[1496] where the soil -was good, though light and porous, and abounding in springs at no great -depth from the surface.[1497] A considerable degree of moisture was -always supposed to be indispensable, on which account, in arid -situations, large hollow sea-shells, and fragments of sandstone[1498] -were buried in the soil, these being regarded as so many reservoirs of -humidity. - ------ - -Footnote 1495: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 276. - -Footnote 1496: - - “Quòd colles Bacchus amaret.” Manil. Astronom. ii. p. 31. 6. Scalig. - -Footnote 1497: - - Geop. v. 1. - -Footnote 1498: - - Geop. v. 9. 8. Virg. Georg. ii. 348. - ------ - -By some the vine was even thought to delight in the rich alluvial soil -of plains, such as is found in Egypt,[1499] where, in later times, the -banks of the Nile, from Elephantinè to the sea, seem to have presented -one vast succession of vineyards.[1500] But superior vines were produced -on a few spots only, as at Koptos, and in the neighbourhood of Lake -Mareotis, where showers of sand, pouring in from the desert or the -sea-shore, diminished the fatness of the ground. With respect to Koptos, -we possess, however, no precise information,[1501] but are expressly -told, that the Mareotic vineyards covered a series of sandy swells, -stretching eastward from the lake towards Rosetta.[1502] On the southern -confines of Egypt, in the rocky and picturesque island of Elephantinè, -the vine was said[1503] never to shed its leaves; but as none grow there -at present, the traveller has no opportunity of deciding this question. -In Greece the vineyards of the plains were generally appropriated to the -production of the green grape, the purple being supposed to prefer the -sides of hills, or even of mountains, provided it were not exposed to -the furious winds upon their summits. Several sorts of white grape, -also, as the Psillian, Corcyrean, and the Chlorian, delighted in -elevated vineyards,[1504] though it was often judged necessary to -reverse these rules, and compel the hill-nurslings to descend to the -plains, while those of the plains were in their turn exposed to the -climate of the mountains. - ------ - -Footnote 1499: - - Καλλίστη δὲ γῆ καὶ ἑ ὑπὸ τῶν ῥεόντων ποταμῶν χωσθεῖσα, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν - Αἴγυπτον ἐπαινοῦμεν.—Florent. ap. Geop. v. 1. 4. - -Footnote 1500: - - Jemaleddin. Maured Allatafet, p. 7. All these vines it will be - remembered were cut down by order of the Caliph Beamrillah, even in - the province of the Fayoum. Some vestiges, however, of vineyards were - here discovered by Pococke. “I observed,” says he, “about this lake - (Mœris) several roots in the ground, that seemed to me to be the - remains of vines, for which the country about the lake was formerly - famous. Where there is little moisture in the air, and it rains so - seldom, wood may remain sound a great while, though it is not known - how long these vineyards have been destroyed.” Vol. i. p. 65. - -Footnote 1501: - - Though with regard to the nature of the wine itself we are told, that - it was so light as to be given to persons in fevers,—ὁ δὲ κατὰ τὴν - Θηβαΐδα, καὶ μάλιστα ὁ κατὰ τὴν Κόπτον πόλιν, οὕτως ἐστὶ λεπτὸς, καὶ - εὐανάδοτος, καὶ ταχέως πεπτικὸς, ὡς τοῖς πυρεταίνουσι διδόμενος μὴ - βλάπτειν. Athen. i. 60. - -Footnote 1502: - - Athen. i. 60. Horat. Od. i. 37. 14. Strab. xvii. 1. t. iii. p. 425. - -Footnote 1503: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 3. 5. Varro, i. 7. - -Footnote 1504: - - Geop. v. 1. 15. Cf. Geop. iii. 2. “The shifting of ground is a means - to better the tree and fruit, but with this caution, that all things - do prosper best when they are advanced to the better.” Bacon, “Sylva - Sylvarum,” 439. - ------ - -Much judgment was thought to be required in selecting the site of a -vineyard, though almost everything depended on the climate and general -configuration of the district in which it was situated. Thus in warm -countries, as in the Pentapolis of Cyrene, the vineyards sloped towards -the north; in Laconia, they occupied the eastern face of Mount Taygetos, -while in Attica and the islands, the hills often appear to have been -encircled with vines. Upon the whole, however, those were most esteemed -which looked towards the rising sun and enjoyed, without obstruction, -the first rays of the morning.[1505] And this also is the case in the -Côte d’Or, where the best wines, as the Chambertin, the Vin de Beaune, -and that of the Clos Vougeot, are grown on eastern declivities. In some -parts of Greece, the vine was strongly affected by the prevalence of -certain winds, as those of the east and the west in Thessaly, which in -the forty cold days of winter were attended by frost that killed its -upper extremities, and sometimes the whole trunk. At Chalcis, in Eubœa -likewise, the Olympias, a western wind, parched and shrivelled, or, as -the Greeks express it, burnt up the leaves, sometimes completely -destroying the shrub itself.[1506] In such situations it was accordingly -found necessary to protect it by a covering[1507] during the prevalence -of cold winds. At Methana, in Argolis, when the south-east in spring -blew up the Saronic gulf,[1508] the inhabitants, to defend them from it, -spread over their vines the invisible teguments of a spell; which was -effected in the following manner: taking a milk-white cock, and cutting -it in halves, two men seized each a part, and then, standing back to -back, started off in opposite directions, made the tour of the vineyard, -and, returning whence they had set out, buried the cock’s remains in the -earth. After this the Libs might blow as it listed, since it possessed -no power to injure any man’s property within the consecrated -circle.[1509] The prevalence of the north wind during autumn was -considered auspicious, as they supposed it to hasten the ripening of the -fruit. - ------ - -Footnote 1505: - - Geop. v. 4.1. - -Footnote 1506: - - Theoph. Caus. Plant. v. 12. 5. Cf. Hist. Plant. iv. 14. 11. And yet - the neighbourhood of the sea was considered propitious to the vine. - Geop. v. 5. - -Footnote 1507: - - Theoph. Caus. Plant. v. 12. 5. - -Footnote 1508: - - On the prevalence of these winds in winter and spring, together with - the causes of the phenomenon, see Aristot. Problem. xxvi. 16. - -Footnote 1509: - - Paus. ii. 34. 2. Chandler, Travels, ii. 248. - ------ - -When the husbandman had resolved on the formation of a new vineyard, he -first, of course, encircled the spot with a hedge[1510] which was made -both thick and strong for the purpose of repelling the flocks and herds, -which, as well as goats, foxes, and soldiers, loved to prey upon the -vine.[1511] His next care was to root up the hazel bush and the -oleaster, the roots of the former being supposed to be inimical to the -Dionysiac tree, while the oily bark of the latter rendered it peculiarly -susceptible of taking fire, by which means vineyards would often appear -to have been reduced to ashes. So at least says Virgil.[1512] - - Root up wild olives from thy laboured lands, - For sparkling fire from hinds’ unwary hands - Is often scattered o’er their unctuous rinds, - And often spread abroad by raging winds; - For first the smouldering flame the trunk receives, - Ascending thence it crackles in the leaves; - At length victorious to the top aspires, - Involving all the wood in smoky fires. - But most when driven by winds the flaming storm - Of the long files destroys the beauteous form; - In ashes then the unhappy vineyard lies, - Nor will the blasted plants from ruin rise, - Nor will the withered stock be green again, - But the wild olive shoots, and shades th’ ungrateful plain. - ------ - -Footnote 1510: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 371, sqq. - -Footnote 1511: - - Aristoph. Eq. 1073, seq. Küst. - -Footnote 1512: - - Georg. ii. 299, sqq. Dryden’s Translation. - ------ - -The next operation[1513] was to trench the ground and throw it into -lofty ridges, which, by the operation of the summer sun, and the rain -and winds and frosts of winter, were rendered mellow and genial. -Occasionally a species of manure, composed[1514] of pounded acorns, -lentils, and other vegetable substances, was dug in for the purpose of -giving to the soil the warmth and fertility required by the vine. - ------ - -Footnote 1513: - - Geop. iii. 4. Cf. Virg. Georg. ii. 259, seq. et Serv. ad loc. - -Footnote 1514: - - Geop. v. 24. - ------ - -The ground having remained in this state during a whole year, its -surface was levelled, and a series of shallow furrows traced for the -slips by line, rather close, on rich alluvial plains, but diverging more -and more[1515] in proportion to the elevation of the site. Generally the -vine was propagated by slips of moderate length, planted sometimes -upright or à l’aiguille,[1516] as the phrase is in Languedoc, sometimes -obliquely,[1517] which was generally supposed to be the better fashion. -Along with the slip a handfull of grape-stones was usually cast into the -furrow,[1518] those of the green grape with the purple vine, and those -of the purple with the green, in order to cause it the sooner to take -root. With some the practice was always to set two slips together, so -that if one missed the other might take, and when both grew, the weaker -was cut off or removed. Several stones,[1519] about the size of the -fist, were placed round the slip above whatever manure was used, the -belief being, that they would aid in preventing the root from being -scorched by the sun in the heats of summer.[1520] Some touched the lower -point of the slip with cedar oil which prevented it from decaying, and -likewise by its odour repelled vermin. - ------ - -Footnote 1515: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 274, seq. - -Footnote 1516: - - Skippon in Churchill, Collection of Voyages, vi. 730. - -Footnote 1517: - - Πότερα δὲ ὅλον τὸ κλῆμα ὀρθὸν τιθεὶς πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν βλέπον ἡγῇ - μάλλον ἂν ῥιζοῦσθαι αὐτὸ, ἢ καὶ πλάγιόν τι ὑπὸ τῇ ὑποβεβλημένη γῇ - θείης ἂν, ὥστε κεῖσθαι ὥσπερ γάμμα ὕπτιον; οὕτω νὴ Δία· πλείονες γὰρ - ἂν οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ κατὰ γῆς εἶεν· ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν καὶ ἄνω ὁρῶ - βλαστάνοντα τὰ φυτὰ. Xenoph. Œconom. xix. 9, seq. - -Footnote 1518: - - Geop. v. 9. This practice is noticed by Lord Bacon who advises - gardeners to extend the experiment by laying “good store” of other - kernels about the roots of trees of the same kind. Sylva Sylvarum, i. - 35. - -Footnote 1519: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 348. - -Footnote 1520: - - A similar remark is made by Lord Bacon: “It is an assured experience,” - he says, “that an heap of flint or stone laid about the bottom of a - wild tree, as an oak, elm, ash, &c., upon the first planting, doth - make it prosper double as much as without it. The cause is for that it - retaineth the moisture which falleth at any time upon the tree and - suffereth it not to be exhaled by the sun.” Sylva Sylvarum, 422. - ------ - -To produce grapes without stones the lower end of the slip was split, -and the pith carefully extracted with an ear-pick.[1521] It was then -bound round with a papyrus leaf, thrust into a sea-onion and thus -planted. Vines producing medicinal grapes were created by withdrawing -the pith from the lower part of the slip, but without splitting, and -introducing certain drugs into the hollow,[1522] closing up the -extremity with papyrus and thus setting it in the earth. The wine, the -grape, the leaves, and even the ashes of such a vine were thought to be -a remedy against the bite of serpents and dogs, though no security -against hydrophobia. Another mode of producing stoneless grapes was to -cut short all the branches of a vine already growing, extract the pith -from the ends of them, and fill up the cavity once a-week with the juice -of sylphion,[1523] binding them carefully to props that the liquor might -not escape. A method was also in use of producing green and purple -grapes on the same cluster.[1524] This was to take two slips as nearly -as possible of the same size, the one of the white, the other of the -black grape, and, having split them down the middle, carefully to fit -the halves to their opposites, so that the buds, when divided, should -exactly meet. They were then bound tight together with papyrus thread, -and placed in the earth in a sea-onion,[1525] whose glutinous juice -aided the growing together of the severed parts. Sometimes instead of -slips, offshoots removed from the trunk of a large vine, with roots -attached to them, were used. On other occasions the vine was grafted, -like any other fruit-tree, on a variety of stocks,[1526] each modifying -the quality and flavour of the grape. Thus a vine grafted on a -myrtle-stock,[1527] produced fruit partaking of the character of the -myrtle-berry. Grafted on a cherry-tree, its grapes underwent a different -change, and ripened, like cherries, in the spring. As the clay -encircling the junctures of these grafts grew dry, and somewhat cracked -in hot summers, it was customary for gardeners to moisten them every -evening with a sponge dipped in water.[1528] - ------ - -Footnote 1521: - - Geop. iv. 7. Mention of the stoneless grapes of Persia occurs in many - travellers, and, by Mr. Fowler, one of the most recent, are enumerated - under the name of _kismis_, among the choicest fruits of that country. - Three Years in Persia, vol. i. p. 323. It may here be remarked, that - certain sorts of vines, among others the Capneion, produced sometimes - white clusters, sometimes purple. Theophrast. Hist. Plant. ii. 3. 2. - Cf. de Caus. Plant. v. 3. 1. κ. τ. λ. - -Footnote 1522: - - Geop. iv. 8. - -Footnote 1523: - - Geop. iv. 7. - -Footnote 1524: - - Geop. iv. 14. - -Footnote 1525: - - It has been remarked also by ancient naturalists that a fig-tree - planted in a sea-onion, grows quicker and is more free from vermin. - Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 5. 5. - -Footnote 1526: - - Colum. v. 11. - - —Adultâ vitium propagine - Altas maritat populos, - Inutilesque falce ramos amputans - Feliciores inserit. - Horat. Epod. ii. 9, seq. - -Footnote 1527: - - Geop. iv. 4, seq. - -Footnote 1528: - - Geop. iv. 12. - ------ - -The husbandmen of antiquity were often somewhat fanciful in their -practices. In order, when forming a nursery,[1529] to coax the young -plants to grow, the beds to which they were transferred, were formed of -a stratum of earth brought from the vineyard whence they also were -taken. Another nicety was to take care, that they occupied precisely the -same position with respect to the quarters of the heavens[1530] as when -growing on the parent stock.[1531] - - “Besides to plant it as it was they mark - The heaven’s four quarters on the tender bark, - And to the north or south restore the side - Which at their birth did heat or cold abide, - So strong is custom; such effects can use - In tender souls of pliant plants produce.” - ------ - -Footnote 1529: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 265, seq. - -Footnote 1530: - - Lord Bacon gives this experiment a place in his philosophy, observing, - that “in all trees when they be removed (especially fruit-trees) care - ought to be taken that the sides of the trees be coasted (north and - south) and as they stood before.” Sylva Sylvarum, 471. - -Footnote 1531: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 270, seq. - ------ - -When desirous of extending the plantation in an old vineyard, instead of -the methods above described, they had recourse to another, which was to -bend down[1532] the vine branch, and bury it up to the point in the -earth, where it would take root, and send forth a new vine, and in this -way a long series of leafy arcades[1533] may sometimes have been formed. -At the foot of their vines some cultivators were in the habit of burying -three goats’ horns[1534] with their points downwards, and the other end -appearing above the soil. These they regarded as so many receptacles for -receiving and gradually conveying water to the roots, and, consequently, -an active cause of the vines’ fertility. - ------ - -Footnote 1532: - - An analogous practice is observed in the pepper gardens of - Sumatra:—“When the vines originally planted to any of the chinkareens - (or props) are observed to fail or miss; instead of replacing them - with new plants, they frequently conduct one of the shoots, or - suckers, from a neighbouring vine, to the spot, through a trench made - in the ground, and there suffer it to rise up anew, often at the - distance of twelve or fourteen feet from the parent stock.” Marsden, - History of Sumatra, p. 111. - -Footnote 1533: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 26. Serv. ad loc. - -Footnote 1534: - - Geop. iv. 2. The nymphs are said to have been the nurses of Bacchos, - because water supplied moisture to the vine. The explanation of - Athenæus is forced and cold. ii. 2. - ------ - -Respecting the seasons of planting,[1535] opinions were divided, some -preferring the close of autumn, immediately after the fall of the leaf, -when the sap had forsaken the branches, and descended to the roots; -others chose, for the time of this operation, the early spring, just -before the sap mounted; while a third class delayed it until the buds -began to swell, and the tokens of spring were evident. To these -varieties of practice Virgil makes allusion,— - - When winter frosts constrain the field with cold, - The fainty root can take no steady hold; - But when the golden spring reveals the year, - And the white bird returns whom serpents fear, - That season deem the best to plant thy vines; - Next that, is when autumnal warmth declines, - Ere heat is quite decayed, or cold begun, - Or Capricorn admits the winter sun. - ------ - -Footnote 1535: - - Geop. v. 7, seq. Virg. Georg. ii. 323, sqq. - ------ - -But the above were not the only rules observed; for, besides the general -march of the seasons, they took note of the phases of the moon,[1536] -whose influence over vegetation all antiquity believed to be very -powerful. Some planted during the four days immediately succeeding the -birth of the new moon, while others extended their labours through the -first two quarters. The act of pruning[1537] was performed when that -planet was in its wane. - ------ - -Footnote 1536: - - Geop. v. 10. - -Footnote 1537: - - Geop. iii. 1. - ------ - -There were in Greece[1538] three remarkable varieties of the vine, -created by difference in the mode of cultivation.[1539] The first -consisted of plants always kept short, and supported on props, as in -France; the second of tree-climbers, thence called Anadendrades; the -third sort enjoyed neither of these advantages,[1540] but being grown -chiefly in steep and stony places, spread their branches over the earth, -as is still the fashion in Syra[1541] and other islands of the -Archipelago. - ------ - -Footnote 1538: - - Cf. Theoph. Caus. Plant. iv. 3. 6. - -Footnote 1539: - - The low vines of Asia Minor are now pruned in a very particular - manner. “As we approached Vourla the little valleys were all green - with corn, or filled with naked vine-stocks in orderly arrangement, - about a foot and a half high. The people were working, many in a row, - turning the earth, or encircling the trunks with tar, to secure the - buds from grubs and worms. The shoots which bear the fruit are cut - down again in winter.” Chandler, i. 98. - -Footnote 1540: - - On the cultivation of the Corinth grape, see Chandler, ii. 339. - -Footnote 1541: - - Abbé Della Rocca, Traité Complet des Abeilles, i. 203. Lord Bacon, who - had heard of this manner of cultivating the vine, observes, that in - this state it was supposed to produce grapes of superior magnitude, - and advises to extend the practice to hops, ivy, woodbine, &c. Sylva - Sylvarum, 623. - ------ - -Vine-props[1542] appear to have commonly consisted of short reeds, -which, accordingly, were extensively cultivated both in Hellas and its -colonies of Northern Africa, where the musical cicada, whose excessive -multiplication betokened a sickly year, bored through the rind, and laid -its eggs in the hollow within.[1543] From an inconvenience attending the -use of this kind of support came the rustic proverb, “The prop has -defrauded the vine;”[1544] for these reeds sometimes took root, outgrew -their clients, and monopolized the moisture of the soil. - ------ - -Footnote 1542: - - Geop. v. 22. 27. Reeds delight in sunny spots, and are nourished by - the rain. They were cultivated for props, and, if thoroughly smoked, - the insects called ἶπες were killed, which would otherwise breed in - them, to the great injury of the vine, v. 53. Plin. xviii. 78. Cf. - Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 1140. 983. Varro, i. 8. In the island of - Pandataria the vineyard was filled with traps, to protect the grapes - from the mice. Id. ib. - -Footnote 1543: - - Aristoph. Hist. Anim. v. 24. 3. - -Footnote 1544: - - Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 1282. Cf. Thom. Magist. v. χάραξ. p. 911, seq. - Blancard. cum not. Stieber. et Oudendorp. Ammon. v. χάραξ. p. 145, - with the note of Valckenaer. Liban. Epist. 218. p. 104 seq. Wolf. - ------ - -In rich and level lands,[1545] particularly where the Aminian vine[1546] -was cultivated, the props often rose to the height of five or six feet; -but in hill-vineyards, where the soil was lighter and less nutritive, -they were not suffered to exceed that of three feet. Where reeds were -not procurable, ash-props[1547] were substituted, but they were always -carefully barked, to prevent cantharides, and other insects hurtful to -the vine, from making nests in them. Their price would appear to have -been considerable, since we find a husbandman speaking of having laid -out a hundred drachma in vine-props.[1548] To prevent their speedily -decaying they were smeared a-top with pitch, and carefully, after the -vintage, collected and laid up within doors.[1549] - ------ - -Footnote 1545: - - Geop. v. 27. - -Footnote 1546: - - Cf. Geop. iv. 1. Dioscor. v. 6. Virg. Georg. ii. 97. Servius, on the - authority of Aristotle, relates that the Aminian vines were - transplanted from Thessaly into Italy. Cf. Pier. ad loc. - -Footnote 1547: - - Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 1116. Acharn. 1177. In the Æolian islands the - vines are supported on a frame-work of poles and trees, over which - they spread themselves with extraordinary luxuriance. Spallanzani, iv. - 99. - -Footnote 1548: - - Sch. Aristoph. Pac. 1262. - -Footnote 1549: - - Virg. Georg. 408, seq. - ------ - -A vineyard, consisting wholly of Anadendrades,[1550] most common in -Attica, presented, in spring and summer, a very picturesque appearance, -especially when situated on the sharp declivity of a hill.[1551] The -trees designed for the support of the vines,[1552] planted in straight -lines, and rising behind each other, terrace above terrace, at intervals -of three or four and twenty feet, were beautiful in form and varied in -feature, consisting generally of the black poplar, the ash, the maple, -the elm,[1553] and probably, also, the platane, which is still employed -for this purpose in Crete.[1554] Though kept low in some situations, -where the soil was scanty, they were, in others, allowed to run to -thirty or forty, and sometimes, as in Bithynia, even to sixty feet in -height. - ------ - -Footnote 1550: - - Which were pruned in January (Geop. iii. 1), and esteemed the most - useful, iv. 1. The solidest and hardest vines were thought to bear the - least fruit. Theoph. Hist. Plant. v. 4. 1. Cf. Chandler, i. 98. - -Footnote 1551: - - Dem. in Nicostrat. § 5. - -Footnote 1552: - - “Vitem viduas ducit ad arbores.” - Hor. Carm. iv. 5. 30. - -Footnote 1553: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 361, seq. An amictâ vitibus ulmo. Hor. Epist. i. 16. - 3. - -Footnote 1554: - - Pashley, Travels, ii. 22. The oak is now used for the same purpose in - Asia Minor. Chandler, i. 114. - ------ - -The face of the tree along which the vine climbed was cut down sheer -like a wall, against which the purple or golden clusters hung thickly -suspended, while the young branches crept along the boughs, or over -bridges of reeds,[1555] uniting tree with tree, and, when touched with -the rich tints of autumn, delighting the eye by an extraordinary variety -of foliage. As the lower boughs of these noble trees were carefully -lopped away, a series of lofty arches was created, beneath which the -breezes could freely play, abundant currents of pure air being regarded -as no less essential to the perfect maturing of the grape[1556] than -constant sunshine. Sometimes the vine, in its ascent, was suffered to -wind round the trunk of its supporter, which, however, by the most -judicious husbandmen, was considered prejudicial, since the profusion of -ligatures which it threw out in its passage upwards was thought to -exhaust too much of its strength, to prevent which wooden wedges[1557] -were here and there inserted between the vine stem and the tree. In -trailing the branches, moreover, along the boughs, care was taken to -keep them as much as possible on the upper side, that they might enjoy a -greater amount of sunshine, and be the more exposed to be agitated by -the winds. - ------ - -Footnote 1555: - - Gœttling ad Hesiod. Scut. Heracl. 298. - -Footnote 1556: - - Another means of augmenting the fertility of the vine is noticed by - Lord Bacon, whose diligent study of antiquity was at least as - remarkable as his superior intellect. “It is strange, which is - observed by some of the ancients, that dust helpeth the fruitfulness - of trees and of vines by name; insomuch as they cast dust upon them of - purpose. It should seem that powdring when a shower cometh maketh a - kind of soiling to the tree, being earth and water finely laid on. And - they note that countries where the fields and waies are dusty bear the - best vines.” Sylva Sylvarum, 666. - -Footnote 1557: - - Geop. iv. 1. 16. - ------ - -These Anadendrades,[1558] which were supposed to produce the best and -most lasting wines, probably, as at present, ripened their produce much -later than the other sorts of vines on account of the trees by which -they were shaded. In modern Crete,[1559] where, however, they are never -pruned, their grapes seldom ripen before November, and sometimes they -furnish the bazaar of Khania with fresh supplies till Christmas. The -same is the case also in Egypt. - ------ - -Footnote 1558: - - These vines were likewise called ἁμαμάξυες. Aristoph. Vesp. 325, et - Schol. The rustics engaged in pruning them, feeling themselves secure - in their lofty station, used to pour their rough raillery and - invectives on the passers-by. Horace, Satir. i. 7. 29, seq. - ------ - -Occasionally, too, more especially in Cypros, the Anadendrades grew to -an enormous size. At Populonium, in Etruria, there was a statue of -Jupiter carved from a single vine; the pillars of the temple of Hera, at -Metapontum, consisted of so many vines; and the whole staircase leading -to the roof of the fane of Artemis, at Ephesos, was constructed with the -timber of a single vine from Cypros. To render these things credible, we -are informed, that, at Arambys, in Africa,[1560] there was a vine twelve -feet in circumference, and modern travellers have found them of equal -dimensions in other parts of the world.[1561] In France, for example, -the celebrated Anne, Duc de Montmorenci, had a table made with a single -slab of vinewood, which, two hundred years afterwards, Brotier[1562] saw -preserved at the town of Ecouen. - ------ - -Footnote 1559: - - On the vines of this island cf. Meurs. Cret. c. 9. p. 103. - -Footnote 1560: - - Bochart. Geog. Sac. Pars Alt. l. i. c. 37. p. 712. Cf. Plin. Hist. - Nat. v. i. - -Footnote 1561: - - Tozzeli, Viaggi. t. iv. p. 208. - -Footnote 1562: - - Not. ad Plin. xiv. i. 1. - ------ - -To return, however: the wide spaces between the trees were not in this -class of vineyards allowed to remain entirely idle, having been -sometimes sown[1563] with corn, or planted with beans, and gourds, and -cucumbers, and lentils.[1564] The cabbage[1565] was carefully -excluded,[1566] as an enemy to Dionysos. In other cases these intervals -were given up to the cultivation of fruit-trees, such as the -pomegranate, the apple, the quince, and the olive. The fig-tree was -regarded as pernicious, though often planted in rows on the outside of -the vineyard. - ------ - -Footnote 1563: - - Geop. iv. 1. v. 7, seq. - -Footnote 1564: - - Barley and other grain are still in modern times sown between the - vines in Asia Minor. Chandler, i. 114. The same practice has been - partially introduced into the Æolian islands. Spallanzani, iv. 100. - -Footnote 1565: - - Suid. v. κράμβη, t. i. p. 1518. b.—παρὰ ἀμπέλω οὐ φυέται Etym. Mag. - 534. 47. - -Footnote 1566: - - So was the laurel. Theoph. Caus. Plant. ii. 18. 4. - ------ - -Respecting those vines which were cultivated without the aid of -props,[1567] or trees, we possess little information, except that there -were such. But, as they are still found in the country, it is probable, -that the mode of dressing them now prevailing nearly resembles that of -antiquity. They are generally, in Syria, planted along the steep sides -of mountains, where they spread and rest upon the stones, and have their -fruit early ripened by the heat reflected from the earth. Frequently, -also, they are planted on more level ground, in which case, as soon as -the grapes acquire any size, the husbandman passes through the vineyard -with an armful of forked wooden props which he skilfully introduces -beneath the branches and fixes firmly so as to keep the clusters from -touching the mould. The reason for adopting this method is the furious -winds which at certain seasons of the year prevail in many of the -Grecian islands, preventing the growth of woods and prostrating the fig -and every other fruit-tree to the earth. The spaces between the lines -are turned up annually by a peculiar sort of plough[1568] drawn by oxen, -in front of which a man advances, lifting up the vines and holding them -aside while they pass. This destroys the weeds, and, at the same time, -all the upper roots of the vine, which compels it to descend deeper into -the earth, where it finds a cooler and more abundant nourishment. In -this respect the practice of the Syrotes closely resembles that of their -ancestors. Some husbandmen were careful, likewise, while weeding,[1569] -to remove the larger stones, though they are often supposed, by -preserving moisture, to do more good than harm. - ------ - -Footnote 1567: - - This creeping vine, cultivated _sine ridicis_, was common in Spain. - Varro, i. 8. - -Footnote 1568: - - Della Rocca, Traité Complet sur les Abeilles, t. i. p. 203, sqq. Cf. - Thiersch, Etat Actuel de la Grèce, t. i. p. 288. 296. Damm. Nov. Lex. - Græc. Etym. 1122. - -Footnote 1569: - - Geop. v. 19. - ------ - -It is a peculiar feature in the character of the ancients that they -loved to attribute to the inferior animals the first hints of various -useful practices. Thus they maintained it was the ass that, by browsing -on the extremities of the vine, which only made it bear the more -luxuriantly, taught them the art of pruning as well perhaps as that of -feeding on the tendrils and tender branches,[1570] which among them were -esteemed a delicacy. To manifest their gratitude for this piece of -instruction they erected at Nauplia,[1571] a marble statue in honour of -this ill-used quadruped, who has seldom, I fear, from that day to this, -been so well treated. The rules observed in pruning[1572] resembling -those still in use, it is unnecessary to repeat them, though it may be -worth mentioning, that the husbandman, who coveted an abundant vintage, -was careful to lop his vines[1573] with his brows shaded by an ivy -crown. They esteemed it a sign of a fruitful year when the fig-tree and -the white vine put forth luxuriantly in spring,[1574] after which they -had only to petition the gods against too much rain, or too much -drought,[1575] and those terrible hailstorms which sometimes devastate -whole districts. Against this calamity, however, they had a -preservative, which was to bind an amulet in the shape of a thong of -seal-hide or eagle’s wing, about one of the stocks,[1576] after which -the whole vineyard was supposed to be secure from injury. The same -effect was produced by striking a chalezite stone with a piece of iron -on the approach of a storm, and by hanging up in the vineyard a picture -of a bunch of grapes at the setting of the constellation of the -Lyre.[1577] To repel the ascent of vermin along the trunk it was smeared -with a thick coat of bitumen,[1578] imported from Cilicia, while to -preserve the branches from wasps a little olive-oil was blown over -them.[1579] - ------ - -Footnote 1570: - - Theoph. Caus. Plant. vi. 12. 9. After the vintage the goat and the - camel, among the modern Asiatics, are sometimes let into the vineyard - to browse upon the vine. Chandler, i. 163. - -Footnote 1571: - - Paus. ii. 38. 3. See, however, another interpretation of the passage - in the Tale of a Tub, where the author gravely insists, that, by Ass, - we are to understand a critic. Sect. iii. p. 96. - -Footnote 1572: - - Cf. Plat. De Rep. t. vi. p. 53. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 166. See an exact - representation of the pruninghook in the hand of Vertumnus. Mus. - Cortonens. pl. 36. This instrument was usually put into requisition - about the vespertinal rising of Arcturus. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 566, - sqq. - -Footnote 1573: - - Geop. v. 24. - -Footnote 1574: - - Theoph. Caus. Plant. i. 20. 5. - -Footnote 1575: - - Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 1117. Küst. - -Footnote 1576: - - Geop. i. 14. Cf. Sch. Aristoph. Nub. 1109. Husbandmen were accustomed - to nail the heads and feet of animals to the trunks of trees to - prevent their being withered by the operation of the evil eye. Sch. - Ran. 943. - -Footnote 1577: - - Geop. ii. 14. - -Footnote 1578: - - Theoph. De Lapid. § 49. Schneid. Cf. Sir John Hill, notes, p. 200. It - was likewise obtained from Seleucia Pieria in Syria. Strab. vii. 5. t. - ii. p. 106. - -Footnote 1579: - - Geop. iv. 10. - ------ - -While the grapes were growing, the ancients, following in the track of -nature, supposed them to need shade, since the leaves at that time put -forth most abundantly, to screen the young fruit from the scorching sun; -but when they began to don their gold or purple hues, observing the -foliage shrivel and shrink from about them, in order to admit the warm -rays to penetrate and pervade the fruit they then stripped the branches -and hastened the vintage,[1580] plucking moreover the clusters as they -ripened, lest they should drop off and be lost. But this partial -gathering of the grapes could only take place in their gardens, or where -the vine was trained about the house; for in the regular vineyards the -season of the vintage was regulated by law,[1581] as in Burgundy and the -south of France, in order to protect the public against the pernicious -frauds which would otherwise be practised. This, in Attica, usually -coincided with the heliacal rising of the constellation Arcturus.[1582] - ------ - -Footnote 1580: - - Xenoph. Œcon. xix. 9. - -Footnote 1581: - - Plat. De Legg. t. viii. 106. Geop. v. 45. - -Footnote 1582: - - Cf. Geop. i. 9. 9. - ------ - -When the magistrate had declared that the season of the vintage[1583] -was come, the servants of Bacchos hurried forth to the vine-clad hills, -converting their labours into a pretext for superabundant mirth and -revelry. The troops of vintagers, composed of youths and maidens, with -crowns of ivy on their heads, and accompanied by rural performers on the -flute or phorminx, moved forward with shout, and dance, and song, to the -sacred enclosures of Dionysos, surrounded with plaited hedgerows, and -blue streamlets.[1584] Here, where - - “——the showering grapes - In Bacchanal profusion reel to earth - Purple and gushing,” - -they at once commenced their joyous task. With sharp pruning-hooks[1585] -they separated the luxuriant clusters, gold or purple, from the vine, -and piling them in plaited baskets of osier or reed, bore them on their -shoulders to the wine-press. In this operation, as I have said, both men -and women joined; but the press was trodden by men only,[1586] who, half -intoxicated by pleasure,[1587] and the fumes of the young wine, chanted -loudly their ancient national lays in praise of Bacchos. - ------ - -Footnote 1583: - - Cf. Plut. Thes. § 22. - -Footnote 1584: - - Il. σ. 561, sqq. - -Footnote 1585: - - Scut. Heracl. 291, seq. On the modern modes of gathering the grapes, - see Redding Hist. of Modern Wines, chap. ii. 26, et seq. - -Footnote 1586: - - The practice is still the same in the Levant:—“The vintage was now - begun, the black grapes being spread on the ground in beds exposed to - the sun to dry for raisins; while in another part, the juice was - expressed for wine, a man with feet and legs bare, treading the fruit - in a kind of cistern, with a hole or vent near the bottom, and a - vessel beneath it to receive the liquor.” Chandler, ii. p. 2. - ------ - -The wine-press, which stood under cover, sometimes consisted of two -upright, and many cross beams,[1588] which, descending with great weight -upon the grapes squeezed forth all their juices, and these falling -through a species of strainer,[1589] upon an inclined slab, were poured -through a small channel formed for the purpose, into a broad open vessel -communicating with the vat. Into the process of wine-making[1590] it is -unnecessary to enter. It will be sufficient, perhaps, to say that, when -made, it was laid up in skins or large earthen jars until required for -use. The wines of modern Attica and the Morea[1591] are preserved from -becoming acid by a large infusion of resin.[1592] - ------ - -Footnote 1587: - - Anacreon, Od. 52. See a representation of the whole process in the - Mus. Cortonens, pl. 9, where the vintagers are clad in skins; and Cf. - Zoëga, Bassi Rilievi, tav. 26. - -Footnote 1588: - - Antich. di Ercol. t. i. tav. 35, p. 187. - -Footnote 1589: - - Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 527. - -Footnote 1590: - - For the making of the sweet wine (Βίβλινος οἶνος) which resembled, - perhaps, our Constantia or Malaga, and enjoyed extraordinary favour - among the ancients Hesiod gives particular directions. Opp. et Dies, - 611, sqq. Colum. xii. 39. Plin. Hist. Nat. xiv. 8. Pallad. xi. 19. - -Footnote 1591: - - Sibth. in Walp. Mem. ii. 235. Chandler, ii. 251. - -Footnote 1592: - - A few drops of the oil which ran from olives without pressing were - supposed by the ancients to render the wine stronger and more - lasting.—Geop. vii. 12. 20. On the boiled wine, σίραιον. Cf. Sch. - Aristoph. Vesp. 878. - ------ - -The sports,[1593] which took place during the vintage, were loud and -frolicsome, and distinguished sometimes for their excessive licence. -They brought forth a number of wine skins, filled tight, to the village -green, and there smearing them liberally with oil the staggering rustics -sought, each in his turn, to leap and stand upon one of them with his -naked foot.[1594] The missing, slipping, and falling, the awkward figure -they sometimes made upon the ground, the jokes, and shouts, and laughter -of the bystanders, mingled with the twanging of rustic instruments, and -the roar of Bacchanalian songs, constituted the charm of the rural -Dionysia, out of which, through many changes and gradations, arose, as -we have seen, the Greek drama. In order without shame to give the freer -licence to their tongues, they sometimes covered their faces with masks, -formed with the bark of trees, which, there can be no doubt, led to -those afterwards employed in the theatre. Sometimes a sort of -farce[1595] was acted, representing the search of the Athenians for the -bodies of Icarios and Erygone. The former, according to tradition, was -the person who taught the inhabitants of Attica the use of wine, with -which on a certain occasion he regaled a number of shepherds. These -demi-savages, observing their strength and their reason fail, imagined -themselves to have been poisoned, and falling, in revenge, upon the -donor, put him to death. His dog Mœra escaped, and leading Erygone to -the spot where her father had been murdered, she immediately hung -herself on the discovery of the corpse. Upon this they were all -transported to the skies, and changed into so many constellations, -namely Boötes,[1596] the Dog, and the Virgin, by whose brilliancy we are -still rejoiced nightly. Soon afterwards the maidens of Attica were -seized with madness and hung themselves in great numbers, upon which the -oracle being consulted, commanded the Athenians to make search for the -bodies of Icarios and Erygone. Being able to discover them nowhere on -earth, they suspended ropes from the branches of lofty trees, by -swinging to and fro on which they appeared to be conducting their search -in the air; but many of these adventurous explorers receiving severe -falls, they were afterwards contented with suspending to the ropes -little images after their own likeness, which they sent hither and -thither in the air as their substitutes. - ------ - -Footnote 1593: - - Virg. Georg. ii. 580, sqq. Hes. Scut. Heracl. 291, sqq. Cf. Schol. - Theocrit. i. 48. - -Footnote 1594: - - See Book ii. chapter 3. - -Footnote 1595: - - Serv. ad Virg. Georg. ii. 389. - -Footnote 1596: - - Æl. de Anim. vi. 25. - ------ - -But all the produce of the vineyards was not appropriated to the making -of wine, great quantities of grapes[1597] being preserved for the table, -or converted into raisins.[1598] The latter were sometimes made by being -carefully gathered after the full moon, and put out to dry in the sun, -about ten o’clock in the morning, when all the dew was evaporated. For -this purpose, there was in every vineyard, garden, and orchard, a place -called Theilopedon,[1599] which would seem to have been a smooth raised -terrace, where not grapes only, but myrtle-berries, and every other kind -of fruit, were exposed to the sun on fine hurdles. Here, likewise, the -berries of the Palma Christi[1600] were prepared for the making of -castor oil. Another method was to twist the stem of the cluster[1601] -and allow the grapes to dry on the vine. They were then laid up in -vessels among vine leaves, dried also in the sun, covered close with a -stopper, and deposited in a cold room free from smoke. - ------ - -Footnote 1597: - - Geop. iv. 15. Cato, 7. Colum. xii. 39. Pallad. 11. 22. - -Footnote 1598: - - In the warm climate of Asia Minor grapes were sometimes turned into - raisins, on the stalk, by the sun.—Chandler, i. 77. - -Footnote 1599: - - Eustath. ad Odyss. η. p. 276. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 51. κρεμάθρα. - fruit-baskets, 219. - -Footnote 1600: - - Dioscor. i. 38. - -Footnote 1601: - - Geop. v. 52. This we find is still the practice in the islands of the - Archipelago, for the purpose of making sweet wine. M. l’ Abbé della - Rocca, who mentions it, enumerates at the same time the most delicious - sorts of grapes now cultivated in Greece—“On peut juger si les vins y - sont exquis, et si les anciens eurent raison d’appeller Naxie l’île de - Bacchus. Les raisins y sont monstrueux, et il arrive souvent que dans - un repas, on n’en sert qu’un seul pour le fruit; mais aussi - couvre-t-il toute la profondeur d’un grand bassin: les grains en sont - gros comme nos damas noirs. Il y a dans les îles des raisins de plus - de vingt sortes: les muscats de Ténédos et de Samos l’emportent sur - tous les autres; ceux de Ténédos sont plus ambrés; ceux de Samos, plus - délicats. Les Sentorinois, pour donner une saveur plus exquise à leurs - raisins, leur tordent la queue lorsqu’ils commencent à mûrir; après - quelques jours d’un soleil ardent, les raisins deviennent à demi - flétris, ce qui fait un vin dont ceux de la Cieutat et de - Saint-Laurent n’approchent pas. Les autres sortes de raisins sont - _l’aïdhoni_, petit raisin blanc qu’on mange vers la mi-juillet; le - _samia,_ gros raisin blanc qu’on fait sécher; le siriqui, ainsi nommé - parce qu’il a le goût de la cerise; _l’ætonychi_, qui a la figure de - l’ongle d’un aigle, et qui est très savoureux; le malvoisie, le muscat - violet, le corinthe, et plusieurs autres dont les noms me sont - échappés.” Traité sur les Abeilles, t. i. p. 6, seq. Speaking of the - prodigious productiveness of vines, Columella mentions one which bore - upwards of two thousand clusters, De Re Rust. iii. 3. A vine producing - a fifth of this quantity has been thought extraordinary in modern - Egypt: “Il n’est pas croyable combien rapporte un seul pied de vigne. - Il y en a un dans la maison Consulaire de France, qui a porté 436 - grosses grappes de raisin, et qui en donne ordinairement 300.”—De - Maillet, Description de l’Egypte, p. 17.* In the Grecian Archipelago, - however, the vine has been known to yield still more abundantly than - in Egypt: “On a compté pendant trois ans consécutifs, cent - trente-quatre grappes de raisin sur une souche; et sur un autre cep de - vigne planté dans un terrain très-gras, on a compté jusqu’à quatre - cent quatre-vingts grappes; et l’intendant de l’évêché de notre île - m’a plus d’une fois assuré qu’on avoit fait soixante-quinze bouteilles - de vin, avec le raisin d’un seul cep.” Della Rocca, t. i. p. 65. - ------ - -To preserve the grapes fresh some cut off with a sharp pruninghook the -clusters separately, others the branches on which they grew, after -which, dipping the stem into pitch and removing the damaged grapes with -a pair of scissors, they spread them in cool and shady rooms, on layers -of pulse-halm, or hay, or straw.[1602] The halm of lentils was usually -preferred, because it is hard and dry, and repels mice. On other -occasions, the branches were kept suspended, having sometimes been -previously dipped in sweet wine. Grapes were likewise preserved in -pitched coffers, immersed in dry saw-dust of the pitch tree, or the -silver fir, or the black poplar, or even in millet flour. Others plunged -the bunches in boiling sea-water, or if this were not at hand, into a -preparation of wine, salt, and water, and then laid them up in barley -straw. Others boiled the ashes of the fig-tree, or the vine, with which -they sprinkled the bunches. Others preserved grapes by suspending them -in granaries, where the grain beneath was occasionally moved, for the -dust rising from the corn settled on the outside of the clusters, and -protected them from the air. Another method was to boil rain-water to a -third, and then, after cooling it in the open air, and pouring it into a -pitched vessel, to fill it with clusters perfectly cleansed. The vessel -was then covered, luted with gypsum, and laid by in a cold place. The -grapes in this way remained quite fresh, and the water itself acquiring -a vinous taste was administered to sick persons in lieu of wine. -Occasionally, also, grapes as well as apples were kept in honey. - ------ - -Footnote 1602: - - Geop. iv. 15. 4. - ------ - -The most extraordinary, and perhaps the most effectual -contrivance,[1603] however, was to dig near the vine a pit three feet -deep, the bottom of which was covered with a layer of sand. A few short -stakes were then fixed upright in it, and to these a number of vine -branches laden with clusters were bent down and made fast. The whole was -then closely roofed over so as completely to keep out the rain, and in -this way the grapes would remain fresh till spring. - ------ - -Footnote 1603: - - Geop. iv. 11. Pallad. xii. 12. - ------ - -The labours of the vintage being concluded, the husbandman next turned -his attention to olive gathering and the making of oil. This, in Greece, -was a matter of great importance. The olives, therefore,[1604] for all -the better sorts of oil, were picked by hand, and not, as in Italy, -suffered to fall. When as many were gathered as could conveniently be -pressed during the following night and day, they were spread loosely on -fine hurdles, and not heaped up lest they should heat and lose the -delicacy of their flavour. They were, likewise, cleansed carefully from -leaves and every particle of wood, these substances, it was supposed, -impairing the quality and durability of the oil. Towards evening a -little salt was sprinkled over the olives, which were then put into a -clean mill,[1605] and so arranged that they could be bruised without -crushing the stones, from the juice of which the oil contracted a bad -taste. Having been sufficiently bruised, they were conveyed in small -vessels to the press, where they were covered with hurdles of green -willows, upon which, at first, was placed a moderate weight,—for that -which flows from slight pressure is the sweetest and purest oil, on -which account it was drawn off in clean leaden vessels,[1606] and -preserved apart. Greater weight was then added, and the mass having been -well writhen, the second runnings were laid up in separate vessels. The -next step was to cause the precipitation of the lees, which was effected -by mingling with the crude oil a little salt and nitre. It was then -stirred with a piece of olive-wood, and left to settle, when the amurca -or watery part sank to the bottom. The pure oil was then skimmed off -with a shell, and laid up in glass vases, this substance having been -preferred on account of its cold nature. In default of these, -pickle-jars, glazed with gypsum, were used, which were deposited in cool -cellars facing the north.[1607] - ------ - -Footnote 1604: - - Geop. ix. 19. 2. - -Footnote 1605: - - The fruit of the terebinth was ground, like the olive, in a mill, for - the making of oil. The kernels were used in feeding pigs, or for fuel. - Geop. ix. 18. - -Footnote 1606: - - Cf. Cato, De Re Rust. 66. This clear pure oil, sometimes rendered - odoriferous by perfumes, (Il. ψ. 186,) was chiefly employed in - lubricating the body. Thus we find the virgin in Hesiod anointing her - limbs with olive-oil to defend herself from the winter’s cold. Opp. et - Dies, 519, sqq. - -Footnote 1607: - - Vitruv. vi. 9. - ------ - -The Greeks had a variety of other oils besides that procured from the -olive,[1608] as walnut-oil, oil of terebinth, oil of sesamum, oil of -violets, oil of almonds, oil of Palma Christi, or castor-oil, oil of -saffron, oil of Cnidian laurel, oil of datura, oil of lentisk, oil of -mastic, oil of myrtle, and oil of mustard. They had, likewise,[1609] the -green and wild-olive oil, and the double-refined oil of Sicyon, together -with imitations of the Spanish and Italian oils. - ------ - -Footnote 1608: - - Geop. ix. 18. - -Footnote 1609: - - Geop. ix. 19, seq. iii. 13. Dioscor. i. 140. - ------ - -As fruit of all kinds was in great request among the Greeks, they had -recourse to numerous contrivances[1610] for ensuring an unfailing supply -throughout the year. At many of these our gardeners may, perhaps, smile, -but they were, nevertheless, most of them ingenious, and, probably, -effectual, though the fruit thus preserved may have been dear when -brought to market. Into the details of all their methods it will be -unnecessary to enter: the following were the principal and most curious. -Walnuts, chestnuts, filberts, &c., were gathered and kept in the -ordinary way. They understood the art of blanching almonds, which were -afterwards dried in the sun. Medlars, service-berries, winter-apples, -and the like, having been gathered carefully, were simply laid up in -straw, whether on the loft-floor or in baskets. This, likewise, was -sometimes the case with quinces, which, together with apples and pears, -were, on other occasions, deposited in dry fig-leaves. For these, in the -case of pears and apples, walnut-leaves were often substituted, -sometimes piled under and over them in heaps, at other times wrapped and -tied about the fruit, the hues and odours of which they were supposed -greatly to improve. - ------ - -Footnote 1610: - - Geop. x. 10–70. Cf. Mazois, Pal. de Scaurus, p. 182, seq. - ------ - -Citrons,[1611] pomegranates,[1612] apples, quinces, and pears, were -preserved in heaps of sand, grapestones, oak, poplar, deal, or cedar -sawdust, sometimes sprinkled with vinegar, chopped straw, wheat, or -barley, or the seeds of plants, all of which sufficed equally to exclude -the external air. Another method with apples[1613] was to lay them up -surrounded with sea-weed in unbaked jars, which were then deposited in -an upper room free from smoke and all bad smells. When sea-weed was not -procurable they put each apple into a small separate jar closely covered -up and luted. These apple-jars were often lined with a coating of wax. -Figs were, in like manner, preserved green[1614] by being enclosed in so -many small gourds. Citrons and pomegranates were often suffered to -remain throughout the winter on the tree, defended from wet and wind by -being capped with little fictile vases bound tightly to the branches to -keep them steady. Others enclosed these fruits, as well as apples, in a -thick coating of gypsum, preventing their falling off by binding the -stem to the branches with packthread. Nor was it unusual, even when -gathered, to envelope apples, quinces, and citrons, in a covering of the -same material, or potter’s clay, or argillaceous earth, mixed with hair, -sometimes interposing between the fruit and this crust a layer of -fig-leaves, after which they were dried in the sun. When at the end, -perhaps, of a whole year the above crust was broken and removed the -fruit came forth perfect as when plucked from the bough. It is possible, -therefore, that, in a similar manner, mangoes, mangusteens, and other -frail and delicate fruit of the tropics, might be brought fresh to -Europe, and that, too, in such abundance as to make them accessible to -most persons. To render pears and pomegranates durable, their stems were -dipped in pitch, after which they were hung up. In the case of the -latter the fruit itself was sometimes thus dipped; and, at other times, -immersed in hot sea-water, after which it was dried in the sun. One mode -of preserving figs was to plunge them in honey so as neither to touch -each other, nor the vessel in which they were contained; another, to -cover a pile of them with an inverted vase of glass, or other pellucid -substance, closely luted to the slab on which it stood. Cherries were -gathered before sunrise, and put, with summer savory above and below, -into a jar, or the hollow of a reed, which was then filled with sweet -vinegar, and closely covered. Mulberries were preserved in their own -juice, apples and quinces in pitched coffers, wrapped in clean locks of -wool, pears by being placed in salt[1615] for five days, and afterwards -dried in the sun, as were also figs, which were strung by the stalks to -a piece of cord or willow twig, like so many hanks of onions[1616] as -they are sold in modern times. Elsewhere they were preserved, as dates -in Egypt, by being pressed together in square masses, like bricks.[1617] -Damascenes were kept in must or sweet wine, as were also pears, adding -sometimes a little salt and jujubes, with leaves, above and below. The -same course was pursued with apples and quinces, which communicated to -the liquor additional durability and the most exquisite fragrance. -Quinces, whose sharp effluvia prevented their being placed with other -fruit, were often put into closely-covered jars, and kept floating in -wine to which they imparted a delicious perfume. The same custom was -observed with respect to figs, which were cut off on the bearing branch -a little before they were ripe, and hung, so as not to touch each other, -in a square earthen jar. Upon the same principle apples were preserved -in jars hermetically sealed, which, for the sake of coolness, were -plunged in cisterns or deep wells.[1618] - ------ - -Footnote 1611: - - Palladius, iv. 10. - -Footnote 1612: - - We find mention in modern times of a species of pomegranate, the - kernels of which are without stones, peculiar apparently to the island - of Scio. “It is usual to bring them to table, in a plate, sprinkled - with rose-water.” Chandler, i. 58. - -Footnote 1613: - - Cf. Philost. Icon. t. 31. p. 809. ii. 2. p. 812. - -Footnote 1614: - - Ficus virides servari possunt vel in melle ordinatæ, ne se invicem - tangant, vel singulæ intra viridem cucurbitam clausæ, locis unicuique - cavatis, et item tessera, quæ secatur, inclusis, suspensa ea - cucurbita, ubi non sit ignis vel fumus. Pallad. iv. 10. - -Footnote 1615: - - Cato, 7. Varro. i. 59. Colum. xii. 14. - -Footnote 1616: - - Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 755. Sibth. in Walp. Mem. ii. 61. - -Footnote 1617: - - Phot. ap. Brunckh. ad Aristoph. Pac. 574. - -Footnote 1618: - - Pallad. iii. 25. - ------ - -It may, perhaps, be worth while to mention, in passing, that, like -ourselves, the ancients possessed the art of extracting perry and -cider[1619] from their pears and apples; and from pomegranates a species -of wine which is said to have been of an extremely delicate flavour. The -Egyptians, also, made wine from the fruit of the lotos.[1620] - ------ - -Footnote 1619: - - Pallad. iii. 25. Colum. xii. 45. - -Footnote 1620: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. iv. 3. i. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - STUDIES OF THE FARMER. - - -In other branches of rural economy the country gentlemen of Attica -exhibited no less enthusiasm or skill. Indeed, throughout Greece, there -prevailed a similar taste. Every one was eager to instruct and be -instructed; and so great in consequence was the demand for treatises on -husbandry, theoretical and practical, that numerous writers, the names -of fifty of whom are preserved by Varro,[1621] made it the object of -their study. Others without committing the result of their experience to -writing, devoted themselves wholly to its practical improvement. They -purchased waste or ill-cultivated lands, and, by investigating the -nature of the soil, skilfully adapting their crops to it, manuring, -irrigating, and draining, converted a comparative desert into a -productive estate.[1622] We can possibly, as Dr. Johnson insists, -improve very little our knowledge of agriculture by erudite researches -into the methods of the ancients; though Milton was of opinion, that -even here some useful hints might be obtained. In describing, however, -what the Greeks did, I am not pretending to enlighten the present age, -but to enable it to enjoy its superiority by instituting a comparison -with the ruder practices of antiquity. - ------ - -Footnote 1621: - - De Re Rusticâ, i. 1. Cf. Colum. i. 1. - -Footnote 1622: - - Xenoph. Œconom. xx. 22, sqq. - ------ - -Already in those times the men of experience and routine,[1623] had -begun to vent their sneers against philosophers for their profound -researches into the nature of soils,[1624] in which, however, they by no -means designed to engage the husbandman, but only to present him, in -brief and intelligible maxims, with the fruit of their labours. -Nevertheless the practical husbandman went to work a shorter way. He -observed his neighbour’s grounds,[1625] saw what throve in this soil, -what in the other, what was bettered by irrigation, what in this respect -might safely be left to the care of Heaven; and thus, in a brief space, -acquired a rough theory wherewith to commence operations. An -agriculturist, the Athenians thought, required no recondite erudition, -though to his complete success the exercise of much good sense and -careful observation was necessary. Every man would, doubtless, know in -what seasons of the year he must plough and sow and reap, that lands -exhausted by cultivation must be suffered to lie fallow, that change of -crops is beneficial to the soil, and so on. But the great art consists -in nicely adapting each operation to the varying march of the seasons, -in converting accidents to use, in rendering the winds, the showers, the -sunshine, subservient to your purposes, in mastering the signs of the -weather, and guarding as far as possible against the injuries sustained -from storms of rain or hail. - ------ - -Footnote 1623: - - Cf. Plat. De Legg. t. vii. p. 111. t. viii. p. 103. - -Footnote 1624: - - Xenoph. Œconom. xvi. 1, sqq. - -Footnote 1625: - - The sight of a rich and thriving neighbour operated likewise as a spur - to his industry:— - - Εἰς ἕτερον γάρ τίς τε ἰδὼν ἔργοιο χατίζων - Πλούσιον ὅς σπεύδει μέν ἀρόμμεναι ἠδὲ φυτεύειν, - Οἶκον τ᾽ εὖ θέσθαι· ζηλοῖ δὲ τε γείτονα γείτων - Εἰς ἄφενον σπεύδοντ᾽ ἀγαθὴ δ᾽ - Ἔρις ἥδε βροτοῖσι. - Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 21, sqq. - ------ - -There was in circulation among the Greeks a small body of precepts, -addressed more especially to husbandmen, designed to promote the real -object of civilisation. Quaint, no doubt, and ineffably commonplace, -they will now appear, but they served, nevertheless, in early and rude -times, to soften the manners and regulate the conduct of the rustic -Hellenes. Who first began to collect and preserve them is, of course, -unknown; they are thickly sprinkled through the works of Hesiod,[1626] -and impart to them an air of moral dignity which relieves the monotony -that would otherwise result from a mere string of agricultural maxims. -The chief aim of the poet seems to be, to promote peace and good -neighbourhood, to multiply among the inhabitants of the fields occasions -of joining the “rough right hand,”[1627] to apply the sharp spur to -industry, and thus to augment the stores, and, along with them, the -contentment, of his native land. Be industrious, exclaims the poet, for -famine is the companion of the idle. Labour confers fertility on flocks -and herds, and is the parent of opulence. He who toils is beloved by -gods[1628] and men, while the idle hand is the object of their aversion. -The slothful man envies the prosperity of his neighbour; but glory is -the reward of virtue. Prudence heaps up that which profligacy -dissipates. Be hospitable to the stranger, for he who repels the -suppliant from his door is no less guilty than the adulterer, than the -despoiler of the orphan, or the wretch who blasphemes his aged parent on -the brink of the grave: of such men the end is miserable, when Zeus -rains down vengeance upon them in recompense for their evil actions. Be -mindful that thou offer up victims to the gods with pure hands and holy -thoughts,—to pour libations in their temples, adorn their altars, and -render them propitious to thee in all things. When about to ascend thy -couch to enjoy sweet sleep, and when the sacred light of the day-spring -first appears, omit not to demand of heaven a pure heart and a cheerful -mind, with the means of extending thy possessions, and protection from -loss. When thou makest a feast, invite thy friends and thy neighbours, -and in times of trouble they will run to thy assistance half-clad, while -thy relations will tarry to buckle on their girdles. Borrow of thy -neighbour, but, in repaying him, exceed rather than fall short of what -is his due. Rise betimes. Every little makes a mickle. Store is no sore. -Housed corn breaks no sleep. Drink largely the top and the bottom of the -jar; be sparing of the middle:[1629] it is niggardly to stint your -friends when the wine runs low. Do unto others as they do unto -you.—These seeds of morality are simple, as I have said, and far from -recondite; but they produced the warriors of Marathon and Platæa, and -preserved for ages the freedom and the independence of Greece. - ------ - -Footnote 1626: - - Opp. et Dies, 298, sqq. - -Footnote 1627: - - Sch. Aristoph. Pac. 190. - -Footnote 1628: - - Καὶ τ᾽ ἐργαζόμενος πολὺ φίλτερος ἀθανάτοισιν. - Ἔσσεαι ἠδὲ βροτοῖς· μάλα γὰρ στυγέουσιν ἀεργούς. - Opp. et Dies. 309, seq. - -Footnote 1629: - - Cf. Plut. Sympos. vii. 3. - ------ - -The other branches of an Hellenic farmer’s studies comprehended -something like the elements of natural philosophy,—the influence of the -sun and moon, the rising and setting of the stars, the motion of the -winds, the generation and effects of dews, clouds, meteors, showers and -tempests, the origin of springs and fountains, and the migrations and -habits of birds and other animals. In addition to these things, it was -necessary that he should be acquainted with certain practices, prevalent -from time immemorial in his country, and, probably, deriving their -origin from ages beyond the utmost reach of tradition. The source of -these we usually denominate superstition, though it would, perhaps, be -more proper to regard them as the offspring of that lively and plastic -fancy which gave birth to poetry and art, and inclined its possessors to -create a sort of minor religion, based on a praiseworthy principle, but -developing itself chiefly in observances almost always minute and -trifling, and sometimes ridiculous. To describe all these at length -would be beside my present purpose, which only requires that I mention -by the way the more remarkable of those connected especially with -agriculture. - -The knowledge of soil was called into play both in purchasing estates -and in appropriating their several parts to different kinds of culture. -According to their notions, which appear to have been founded on long -experience, and in most points, I believe, agree with those which still -prevail, a rich black mould, deep, friable, and porous,[1630] which -would resist equally the effects of rain and drought, was, for all -purposes, the best. Next to this they esteemed a yellow alluvial soil, -and that sweet warm ground which best suited vines, corn, and trees. The -red earth, also, they highly valued, except for timber. - -Their rules for detecting the character and qualities of the soil appear -to have been judicious. Good land, they thought, might be known even -from its appearance, since in drought it cracks not too much, and during -heavy and continued showers becomes not miry, but suffers all the rain -to sink into its bosom. That earth they considered inferior which in -cold weather becomes baked, and is covered on the surface by a -shell-like incrustation. They judged, likewise, of the virtue of the -soil by the luxuriant or stunted character of its natural -productions:[1631] thus they augured favourably of those tracts of -country which were covered by vast and lofty timber-trees, while such as -produced only a dwarfed vegetation, consisting of meagre bushes, -scattered thickets, and hungry grass, they reckoned almost worthless. - ------ - -Footnote 1630: - - Geop. ii. 9. In these rich loams, particularly on the banks of the - Stymphalian and Copaic lakes, wheat has been known to yield a return - of fifty-fold. Thiersch, Etat Act. de la Grèce. t. ii. p. 17. - - Other spots, again, return thirty-fold. Sibth. in Walp. Mem. i. 60. - -Footnote 1631: - - The pitch-pine indicated a light and hungry soil; the cypress, a - clayey soil. Philost. Icon. ii. 9. p. 775. - ------ - -Not content with the testimony of the eye, some husbandmen were -accustomed to consult both the smell and the taste; for, digging a pit -of some depth, they took thence a small quantity of earth, from the -odour of which they drew an opinion favourable or otherwise. But to -render surety doubly sure, they then threw it into a vase, and poured on -it a quantity of potable water, which they afterwards tasted, inferring -from the flavour the fertility or barrenness of the soil. This was the -experiment most relied on; though many considered that soil sweet which -produced the basket-rush, the reed, the lotos, and the bramble. On some -occasions they employed another method, which was, to make a small -excavation, and then, throwing back the earth into the opening whence it -had been drawn, to observe whether or not it filled the whole -cavity:[1632] if it did so, or left a surplus, the soil was judged to be -excellent; if not, they regarded it as of little value. Soils possessing -saline qualities were shunned by the ancients, who carefully avoided -mingling salt with their manure, though lands of this description were -rightly thought to be well adapted to the cultivation of -palm-trees,[1633] which they produce in the greatest perfection,[1634] -as in Phœnicia, Egypt, and the country round Babylon.[1635] - ------ - -Footnote 1632: - - Geop. ii. 11. - -Footnote 1633: - - The Grecian husbandman, therefore, when planting palm-trees in any - other than a sandy soil, sprinkled salt on the earth immediately - around. Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 6. 2. - -Footnote 1634: - - Geop. ii. 10. - -Footnote 1635: - - Xenoph. Anab. ii. 3. 16. The doom-palm, generally, I believe, supposed - to be peculiar to Upper Egypt and the countries beyond the cataract, - was anciently cultivated also in Crete. Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 6. 3. - ------ - -Another art in which the condition of the husbandman required him to be -well versed was that of discovering the signs of latent springs,[1636] -the existence of which it was necessary to ascertain before laying the -foundation of a new farm. The investigation was complicated, and carried -on in a variety of ways. First, and most obvious, was the inference -drawn from plants and the nature of the soil itself; for those grounds, -they thought, were intersected below by veins of water which bore upon -their surface certain tribes of grasses and herbs and bushes, as the -couch-grass, the broad-leaved plantain, the heliotrope, the red-grass, -the agnus-castus, the bramble, the horse-tail, or shave-grass, ivy, -bush-calamint, soft and slender reeds,[1637] maiden-hair, the melilot, -ditch-dock, cinquefoil, or five leaf-grass, broad-leaved bloodwort, the -rush, nightshade, mil-foil, colt’s-foot or foal’s-foot, trefoil or -pond-weed, and the black thistle. Spring-heads were always supposed to -lurk beneath fat and black loam, as, likewise, in a stony soil, -especially where the rocks are dark and of a ferruginous colour. But in -argillaceous districts, particularly where potter’s-clay abounds, or -where there are many pebbles and pumice-stones,[1638] they are of rare -occurrence. - ------ - -Footnote 1636: - - Geop. ii. 4, sqq. - -Footnote 1637: - - Philost. Icon. ii. 9. p. 775. - -Footnote 1638: - - Spallanzani, in his scientific Travels in the Two Sicilies, describes - and explains the cause of the rarity of springs in volcanic countries. - In some districts among the roots of Ætna the female peasants are - compelled to travel ten miles, at certain seasons of the year, in - search of water, a jar of which costs, consequently, almost a day’s - journey. vol. i. p. 299, sqq. In another part of the same work he - investigates the origin of springs in the Æolian isles, which he - illustrates by the example of Stromboli. iv. 128. In this island there - are two fountains, one of slightly tepid water, at the foot of the - mountain, the other on its slope. “Je recontrai,” observes Monsieur - Dolomieu, “à moitié hauteur une source d’eau froide, douce, légère et - très bonne à boire, qui ne tarit jamais et qui est l’unique ressourse - des habitans lorsque leurs cîternes sont épuisées et lorsque les - chaleurs ont desséché une seconde source qui est au pied de la - montagne ce qui arrive tous les étés.” He then adds with reason: - “Cette petite fontaine dans ce lieu très élevé au milieu des cendres - volcaniques, est très remarquable, elle ne peut avoir son réservoir - que dans une pointe de montagne isolée, toute de sable et de pierres - poreuses, matières qui ne peuvent point retenir l’eau, puisqu’elles - sont perméables à la fumée.” Voyage aux Iles de Lipari, t. i. p. 120. - He then endeavours to account for its existence by evaporation. In the - island of Saline, among the same Æolian group, there is another - never-failing spring, which, as some years no rain falls in these - islands during the space of nine months, has greatly perplexed the - theories of naturalists. Spallanzani conceives, however, that the - phenomenon may be explained in the usual way: “It appears to me,” he - says, “extremely probable, that in the internal parts of an island - which, like this, is the work of fire, there may be immense caverns - that may be filled with water by the rains; and that in some of these - which are placed above the spring, the water may always continue at - nearly the same height.” Travels in the Two Sicilies, vol. iv. p. 136. - ------ - -To the above indications they were in most cases careful to add others. -Ascending ere sunrise to a higher level than the spot under examination, -they observed by the first rays and before the light thickened, whether -they could detect the presence of any exhalations, which were held -unerringly to indicate the presence of springs below. Sometimes -inquisition was made during the bright and clear noon, when the -subterraneous retreats of the Naiads were supposed in summer to be -betrayed by cloudlets of thin silvery vapour, and in the winter season -by curling threads of steam. In this way the natives of southern Africa -discover the existence of hidden fountains in the desert.[1639] Swarms -of gnats flitting hither and thither, or whirling round and ascending in -a column, were regarded as another sign. - ------ - -Footnote 1639: - - Le Vaillant, t. viii. p. 162. Even in the southern provinces of - France, the discovery of hidden springs is an art of no mean - importance; and the persons who possess it are regarded as public - benefactors. Thus, as I learn from my friend M. Louis Froment, of the - department of the Lot, M. Paramelle, a curé having a living in that - part of the country, is held in high estimation on account of the - power he possesses of discovering the lurking retreats of - spring-heads. He is able, from a certain distance, and without the - least hesitation, to point out the source of living water, determine - the depth at which it is to be found, say, without ever falling into - error, what is the quantity and what the quality of the water. Without - seeking to penetrate the plan, of which he keeps the secret, his - countrymen avail themselves of the advantages offered to them; and the - inhabitants of one village, situated on a calcareous tableland, have - discovered, by the assistance of M. Paramelle, a source in their - market-place, whilst before they were compelled to seek water at a - distance of five miles. - ------ - -When not entirely satisfied by any of the above means, they had recourse -to the following experiment:[1640] sinking a pit to the depth of about -four feet and a half, they took a hemispherical pan or lead basin, and -having anointed it with oil, and fastened with wax a long flake of wool -to the bottom, placed it inverted in the pit. It was then covered with -earth about a foot deep, and left undisturbed during a whole night. On -its being taken forth in the morning, if the inside of the vessel were -covered thickly with globules, and the wool were dripping wet, it was -concluded there were springs beneath, the depth of which they calculated -from the scantiness or profusion of the moisture. A similar trial was -made with a sponge covered with reeds. - ------ - -Footnote 1640: - - Geop. ii. 4. - ------ - -Since most streams and rivers take their rise in lofty table-lands or -mountains, which by the ancients were supposed to be richer in springs -in proportion to the number of their peaks, it would seem to follow, -that scarcely any country in Europe should be better supplied with water -than Greece. Experience, however, shows, that this in modern times is -not the fact, several rivers supposed to have been of great volume in -antiquity, having now dwindled into mere brooks, and innumerable -streamlets and fountains become altogether dry; on which account the -credit of Greek writers is often impugned, it being supposed that the -natural characteristics of the country must necessarily be invariable. -But this is an error. For the existence of springs and rivulets depends -less perhaps on the presence of mountains than on the prevalence of -forests, as Democritos[1641] long ago observed. Now, from a variety of -causes, still in active operation, the ridges and hills and lower -eminences of modern Greece have been almost completely denuded of trees, -along with which have necessarily disappeared the well-springs, and -runnels, and cascades, and rills, and mountain tarns, which anciently -shed beauty and fertility over the face of Hellas, whose highlands were -once so densely clad with woods[1642] that the peasants requiring a -short cut from one valley to another, were compelled to clear themselves -a pathway with the axe.[1643] To restore to Greece, therefore, its -waters, and the beauty and riches depending on them, the mountains must -be again forested, and severe restraint put on the wantonness of those -vagrant shepherds who constantly expose vast woods to the risk of entire -destruction for the sake of procuring more delicate grass for their -flocks.[1644] - ------ - -Footnote 1641: - - Geop. ii. 6. - -Footnote 1642: - - Cf. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 233, where he speaks of swarms of wild bees - on the slopes of the mountains. - - In another passage this poet describes the ravages and devastation of - a hurricane amid the fountain forests: - - Μῆνα δὲ Ληναιῶνα, κάκ᾽ ἤματα, βουδόρα πάντα, - τοῦτον ἀλεύασθαι, καὶ πηγάδας, αἵτ ἐπὶ γαῖαν - πνεύσαντος Βορέαο δυσηλεγέες τελέθουσιν, - ὅστε διὰ Θρῄκης ἱπποτρόφου ἐυρέϊ πόντῳ - ἐμπνεύσας ὤρινε· μέμυκε δὲ γαῖα καὶ ὕλη. - πολλὰς δὲ δρῦς ὑψικόμους ἐλάτας τε παχείας - οὔρεος ἐν βήσσῃς πιλνᾷ χθονὶ πουλυβοτείρῃ - ἐμπίπτων, καὶ πᾶσα βοᾷ τότε νήριτος ὕλη. - Opp. et Dies, 504, sqq. - - The pine and pitch trees, it is related by Theophrastus, were often - uprooted by the winds in Arcadia. Hist. Plant. iii. 6. 4. - -Footnote 1643: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. 3. 7. In all countries, small and great, the - progress of civilisation has been inimical to forests. Thus in the - little island of Stromboli, containing about a thousand inhabitants, - attempts were made towards the end of the eighteenth century to - enlarge the cultivable ground by clearing away the woods. Spallanzani, - Travels in the Two Sicilies, vol. iv. p. 126, seq. The difficulty of - extirpating trees is illustrated by Theophrastus who relates that, in - a spot near Pheneon in Arcadia, a well-wooded tract was overflowed by - the water and the trees destroyed. Next year, when the flood had - subsided and the mud dried, each kind of tree appeared in the - situation which it had formerly occupied. The willow, the elm, the - pine, and the fir, growing in its own place, doubtless from the roots - of the former trees. Hist. Plant. iii. 1. 2. Again: the Nessos, in the - territory of the Abderites, constantly changed its bed, and in the old - channels trees sprung up so rapidly that, in three years, they were so - many strips of forest. Id. iii. 1. 5. - -Footnote 1644: - - Thiersch, Etat Actuel de la Grèce. t. i. p. 276. It is remarked by - Theophrastus, however, that pine forests, being destroyed by fire, - shot up again, as happened in Lesbos, on a mountain near Pyrrha. Hist. - Plant. iii. 9. 4. - ------ - -In Attica,[1645] both fields and gardens were chiefly irrigated by means -of wells which, sometimes, in extremely long and dry summers, failed -entirely, thus causing a scarcity of vegetables.[1646] The water, we -find, was drawn up by precisely the same machinery as is still employed -for the purpose. The invention of these conveniences of primary -necessity having preceded the birth of tradition, has, by some writers, -been attributed to Danaos, who is supposed to have emigrated from Egypt -into Greece. Arriving, we are told, at Argos, he, upon the failure of -spontaneous fountains, taught the inhabitants to dig wells, in -consequence of which he was elected chief. But where was Danaos himself -to have learned this art? He is said to have been an Egyptian, and Egypt -is a country so entirely without springs, that two only exist within its -limits, and of these but one was known to the ancients. Of wells they -had none. Danaos could, therefore, if he was an Egyptian, have known -nothing of springs or wells; and, if he had such knowledge, he must have -come from some other land.[1647] - ------ - -Footnote 1645: - - Cf. Chandler, i. p. 261. The apparatus now used in irrigation by the - Sciots exactly resembles that of the Egyptian Arabs. Id. i. 315. - -Footnote 1646: - - Demosth. Adv. Polycl. § 16. On the supply of water to Athens we - possess little positive information, though we cannot doubt that all - possible advantage was taken of those pure sources which are still - found in its neighbourhood. “In no country necessity was more likely - to have created the hydragogic art than in Attica; and we have - evidence of the attention bestowed by the Athenians upon their canals - and fountains in the time of Themistocles, as well as in that of - Alexander the Great.” Col. Leake, on some disputed points in the - Topography of Athens. Trans. Lit. Soc. iii. 189. Cf. Aristoph. Av. - Schol. 998. Plut. Themist. § 31. Arist. Polit. vi. 8. vii. 12. We - find, from Theophrastus, that there was in his time, an aqueduct in - the Lyceum with a number of plane trees growing near it. Theoph. Hist. - Plant. i. 7. 1. - -Footnote 1647: - - Mitford, i. 33, seq. In Bœotia, Babylonia, Egypt, and Cyrenaica, - the dew served instead of rain. Theoph. Hist. Plant. viii. 4. 6. - ------ - -Where there existed neither wells nor fountains, people were compelled -to depend on rain-water, collected and preserved in cisterns.[1648] For -this purpose troughs were in some farm-houses run along the eaves both -of the stables, barns, and sheep-cotes, as well as of the dwelling of -the family, while others used only that which ran from the last, the -roof of which was kept scrupulously clean. The water was conveyed -through wooden pipes[1649] to the cisterns, which appear to have been -frequently situated in the front court.[1650] Bad water they purified in -several ways: by casting into it a little coral powder,[1651] small -linen bags of bruised barley, or a quantity of laurel leaves, or by -pouring it into broad tubs and exposing it for a considerable time to -the action of the sun and air. When there happened to be about the farms -ponds of any magnitude, they introduced into them a number of eels or -river crabs, which opened the veins of the earth and destroyed leeches. - ------ - -Footnote 1648: - - Λακκοὶ. Machon. ap. Athen. xiii. 43. - -Footnote 1649: - - Geop. ii. 7. - -Footnote 1650: - - Sir W. Hamilton, Acc. of Discov. at Pompeii, p. 13. - -Footnote 1651: - - Water was cooled by being suspended in vessels over the mouths of - wells; and sometimes boiled previously to render the process more - complete. For, according to the Peripatetics, πᾶν ὕδωρ προθερμανθὲν - ψύχεται μᾶλλον, ὥσπερ τὸ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι παρασκευαζόμενον, ὅταν ἑψηθῇ - μέχρι ζέσεως, περισωρεύουσι τῷ ἀγγείῳ χιόνα πολλὴν, καὶ γίνεται - ψυχρότερον. Plut. Sympos. vi. 4. 1. - ------ - -A scarcely less important branch of the farmer’s studies was that which -related to the weather and the general march of the seasons.[1652] Above -all things, it behoved him to observe diligently the rising and setting -of the sun and moon. He was, likewise, carefully to note the state of -the atmosphere at the disappearance of the Pleiades, since it was -expected to continue the same until the winter solstice, after which a -change sometimes immediately supervened, otherwise there was usually no -alteration till the vernal equinox.[1653] Another variation then took -place in the character of the weather, which afterwards remained fixed -till the rising of the Pleiades, undergoing successively fresh mutations -at the summer solstice and the autumnal equinox. According to their -observations, moreover, a rainy winter[1654] was followed by a dry and -raw spring, and the contrary; and a snowy winter by a year of abundance. -But as nature by no means steadily follows this course, exhibiting many -sudden and abrupt fluctuations, it was found necessary to subject her -restless phenomena to a more rigid scrutiny, in order that rules might -be obtained for foretelling the approach of rain, or tempests, or -droughts, or a continuance of fair weather. Of these some, possibly, -were founded on imperfect observation or casual coincidences, or a -fanciful linking of causes and effects; while others, we cannot doubt, -sprang from a practical familiarity with the subtler and more shifting -elements of natural philosophy. - ------ - -Footnote 1652: - - Geop. i. 2–4. 11. Theophrast. De Signis Pluviarum et de Ventis, - _passim_. Our own agriculturists, also, were formerly much addicted to - these studies. Thus, “The oke apples, if broken in sunder about the - time of their withering, do foreshewe the sequel of the yeare, as the - expert Kentish husbandmen have observed, by the living things found in - them: as, if they find an ant, they foretell plentie of graine to - insue; if a whole worm, like a gentill or maggot, then they - prognosticate murren of beasts and cattle; if a spider, then (saie - they) we shall have a pestilence or some such like sickness to followe - amongst men. These things the learned, also, have observed and noted: - for Mathiolus, writing upon Dioscorides saith, that before they have - an hole through them, they conteine in them either a flie, a spider, - or a worme; if a flie, then warre insueth; if a creeping worme, then - scarcitie of victuals; if a running spider, then followeth great - sickness and mortalitie.” Gerrard, Herball, Third Book, c. 29. p. - 1158. Cf. Lord Bacon, Sylva Sylvarum, 561. - -Footnote 1653: - - Cf. Hesiod, Opp. et Dies, 486, seq. - -Footnote 1654: - - Cf. Lord Bacon, Sylva Sylvarum, 675. 812. - ------ - -As nothing more obviously interests the husbandman than the seasonable -arrival and departure of rains, everything connected with them, however -remotely, was observed and treasured up with scrupulous accuracy. Of all -the circumstances pre-signifying their approach the most certain was -supposed to be the aspect of the morning; for if, before sunrise, beds -of purpurescent clouds[1655] stretched along the verge of the horizon, -rain was expected that day, or the day after the morrow. The same augury -they drew, though with less confidence, from the appearance of the -setting sun,[1656] especially if in winter or spring it went down -through an accumulation of clouds or with masses of dusky rack on the -left. Again, if, on rising, the sun looked pale, dull red, or -spotted;[1657] or, if, previously, its rays were seen streaming -upwards;[1658] or, if, immediately afterwards, a long band of clouds -extended beneath it, intersecting its descending beams; or if the orient -wore a sombre hue; or if piles of sable vapour towered into the welkin; -or if the clouds were scattered loosely over the sky like fleeces of -wool;[1659] or came waving up from the south in long sinuous streaks—the -“mares’ tails” of our nautical vocabulary—the husbandman reckoned with -certainty upon rain, floods, and tempestuous winds. Among the signs of -showers peculiar to the site of Athens may be reckoned these following: -if a rampart of white ground-fogs begirt at night the basis of Hymettos; -or, if its summits were capped with vapour;[1660] or, if troops of mists -settled in the hollow of the smaller mount, called the Springless; or, -if a single cloud rested on the fane of Zeus at Ægina.[1661] The violent -roaring of the sea upon the beach was the forerunner of a gale, and they -were enabled to conjecture from what quarter it was to blow, by the -movements of the waters, which retreated from the shore before a north -wind; while, at the approach of the sirocco, they were piled up higher -than usual against the cliffs. Elsewhere, in Attica, they supposed wet -weather to be foretold by the summits of Eubœa rising clear, sharp, and -unusually elevated through a dense floor of exhalations, which, when -they mounted and gathered in blowing weather about the peaks of -Caphareus,[1662] on the eastern shores of the island, presaged an -impending storm of five days’ continuance. But here these signs -concerned rather the mariner than the husbandman, since the cliffs that -stretched along this coast are rugged and precipitous, and the -approaches so dangerous that few vessels which are driven on it escape. -Scarcely are the crews able to save themselves, unless their bark happen -to be extremely light. Another portent of foul weather was the -apparition of a circle about the moon, while, by the double reflection -of its orb north and south, that luminary appeared to be multiplied into -three. At night, also, if the nubecula,[1663] called the Manger, in the -constellation of the Crab, shone less luminously, it betokened a similar -state of the atmosphere. A like inference[1664] was drawn when the moon -at three days old rose dusky; or, with blunt horns; or, with its rim, or -whole disk, red; or blotted with black spots; or encircled by two -halos.[1665] - ------ - -Footnote 1655: - - Cf. Arato. Prognost. 102, sqq. But, on the other hand, “purus oriens, - atque non fervens, serenum diem nuntiat.” Plin. Hist. Nat. xviii. 78. - Aristot. Problem. xxvi. 8. - -Footnote 1656: - - The sun-sets of the Mediterranean exhibit, as most travellers will - have observed, a variety of gorgeous phenomena, which, as betokening - certain states of the atmosphere serve as so many admonitions to the - husbandman. The sun before going down “assumed,” observes Dr. - Chandler, “a variety of fantastic shapes. It was surrounded, first, - with a golden glory of great extent, and flamed upon the surface of - the sea in a long column of fire. The lower half of the orb soon after - emerged in the horizon, the other portion remaining very large and - red, with half of a smaller orb beneath it, and separate, but in the - same direction, the circular rim approaching the line of its diameter. - These two, by degrees, united, and then changed rapidly into different - figures, until the resemblance was that of a capacious punch-bowl - inverted. The rim of the bottom extending upward, and the body - lengthening below it, became a mushroom on a stalk with a round head. - It was next metamorphosed into a flaming caldron, of which the lid, - rising up, swelled nearly into an orb and vanished. The other portion - put on several uncircular forms, and, after many twinklings and faint - glimmerings, slowly disappeared, quite red, leaving the clouds hanging - over the dark rocks on the Barbary shore finely tinged with a vivid - bloody hue.” Travels, i. p. 4. Appearances similar, though of inferior - brilliance and variety, are sometimes witnessed in the Western - Hemisphere. Describing the beauties of an evening on the Canadian - shore, Sir R. H. Bonnycastle observes: “First, there was a double sun - by reflection, each disk equally distinct; afterwards, when the orb - reached the mark x, a solid body of light, equal in breadth with the - sun itself, but of great length from the shore, shot down on the sea, - and remained like a broad fiery golden column, or bar, until the black - high land hid the luminary itself.” The Canadas in 1841. v. i. p. 34. - -Footnote 1657: - - Ille ubi nascentem maculis variaverit ortum - Conditus in nubem, medioque refugerit orbe; - Suspecti tibi sint imbres. - Virg. Georg. i. 441, sqq. - -Footnote 1658: - - Plin. Hist. Nat. xviii. 78. Aratus, Prognost. 137, sqq. - -Footnote 1659: - - Cf. Plin. xviii. 82. “Si nubes ut vellera lanæ spargentur multæ ab - oriente, aquam in triduum præsagient;” and Virg. Georg, i. 397: - - Tenuia nec lanæ per cœlum vellera ferri. - -Footnote 1660: - - If the Mounts Parnes and Brylessus appeared enveloped in clouds, the - circumstance was thought to foretel a tempest. Theoph. de Sign. Pluv. - iii. 6. Cf. Strabo. ix. 11. t. ii. p. 253. - -Footnote 1661: - - Pausan. ii. 30. 3. Pind. Nem. v. 10. Dissen.—Müll. Æginetica, § 5. p. - 19. - -Footnote 1662: - - Dion. Chrysost. i. 222. Cf. Aristot. Prob. xxvi. 1. - -Footnote 1663: - - This is explained by Lord Bacon. “The upper regions of the air,” he - observes, “perceive the collection of the matter of tempest and wind - before the air here below. And, therefore, the observing of the - smaller stars is a sign of tempests following.” Sylva Sylvarum, 812. - -Footnote 1664: - - Similar observations have been made in most countries, as we find from - the signs of the weather collected by Erra Pater, and translated by - Lilly, Part iv. § 3–5. - -Footnote 1665: - - Cf. Seneca. Quæst. Nat. i. c. 2. - ------ - -The phenomena of thunder and lightning, likewise, instructed the -husbandman who was studious in the language of the heavens: thus, when -thunder was heard in winter or in the morning, it betokened wind; in the -evening or at noon, in summer, rain; when it lightened from every part -of the heavens, both. Falling stars[1666] likewise denoted wind or rain, -originating in that part of the heavens where they appeared. - -Among our own rustics the whole philosophy of rainbows has been -compressed into a couple of distichs: - - A rainbow at night - Is the shepherd’s delight. - A rainbow in the morning - Is the shepherd’s warning. - ------ - -Footnote 1666: - - Aristot. Problem, xxvi. 24. Alexand. Aphrodis. Problem. i. 72. Plin. - xviii. 80. Virg. Georg. i. 365, sqq. - - Sæpe etiam stellas, vento impendente, videbis - Præcipites cœlo labi, noctisque per umbram - Flammarum longos à tergo albescere tractus. - ------ - -And upon this subject,[1667] the peasants of Hellas had little more to -say; their opinion having been that, in proportion to the number of -rainbows, would be the fury and continuance of the showers with which -they were threatened. - ------ - -Footnote 1667: - - On the effects of the rainbow the ancients held a curious opinion, - which Lord Bacon thus expounds:—“It hath been observed by the - ancients, that where a rainbow seemeth to hang over or to touch, there - breathed forth a sweet smell. The cause is, for that this happeneth - but in certain matters which have in themselves some sweetness, which - the gentle dew of the rainbow doth draw forth, and the like to soft - showers, for they also make the ground sweet, but none are so delicate - as the dew of the rainbow where it falleth.” Sylva Sylvarum. 832. His - Lordship here, as in many other places, adopts the explanation of the - Peripatetics while he seems to be himself assigning the cause of the - phenomenon. Aristotle (Problem. 12. 3) enters fully into the subject, - which appears to have been brought under the notice of philosophers by - the shepherds who had observed that when certain thickets had been - laid in ashes the passing of a rainbow over the spot caused a sweet - odour to exhale from it. The same fact is noticed by Theophrastus, De - Caus. Plant. 6. 17. 7. Cf. Plin. Hist. Nat. 12. 52. 21. 18. 2. 60. To - many among the older philosophers that comparatively rare phenomenon, - the lunar rainbow, was unknown. (Arist. Meteor. iii. 2: νύκτωρ δ᾽ ἀπὸ - σελήνης ὡς μὲν οἱ ἀρχαῖοι ᾢοντο οὐκ ἐγίγνετο·) but in the time of - Aristotle it had been observed, and the cause of its pearly whiteness - investigated. Cf. Meteorol. iii. 4. 5. Senec. Quæst. Nat. i. 2, sqq. - ------ - -Other signs of mutation in the atmosphere they discovered in almost -every part of nature; for example, when bubbles rose on the surface of a -river they looked for a fall of rain; as also when small land-birds were -seen drenching their plumage; when the crow was beheld washing his head -upon the rocky beach,[1668] or the raven flapping his wings, while with -his voice he imitated amidst his croaking the pattering of drops of -rain; when the peasant was awakened in the morning by the cry of the -passing crane,[1669] or the shrill note of the chaffinch within his -dwelling. Flights of island birds flocking to the continent,[1670] -preceded drought; as a number of jackdaws and ravens flying up and down, -and imitating the scream of the hawk, did rain. The incessant shrieks of -the screech-owl and the vehement cawing of the crow, heard during a -serene night, foretold the approach of storms. The barn-door fowl and -the house-dog also played the part of soothsayers, teaching their master -to dread impending storms by rolling themselves in the dust. Of similar -import was the flocking of geese with noise to their food, or the -skimming of swallows along the surface of the water.[1671] Again, when -troops of dolphins were seen rolling near the shore, or oxen licking -their fore-hoofs, or looking southwards, or, with a suspicious air, -snuffing the elements,[1672] or going bellowing to their stalls; when -wolves approached the homesteads; when flies bit sharp,[1673] or frogs -croaked vociferously, or the ruddock, or land-toad, crept into the -water; when the salamander lizard appeared, and the note of the -green-frog was heard in the trees, the rustic donned his capote, and -prepared, like Anaxagoras at Olympia,[1674] for a shower. The flight of -the storm-birds, kepphoi,[1675] was supposed to indicate a tempest from -the point of the heavens towards which they flew. When in bright and -windless weather clouds of cobwebs,[1676] floated through the air, the -husbandman anticipated a drenching for his fields, as also when earthen -pots and brass pans emitted sparks; when lamps spat; when the wick made -mushrooms;[1677] when a halo encircled its flame,[1678] or when the -flame itself was dusky. The housewife was forewarned of coming -hail-storms, generally from the north, by a profusion of bright sparks -appearing on the surface of her charcoal fire; when her feet swelled she -knew that the wind would blow from the south.[1679] Heaps of clouds like -burnished copper rising after rain in the west portended fine weather; -as did likewise the tops of lofty mountains, as Athos, Ossa, and -Olympos, appearing sharply defined against the sky; while an apparent -augmentation in the height of promontories and the number of islands -foreshowed wind. - ------ - -Footnote 1668: - - Cf. Ælian. De Nat. Anim. vii. 7. - -Footnote 1669: - - Φράζεσθαι δ᾽, εὖτ᾽ ἂν γεράνου φωνὴν ἐπακούσῃς - ὑψόθεν ἐκ νεφέων ἐνιαύσια κεκληγυίης· - ἥτ᾽ ἀρότοιο τε σῆμα φέρει, καὶ χείματος ὥρην - δεικνύει ομβρηροῦ· κραδίην δ᾽ ἔδακ’ ἀνδρὸς ἀβούτεω. - Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 448, sqq. - - To the same purpose, Homer:—Il. γ. 3, sqq. - - Ἠΰτε περ κλαγγὴ γεράνων πέλει οὐρανόθι πρὸ, - αἵτ᾽ ἐπεὶ οὖν χειμῶνα φύγον καὶ ἀθέσφατον ὄμβρον, - κλαγγῇ ταίγε πέτονται ἐπ’ Ὠκεανοῖο ῥοάων. - - And Aristophanes:—(Av. 710, sqq.) - - Πρῶτα μὲν ὥρας φαίνομεν ἡμεῖς ἦρος, χειμῶνος, ὀπώρας · - Σπείρειν μὲν, ὅταν γέρανος κρώζουσ᾽ ἐς τὴν Λιβύην μεταχωρῇ, - καὶ πηδάλιον τότε ναυκλήρῳ φράζει κρεμάσαντι καθεύδειν. - -Footnote 1670: - - All birds which frequent the sea, more particularly those which fly - high, are observed to seek terra firma at the approach of foul - weather:—Ἀριστοτέλους ἀκούω λέγοντος, ὅτι ἄρα γέρανοι ἐκ τοὺς πελάγους - εἰς τὴν γῆν πετόμενοι, χειμῶνος ἀπειλὴν ἰσχουραὶ ὑποσημαίνουσι τῷ - συνιέντι. Ælian. De Nat. Anim. vii. 7. Before the great earthquake of - 1783, which shook the whole of Calabria and destroyed the city of - Messina, the mews and other aquatic birds were observed to forsake the - sea and take refuge in the mountains. Spallanzani, Travels in the Two - Sicilies, vol. iv. p. 158. - -Footnote 1671: - - Aut arguta lacus circumvolitat hirundo. Virg. Georg. i. 377. “Hirundo - tam juxta aquam volitans, ut penna sæpe percutiat.” Plin. xviii. 87. - -Footnote 1672: - - Plin. xviii. 88. Virg. Georg. i. 375.—Ælian, De Nat. Anim. vii. 8, - describes the ox before rain snuffing the earth, and adds: πρόβατα δὲ - ἐρυττοντα ταῖς ὁπλαῖς τὴν γῆν, ἔοικε σημαίνειν χιεμῶνα. - -Footnote 1673: - - Cf. Ælian De Nat. Anim. viii. 8. - -Footnote 1674: - - Diog. Laert. i. 3. 5. Ælian (De Nat. Anim. vii. 8) relates a curious - anecdote of Hipparchos who, from some change in the goatskin cloak he - wore, likewise foretold a rain storm to the great admiration of Nero. - -Footnote 1675: - - Probably the storm-finch observed frequently on the wing flying along - the Ægean sea, particularly when it is troubled. Sibth. in Walp. Mem. - i. 76. - -Footnote 1676: - - Cf. Aristot. Problem. xxvii. 63, where he investigates the causes of - the phenomenon; and Plin. Nat. Hist. xi. 28. - -Footnote 1677: - - Vid. Aristoph. Vesp. 262. The Scholiast entertains a somewhat - different notion:—φασὶν ὅτι ὑετοῦ μέλλοντος γενέσθαι οἱ περὶ τὴν - θρυαλλίδα τοῦ λύχνου σπινθῆρες ἀποπηδῶσιν, οὓς μύκητας νῦν λέγει, ὡς - τοῦ λύχνου ἐναντιουμένου τῷ νοτερῷ ἀέρι· καὶ Ἄρατος “ἢ λύχνοιο μύκητες - ἐγείρονται περὶ μύξαν, νύκτα κατὰ νοτίην.” - -Footnote 1678: - - Aristot. Meteorol. iii. 4. Seneca, Quæst. Nat. i. 2. - -Footnote 1679: - - Cf. Aristot. Problem. xxvi. 17. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER V. - THE VARIOUS PROCESSES OF AGRICULTURE. - - -If we now pass to the actual labours of the farm, and the implements by -which they were usually carried on, we shall find that the Grecian -husbandman was no way deficient in invention, or in that ingenuity by -which men have in all countries sought to diminish their toils. For the -purpose of procuring at a cheap rate whatever was wanted for the use of -the establishment,[1680] smiths, carpenters, and potters, were kept upon -the land or in its immediate neighbourhood; by which means also the -necessity was avoided of often sending the farm-servants to the -neighbouring town, where it was observed they contracted bad habits, and -were rendered more vicious and slothful.[1681] Waggons, therefore, and -carts, and ploughs, and harrows, were constructed on the spot, though it -was sometimes necessary perhaps to obtain from a distance the timber -used for these implements, which was generally cut in winter-time. They -exhibited much nicety in their choice of wood. Thus they would have the -poplar or mulberry-tree for the felloes of their wheels; the ash, the -ilex, and the oxya, for the axle-tree, and fine close-grained maple for -the yokes of their oxen,[1682] sometimes carved in the form of serpents -which seemed to wind round the necks of the animals, and project their -heads on either side.[1683] Their harrows, it is probable, were formed -like our own. The construction of the plough,[1684] always continued to -be extremely simple. In the age of Hesiod[1685] it consisted of four -parts, the handle, the socket, the coulter, and the beam; and very -little alteration seems afterwards to have been made in its form or -structure, till the introduction of the wheel-plough, which did not, it -is believed, occur until after the age of Virgil. The more primitive -instrument, however, would seem to have consisted originally of two -parts only, one serving the purpose of handle, socket, and share, the -other being the beam by which it was fastened to the yoke. In the -antique implement[1686] the beam was sometimes made of laurel or elm, -the socket of oak, and the handle of ilex. - ------ - -Footnote 1680: - - Geop. ii. 49. Illustrating the wretched condition of a tyrant dwelling - in the midst of a nation that abhors him, Plato draws the picture of a - man being in a remote part of the country with his wife and children, - surrounded by a gang of fifty or sixty slaves, with scarcely a free - neighbour at hand to whom, in case of necessity, he might fly. In what - terror, he says, must this man live, lest his slaves should set upon - and murder him, with all his family! De Repub. t. vi. p. 439. - -Footnote 1681: - - Carts were sometimes roofed with skins. Scheffer, De Re Vehic. p. 246, - seq. Justin, ii. 2. - -Footnote 1682: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. v. 7. 6. - -Footnote 1683: - - Scheffer, De Re Vehic. p. 114. - -Footnote 1684: - - Pollux, x. 128. Goguet, Orig. des Lois, i. 189, seq. Pallad. i. 43. - Colum. ii. 2. - -Footnote 1685: - - Opp. et Dies, 467, seq. Vid. Gœttl. ad v. 431. Etym. Mag. 173, 16. - Poll. i. 252. The Syrians used a small plough, with which they turned - up extremely shallow furrows. Theoph. Hist. Plant. viii. 6. 3. - -Footnote 1686: - - Hesiod, Opp. et Dies, 435, seq. - ------ - -Before mills were invented, the instrument by which they reduced corn -into flour was a large mortar, scooped out of the trunk of a tree, -furnished with a pestle upwards of four feet in length, exactly -resembling that still in use among the Egyptian Arabs. To give the -pestle greater effect it was fixed above in a cross-bar, seven feet -long, and worked by two individuals.[1687] By this rude contrivance, it -is possible to produce flour as fine as that proceeding from the most -perfect boulting machine. In addition to these they possessed winnowing -fans, scythes, sickles, pruning-hooks, fern or braken-scythes, saws and -hand-saws, used in pruning and grafting, spades, shovels, rakes, -pick-axes, hoes, mattocks,—one, two, and three pronged,—dibbles, -fork-dibbles, and grubbing-axes.[1688] When rustics were clearing away -underwood or cutting down brakes, they went clad in hooded skin-cloaks, -leather gaiters, and long gloves.[1689] - ------ - -Footnote 1687: - - Idem, 423, seq. - -Footnote 1688: - - Poll. x. 129. Pallad. i. 51. Brunckh. not. ad Aristoph. Pac. 567. Cf. - Eurip. Bacch. 344. Sch. Aristoph. Pac, 558, seq. 620. Plat. de Repub. - t. vi. p. 81. Artemid. Oneirocrit. ii. 24. p. 111. Lutet. - -Footnote 1689: - - Pallad. i. 43. Colum. i. 8. - ------ - -On the subject of manure[1690] the Greeks appear to have entertained -very just notions, and have left behind them numerous rules for using -and preparing it. In lean lands which required most the help of art, -they were still careful to avoid excess in the employment of manure, -spreading it frequently rather than copiously; for as, left to -themselves, they would have been too cold, so, when over enriched by -art, their prolific virtue was thought to be consumed by heat. In -applying it to plants, they were careful to interpose a layer of earth -lest their roots should be scorched. Of all kinds of manure they -considered that of birds the best,[1691] except the aquatic species, -which, when mixed, however, was not rejected. Most husbandmen set a -peculiar value on the sweepings of dovecotes,[1692] which, in small -quantities, were frequently scattered over the fields with the seed. - ------ - -Footnote 1690: - - Geop. ii. 21, seq. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 5. 1. i. 7. 4. To - exemplify the importance of manure, it is remarked by this writer, - that manured corn ripens twenty days earlier than that which wants - this advantage, viii. 7. 7. - -Footnote 1691: - - Geop. ii. 21. 4. From a speech of the Earl of Radnor, in the House of - Lords, May 25, 1841, we learn that our own farmers have begun to make - experiments with this kind of manure on the lands of Great Britain, - and that ship-loads of bird’s dung have been imported for the purpose - from the Pacific. The rocks and smaller islands along the American - coast are sometimes white with this substance. Keppel, Life of Lord - Keppel, i. 48. - -Footnote 1692: - - Geop. xii. 4. 3. v. 26. 3. - ------ - -On the preparation of manure-pits they bestowed much attention.[1693] -Having sunk them sufficiently deep in places abundantly supplied with -water, they cast therein large quantities of weeds, with all -descriptions of manure, among which they reckoned even earth itself, -when completely impregnated with humidity. When they had lain long -enough to be entirely decayed, they were fit for use. To the above were -sometimes added wood-ashes, the refuse of leather-dressers, the -cleansing of stables, and cow-houses, with stubble, brambles, and thorns -reduced to ashes. In maritime situations sea-weed,[1694] also, having -been well washed in fresh water, was mingled in large proportion with -other materials, and, where possible, a channel was made conducting the -muck and puddle[1695] of the neighbouring road into the pit, which at -once accelerated the putrescence of the manure and augmented it. The -Attic husbandmen had a mode of enriching their lands[1696] somewhat -expensive, and, as far as I know, peculiar to themselves; having sown a -field, they allowed the corn to spring up and the blade to reach a -considerable height, upon which they again ploughed it in as a kind of -sacrifice to the earth. A practice, not altogether unlike, still -prevails in the kingdom of Naples, where the husbandmen sometimes bury -their beans and lupins, just before flowering, for manure.[1697] - ------ - -Footnote 1693: - - Xenoph. Œconom. xx. 10. Cf. Artemid. Oneirocrit. ii. 26. p. 114. - -Footnote 1694: - - Geopon. ii. 22. - -Footnote 1695: - - The practice of mingling water with the manure was in great use among - the ancients, particularly in the island of Rhodes, in the cultivation - of the palm-trees. Theoph. Hist. Plant. i. 6. 3. - -Footnote 1696: - - Xenoph. Œconom. xvii. 10. Cf. Earl of Aberdeen, Walp. Mem. i. 2.50. In - such lands the farmers suffered their cattle to eat down the young - corn to prevent its too great luxuriance. Theoph. Hist. Plant. viii. - 7. 3. - -Footnote 1697: - - Swinburne, Letters from the Courts of Europe, i. 144. - ------ - -In ploughing there was great variety of practice, and in small farms, -where the soil was light, they had recourse to what may be denominated -spade husbandry. Most lands were ploughed thrice; first, immediately -after the removal of the preceding crop; secondly, at a convenient -interval of time; and, thirdly,[1698] in the sowing season, when the -ploughman scattered the grain in the furrows as they were laid open -while a lad followed at his heels with a hoe breaking the clods and -covering the seed that it might not be devoured by the birds.[1699] -Occasionally, in very hot weather, and in certain situations, the farmer -ploughed all night;[1700] first, out of consideration to the oxen, whose -health would have suffered from the sun; secondly, to preserve the -moisture and richness of the soil; and, thirdly, by the aid of the dew, -to render it more pliable. On these occasions, it was customary to -employ two pair of oxen and a heavier share in order to produce the -deeper furrows, and turn up the hidden fat of the earth. In choosing a -ploughman they took care that he should be tall and powerful,[1701] that -he might be able to thrust the share deeper into the ground and wield it -generally with facility: and yet they would not, if possible, that he -should be under forty years of age, lest, instead of attending to his -duties, his eye should be glancing hither and thither, and his mind be -roving after his companions.[1702] When in particular haste to complete -his task, the ploughman often carried a long loaf under his arm, which, -like the French peasants, he ate as he went along.[1703] In this -department of rural labour it may be observed, mules were sometimes -employed as well as oxen.[1704] Both were directed and kept in order by -a sharp goad.[1705] - ------ - -Footnote 1698: - - Cf. Xenoph. Œconom. xvi. 10, seq. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 5. 1. - -Footnote 1699: - - Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 469, seq. - -Footnote 1700: - - Geop. ii. 28. - -Footnote 1701: - - Geop. ii. 2. - -Footnote 1702: - - Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 443, sqq. - -Footnote 1703: - - Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 442. “Vide Athenæum, quem Lanzius laudavit, iii. - p. 114. e. hæc ex Philemone referentem: βλωμιλίους ἄρτους ὀνομάζεσθαι - λέγει τοὺς ἔχοντας ἐντομάς, οὓς Ῥωμαῖοι, καδράτους λέγουσι. ὀκτάβλωμον - Spohnius intelligit de servo celeriter edente. Minime verò. Panes - rustici incisuras suas habent, ut servis omnibus æquas partes - frangendo possis dirimere. v. Philostrat. Imagg. p. 95. 16. Jacobs.” - Gœttling in loc. p. 173. - -Footnote 1704: - - Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 46. Dickinson. Delphi Phœnicizantes, c. 10. p. - 101, sqq. - -Footnote 1705: - - Scheffer. de Re Vehic. 186, seq. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 449. The necks - of these animals, when galled by the yoke, were cured by the leaves of - black briony steeped in wine. Dioscor. iv. 185. - ------ - -As the Greeks well understood the practice of fallowing, their lands -were then, as now, suffered to regain their strength by lying for a time -idle;[1706] and it seems to have been as much their custom as it is -still of their descendants,[1707] for the poor, at least, to roam over -these fallow grounds, collecting nettles,[1708] mallows, the sow-thistle -or jagged lettuce,[1709] dandelions, sea-purslain, stoches, hartwort, -briony sprouts, gentle-rocket, usually found in the environs of towns, -and about the courts of houses, gardens, and ruins, with other wild -herbs for salads, or to be eaten as vegetables. - ------ - -Footnote 1706: - - Xenoph. Œconom. xvi. 13, seq. Cf. Schulz. Antiquitat. Rustic. § 7. - -Footnote 1707: - - Sibthorpe, in Walp. Mem. v. i. p. 144. - -Footnote 1708: - - Sch. Aristoph. Eq. 420. Hesiod alludes to this diet where he - celebrates the inferiority of the half to the whole:— - - Νήπιοι, οὐδὲ ἴσασιν ὅσῳ πλέον ἥμισυ παντός, - Οὐδ᾽ ὅσον ἐν μαλάχῄ τε καὶ ἀσφοδέλῳ μεγ’ ὄνειαρ. - Opp. et Dies, 40, seq. - - Cf. on the proverb in the first verse, Diog. Laert. i. 4. 2. Aristot. - Ethic. Nicom. i. 7. Ovid. Fast. v. 718. - -Footnote 1709: - - Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 4. 8. - ------ - -The rules observed in sowing were numerous, and, in many instances, not -a little curious. As a matter of course, they were careful to adapt the -grain to the soil:[1710] thus rich plains were appropriated to wheat, -and in the intervals cropped with vegetables; middling grounds to -barley;[1711] while poor and hungry spots were given up to lentils, -vetches, lupins, and such other pulse as were cultivated on a large -scale. Beans and peas, however, were supposed to thrive best in fat and -level lands. The principal sowing-time[1712] was in autumn; for, as soon -as the equinoctial rains had moistened the earth, the sower immediately -went forth to sow, committing to the ground the hopes of the future -year. The best time for scattering wheat they placed somewhere in -November, about the setting of the constellation called the Crown. They -were careful in this operation to avoid the time when the south -wind[1713] blew, and, generally, all cold and raw weather, as it -rendered the earth ungenial, and little apt to fructify that which was -entrusted to it. Great skill was supposed to be required in scattering -the seed: in the first place, that it should be equally distributed; -and, secondly, that none should fall between the horns of the oxen, -superstition having taught them the belief that such grain, which they -denominated Kerasbolos,[1714] if it sprang up at all, would produce corn -which could neither be baked nor eaten. A favourite sowing sieve was -made of wolf’s-hide, pierced with thirty holes as large as the tips of -the fingers. In later ages much virtue was supposed to reside in the -barbarous term Phriel,[1715] which they accordingly wrote on the plough. -The choice of grains for sowing necessarily afforded much exercise[1716] -to their ingenuity: seed wheat, they thought, should be of a rich gold -colour, full, smooth, and solid; barley, white and heavy; both not -exceeding one year old, for they quickly deteriorated, and, after the -third year, would not they supposed grow. This, however, was an error, -since barley has been known to preserve its vitality upwards of two -thousand years. - ------ - -Footnote 1710: - - Geop. ii. 12. - -Footnote 1711: - - A fine kind of barley was cultivated on the plain of Marathon, which - obtained the name of Achillean, on account, as Dr. Chandler - conjectures, of its tallness. ii. 184. Attica, in fact, produced the - best barley known to the ancients. Theoph. Hist. Plant. viii. 8. 2. - -Footnote 1712: - - Geop. ii. 14.—Ἐπειδὰν ὁ μετοπωρινὸς χρόνος ἔλθῃ, πάντες που οἱ - ἄνθρωποι πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἀποβλέπουσιν, ὁπότε βρέξας τὴν γὴν ἀφήσει - αὐτοὺς σπείρειν. Xenoph. Œconom. xvii. 2. There was a second - sowing-time in the spring, and a third in summer for millet and - sesame. Theoph. Hist. Plant. viii. 1. 2, sqq. In Phocis, and other - cold parts of Greece, they sowed early, that the corn might be strong - before the winter came on. § 7. In ancient Italy corn was chiefly - committed to the ground in September and October; though in mild - seasons the work of sowing went on throughout the winter. Schulze, - Antiquitates Rusticæ, § 4. p. 6. - -Footnote 1713: - - Cf. Aristot. Problem, xxvi. 3. - -Footnote 1714: - - Plat. de Legg. t. viii. p. 119. Tim. Lex. Plat. p. 85. Ruhnk. Plut. - Sympos. vii. 2. - -Footnote 1715: - - Geop. ii. 19. - -Footnote 1716: - - Geop. ii. 16. - ------ - -It was customary often to renew seed by sowing the produce of mountains -on plains; of dry places in moist, and the contrary.[1717] To try the -comparative value of different qualities of grain[1718] they took a -sample of each, and sowed the whole in separate patches of the same bed, -a little before the rising of the Dog-star. If the produce of any of -these samples withered, through the influence they supposed of Syrius, -the wheat which it represented was rejected. As corn when committed to -the earth is exposed to numerous enemies, they had recourse to a variety -of contrivances for its preservation: to protect it from birds, mice, -and ants,[1719] they steeped it in the juice of houseleeks, or mixed it -with hellebore and cypress leaves, and scattered it out of a circle, or -sprinkled it with water into which river crabs had been thrown for eight -days, or with powdered hartshorn or ivory. Not satisfied with these -precautions, they had likewise recourse to scarecrows,[1720] fixing up -long reeds here and there in the fields, with dead birds suspended to -them by the feet. This long list of contrivances they closed by a spell: -taking a live toad, they carried it round the field by night, after -which they shut it up carefully in a jar, which they buried in the -middle of the grounds. - ------ - -Footnote 1717: - - Geop. ii. 17. - -Footnote 1718: - - Geop. ii. 15. - -Footnote 1719: - - Geop. ii. 18. “The bunting, the yellow-hammer, and a species of - Emberiza, nearly related to it, frequent the low bushes in the - neighbourhood of corn-fields.” Sibth. in Walp. Mem. i. 77. - -Footnote 1720: - - Among the husbandmen of Asia Minor people are employed to drive away - the birds as the corn ripens. Chandler, i. 100. - ------ - -When the corn began to spring up it was diligently weeded[1721] a first -and a second time. They would not trust entirely, however, to the -industry of their hands, but called in to their aid certain -characteristic enchantments, some two or three of which may be worth -describing. First, to subdue the growth of choke-weed they planted -sprigs of rose-laurel, at the corner and in the middle of their fields, -or set up a number of potsherds, upon which had been drawn with chalk -the figure of Heracles strangling the lion. But the most effectual of -all spells, was for a young woman, naked and with dishevelled hair, to -take a live cock in her hands and bear him round the fields, upon which, -not only would the choke-weed and the restharrow vanish,[1722] but all -the produce of the land would turn out of a superior quality.[1723] - ------ - -Footnote 1721: - - Geop. ii. 24. Cf. Xen. Œconom. xv. 1. 13, seq. - -Footnote 1722: - - Cf. Schulz. Antiquit. Rustic. § vii. - -Footnote 1723: - - Geop. ii. 42. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vi. 5. 3. - ------ - -As the ancients well understood the value of hay, they took much pains -in the formation and management of meadows. In the first place, all -stones, stumps, bushes, and brambles,[1724] were diligently removed, -together with whatever else might interrupt the free play of the scythe -in mowing. They avoided, moreover, letting into them their droves of -hogs, which were found to turn up the soil and destroy the roots of the -young grass. In moist lands, too, even the larger cattle were excluded, -as the holes made by their hoofs[1725] in sinking broke up the fine -level of the turf. Old hay fields, in districts where much rain fell, -grew in time to be clothed with a coating of moss,[1726] which some -farmers sought to remove by manuring the ground with ashes; but the more -scientific agriculturists ploughed them up, and took precisely the same -steps as in the formation of a new meadow, that is, they sowed the -ground with beans, turnips, or rape-seed, which, in the second year, -were succeeded by wheat; on the third it was thoroughly cleared out, and -sown with hay-seed, mingled with vetches, after which the whole field -was finely levelled by the harrow. - ------ - -Footnote 1724: - - Colum. ii. 18. Varro, i. 49. - -Footnote 1725: - - Cf. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 489. - -Footnote 1726: - - Lord Bacon, Sylva Sylvarum, 539. - ------ - -The rules observed by them in the regulation of their hay harvest[1727] -were, first, to mow before the grass or clover was withered, when it -became less rich and nutritive; second, to beware in making the ricks, -that it was neither too dry nor too damp, since in the former case it -was little better than straw, and in the latter was liable to -spontaneous combustion.[1728] It may be observed further, that -clover[1729] was usually sown in March or April, and though commonly -mown six, or at least five, times in the twelve months, did not require -to be renewed in less than ten years.[1730] - ------ - -Footnote 1727: - - Much hay was laid up in Eubœa for consumption during the winter - months.—Dion Chrysost. i. 225. - -Footnote 1728: - - Colum. ii. 19. - -Footnote 1729: - - Καὶ τὴν βοτάνην δὲ, τὴν μάλιστα τρέφουσαν τοὺς ἵππους ἀπὸ τοῦ - πλεονάζειν ἐνταῦθα ἰδίως Μηνδικὴν καλοῦμεν. Strab. xi. 13. t. ii. p. - 453. - -Footnote 1730: - - Pallad. v. 1. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 604. - ------ - -Harvest usually commenced in Greece about the rising of the -Pleiades,[1731] when the corn had already acquired a deep gold colour, -though not yet so ripe as to fall from the ear, which in barley happens -earlier than in wheat, the grain having no hose.[1732] Among the Romans -operations were preceded by the sacrifice[1733] of a young sow to Ceres, -with libations of wine, the burning of frankincense, and the offering of -a cake to Jove, Juno, and Janus. They, at the same time, addressed their -prayers to the last-mentioned gods, nearly in the following words:—“O -father Janus or Jupiter, in making an oblation of this cake I offer up -my prayers that thou wouldst be propitious to me and my children, my -house, and my family!”[1734] - ------ - -Footnote 1731: - - Geop. ii. 25. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 383. xiv. cal. June. Cf. Plin. - Hist. Nat. xviii. 69. - -Footnote 1732: - - Pallad. vii. 2. - -Footnote 1733: - - The custom with which the modern Greeks hail the approach of summer is - picturesque and beautiful: “On the first of May at Athens, there is - not a door that is not crowned with a garland, and the youths of both - sexes, with the elasticity of spirits so characteristic of a Greek, - forget or brave their Turkish masters, while with guitars in their - hands, and crowns upon their heads, - - ‘They lead the dance in honour of the May.’” - - Douglas, p. 64. - -Footnote 1734: - - Cato, 134. - ------ - -At Athens, as soon as the season for reaping[1735] had come round, those -hardy citizens who lived by letting out their strength for hire,[1736] -ranged themselves in bands in the agora, whither the farmers of the -neighbourhood resorted in search of harvesters. They then, in -consequence of the hot weather, proceeded half-naked[1737] to the -fields, where, taking the sickle in hand, and separating into two -divisions, they stationed themselves at either end of the piece of corn -to be reaped, and began their work with vigour and emulation, each party -striving to reach the centre of the field before their rivals.[1738] On -other occasions they took advantage of the wind,[1739] moving along with -it, whereby they were supposed to benefit considerably, avoiding the -beard or chaff which it might have blown into their eyes, and having by -its action the tall straw bent to their hand. - ------ - -Footnote 1735: - - The harvest began earlier in Salamis than in the neighbourhood of - Athens. Theoph. Hist. Plant. viii. 2. 11. Chandler, vol. ii. p. 230. - In Egypt barley was reaped on the sixth month after sowing, and wheat - on the seventh. Theoph. Hist. Plant. viii. 2. 7. In Greece, barley - required seven or eight months to ripen; wheat still more. This latter - grain came to maturity more speedily in Sicily, and returned - thirty-fold. § 8. In a district in the island of Rhodes they reaped - barley twice in the year. § 9. Harvest was thirty days earlier in - Attica than in the Hellespont. 8. 10. There was a kind of wheat in - Eubœa which ripened very early; and there was introduced from Sicily - into Achaia another kind which was fit for the sickle in two months. - Id. viii. 4. 4. Wheat returned in Babylonia, even to negligent - husbandmen, fifty-fold, and to such as properly cultivated their - lands, a hundred-fold. Id. viii. 7. 4. - -Footnote 1736: - - Dem. De Cor. § 16. - -Footnote 1737: - - Or perhaps wholly so when they happened to be inhabitants of the warm - lowlands on the sea-shore and valleys. At least this is the opinion of - Hesiod who counsels the husbandman, γυμνὸν σπείρειν, γυμνὸν δὲ - βοωτεῖν, γυμνὸν δ᾽ ἀμάαν, εἴ χ’ ὥρια πάντ᾽ ἐθέλησθα ἔργα κομίζεσθαι - Δημήτερος. Opp. et Dies, 391, sqq. - - Aristophanes alludes to the same custom. Lysist. 1175. - - Ἥδη γεωργεῖν γυμνὸς, ἀποδὺς βούλομαι. And Virgil. “Nudus ara, sere - nudus,” Georg, i. 299, upon which Servius remarks: “Non dicit nudum - esse debere, quasi aliter non oporteat aut possit; sed sub tanta - serenitate dicit hæc agenda, ut et amictus possit contemni.” Be this, - however, as it may, the precept of Hesiod and Virgil is literally - observed in Egypt, where the rustics often perform their labour stark - naked. - -Footnote 1738: - - Il. λ. 67, seq. - -Footnote 1739: - - Πότερα οὖν τέμνεις, ἔφη, στὰς ἔνθα πνεῖ ἄνεμος, ἢ ἀντίος· οὐκ ἀντίος, - ἔφην, ἔγωγε· χαλεπὸν γὰρ, οἶμαι, καὶ τοῖς ὄμμασι καὶ ταῖς χερσὶ - γίγνεται, ἀντιον ἀχύρων καὶ ἀθέρων θερίζειν. Xenoph. Œconom. xviii. 1. - ------ - -In many parts of Greece, though the practice was not general, the women -joined in these labours. The reapers, as they advanced, laid the corn -behind them in long lines upon the stubble, and were followed by two -other classes of harvesters, one of whom bound it into sheaves which the -others bore back and piled up into mows. Of the whole of these -operations, together with the plenteous feast which interrupted or -terminated their toils, Homer has left us a graphic picture in the -Iliad:[1740] - - There in a field ’mid lofty corn, the lusty reapers stand, - Plying their task right joyously, with sickle each in hand. - Some strew in lines, as on they press, the handfuls thick behind, - While at their heels the heavy sheaves their merry comrades bind. - These to the mows a troop of boys next bear in haste away, - Piling upon the golden glebe the triumphs of the day. - Among them wrapped in silent joy, their sceptered king appears, - Beholding, in the swelling heaps, the stores of future years. - A mighty ox beneath an oak the busy heralds slay, - With grateful sacrifice to close the labours of the day. - While near, the husbandman’s repast the rustic maids prepare, - Sprinkling with flour the broiling cates whose savour fills the air. - ------ - -Footnote 1740: - - σ. 550, seq. - ------ - -In these remote and unsettled times it behoved the rustic to keep a -sharp look-out on the sheaves left behind him on the field, as there -were usually prowlers,[1741] lurking amid the neighbouring woods and -thickets, ready to pounce upon and carry off whatever they saw -unguarded. - ------ - -Footnote 1741: - - Ἡμερόκοιτοὶ ἀνδρες, an elegant euphonism for “thieves”. Hesiod. Opp. - et Dies, 605. Cf. the note of Gœttling on verse 375. - ------ - -The implement used in cutting wheat seems always to have been the -sickle, while in the case of barley and other inferior grains, the -scythe was commonly employed. In some parts of ancient Gaul, where no -value was set upon the straw, corn was reaped by a sort of cart,[1742] -armed in front with scythes, having the edges inclined upwards, which, -as it was driven along by an ox, harnessed behind, cut off the ears of -corn, which were received into the tumbril. In this manner the produce -of a whole field might be got in easily in a day. Reaping among the -ancient inhabitants of Italy[1743] was performed in three ways: first -they reaped close, as in Umbria, and laid the handfuls carefully on the -ground, after which the ears were separated from the straw, and borne in -baskets to the threshing-floor. Elsewhere, as in Picenum, they made use -of a ripple or serrated hook, having a long handle with which the ears -only were cut off, leaving the straw standing to be afterwards collected -and raked up into mows. - ------ - -Footnote 1742: - - Pallad. vii. 2. - -Footnote 1743: - - Varro. i. 50. - ------ - -In the neighbourhood of Rome they reaped with the common sickle, holding -the upper part of the straw in their left hand, and cutting it off in -the middle. This tall stubble was afterwards mown and carried off to be -used as fodder or bedding for cattle. In Upper Egypt and Nubia, the -dhoura stalks are left about two feet in height to support the crop of -kidney-beans which succeeds next in order. Among the Athenians[1744] -when the corn grew tall the stubble was suffered to remain to be burned -for manure; but, when short, the value of the straw led them to reap -close. - -Footnote 1744: - - Καὶ ἀκροτομοίης δ᾽ἂν, ἔφη, ἢ παρὰ γῆν τέμνοις; ἢν μὲν βραχὺς ἦ ὁ - κάλαμος τοῦ σίτου, ἔγωγ’, ἔφην, κάτωθεν ἂν τέμνοιμι, ἵνα ἱκανὰ τὰ - ἄχυρα μᾶλλον γίγνηται. Ἐὰν δὲ ὑψηλὸς ᾖ, νομίζω ὀρθῶς ἂν ποιεῖν - μεσοτομῶν, ἵνα μήτε οἱ ἁλοῶντες μοχθῶσι περιττὸν πόνον, μήτε οἱ - λικμῶντες, ὧν οὐδὲν προσδέονται. Τὸ δὲ ἐv τῇ γῇ λειφθὲν ἡγοῦμαι καὶ - κατακαυθὲν συνωφελεῖν ἂν τὴν γῆν καὶ εις κοπρον ἐμβληθὲν τὴν κόπρον - συμπληθύνειν. Xenoph. Œconom. xviii. 2. - ------ - -In separating the grain from the straw the ancients made use of horses, -oxen, and mules, which, passing round and round over the -threshing-floor, trod out the corn. All the labourer had to do was to -guide the movements of the cattle, and take care that no part of the -sheaf remained untrodden.[1745] From a very humane law in the Old -Testament we learn, that among some nations it was customary to tie up -the mouths of such animals as they employed in this labour, which was -forbidden the Israelites: “Thou shalt not,” says the Scripture, “muzzle -the ox that treadeth out the corn.” Nor was it practised among the -Greeks in the age of Homer,[1746] whom we find describing the oxen -bellowing as they made their unwearied round. The threshing-floor, which -was of a circular form,[1747] stood on a breezy eminence, in the open -field, where, as at present, in modern Greece, and in the Crimea,[1748] -a high pole was set up in the centre, to which the cattle were tied by a -cord determining the extent of the circle they had to describe.[1749] -The end being nailed, every turn made by the cattle coiled the rope -about the pole and diminished their range, until, at length, they were -brought quite close to the centre, after which, their heads were turned -about, and by moving in an opposite direction the cord was unwound. -Great pains were taken in the construction of this threshing-floor, -which was somewhat elevated about the centre, in order, as Varro -observes, that what rain fell might speedily run off. It was sometimes -paved with stone, or pitched with flints, but more commonly coated with -stucco, made level by a roller, and well soaked with the lees of oil -which at once prevented the growth of weeds and grass, preserved it from -cracking, and repelled the approach of mice, ants, and moles, to which -oil-lees are destructive.[1750] Though some authorities advise that it -should be situated under the master’s, or at least the steward’s, eye, -it was generally thought advisable to keep it at a distance from the -house and gardens, since the finer particles of chaff, borne thickly -through the air, caused ophthalmia, and often blindness,[1751] and -proved exceedingly injurious to all plants and pulpy fruits, more -particularly grapes. In some parts of the ancient world, exposed to the -chances of summer rains, the threshing-floor was covered; and, even in -Italy, an umbracula,[1752] or shed, was always constructed close at -hand, into which the corn could be removed in case of bad weather. But -this in the sunnier climate of Greece was judged unnecessary. In -obedience to a notion prevalent among Hellenic farmers, the sheaves were -piled up with the straw towards the south, by which means they believed -the grain was enlarged and loosened from the hose. When the farmer -happened to be scant of cattle he made use of a threshing-machine,[1753] -which consisted of a kind of heavy sledge, toothed below with sharp -stones or iron. Occasionally, too, the flail[1754] was used, especially -in the case of such corn as was laid up in the barn and threshed during -winter. - ------ - -Footnote 1745: - - Xenoph. Œconom. xviii. 4. The same custom still prevails in Southern - Europe and in the East. “Corn is trodden out in Granada in - circular-formed threshing-floors, in the open fields; the animals - employed are mules or oxen.” Napier, Excursions, &c., i. 156. Again, - in the Troad, “The oxen or horses being harnessed to a sort of sledge, - the bottom part of which is armed with sharp flints, are driven over - the corn, the person who guides the cattle balancing him or herself - with great dexterity whilst rapidly drawn round in revolving circles.” - Id. ii. 171. Cf. Fowler, Three Years in Persia, i. 173, and Chandler, - i. 320. ii. 234. - -Footnote 1746: - - Iliad, υ. 495, seq. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 599. - -Footnote 1747: - - Suid. v. ἁλωὰ t. i. p. 186. c. Philoch. Frag. Siebel. p. 86. Etym. - Mag. 73. 56, seq. Colum. ii. 20. Geop. ii. 26. Senec. Quæst. Nat. i. - 2. - -Footnote 1748: - - Earl of Aberdeen in Walp. Mem. i. 150. Pallas, Trav. in South. Russia, - vol. iv. p. 148, seq. - -Footnote 1749: - - Schneid. ad Xenoph, Œcon. xviii. 8. - -Footnote 1750: - - Varro. de Re Rust. i. 51. - -Footnote 1751: - - Geop. ii. 26. - -Footnote 1752: - - Varro. i. 51. Pallad. i. 36. - -Footnote 1753: - - Mathem. Vett. p. 85. Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. 8. - -Footnote 1754: - - Colum. ii. 21. - ------ - -In winnowing,[1755] when the breeze served, they simply threw the grain -up into the air with a scoop, until the wind had completely cleared away -the chaff. In serene days they had recourse to a winnowing machine, -which, though turned by the hand, was of great power, as we may judge -from its being employed in cleansing vetches, and even beans.[1756] To -receive the chaff, which was too valuable to be lost, pits appear to -have been sunk all round the threshing-floor, which, for the passage of -the men and cattle, would appear to have been covered, save in the -direction of the wind.[1757] When the corn was designed for immediate -use, one winnowing was deemed sufficient; but that which was intended to -be laid up in the granary[1758] underwent the operation a second time. - ------ - -Footnote 1755: - - Plat. Tim. t. vii. p. 65. Xenoph. Œconom. xviii. 8. - -Footnote 1756: - - Il. ν. 588. - -Footnote 1757: - - Il. ε. 562. - -Footnote 1758: - - See on the vessels in which the produce of the harvest was received, - Pollux. x. 129. - ------ - -On the building and preparation of granaries[1759] the ancients bestowed -great pains. Every means which could communicate to grain firmness and -durability appears to have been tried by them; and their success was -answerable to their diligence, for, in their granaries, wheat was -preserved in perfection fifty, and millet a hundred years.[1760] Their -methods, however, were various; some laid up their grain in hollow rocks -and caves, as in Thrace and Cappadocia; others sank deep pits in the -earth[1761] where they found it to be perfectly free from humidity, as -in Farther Spain, while others, as in Hither Spain, Apulia, and -Greece,[1762] erected their granaries on lofty basements fronting the -East, and with openings towards the north and west winds.[1763] There -was usually a range of numerous diminutive windows near the roof, to -supply free vent for the heated air, while the floor, in many cases, -contained small apertures for the admission of the cool breezes beneath. -The walls were built with suitable solidity, and having, together with -the floor, been plastered with rough mortar,[1764] made commonly with -hair, for which chaff was sometimes substituted, received a coat of fine -stucco, on the preparation of which much care was bestowed. It was -generally composed of lime, sand, and powdered marble, moistened with -the lees of oil, the peculiar flavour and odour of which were supposed -effectually to repel the approaches of mice,[1765] weevils, and ants. -Instead of this a common stucco, formed of clay, was often used. -Occasionally the grain was packed up in baskets or large jars,[1766] -such, it may be presumed, as those still employed for the purpose in -Africa, where they are commonly kept in a corner outside the door. Beans -and other pulse were preserved in oil-jars rubbed with ashes.[1767] - ------ - -Footnote 1759: - - Cf. Pallad. l. 19. Colum. i. 6. A granary, commonly σιτοφυλακεῖον, - was, by Menander, in his Eunuch, denominated σιτοβόλιον; among the - Siciliotes and Greek colonists of Italy ῥογος; as in the Busiris of - Epicharmos. Poll. ix. 45. - -Footnote 1760: - - Varro. i. 57. - -Footnote 1761: - - The same practice is still found in several of the Grecian islands. - “Ils font dans les champs un trou proportionné à la quantité de bled - qu’ils y veulent serrer; il est ordinairement de cinq pieds de - diamètre, sur deux ou trois de profondeur. On en tapisse l’intérieur - d’environ un demi-pied de paille brisée sous les pieds des bœufs; - on y serre ensuite le grain, de manière qu’il s’élève par dessus la - terre, à une hauteur à-peu-près égale à la profondeur du trou; on le - couvre avec un demi-pied de paille, sur laquelle on met trois ou - quatre pouces de terre.” Della Rocca, Traité Complet sur les Abeilles, - t. i. p. 198, seq. - -Footnote 1762: - - Geop. ii. 27. - -Footnote 1763: - - Cf. Lord Bacon. Hist. Life and Death, p. 5. - -Footnote 1764: - - But, according to Theophrastus, corn kept best in granaries - unplastered with lime. Hist. Plant. viii. 10. 1. In a certain part of - Cappadocia called Petra, corn would keep fit for sowing forty years, - and for food sixty or seventy, although in that district cloths and - other articles decay rapidly. Id. viii. 10. 5. - -Footnote 1765: - - Among tame animals designed to protect the farmstead from vermin, the - weasel was sometimes used. Hom. Batrachom. 52. Ovid. Met. ix. 323. - Luc. Timon. § 21. Perizon. ad Ælian. Var. Hist. xiv. 4. Muncker, ad - Anton. Liber. 29. Plin. Hist. Nat. xix. 16. Welcker. ad Simon. Amorg. - p. 43. - -Footnote 1766: - - From which they carefully cleansed the spider’s webs: ἐκ δ᾽ ἀγγέων - ἐλάσειας ἀράχνια. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 475. Cf. 600. A similar method - still prevails in the islands of the Archipelago when the grain is - intended for the market: “Ceux qui veulent porter leurs grains à la - ville, les mettent dans des vases de terre cuite, qu’ils remplissent à - deux ou trois pouces près; ensuite ils étendent par dessus quelques - feuilles de figuier sauvage, appelé _orni_, et en Latin _caprificus_; - enfin ils achèvent de remplir les vases avec de la cendre, et les - couvrent d’une espèce d’ardoise, mais plus forte et plus épaisse que - celle dont on se sert en France pour couvrir les maisons.” Della - Rocca, Traité Complet sur les Abeilles, t. i. p. 200. - -Footnote 1767: - - Varro. i. 57. - ------ - -Before the produce of the new year was carried in, the granaries, having -been carefully swept, were smeared all over with oil-lees. Various other -precautions were, likewise, taken to protect the sacred gifts of Demeter -from depredation, such as drawing on the floor broad lines of -chalk,[1768] or strewing handfuls of wild origany round the heaps, or -sprinkling them with the ashes of oaken twigs or dry cow’s dung, or -sprigs of wormwood and southernwood, or, in greater quantity, the leaves -of the everlasting. Instead of these, in some cases, they made use of -powdered clay[1769] or dry pomegranate leaves, rubbed small, and passed -through a sieve, a chœnix of which was sprinkled over a bushel of corn. -The favourite plan, however, seems to have been, to spread a layer of -half-withered fleabane over the floor, on which were poured about ten -bushels of wheat, then a layer of fleabane, and so on, until the granary -was full.[1770] Wheat thus layed up was supposed not only to last many -years, but also to preserve its weight in breadmaking. To render barley -durable, they strewed over it laurel leaves, or the ashes of laurel -wood, as, likewise, everlasting, calaminth, and gypsum, or placed a -tightly-corked bottle of vinegar,[1771] in the middle of the heap. To -communicate greater plumpness to all kinds of grain, they sprinkled over -the piles a mixture composed of nitre,[1772] spume of nitre, and fine -earth, which, likewise, acted as a preservative. To render flour more -durable, they thrust into it small maple branches, stripped of their -leaves, or little cakes of salt and cumin.[1773] - ------ - -Footnote 1768: - - Geop. ii. 29. - -Footnote 1769: - - This substance was brought from Olynthos and Cerinthos, in Eubœa. It - is said to have improved the appearance of the wheat, though it - deteriorated its quality as an article of food. Theoph. viii. 10. 7. - -Footnote 1770: - - The granaries of the island of Syra, with the contrivance by which - corn is there preserved at the present day, are thus described by - Della Rocca:—“Les granges, appelées en Grec θεμονέα, ont communément - une vingtaine de pieds de long, sur huit à dix de hauteur et de - largeur. On les remplit jusqu’à la moitié de leur hauteur, de paille - bien foulée: on pratique un espace de trois ou quatre pieds, que l’on - remplit de grain. A côté on en forme un autre, que l’on remplit de - même, et ainsi de suite, selon l’étendue de la grange, et la quantité - de grain que l’on a; cela fait, par des ouvertures pratiquées dans la - couverture, on recouvre de paille tout le bled, jusqu’à ce que la - grange soit exactement remplie. Quand on veut en faire usage, on - commence par le tas le plus voisin de la porte; on enlève d’abord la - paille avec beaucoup de précaution: plus on approche, plus cette - précaution augmente; enfin, pour ôter les derniers brins de paille, on - se sert d’un balai de millepertuis ou d’autres plantes que l’on fait - sécher; et si malgré tous ces soins, la surface du monceau de grain - n’est pas bien nette, on achève d’en enlever toutes les menues pailles - en la vannant avec un chapeau car les paysans de nos îles portent - comme ici, dans les champs, des chapeaux ronds de feutre; ils en - portent aussi de paille, que l’on travaille avec beaucoup de - délicatesse à Sifanto.” Traité Complet sur les Abeilles. t. i. p. 199, - seq. Among the tribes of Northern Africa a more complete system of - preserving grain prevails. “The Arabs, in lieu of granaries, preserve - all their grain in pits: forty or fifty of these are made, each to - contain about a thousand bushels: the spot selected is a dry, sandy - soil, the hole being formed in the shape of a large earthen jug, the - sides are plastered with mortar about a foot in thickness, and the - wheat or grain filled up to the mouth, which is left just large enough - for a man to get in at, and is about three feet below the surface of - the ground; this is now plastered over also, and filled with the soil - around to the same level as the surrounding country. The earth taken - out in forming the pits is removed to a distance, and being scattered - abroad, in a month or two the grass grows over the surface, and no - one, unless those who have buried this treasure, would imagine that - there was anything beneath their feet. The grain thus buried preserves - for many years. I have eaten bread at the Esmailla made from wheat as - old as the Sultan, having been buried the year of his birth, and it - was as good as that made of flour from this year’s crop.” Colonel - Scott, Journal of a Residence in the Esmailla of Abd-el-Kader. p. 155, - seq. Mandelslo (lib. ii. c. iii.) found corn-vaults of similar - construction in the Azores; and most travellers who have visited the - island of Malta will have observed in the fortifications of Valetta - that series of curious and beautiful granaries excavated in the form - of a bottle in the solid rock. - -Footnote 1771: - - Geop. ii. 30, seq. - -Footnote 1772: - - Geop. ii. 28. - -Footnote 1773: - - Geop. ii. 30. - ------ - -The fruits of the earth having been thus safely lodged within doors, the -grateful husbandmen celebrated in honour of their rural gods, Demeter -and Dionysos, a festival which may, perhaps, be denominated that of the -Harvest Home. In Attica it took place in the great temple at Eleusis, -and continued during several days. No bloody sacrifices were on this -occasion offered up; but, in lieu of them, oblations of cakes and fruit -with other rustic offerings, designed at once to express their gratitude -for past blessings, and to render the gods propitious to them in future. -The first loaf made from the new corn was probably eaten or offered up -on this day, since it received the name of Thargelos, or Thalusios, from -Thalusia, the denomination of the festival.[1774] - ------ - -Footnote 1774: - - Vid. Theoc. Eidyll. vii. 3. Etym. Mag. 444. 13. Athen. xiii. 65. iii. - 80. Meurs. Græc. Fer. p. 15. p. 142. Dem. adv. Neær. § 27, with the - authorities collected by Taylor. - ------ - -Before we quit the farm, it may be observed, that the ancients kept a -number of slaves, constituting a kind of rural police, whose occupation -wholly consisted in guarding the boundaries of estates.[1775] These, -among the Romans, were denominated rangers, or foresters. There were -others to whom the care of the fruit was entrusted; and both these -classes of persons were probably elderly men, remarkable for their -diligence and fidelity, who were rewarded, by appointment to this more -easy duty, for their honest discharge in youth of such as were more -painful and laborious. Boys were sometimes set to keep watch over -vineyards,[1776] as we may see in the first Eidyll of Theocritus, where -he gives us a lively sketch of such a guardian plotted against by two -foxes. - ------ - -Footnote 1775: - - Such of these as had charge of the timber may be denominated - wood-reeves, a term which answers very well the Latin Saltuarius. The - slave-guards of forests, in Crete, were called Ergatones. Hesych. ap. - Meurs. Cret. p. 190. - -Footnote 1776: - - Casaub. ad Theoph. Char. p. 223, seq. Theocrit. Eidyll. xxv. 27. Cf. - Feith. Antiq. Hom. iv. i. 276, sqq. Vineyards in Athens still require - guards. Speaking of his approach to Athens from the Peiræeus, Chandler - observes:—“In a tree was a kind of couch, sheltered with boughs, - belonging to a man employed to watch there during the vintage.” ii. - 27. - ------ - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - PASTORAL LIFE. - - -But within the circle of Hellenic country life[1777] there was a kind of -parenthetical existence, a remnant of the old nomadic habits, once -common, perhaps, to the whole race,—I mean the pastoral life, of which -we obtain so many glimpses through the leafy glades and grassy avenues -of Greek poetry. No doubt, the fancy of imaginative men, thirsting for a -degree of simplicity and happiness greater than they find around them in -cities or villages, is apt to kindle and shed too glorious a light on -approaching the tranquil solitudes, the pine forests, the mountain -glens, the hidden lakes, the umbrageous streams that leap and frolic -down the wild rocks of a country so rife with beauty as Greece. -Nevertheless, adhering strictly to truth and reality, there is, in such -regions, much about the pastoral life to delight the mind. In the first -place, the occupations of an ancient shepherd left him great leisure, -and he was generally, by habit no less than by inclination, led to prize -that “dolce far niente” which, in all southern climates, constitutes the -chief enjoyment of existence. - ------ - -Footnote 1777: - - The charm of that repose and freedom from care supposed to be tasted - in the seclusion of the country, appears in all ages to have led to - the belief, that there is something more natural in fields and forests - than in cities, though it be quite as necessary that man should have - dwellings as that he should cultivate the ground. The paradox, - however, is thus expressed by Varro: Divina natura dedit agros, ars - humana ædificavit urbes. De Re Rust. iii. 1, which Cowper, - unconsciously perhaps, has thus translated, - - God gave the country, but man made the town. - ------ - -And indeed all the world over, repose, both of mind and body, is sweet. -But not entire repose. Accordingly the Grecian shepherd, whose flocks -fed tranquilly, whose condition, assured, and pinched by no necessities, -left him at liberty to consult his own tastes in his recreations, took -refuge from idleness in music and song.[1778] At first, and perhaps -always, their lays were rude; but nature, their only teacher, infused -into them originality and passion, such as we find in the only poet of -antiquity, save Homer, in whose verses the fragrance of the woods still -breathes. Whether like Paris and Anchises they kept their own flocks or -undertook the care for others, they were still on the mountains -perfectly free. Their education was peculiar. Abroad much after -dark,[1779] in a climate where the summer nights are soft and balmy -beyond expression, and where the stars seem lovingly to crowd closer -about the earth, they necessarily grew romantic and superstitious.[1780] -Events occurring early in their own lives or handed down to them by -tradition, long meditated on, were in the end invested with supernatural -attributes. Under similar circumstances their national religion had -probably been first formed. They in the same way, in every canton, -created a local religion.[1781] Their very creed was poetry. Tree, rock, -mountain, spring, every thing was instinct with divinity, not -mystically, as in certain philosophical systems, but literally; and, as -they believed, the immortal race, their invisible companions at all -hours, could when they pleased put on visibility, or rather remove from -their eyes the film which prevented their habitually beholding them. - ------ - -Footnote 1778: - - Travellers find among the modern shepherds of the East much the same - tastes and habits. “The hills,” observed Dr. Chandler, speaking of - Lydia, “were enlivened by flocks of sheep and goats, and resounded - with the rude music of the lyre and of the pipe; the former a stringed - instrument resembling a guitar, and held much in the same manner, but - usually played on with a bow.” Chandler, i. p. 85. Cf. Theocrit. - Eidyll. i. 7. viii. 9. - -Footnote 1779: - - The same habits still prevail: “We could discern fires on Lesbos as - before on several islands and capes, made chiefly by fishermen and - shepherds, who live much abroad in the air, to burn the strong stalks - of the Turkey wheat and the dry herbage on the mountains.” Chandler, - i. 11. Cf. p. 320. - -Footnote 1780: - - Among other things we find them putting the strongest faith in - dreams—at least we may suppose the fishermen in Theocritus, who lay so - much stress on the visions of the night, to hold a creed pretty nearly - akin to that of shepherds. Eidyll. 21. v. 29. sqq. - -Footnote 1781: - - The gods they principally worshiped were Pan, the Muses, and the - Nymphs. To the Nymphs and Pan they sacrificed as to gods presiding - over mountains, where they themselves usually wandered. Pan, moreover, - was skilled in the pipe, the instrument of their race. The Muses they - adored as the goddesses of poetry and music. Schol. Theoc. i. 6. In - verse 12 of the same Eidyll. the Nymphs are spoken of where the office - of the Muses is in contemplation, which may easily be explained. For - the Muses are properly the Nymphs of those fountains which inspire - poets with their lays. Cf. Voss. ad Virg. Eclog. iii. 84. By the - Lydians the Muses were denominated Nymphs. Schol. Theoc. Eidyll. vii. - 92. Cf. Eidyll. v. 140. Lyc. Cassand. 274. ibique Schol. et Potter. - Kiessl. ad Theocrit. - ------ - -It is well known that, in the present day, among the nomadic nations of -Asia, the sons of the chiefs still follow their flocks in the -wilderness. And this in the heroic ages was likewise the case in -Greece,[1782] where youths of the noblest families watched over their -fathers’ sheep and cattle. Thus Bucolion, son of Laomedon, led to -pasture the flocks of his sire, and, in the solitudes of the Phrygian -mountains, was met and loved by a nymph.[1783] Two sons also of Priam -pursued the same occupation;[1784] and thus among the Hebrews, David, -the son of Jesse, passes his youth in the sheepfold, and his manhood on -a throne. In this secluded and solitary life the sights and sounds of -nature became familiar to them, the voice of sudden torrents rushing -from the mountains,[1785] the roar of lions springing on their folds, or -the sweet moonlight silvering both mountain and valley. It is with the -shepherd’s life that Homer connects that noble description of the night -which Chapman has thus translated: - - As when about the silver moon, when air is free from wind,[1786] - And stars shine clear,[1787] to whose sweet beams high prospects and the - brows - Of all steep hills and pinnacles thrust up themselves for shows, - And even the lonely valleys joy to glitter in their sight, - When the unmeasured firmament bursts to disclose her light, - And all the signs in heaven are seen, that glad the shepherd’s heart. - -The glimpses of pastoral life, albeit too few, are still frequent in -Homer, who loves, whenever possible, to illustrate his subject by -bringing before our minds the image of a shepherd. Thus Hector, lifting -a large rock, is compared to a shepherd bearing a ram’s fleece.[1788] - - As when the fleece, though large yet light, the careful shepherd rears, - With both hands plunged within its folds, so he the rock uptears. - -Footnote 1782: - - Lycoph. Cassand. 91, seq. in common with Homer and the other ancient - poets, represent princes as shepherds. The guarding of flocks was - then, in fact, a regal occupation. Didymos, ad Odyss. ν. 223, - observes, that τὸ παλαιὸν καὶ οἱ τῶν βασιλέων παίδες πανάπαλοι (l. - παναίπολοι) ἐκαλοῦντο, καὶ ἐποίμαινον. Meurs. ad Lycoph. p. 1181. - Varr. De Re Rust. ii. 1. - -Footnote 1783: - - Il. ζ. 25. Odyss. ο. 385, seq. - -Footnote 1784: - - Il. δ. 106. - -Footnote 1785: - - Iliad. δ. 452, seq. ε. 137. θ, 555. - -Footnote 1786: - - The following picture by Milton almost seems to be designed to form a - contrast to the above: - - As when from mountain-tops the dusky clouds - Ascending, while the north wind sleeps, o’erspread - Heaven’s cheerful face, the lowring element - Scowls o’er the darken’d landscape snow or shower; - If chance the radiant sun, with farewell sweet, - Extend his evening beam, the fields revive, - The birds their notes renew, and bleating herds - Attest their joy, that hill and valley rings. - Parad. Lost, ii. 488, sqq. - - Iliad θ. 559, sqq. Here _shepherd_, observes the Scholiast, is used - for _herdsman_. Ποιμήν εἶπεν ἀντὶ τοῦ βουκόλος διὰ νυκτὸς γὰρ αἱ βόες - νέμονται, in loc. i. 238. - -Footnote 1787: - - On this passage Ἀρίσταρχος τὴν κατὰ φύσιν λαμπρὰν λέγει κἂν μὴ - πλήθουσα ᾖ εἰ γὰρ πληροσέληνος ἦν, ἐκέκρυπτο ἄν μᾶλλον τὰ ἄστρα. - Schol. Bekker. t. i. 238. Cf. Eustath. in Iliad. θ. t. i. p. 621. - -Footnote 1788: - - Iliad, μ. 451, seq. - ------ - -Again, the Trojan forces following their leader, Æneas, suggest to his -mind the idea of innumerable flocks bounding after a ram to drink.[1789] - - The people followed, as the flock the shaggy ram succeeds, - Who to the cooling streamlet’s bank the woolly nation leads - (While swells the shepherd’s heart with joy) from pasture on the meads. - -Elsewhere, he describes a troop of hungry wolves attacking the flocks on -the mountains:—[1790] - - As when the hungry wolves, on folds forsaken by the watch, - Descend, the kids and tender lambs by thievish force to snatch; - Or when the timid browsing crew are scattered far and wide, - And seized, by witless shepherds left upon the mountain side. - -But, in another place, they are represented contending with a lion by -night for the body of one of their flock.[1791] - - Thus the night-watching shepherds strive, but vainly, to repel - The angry lion, whom the stings of want and rage impel, - Upon the carcase fastens he: his heart no fear can quell. - -Where the number of the flock required the care of several men a chief -shepherd ἐπιποιμὴν was appointed to overlook the rest.[1792] Among the -ancients twenty sheep were thought to require the attention of a man and -a boy;[1793] but, in modern times, three men and a boy, with four or -five dogs, are sometimes entrusted with a flock of five hundred, of -which two-thirds are ewes.[1794] The proportion of rams to ewes is at -present as four to a hundred. - ------ - -Footnote 1789: - - Iliad, ν. 491, sqq. - -Footnote 1790: - - Iliad. π. 354, sqq. - -Footnote 1791: - - Iliad. σ. 161, seq. - -Footnote 1792: - - Odyss. μ. 131. The duties of this servant are described by Varro, who - likewise states the physical qualities required to be found in - shepherds. Contra, pernoctare ad suum quemque gregem esse omnes sub - uno magistro pecoris cum esse majorem natu potius quàm alios et - peritiorem quàm reliquos, quod iis qui ætate, et scientia præstant - animo æquiore reliquis parent. Ita tamen oportet ætate præstare ut ne - propter senectutem minus sustinere possit labores. Neque enim senes, - neque pueri callium difficultatem, ac montium arduitatem, atque - asperitatem facile ferunt: quod patiendum illis qui greges sequuntur - præsertim armenticios, ac caprinos quibus rupes ac silvæ ad pabulandi - cordi. De Re Rust, ii. 10. Cf. Colum. ii. 1. - -Footnote 1793: - - Geop. xviii. 1. Yet we find mention in Demosthenes of a shepherd with - a flock of fifty sheep under his care. In Everg. et Mnes. § 15. - -Footnote 1794: - - Leake, Travels in the Morea, vol. i. p. 17. - ------ - -From very remote ages shepherds had learned to avail themselves of the -aid of dogs,[1795] which in farms were usually furnished with wooden -collars.[1796] The breed generally employed in this service, in later -ages at least, was the Molossian,[1797] which, though exceedingly -powerful and fierce towards strangers, was by its masters found -sufficiently gentle and tractable. The shepherd’s pipe,[1798] frequently -made of the donax, or common river-reed,[1799] likewise used in -thatching cottages, formed a no less necessary accompaniment. Another of -their instruments of music was the flute crooked at the top, finely -polished and rubbed with bees’ wax.[1800] - ------ - -Footnote 1795: - - Plat. de Rep. iv. t. vi. p. 204. Columella describes with poetical - enthusiasm the character and qualities of the shepherd’s dog, which he - refuses to class among dumb animals, its bark being, according to him, - full of meaning: “Canis falso dicitur mutus custos nam quis hominum - clarius, aut tanta vociferatione bestiam vel furem prædicat quam iste - latratu? quis famulus amantior domini? quis fidelior comes? quis - custos incorruptior? quis excubitor inveniri potest vigilantior? quis - denique ultor aut vindex constantior? Quare vel in primis hoc animal - mercari tuerique debet agricola, quod et villam et fructus - familiamque, at pecora custodit.” De Re Rusticâ, 7. 12. - -Footnote 1796: - - Sch. Aristoph. Vesp. 897. - -Footnote 1797: - - Aristot. Hist. Animal. ix. 1. - -Footnote 1798: - - Luc. Bis Accus. § 11. - -Footnote 1799: - - Plat. Rep. iii. § 10. Stalb. - -Footnote 1800: - - Theocrit. i. 129. Plat. de Rep. t. vi. p. 132. Mosch. Eidyll. iii. 54. - ------ - -As the Arcadians, descendants of the Pelasgians, derived one of their -principal delights from music,[1801] it is reasonable to infer that the -ancestral nation, preëminently pastoral, was likewise addicted to this -science. The feeding of herds and flocks constituted the principal -occupation of the Proselenoi,[1802] who were little devoted to -agriculture, as may be inferred from their acorn-eating habits; for no -nation ever continued to feed on mast after they could obtain bread. A -report prevailed in the ancient world that the Arcadians were of a -poetical temperament, to which Virgil alludes in the well-known verses— - - Arcades ambo, - Et cantare pares et respondere parati. - -And as improvisatori they may possibly have excelled, though Greece knew -nothing of an Arcadian literature. However, chiefly after the example of -Virgil, the poets of modern times have always delighted to convert -Arcadia into a kind of pastoral Utopia, which is done by Sannazaro, -Tasso, Guarini, Sir Philip Sydney, Daniel, and many others. Palmerius à -Grentmesnil[1803] discovers something like the descendants of the -Arcadians among the Irish, whose pastoral taste for music he conceives -to be commemorated by the triangular harp in the national insignia. - ------ - -Footnote 1801: - - Athen. xiv. 22. - -Footnote 1802: - - Etym. Mag. 690. 11. - -Footnote 1803: - - “Sic et hodie audio Hibernos, qui pecuariam exercent, musicæ deditos, - et triangulari cithara (quam vocamus _harpe_) plerumque se oblectare - solere, unde aiunt insignia regni Hiberniæ fuisse olim et esse adhuc - tale musicum instrumentum.” Desc. Græc. Ant. p. 61. - ------ - -Their usual clothing consisted of diptheræ, or dressed sheepskins,[1804] -just as at the present day among the Nubian shepherds, whom one may see -thus clad, roaming through the sandy hollows of the Lybian desert. On -the inside of these skins the traitor Hermion wrote the letters which -betrayed the designs of his countrymen to the enemy in Laconia.[1805] -Others wore goatskin cloaks, which they likewise used as a coverlet at -night.[1806] Euripides introduces his chorus of satyrs complaining of -this miserable costume.[1807] - - “Much loved Bacchos where dost thou - Lonely dwell afar, - Shaking thy gold locks at eve - Like a blazing star? - While I thy minister am fain - To serve this one-eyed Cyclop swain, - A slave borne down by fortune’s stroke - In a wretched goatskin cloak.” - ------ - -Footnote 1804: - - Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 73. Cf. Vesp. 442. Küst.—Eq. 398. Bekk. Luc. - Tim. § 8. We find mention also made of a cloak of wolfskin. - Philostrat. Vit. Sophist. ii. 6. - -Footnote 1805: - - Suidas. v. διφθέρα. t. i. p. 757. e. - -Footnote 1806: - - Harless. ad Theocrit. v. 2. - -Footnote 1807: - - Cyclop. 79, seq. - ------ - -And thus simple was ever their appearance in the East. But, as I have -hinted above, their very great leisure,[1808] the accidents of their -occupation, and the grand and regular march of natural phenomena in -those countries, often ripened their intellects beyond what the -condition of a modern heath-trotter renders credible. Thus, in the -mountains of Chaldæa, astronomy and all its parasitical sciences took -birth among the shepherd race. From temperament and circumstances, the -inhabitants of thinly-peopled tracts, if unvexed by wars, are profoundly -meditative. What they behold in serene indistraction gradually rouses -their thoughts, and presenting itself again and again, attended always, -as the phenomena of the heavens are, by the same accidents, compels them -to study.[1809] - ------ - -Footnote 1808: - - Lord Bacon considers the pastoral state preferable in some respects to - the agricultural:—“The two simplest and most primitive trades of life; - that of the shepherd (who by reason of his leisure, rests in a place, - and living in view of heaven, is a lively image of a contemplative - life) and that of the husbandman; where we see the favour of God went - to the shepherd and not to the tiller of the ground.”—Advancement of - Learning, p. 64. Shepherds made libations of milk to the Muses. - Theocrit. i. 143, seq. - -Footnote 1809: - - Even yet we find the shepherds of Greece retain some smack of - classical learning: “After dinner I walked out with a shepherd’s boy - to herbarise; my pastoral botanist surprised me not a little with his - nomenclature; I traced the names of Dioscorides, and Theophrastus, - corrupted, indeed, in some degree by pronunciation, and by the long - _series annorum_, which had elapsed since the time of these - philosophers, but many of them were unmutilated, and their virtues - faithfully handed down in the oral traditions of the country. My - shepherd boy returned to his fold not less satisfied with some paras - that I had given him, than I was in finding in such a rustic a - repository of ancient science.”—Sibth. in Walp. i. 66, seq. There is - in Sir John Fortescue, De Laudibus Legum Angliæ, translated by Robert - Mulcaster, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, a passage describing the - pastoral habits of our ancestors, and the intellectual superiority - they engendered, which appears to me so excellent, that I cannot - resist the temptation to introduce it here:—“England is so fertile and - fruitefull, that comparing quantity to quantity it surmounteth all - other landes in fruitefulnesse. Yea, it bringeth forth fruite of - itselfe, scant provoked by mann’s industrie and labour. For there the - landes, the fieldes, the groves, and the woodes, doe so aboundantlye - springe, that the same untilled doe commonly yield to their owners - more profite then tilled, though else they bee most fruitefull of - corne and graine. There also are fieldes of pasture inclosed with - hedges and ditches, with trees planted and growing uppon the same, - which are a defence to their heardes of sheepe and cattell, against - stormes and heate of the sunne; and the pastures are commonly watered, - so that cattell shutte and closed therein have no neede of keeping - neither by day, nor by night. For there bee no wolves, nor beares, nor - lyons, wherefore their sheepe lye by night in the fields, unkept - within their foldes wherewith their land is manured. By the meanes - whereof, the men of that countrie are scant troubled with any - painefull labour, wherefore they live more spiritually, as did the - ancient fathers, which did rather choose to keepe and feede cattell, - than to disturbe the quietnesse of the minde with care of husbandrie. - And heereof it cometh, that menne of this countrie are more apte and - fitte to discerne in doubtfull causes of great examination and triall, - than are menne whollye given to moyling in the ground; in whom that - rurall exercise engendereth rudeness of witte and minde.” chap. 29. - ------ - -But solitude is less surely the nurse of science than of superstition. -The leaven, which in populous cities scarcely swells visibly in the -breast, ferments unrestrainedly in the depths of woods, in the -high-piled recesses of mountains, in the gloom of caverns, where nature -invests itself with attributes which address themselves powerfully to -the heart, and appears almost to hold communion with its offspring. -Hence the wild mythologies of Nomadic races, which are not loose-hanging -creeds, to be put off and on like a cloak, but a belief inwrought into -their souls, a part of themselves, and perhaps the best part, since it -is from this that springs the whole dignity and poetry of their lives. -In all countries fables rise in the fields, to flow into and be lost in -the cities. Observe the wild picture which Plato, in his Academic Dream, -presents to us of a group of Lydian shepherds. It has all the poetical -elements of an Arabian tale. - -Tradition, he says, represented Gyges the ancestor of Crœsus as a hired -shepherd, who with many others guarded the imperial flocks in the -remoter districts of the country. At this time happened a great -earthquake, attended by floods of rain, which, in the parts where they -were, opened up a vast chasm in the earth. Gyges arriving alone at the -mouth of the gap stood amazed at its depth and magnitude, but observing -a practicable descent went down, and roamed through its subterraneous -passages. Many marvellous things, according to the mythos, did he there -see, and among the rest a hollow brazen horse, with doors in its side, -through which looking in, he beheld a colossal naked corpse, with a -jewelled ring on its hand. Transferring this to his own finger Gyges -departed. - -Shortly afterwards, still wearing the signet, he went to the assembly of -shepherds, which met monthly, for the purpose of selecting a person to -bear the usual report of the flocks to the king. Sitting down among the -rest he happened to turn the beavil of his ring towards himself, upon -which he became invisible to his companions,[1810] as he clearly -discovered from their discourse, which proceeded as if about an absent -man. Smitten with much wonder he returned the gem to its former position -and again became visible. He made the experiment over and over and -always with success; upon which, like another Macbeth, a vast scheme of -ambition darkly shadowed itself upon his mind, and a crown tinged -slightly with blood swam before him. It does not, however, appear that -like the Thane of Cawdor he was perplexed with scruples. He does not -say,— - - “Why do I yield to that suggestion, - Whose horrid image doth unfix my hair, - And make my seated heart knock at my ribs, - Against the use of nature? Present facts - Are less than horrible imaginings. - My thought whose murder’s yet but phantasy, - Shakes so my single state of man, that function - Is smothered in surmise, and nothing is, - But what is not.” - ------ - -Footnote 1810: - - The reader will in this place perhaps remember the dream of Rousseau, - on the enjoyment which the possession of such a ring would have - afforded him; when after pushing his speculations as far as they could - go he determines that he was much better without it.—Rêveries du - Promeneur Solitaire, iii. 137. - ------ - -Gyges, with the ruthless resolution of an Oriental, forms his plan at -once, and coolly works it out. He procures himself to be elected one of -the mission to the king, and on arriving at the capital, dishonours the -queen, murders his master, and ascends the throne.[1811] - ------ - -Footnote 1811: - - Plat. Rep. ii. § 3. Cf. x. § 12. Stallb. Among the gods similar powers - were attributed to the helmet of Hades. Thus, in Homer, Athena is - concealed from Mars by the effect of this enchanted piece of - armour.—Iliad, ε. 845. Apollod. ii. 4. 2. - ------ - -This may be regarded as a specimen of the shepherds’ tales.[1812] But -they moved for the most part in an atmosphere of superstition, had -ceremonies of their own, a mythology of their own, and of the whole the -pervading spirit was love. In communities highly civilised, this passion -commonly degenerates into a plaything, despised when weak, and -mischievous when strong. It is otherwise in the early stages of society. -There, in proportion to their freedom from the aspirations and anxieties -of ambition, men seek happiness in the cultivation of the affections. -The society of women is to them all in all. And the evils that infest -them, disturb their quiet, and engender crime, spring, too, from the -same bitter-sweet fountain, which flows with honey or gall according to -the temper of those who drink of it. Consequently, in contemplating the -pastoral life of Greece, we must beware not to overlook the -shepherdesses,[1813] those heroines of Bucolic poetry, whose freshness -and nature still survive in Theocritus, and other fragments of -antiquity, and may operate as an antidote to that insipid spawn whose -loves and lamentations affect us like ipecacuanha in modern pastorals. - ------ - -Footnote 1812: - - To the same class belongs that tradition of a brazen tablet thrown up - by a fountain in Lycia foretelling the overthrow of the Persian - monarchy by the Greeks.—Plut. Alexand. § 17. - -Footnote 1813: - - Cf. Varr. De Re Rust. ii. 10. - ------ - -In these latitudes of society, at least, women enjoyed their freedom, -and the glimpses presented to us of them as they there existed may be -regarded among the chief charms of Greek poetry. Only, for example, -observe the picture which Chæremon the Flower Poet, has delineated of a -bevy of beautiful virgins sporting by moonlight: - - “There one reclined apart I saw, within the moon’s pale light, - With bosom through her parted robe appearing snowy white; - Another danced, and floating free her garments in the breeze - She seemed as buoyant as the wave that leaps o’er summer seas. - While dusky shadows all around shrunk backward from the place, - Chased by the beaming splendour shed like sunshine from her face: - Beside this living picture stood a maiden passing fair - With soft round arms exposed; a fourth with free and graceful air, - Like Dian when the bounding hart she tracks through morning dew, - Bared through the opening of her robes her lovely limbs to view. - And oh! the image of her charms, as clouds in heaven above, - Mirrored by streams, left on my soul the stamp of hopeless love. - And slumbering near them others lay, on beds of sweetest flowers, - The dusky petaled violet, the rose of Paphian bowers. - The inula and saffron flower, which on their garments cast, - And veils, such hues as deck the sky when day is ebbing fast; - While far and near tall marjoram bedecked the fairy ground, - Loading with sweets the vagrant winds that frolicked all around.”[1814] - ------ - -Footnote 1814: - - Athen. xiii. 87. - ------ - -In the ordinary bucolic poets women to be sure are sketched with a rude -pencil, though coquettish as queens, of which we have an exemplification -in the picture on the shepherd’s cup:[1815] - - And there, by ivy shaded, sits a maid divinely wrought, - With veil and circlet on her brows, by two fond lovers sought. - Both beautiful with flowing hair, both sueing to be heard, - On this side one, the other there, but neither is preferred. - For now on this, on that anon, she pours her witching smile, - Like sunshine on the buds of hope, in falsehood all and guile, - Though ceaselessly, with swelling eyes, they seek her heart to move, - By every soft and touching art that wins a maiden’s love.[1816] - ------ - -Footnote 1815: - - This was the κισσύβιον, a goblet or cup turned of ivy wood. It was - usually rubbed with wax and polished, for the purpose of bringing out - the beautiful carving which adorned it. Cf. Etym. Mag. 515. 33. - -Footnote 1816: - - Theocrit. i. 32, sqq. - ------ - -There is here no straining after the ideal. Like Titian’s beauties, -these shepherdesses are all creatures of this earth, filled with robust -health, dark-eyed, warm, impassioned, and somewhat deficient in reserve. -They understand well how to act their part in a dialogue. For every bolt -shot at them they can return another as keen. Each bower and bosky -bourne seems redolent of their smiles; their laughter awakens the -echoes; their ruddy lips and pearly teeth hang like a vision over every -bubbling spring and love-hiding thicket which they were wont to -frequent. Hence the charm of Theocritus. And a still stronger charm -perhaps would have belonged to the pages of him who should have painted -the shepherd’s life of a remoter age,[1817] when none were above such an -occupation, which therefore united at once all the dignity of lofty -independence with the careless freedom of manners and unapprehensive -enjoyment in which consists the secret source of all the pleasure which -rustic pictures afford. Most of his creations, though not all, are in -this respect wanting. Ideas of penury[1818] slip in, and, in the midst -of rich poetry, check the developement of pleasurable feelings. For the -musical swains, though apparently ambitious of nought but the reputation -of song, permit us to discover, that they are but hirelings tending -flocks not their own. The contrast between persons of this class and -those who are owners of the sheep they tend, is forcibly pointed out in -the sacred language of Christ: “I am the good shepherd: the good -shepherd giveth his life for the sheep. But he that is an hireling and -not the shepherd and whose own the sheep are not, seeth the wolf coming, -and leaveth the sheep and fleeth, and the wolf catcheth them and -scattereth the sheep. The hireling fleeth because he is a hireling, and -careth not for the sheep. I am the good shepherd and know my sheep and -am known of mine. As the Father knoweth me even so know I the Father; -and I lay down my life for the sheep.”[1819] The same affectionate -tenderness is attributed to shepherds in the prophetic writings: “he -shall feed his flocks like a shepherd, he shall gather the lambs with -his arm, and carry them in his bosom, and shall gently lead those that -are with young.”[1820] - ------ - -Footnote 1817: - - Though even here we detect the presence of hirelings; for Homer - observes, that, among the Læstrigons, such shepherds as could do with - little sleep received double wages. Odyss. κ. 84, seq. - -Footnote 1818: - - In fact black slaves, from Africa, were sometimes employed as - shepherds, at least in Sicily. Theoc. i. 24. - -Footnote 1819: - - John, x. 11, sqq. - -Footnote 1820: - - Isaiah, xl. 11. - ------ - -In the matter of virtues and vices, the shepherds of antiquity were very -much, no doubt, like other men. Their habits were such as grew naturally -out of their position. Towards whatever their feelings led them they -proceeded vehemently, and with that singleness of purpose which belongs -to men of simple and decided character.[1821] They were too commonly -creatures of mere impulse. From the peculiar form of their communion -with nature, which, like the masses of Egyptian architecture, was -continued and monotonous, they acquired a peculiarity of mental -temperament, warm, as it were, in parts, and cold in parts. Every -circumstance around them tended to rouse, pique, and inflame the passion -of desire and its concomitants; the pairing of their flocks, of the -birds, of the very wild beasts whose courage or ferocity they dreaded; -their own leisure combined with the excess of health, the influence of -climate, the solicitations of opportunity, impelled them into excess; -and, accordingly, their morals in this respect sank to a low standard, -and rendered them any thing but models of the golden age. The intellect -of course was comparatively little cultivated; and there being no other -check upon the feelings, suicides, murders of jealousy, and other -evidences of ill-regulated passion would often occur.[1822] - ------ - -Footnote 1821: - - It has been observed by Gibbon, who had diligently studied the - pastoral nations of Asia in their general habits and characteristics, - that ambition and the spirit of conquest are powerfully excited by the - shepherd’s manner of life. “The thrones of Asia have been repeatedly - overturned by the shepherds of the north, and their arms have spread - terror and devastation over the most fertile and warlike countries of - Europe. On this occasion, as well as on many others, the sober - historian is forcibly awakened from a pleasing vision and is compelled - with some reluctance to confess, that the pastoral manners which have - been adorned with the fairest attributes of peace and innocence are - much better adapted to the fierce and cruel habits of a military - life.” Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, iv. 348. Hippocrates in - his brief but vigorous manner has presented us with a picture of the - Scythian shepherd’s life in ancient times, (De Aër. et Loc. § 92, - sqq.) and from modern travellers we find that it differed very little - from that which they lead at the present day. See the travels of - Rubriquis in Hakluyt, i. 101, sqq. See also the notes of Coray on - Hippocrates, t. ii. 280, seq. - -Footnote 1822: - - Theocritus describes Daphnis dying for love. Eidyll. i. 135. - ------ - -But, in proportion as we pierce further back into antiquity, these -tragical incidents become fewer: not merely because our knowledge of -those ages is more scanty, but that in ruder times morality is -comparatively lax, and men’s taste less fastidious. The rigid laws of -marriage were then little observed. Women passed from husband to husband -without losing character or caste; and when they produced illegitimate -offspring attributed the paternity to some god, and scarcely considered -the circumstance a misfortune. Half the princes of the Homeric age were -illegitimate; for this is what is always meant by saying they were -descended from the gods. Æneas was the son of some young woman whom -Anchises met on the mountains, where he pastured his father’s flocks and -pretended to have been loved by Aphrodite.[1823] Persons so -circumstanced were, doubtless, capable of much romance. Nymphs and -goddesses peopled their imagination, and their imagination let loose its -brood upon the woods. Poets afterwards, able to infuse a soul into these -rustic traditions, gave a local habitation and a name to every beautiful -legend they could collect. Hence that sunny picture, the interview of -Aphrodite and Anchises amid the lofty recesses, the grassy slopes, the -sparkling leaping brooks, and old umbrageous forests of Mount Ida. -Already, however, the force of dress was known, which Montaigne -afterwards celebrated; for the Homeric bard, about to record an -interview between the goddess and her shepherd-lover, instead of -supposing her to have been - - “When unadorned, adorned the most,” - -describes all the arts of a luxurious toilette. - ------ - -Footnote 1823: - - Hom. Hymn. ad Ven. 54, sqq. - ------ - -The picture, however, of pastoral life which he suggests rather than -describes, is worked out with strokes of great simplicity. All the other -herdsmen disperse in the execution of their several duties, leaving -Anchises alone in the cattle-sheds,[1824] spacious in dimensions, and -tastefully erected, where he amuses his solitary leisure with the music -of the cithara. While thus engaged he beholds the approach of the -goddess,[1825] and is at once struck with her beauty and the splendour -of her raiment. At the unearthly vision his love is kindled; but the -poet, skilled in the mysteries of the heart, chastens his passion by -overmastering feelings of reverence, such as necessarily belong to -unsophisticated youth. Anchises constitutes, indeed, the _beau idéal_ of -an heroic shepherd, simple, high-minded, ingenuous, venturous and -fearless in contests with man or beast, but in his intercourse with -woman gentle, reverent, - - “And of his port as meek as is a maid.” - -In fact, the gallant knights of romance seem rather to have been -modelled after the heroic warriors of Greece, than from any realities -supplied by the chivalrous ages. The author of the Hymn is careful in -describing the shepherd’s couch, to insinuate with how great strength -and courage he was endowed. He reclines, we are told, on skins of bears -and lions slain by his own hand, though over these there were cast, for -show, garments of the softest texture.[1826] - ------ - -Footnote 1824: - - Compare Trollope, Notes on St. John, x. i. - -Footnote 1825: - - Aleuas, the Thessalian, is said to have been favoured with the visits - of a very different mistress as he pastured his herds on Mount Ossa, - near the Hæmonian spring; for a dragon of enormous size, becoming - enamoured of his beauty and golden hair, frequently approached the - shepherd with presents of game of her own catching. Having laid her - gifts at his feet, she would kiss his locks and lick his face with her - tongue, which, as the fountain was so near it, may be hoped was a work - of supererogation. Ælian. De Nat. Animal. viii. 11. - -Footnote 1826: - - Hymn. ad Vener. 158, sqq. - ------ - -Throughout this work it has been seen how the influence of climate and -position concurred in the formation of the Greek character. We may -ourselves put the doctrine to the proof by observing the effect upon our -minds of those reflections of landscapes which appear in language; rude -Boreal scenes exciting the spirit of contention and energy; while the -soft valleys, groves, and odoriferous gardens of the South produce a -calm upon our thoughts favourable to the more benevolent emotions. -Hellenic shepherds, therefore, no other causes preventing, may upon the -whole be supposed to have been humane. - -Indeed, the very curious adventures of a sophist,[1827] in the mountains -of Eubœa, preserved among the literary wrecks of antiquity, open up to -our view a picture of pastoral life which, in spite of much rudeness and -indigence, exhibits the Greek character in its original roughness and -simplicity, full of kindness, full of gentleness, full of hospitable -propensities, which would do honour to the noblest Arab Sheikh. And the -material scene itself, in every feature Grecian, harmonises exactly with -the moral landscape. - ------ - -Footnote 1827: - - Dion Chrysostom. Orat. vii. t. i. p. 219, sqq. Phot. 166. a. 24. - ------ - -The eastern shores of the island of Negropont, beetled over by Mount -Caphareus,[1828] and indented by no creeks or harbours, were in -antiquity infamous for shipwrecks, notwithstanding that they formed the -principal station of the purple fishers.[1829] Cast away on this coast, -the sophist Dion, for his eloquence surnamed of the golden-mouth, fell -in with a pastoral hunter who, entertaining him generously, furnished at -the same time a complete idea of the rude herdsman, who preserved in the -vicinity of the highest civilisation known to the old world the -simplicity of the Homeric Abantes.[1830] Nay, this wild sportsman, -pursuing with his huge dogs a stag along the cliffs, powerful in limb, -hale in colour, and with long hair streaming over his shoulders, -appeared to be the natural descendant of those Heroic warriors.[1831] -Armed with his hunting-knife, he flays and cuts up the stag upon the -spot, and taking along with him the skin and choicest pieces of venison -abandons the remainder on the beach. As they go along he displays the -knowledge wherewith experience stores the rustic mind. He understands -the signs of the weather, and from the clouds which cap the summits of -Caphareus foretells how long the sea will continue unnavigable.[1832] - ------ - -Footnote 1828: - - On this mountain and the mythological legends attached to it, see - Virg. Æn. xi. 260, with the note of Servius. Ovid. Metamorph. xiv. - 472. Cf. Propert. v. 115, sqq. Jacobs. Plin. iv. 21. An ancient - scholiast, quoted by Morell, thus relates the revenge of Nauplios: - Ναύπλιος τοῦ υἱέος δὴ τοῦ Παλαμήδους τοῦ φόνου ἀμυνόμενος τοὺς Ἕλλήνας - τοῦ ἀνέμου αὐτοῖς ἐνστάντος· ἐπεὶ τοῦτον διὰ θαλάττης ἐγέλων. αὐτὸς - οὗτος τὸν Καφηρέα καταλαβὼν εἶτα νυκτὸς πυρσεύων ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖσε - πετρωδῶν πάγων, ἠπάτα προσχεῖν, ὡς δή τινι εὐπροσόδῳ ἀκτῆ τοῖς - ἀποτόμοις κρημνοῖς εἰς βάθος ἐῤῥιζωμένοις καὶ χοιράσι διειλημμένοις. - καὶ οὕτως ἀπρόοπτως ἀπωλόντο. Schediasm. &c., in Dion. t. ii. p. 580, - seq. Cf. Strab. viii. 6. t ii. p. 195. Apollodor. ii. i. 5. Orph. - Argonaut. 204, sqq. - -Footnote 1829: - - On the purple fisheries of Eubœa, cf. Feder. Morell. Schediasm. &c., - in Dion. ii. 576. Reiske. and Aristot. Hist. Animal. v. 15. - -Footnote 1830: - - A life equally simple is led by the Albanian shepherds of the present - day. “They live on the mountains, in the vale or the plain, as the - varying seasons require, under arbours, or sheds, covered with boughs, - tending their flocks abroad, or milking the ewes and she-goats at the - fold, and making cheese and butter to supply the city.” Chandler, ii. - p. 135. - -Footnote 1831: - - Iliad. β. 541. δ. 464. The long hair of these ancient warriors is thus - mentioned by the Homeric Scholiast: τὰ ὀπίσω μέρη τῆς κεφαλῆς κομῶντες - ἀνδρείας χάριν. ἴδιον δὲ τοῦτο τῆς τῶν Εὐβοέων κουρᾶς, τὸ ὄπισθεν τὰς - τρίχας βαθείας ἔχειν. t. i. p. 83. Bekker. - -Footnote 1832: - - Cf. Theoph. De Sign. Pluv. i. 22. - ------ - -Rude as an American backwoodsman, he was precipitated, by the rare luck -of meeting with a stranger, into equal inquisitiveness and garrulity. He -put questions without waiting for an answer. He gossipped of his own -concerns; explained without being asked the whole economy of his life; -and exhibited all that enthusiasm of beneficence which belongs to human -nature when uncorrupted by the thirst of gold. There is a rare truth in -the description; far too much ever to have graced a sophist’s tale, -unless nature had supplied the model. - -“There are two of us,” says he, “who inhabit together the same rude -nook, having married sisters, by whom we have both sons and daughters. -We derive our subsistence principally from the chase, paying but little -attention to agriculture, since we have no land of our own. Nor were our -fathers better off in this respect than ourselves; for, though freeborn -citizens, they were poor, and by their condition constrained to tend the -herds of another, a man of great property, owning vast droves of cattle, -numerous horses and sheep, several beautiful estates, with many other -possessions, and all these mountains as far as you can see. This -opulence, however, became his ruin. For the emperor, casting a covetous -eye upon his domains, put him to death, that he might have a pretext for -seizing on them. Our few beasts went along with our master’s, and the -wages due to us there was no one to pay. - -“Here, therefore, of necessity we remained[1833] where two or three huts -were left us, with a slight wooden shed in which the calves had been -housed in the summer nights.[1834] For, during winter, we had been used -to descend for pasture to the plains where, in the proper season, stores -of hay were also laid up; but with the re-appearance of summer we -returned again to the mountains. The spot which had formed our principal -station now became our fixed dwelling. Branching off on either hand is a -deep and shady valley, having in the middle a rivulet so shallow as to -be easily traversed, both by cattle and their young. This stream, -flowing from a spring hard by, is pure and perennial and cooled by the -summer wind blowing perpetually up the ravine. The encircling forests of -oak stretch forth their boughs far above, over a carpet of soft verdure, -which descends with a gentle slope into the stream, giving birth to a -few gad-flies,[1835] or any other insect hurtful to herds. Extending -around are numerous lovely meadows, dotted with lofty trees, where the -grass is green and luxuriant throughout the year.” - ------ - -Footnote 1833: - - Had Bernardin de St. Pierre read this when he wrote his Indian - Cottage? - -Footnote 1834: - - An equal degree of contentment to that which in this recital we find - exhibited by the Eubœan herdsmen, is still in our own times displayed - by the rough peasants of the Lipari islands, in the midst of far - greater privations:—“It is incredible at the same time how contented - these islanders are amid all their poverty. Ulysses perhaps cherished - not a greater love for his Ithaca than they bear to their Eolian rocks - which, wretched as they may appear, they would not exchange for the - Fortunate islands. Frequently have I entered their huts which seem - like the nests of birds hung to the cliffs. They are framed of pieces - of lava ill-joined together, equally destitute of ornament within and - without, and scarcely admitting a feeble uncertain light, like some - gloomy cavern.” Spallanzani, Travels in the Two Sicilies, iv. 147. - -Footnote 1835: - - The absence of these tormentors of cattle was considered a matter of - great importance by the ancients. Virgil, where he is giving - directions respecting the best pastures suited to the youthful mothers - of the herds, celebrates the exploits of the gadfly: - - Saltibus in vacuis pascant, et plena secundum - Flumina: muscus ubi, et viridissima gramine ripa, - Speluncæque tegant, et saxea procubet umbra. - Est lucos Silari circa, ilicibusque virentem - Plurimus Alburnum volitans, cui nomen asilo - Romanum est, œstrum Graii vertere vocantes: - Asper, acerba sonans: quo tota exterrita sylvis - Diffugiunt armenta; furit mugitibus æther - Concussus, sylvæque et sicci ripa Tanagri. - Georg. iii. 143, sqq. - - See the note of Philargyrius in loc. Aristot. Hist. Animal, iv. 4. v. - 19. - ------ - -The eloquence of this description, I mean in the original, is not -unworthy to be compared with that in the Phædrus[1836] which has given -eternal bloom to the platane-tree and agnus castus on the banks of the -Ilissos. - ------ - -Footnote 1836: - - Plat. Opp. t. i. p. 9. To protect from pollution spots shaded by noble - trees they were accustomed to consecrate them to some god, and to - erect beneath the overhanging branches statues and altars. Id. ib. In - Crete the fountains are often shaded still by majestic plane-trees. - Pashley, ii. 31. - ------ - -The conversion of these herdsmen into hunters is narrated by Dion with a -patient simplicity worthy of Defoe. An air of solitude, snatched from -Robinson Crusoe’s island, seems to breathe at his bidding over Eubœa. -The same education operates strange changes both in man and dog; and -bringing them into hostile contact with wolves, wild boars, stags, and -other large animals, gives the latter a taste for blood, and renders him -fierce and destructive. Subsisting by the chase, they pursued it summer -and winter, following both hares and fallow-deer by their tracks in the -snow. In their intervals of leisure they strengthened and beautified -their dwellings, saw their children intermarry and grow up to succeed -them, without even once approaching any city or even village. - -The style of hospitality prevalent among such men in antiquity differs -very little from that which one would now find in the hut of a -good-natured Albanian.[1837] Their industry rendered them independent, -and their independence rendered them generous. By degrees their rustic -cottages were surrounded by a garden and fruit-trees, their court was -walled in, and luxuriant vines hung their foliage and purple fruit over -windows and porch. On the arrival of a stranger, the wife takes her -station at table beside her husband. Their marriageable daughter, in the -bloom and beauty of youth, aids her brothers in waiting at table, where -host and guest recline on highly raised divans of leaves covered with -the skins of beasts. The young maiden, like a rustic Hebe, pours out the -wine, dark and fragrant, while the youths served up the dishes and then -laid out a table for themselves and dined together. And the sophist, -versed in the courts of satraps and kings, conceived these rude hunters -of the mountains the happiest and most enviable of mankind. - ------ - -Footnote 1837: - - Or even in the shed of a Turkish shepherd in Asia Minor. Dr. Chandler - has a passage illustrative of the hospitality of pastoral tribes, - which is at once so picturesque and concise that I am tempted to - transcribe it: “About two in the morning our whole attention was fixed - by the barking of dogs, which, as we advanced, became exceedingly - furious. Deceived by the light of the moon we now fancied we could see - a village, and were much mortified to find only a station of poor - goatherds without even a shed, and nothing for our horses to eat. They - were lying wrapped in their thick capotes or loose-coats by some - glimmering embers, among the bushes in a dale under a spreading tree - by the fold. They received us hospitably, heaping on fresh fuel and - producing caimac or sour curds and coarse bread which they toasted for - us on the coals. We made a scanty meal, sitting on the ground lighted - by the fire and by the moon, after which sleep suddenly overpowered - me. On waking I found my companions by my side, sharing in the - comfortable cover of the Janizary’s cloak which he had carefully - spread over us. I was now much struck with the wild appearance of the - spot. The tree was hung with rustic utensils, the she-goats in a pen - sneezed and bleated and rustled to and fro; the shrubs, by which our - horses stood, were leafless, and the earth bare; a black cauldron with - milk was simmering over the fire, and a figure more than gaunt or - savage close by us was struggling on the ground with a kid whose ears - he had slit, and was endeavouring to cauterise with a piece of red-hot - iron.” Chandler, vol. i. 180, seq. - ------ - -But a pastoral picture is incomplete without love. The youthful beauty -of Caphareus, hidden, like another Nouronihar[1838] from the world, is -accordingly beloved by her cousin, an adventurous hunter like her sire, -who joins the family circle in the evening, accompanied by his father, -bringing in his hand a hare as a present to his mistress. The old man -salutes the guest, the youth offers his present with a kiss, and -immediately undertakes the office of the girl, who thereupon resumes her -place beside her mother. - ------ - -Footnote 1838: - - History of the Caliph Vathek. p. 102. - ------ - -Observing this arrangement, the stranger inquires whether she is not -soon to be married to some wealthy peasant, who might benefit the -family, upon which the youth and maiden blush, and her father replies, - -“Nay, but she will take a husband, humble in rank, and like ourselves a -hunter,” glancing at the same time at the lover. - -“How is it then that you wait?” inquired the stranger. “Do you expect -him from the village?” - -“No,” answered the father, “he is not far off; and so soon as we can fix -upon a fortunate day the nuptials will be celebrated.” - -“And by what do you judge of a fortunate day?” - -“The moon must be approaching the full, the weather fair, and the -atmosphere transparent.” - -“And is the youth in reality an able hunter?” - -“I am,” said the young man, answering for himself, “in the chase of the -stag or boar, as you yourself, if you please, shall judge to-morrow.” - -“And did you take this hare, my friend?” - -“I did,” replied he with a smile, “having set a gin for him by -night;[1839] the weather being surpassing beautiful, and the moon larger -than it ever was before.” - ------ - -Footnote 1839: - - Cf. Philost. Icon. ii. 26, p. 851. - ------ - -Upon this both the old men laughed, and the lover abashed held his -peace. - -“But,” observed the father of the maiden, “it is no fault of mine that -the solemnity is deferred; we only wait at your father’s desire, till a -victim can be purchased; for a sacrifice must be offered to the gods.” - -“With respect to the victim,” interposed the maiden’s younger brother, -“he has long provided one, and a noble one too, which is now feeding -behind the cottage.” - -“And is it truly so?” demanded the old man. - -“It is,” replied the lad. - -“And where,” addressing the youth, “did you procure it?” inquired they. - -“When we took the wild sow,[1840] which was followed by her litter,” -answered he, “and the greater number, swifter than hares, made their -escape; I hit one with a stone, and my companions coming up threw a skin -over him. This I secured, and exchanged in the village for a young -domestic pig which has been fatted in a sty behind the house.” - ------ - -Footnote 1840: - - The wild hog is still one of the most common animals in the forests of - Greece and Asia Minor. Chandler, i. 77. Even wild bulls occasionally - make their appearance in the latter country. 176. - ------ - -“I now understand,” exclaimed the father, “the cause of your mother’s -mirth when I would wonder what that grunting could be, and how the -barley was disappearing so fast.” - -“Nevertheless,” observed the young man, “to be properly fatted our -Eubœan swine require acorns.[1841] However, if you will just step this -way I will show her to you.” - ------ - -Footnote 1841: - - To this best and most economical food for hogs, Homer makes allusion - where he introduces the goddess Circe attending to her sty, which she - had filled with the transformed companions of Odysseus: - - τοῖσι δε Κίρκη - Πὰρ ῥ’ ἄκυλον, βάλανον τ᾽ ἔβαλεν, καρπόν τε κρανείης - Ἔδμεναι, οἷα σύες χαμαιευνάδες αἰὲν ἔδουσιν. - Od. κ. 241, sqq. Cf. ν. 409. - - Ælian de Nat. Animal. v. 45, celebrates these Homeric dainties as the - food of the hog to which he elsewhere adds the fruit of the ash. viii. - 9. - ------ - -Upon which off they went, the boys quite at a run, and in vast glee. - -In the meantime, the maiden going into the other cottage, brought forth -a quantity of split service-berries,[1842] medlars,[1843] and winter -apples, and bunches of superb grapes, bursting ripe,[1844] and, brushing -down the table, she spread them out there upon a layer of clean fern. -Next moment the lads returned bringing in the pig, with much joking and -shouts of laughter. Then came, too, the young man’s mother, with two of -his little brothers, and they brought along with them nice white loaves, -with boiled eggs in wooden salvers, with a quantity of parched peas. -Having embraced her brother, with his wife and daughter, she sat down -beside her husband, and said, - -“Behold the victim, which my son has long fed for his marriage, and the -other things also are ready; both the barley-meal and the flour. A -little wine, perhaps, may be wanting, but even this we can easily -procure from the village.” - -And her son standing near her, fixed his eyes wistfully upon his -father-in-law. - -The latter smilingly observed,— - -“All delay now is on the lover’s part, who, perhaps, is anxious to -fatten his pig.” - -“As to her,” said the youth, “she is bursting with fat.” - -Upon this the sophist, willing to aid the lover, interposed, and -remarked,— - -“But you must take care lest while the pig is fattening he himself grow -thin.” - -“The stranger’s remark is just,” said his mother; “for already he is -more meagre than he used to be; and I have of late observed him to be -wakeful at night, and to go forth from the cottage.” - -“Oh! that,” said he, “was when the dogs barked, and I stepped out to see -what was the matter.” - -“Not you!” said his mother,—“but went moping about. Let us, therefore,” -continued she, “put him to no further trial.” - -And throwing her arms about her sister, the maiden’s mother, she kissed -her; whereupon the latter, addressing her husband, said,— - -“Let us grant them their desire.” - -To which he agreed; and it was resolved, that the marriage should be -solemnized in three days, the stranger being invited to remain and -witness it, which he did. - ------ - -Footnote 1842: - - Cf. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ii. 2. 10. ii. 7. 7—iii. 6. 5—vi. 3. 11. - - Ὄα, ἀκροδρύων εἶδος μήλοις μικροῖς ἐμφερές - - Tim. Lec. Platon. in voce with the note of Ruhnken. - -Footnote 1843: - - On the three kinds of medlars, Theoph. Hist. Plant. iii. 12. 5. - -Footnote 1844: - - Philost. Icon. i. 31, p. 809. ii. 26, p. 851. - ------ - -The above picture of an obscure herdsman’s life in its naked simplicity, -void of all embellishment, will probably be thought more trustworthy -than the elaborate descriptions of the poets, notwithstanding that, even -in these, it is easy to separate the real from the fictitious. - -In the estimation of the Greeks the herdsman[1845] commonly ranked -before the shepherd, and the latter before the goatherd,—for the dream -of rank pursues mankind even amid the quiet of the fields,—and their -manners are supposed to have corresponded. Pollux,[1846] however, -reckons the goatherd next after the herdsman, and again inverts the -order. Varro, on the other hand, gives precedence to the shepherd as the -most ancient, the sheep, in his opinion, having been the animal earliest -tamed. - ------ - -Footnote 1845: - - Robust persons, with loud voices, were ordinarily chosen for herdsmen, - while goatherds were selected for their lightness and agility. Geop. - ii. 1. Shepherds obtained among the Greeks the name of ποιμένες; while - the keepers of other flocks and herds were termed αἰπόλοι. Schol. - Theoc. i. 6. - -Footnote 1846: - - Onomast. i. 249. - ------ - -In point of utility the goat, in some parts of the ancient world, -rivalled the sheep, producing fine hair which was shorn like wool.[1847] -I may remark, too, in passing, that the large-tailed sheep still common -in Asia Minor, as well as at the Cape, were anciently plentiful in -Syria, where, according to the great naturalist,[1848] their tails -attained a cubit in breadth. In some parts of Arabia another more -curious breed was found, with tails three cubits in length, to carry -which they were supplied by the ingenuity of the shepherds with wooden -carriages.[1849] - ------ - -Footnote 1847: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. viii. 27. 3. Things manufactured from the hair of - this animal were called κιλίκια. Etym. Mag. 513. 41. - -Footnote 1848: - - Arist. Hist. Anim. viii. 27. 3. Speaking of the neighbourhood of - Smyrna,—The “sheep,” observed Dr. Chandler, “have broad tails, hanging - down like an apron, some weighing eight, ten, or more pounds. These - are eaten as a dainty, and the fat, before they are full-grown, - accounted as delicious as marrow.” Travels, i. 77. Of the broad-tailed - sheep mentioned by the ancients the most remarkable were those of - India, where, according to Ctesios, of veracious memory, both they and - the goats were larger than asses:—τὰ πρόβατα τῶν Ἰνδῶν καὶ αἱ αἶγες - μείζους ὄνων εἰσί, καὶ τίκτουσιν ἀνὰ τεσσάρων καὶ ἓξ ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολύ, - ἔχουσι δὲ οὐρὰς μεγάλας · διὸ τῶν τοκάδων ἀποτέμνουσιν ἵνα δύνωνται - ὀχεύεσθαι. Phot. Biblioth. Cod. 72. p. 46. b. Bekker. Ælian. de Nat. - Animal, iv. 32, relates, without any symptoms of incredulity, - precisely the same fact; and then adds a circumstance which may keep - in countenance the Abyssinian story of Bruce respecting the carving of - a rump-steak from a live cow,—for the Indians, observes Ælian, were in - the habit of cutting open the tails of the rams, extracting all the - fat, and then sowing them up again so dexterously that in a short time - no trace of the incision remained visible. - -Footnote 1849: - - Herod. iii. 113. Ælian. Hist. Anim. x. 4. - ------ - -In most parts of Greece, as well as in the East, it was customary to -bring home the sheep from pasture towards evening, and shut them up for -the night in warm and roomy cotes, which were surrounded by wattled -fences,[1850] strong and high, both to prevent them from leaping over, -and to exclude the wild beasts which, in remoter ages, abounded in the -mountains. They were carefully roofed over, and every other precaution -was taken to render them perfectly dry, the floor being usually pitched -with stones, and slightly inclined. Their bedding[1851] consisted of -calaminth and asphodel and pennyroyal and polion (a sort of herb whose -leaves appear white in the morning, of a purple colour at noon, and blue -when the sun sets[1852]) and fleabane and southernwood and -origany,[1853] all which repel vermin. The more completely to effect the -same purpose, they were, likewise, in the habit of fumigating the cotes -from time to time, by burning in them several locks of some -shepherdess’s hair,[1854] together with gum ammoniac, hartshorn, the -hoofs or hair of goats, bitumen, cassia, fleabane, or calaminth, for the -smell of which serpents were thought to have a peculiar aversion.[1855] -Their ordinary food, while in the folds, consisted of green clover and -cytisus, fenugreek, oaten and barley straw, and vegetable stalks,[1856] -which were supposed to be improved if sprinkled on the threshing-floor -with brine, figs blown down by the wind, and dry leaves. - ------ - -Footnote 1850: - - Bound together, probably, by wild succory or cneoron, as in modern - times by the withe-wind. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 11. 3. vi. 2. 2. - -Footnote 1851: - - Geop. xviii. 2. - -Footnote 1852: - - Plin. xxi. 7. - -Footnote 1853: - - Dioscor. iii. 32. - -Footnote 1854: - - Geop. xviii. 2. - -Footnote 1855: - - Aristoph. Eccles. 644. Geop. xviii. 2.4. - -Footnote 1856: - - Geop. xviii. 2. Apropos of Cytisus, it is observed by Æschylides, in - Ælian. de Nat. Animal. xvi. 32, that the rustics of Cios, on account - of the aridity of the island, possessed few flocks. Those they had, - however, were fed entirely on the leaves of the cytisus, the fig-tree, - and the olive, mingled occasionally with the straw and halm of - vegetables. The lambs reared on this island were of singular beauty, - and sold at a higher price than those of most other parts. In Lydia - and Macedonia sheep were sometimes fattened upon fish, which must have - given the mutton of those countries a somewhat unsavoury odour. Ælian. - De Nat. Animal. xv. 5. Another favourite food of sheep was the leaves - of the white nymphæa, the tender shoots of which were eaten by swine, - while men themselves fed upon the fruit. Theoph. Hist. Plant. iv. 10. - 7. Children, too, it is said, regarded as a delicacy the stalks of the - phleos, the typha, and the butomos. The roots of this fruit were given - as food to cattle. Id. ibid. - ------ - -In the short and sharp days of winter,[1857] they were not led forth to -pasture till both the dew and the hoar frost had disappeared; but in -summer the shepherds were careful to be a-field with the dawn while the -dew was still heavy on the grass. In Attica[1858] and the environs of -Miletus, where was produced the finest and costliest wool in the ancient -world, the sheep[1859] were protected from rain and dust and brambles -and whatever else could damage their fleeces[1860] by housings of purple -leather.[1861] The same practice prevailed also in the Megaris, where -Diogenes beholding a flock of sheep[1862] thus clad, while the children, -like those of the Egyptian peasants were suffered to run about naked, -said, “It is better to be a Megarean’s ram than his son.” Ælian[1863] -alludes to this saying for the purpose of noticing the ignorance and -want of education prevalent among the Megareans. We find likewise in -Plutarch[1864] another version of the anecdote taxing these Dorians with -avarice and meanness. Augustus imitated the saying of Diogenes and -applied it to Herod, hearing of whose cruelty to his family, he said, -“It were better to be Herod’s hog than his son.”[1865] But if the -Megareans lived poorly they built grandly: so that of them it was said, -that they ate as if they were to die to-morrow, and built as if they -were to live for ever.[1866] - ------ - -Footnote 1857: - - Geop. xviii. 2. - -Footnote 1858: - - Cf. Athen, v. 60. Hom. Il. β. 305, sqq. - -Footnote 1859: - - Those of the neighbouring country of Bœotia are now, however, more - highly valued. “Flocks of sheep whose fleeces were of a remarkable - blackness were feeding on the plain; the breed was considerably - superior in beauty and size to that of Attica.” Sibth. in Walp. i. 65. - To dream of sheep of this colour was regarded by the ancients as - unlucky. Artemid. Oneirocrit. ii. 12. p. 96. The finest black sheep in - the ancient world were found in a district of Phrygia in the - neighbourhood of the cities of Colossè and Laodicea, the wool of which - not only exceeded that of Miletos in softness, but was of a glossy jet - colour like that of the raven’s wing. Φέρει δ᾽ ὁ περὶ τὴν Λαοδίκειαν - τόπος προβάτων ἀρετὰς, οὐκ εἰς μαλακότητας μόνον τῶν ἐρίων, ᾗ καὶ τῶν - Μιλησίων διαφέρει, ἀλλὰ καὶ εὶς τὴν κοραξὴν χρόαν ὥστε καὶ - προσοδεύονται χρόαν ὥστε καὶ προσοδεύονται λαμπρῶς ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν· ὥσπερ - καὶ οἱ Κολοσσηνοὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὁμωνύμου χρώματος πλησίον οἰκοῦντες. Strab. - xii. 8. t. iii. p. 74. Plin. Nat. Hist. viii. 73. Cf. Chandler, - Travels in Greece and Asia Minor, i. 262. The country round Abydos - also was celebrated for its black flocks among which not a single - white sheep was to be discovered. Ælian de Nat. Animal. 3. 32. - -Footnote 1860: - - Varro. de Re Rust. ii. 2. - -Footnote 1861: - - Horace speaks of the “pellites oves Galesi.” Od. ii. 6. 10. - -Footnote 1862: - - Diog. Laert. vi. 41. The practice is noticed also by Pliny who - says,—“Ovium summa genera duo, tectum et colonicum; illiud mollius, - hoc in pascuo delicatius, quippe quum tectum rubis vescatur. - Operimenta ei ex Arabicis præcipua.” Nat. Hist. viii. 72. Columella - also mentions these coverings:—“Molle vero pecus, etiam velamen quo - protegitur, amittit atque id non parvo sumptu reparatur.” vii. 3, seq. - -Footnote 1863: - - Var. Hist. xii. 56. - -Footnote 1864: - - De Cupiditate. § 7. - -Footnote 1865: - - Macrob. Sat. ii. 4. - -Footnote 1866: - - Tertull. in Apolog. ap. Menag. ad Laert. vi. 41. t. ii. p. 141. b. c. - ------ - -Sheep, as most persons familiar with the country will probably have -observed, are wont in hot summer days to retire during the prevalence of -the sun’s greatest heat beneath the shade of spreading trees,[1867] at -which time a green sweep of uplands dotted with antique oaks or -beeches,[1868] each with its stem encircled by some portion of the flock -reposing upon their own fleeces, presents a picture of singular beauty -and tranquillity. The picturesque features of the scene were in old -times enhanced by the addition of several accompaniments now nowhere to -be found, consisting of statues, altars, or chapels, erected in honour -of the rural gods or nymphs.[1869] Fountains, moreover, of limpid -water[1870] in many places gushed forth from beneath the trees, where -there were usually a number of seats for the accommodation of the -shepherds and shepherdesses. In these retreats they generally passed the -sultry hours of the day, playing on the pastoral flute or the syrinx, -chanting their wild lays, or amusing each other by the relation of those -strange legends which inhabited the woods and lonely mountains of -Greece.[1871] There prevailed among them a superstition against -disturbing by their music or otherwise that hushed stillness which most -persons must have observed to characterise the summer noon. At this hour -of the day the God Pan,[1872] in the opinion of Greek shepherds, took -his rest after the toils of the chase, reclining under a tree in the -solitary forest;[1873] and, as he was held to be of a hasty choleric -disposition, they abstained at that time from piping through fear of -provoking his anger. The other Gods likewise were believed to enjoy a -short sleep at this time, as we find in the case of the nymph Aura, in -the Dionysiacs.[1874] - ------ - -Footnote 1867: - - Geop. xviii. 2. - -Footnote 1868: - - Nor in Asia Minor is the shade of trees always deemed sufficient. “We - came,” says Dr. Chandler, “to a shed formed with boughs round a tree, - to shelter the flocks and herds from the sun at noon.” Travels, i. 25. - -Footnote 1869: - - Schol. Theoc. i. 21. Cf. Plat. Phædr. t. i. p. 9. - -Footnote 1870: - - I cannot resist the temptation to introduce in this place the picture - in miniature of a Greek landscape from the picturesque and beautiful - journal of Dr. Sibthorpe: “We dined under a rock, from whose side - descended a purling spring among violets, primroses, and the starry - hyacinth, mixed with black Silyrium and different coloured orches. The - flowering ash hung from the sides of the mountain, under the shade of - which bloomed saxifrages, and the snowy Isopyrum, with the Campanula - Pyramidalis; this latter plant is now called χαρισονη; it yields - abundance of a sweet milky fluid, and was said to promote a secretion - of milk, a quality first attributed to it under the doctrine of - signatures. Our guide made nose-gays of the fragrant leaves of the - Fraxinella; the common nettle was not forgotten as a pot-herb, but the - Imperatoria seemed to be the favourite salad. Among the shrubs I - noticed our gooseberry-tree, and the Cellis Australis grew wild among - the rocks.” Walp. Mem. i. 63. - -Footnote 1871: - - See Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 582, sqq. - -Footnote 1872: - - To dream of this god was considered auspicious by shepherds. Artemid. - Oneirocrit. ii. 42. p. 133. - -Footnote 1873: - - Schol. Theoc. i. 15. Cal. Hymn. in. Lav. Poll. 72. ibique interp. Nem. - Eclog. iii. 3. Cf. Hom. Il. τ. 13. Od. ι. 9. The shepherd in the - Anthology (Jacob. t. ii. no. 227. p. 694) is not so religious as - Theocritus’ goatherd, for he boldly pipes in the morn and at noon χὡ - ποιμὴν ἐν ὄρεσσι μεσαμβρινὸν ἀγχόθι παγᾶς συρίσδων. Kiessling. ad - Theoc. i. 15. - -Footnote 1874: - - Nonn. xlviii. 258, sqq. Cf. Philost. Icon. ii. 11. et J. B. Carpzov. - Disp. Phil. De Quiete Dei, p. 16, sqq. - ------ - -From a passage in St. John’s gospel it would appear, that the practice -prevailed among the Oriental shepherds of distinguishing the several -members of their flocks by separate names: “The sheep hear his voice, -and he calleth his own sheep by name and leadeth them out. And when he -putteth forth his own sheep he goeth before them, and the sheep follow -him, for they know his voice.” We likewise find traces of the same -custom in Sicily, Crete, and various other parts of Greece, where goats, -and heifers, and sheep, enjoyed the privilege of a name, as Cynœtha, -Amalthea, and others. In later times it was judged preferable, that the -flock should follow their shepherds by the eye, for which reason they -were accustomed to stuff their ears with wool.[1875] To prevent rams -from butting, they used to bore a hole[1876] through their horns near -the roots. Sheep were generally shorn[1877] during the month of May, and -after the wool had been clipped, they were commonly anointed with wine, -oil, and the juice of bitter lupins.[1878] In remoter ages the practice -prevailed of plucking off the wool instead of shearing it; and this -barbarous method, at once so painful to the sheep and so laborious to -the shepherd, had not been entirely abandoned in the age of Pliny.[1879] -It was a rule among the pastoral tribes, that the number of their flocks -should be uneven.[1880] The shepherds of Greece bestowed the name of -Sekitai,[1881] (from σηκος an enclosure) upon lambs taken early from the -ewes, and fed by hand. They were usually kept in a cote apart from the -other sheep. - ------ - -Footnote 1875: - - Geop. xviii. 4. - -Footnote 1876: - - Ferocia ejus cohibetur cornu juxta aurem terebrato. Plin. Nat. Hist. - vii. 72. Cf. Geopon. viii. 5. To the same purpose writes also - Columella:—Epicharmus Syracusanus qui pecudum medicinas diligentissime - conscripsit affirmat pugnacem arietem mitigari terebra secundum - auriculas foratis cornibus qua curvantur in flexu. Columell. vii. 3. - -Footnote 1877: - - It is observed by the ancients that long lank wool indicated strength - in the sheep, curly wool the contrary. Geop. xviii. 1, seq. - -Footnote 1878: - - Geop. xviii. 8. - -Footnote 1879: - - Duerat quibusdam in locis vellendi mos. Plin. Nat. Hist, vii. 73. - Veliæ unde essent plures accepi caussas inquies quod ibi pastores - palatim ex ovibus ante tonsuram inventam vellere lanam sint soliti, ex - quo vellera dicuntur. Varr. de Ling. Lat. iv. Cf. De Re Rust. ii. 11. - Isidor. xix. 27. - -Footnote 1880: - - Geop. xviii. 2. - -Footnote 1881: - - Schol. Theoc. i. 9. - ------ - -As flocks, in most parts of Greece, were exposed to the rapacity of the -wolf,[1882] the shepherds had recourse to an extraordinary contrivance, -to destroy this fierce animal; kindling large charcoal fires in open -spaces in the woods, they cast thereon the powder of certain diminutive -fish, caught in great numbers along the grassy shores of Greece, -together with small slices of lamb and kid. Attracted by the savour -which they could snuff from a distance, the wolves flocked in great -numbers towards the fires, round which they prowled with loud howlings, -in expectation of sharing the prey, the odour of which had drawn them -thither. Stupified at length by the fumes of the charcoal, they would -drop upon the earth in a lethargic sleep, when the shepherds coming up -knocked them on the head.[1883] - ------ - -Footnote 1882: - - From the relations of travellers it would appear that the method - observed by the ancient Greeks in ridding themselves of the wolf is no - longer known to their descendants, though the apprehension of their - destructiveness and ferocity be as great as ever. Solon, it is well - known set a price in his laws on the head of a wolf, which appears to - have varied in different ages; (cf. Plut. Solon. § 23. Schol. - Aristoph. Av. 369;) but could never have amounted to the sum of two - talents. Whatever the ancient price may have been, however, it was - paid by the magistrates; but “the peasant now produces the skins in - the bazaar or market, and is recompensed by voluntary contributions.” - Chandler, ii. p. 145. Close by a khan on mount Parnes, which is - covered with pine trees, Sir George Wheler saw a very curious - fountain, to which the wolves, bears, and wild boars commonly descend - to drink. Id. p. 197. - -Footnote 1883: - - Geop. xviii. 14. Nevertheless, when a wolf bit a sheep without killing - it, the flesh was supposed to be rendered more tender and delicate, an - effect which Plutarch attributes to the hot and fiery breath of the - beast. Sympos. ii. 9. - ------ - - END OF THE SECOND VOLUME. - - - - - - - - - LONDON: - Printed by S. & J. BENTLEY, WILSON, and FLEY, - Bangor House, Shoe Lane. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - Transcriber’s Note - -The printer employed the cursive forms of beta (ϐ) and theta (ϑ), -sometimes in the same passage with the standard β and θ. These have been -replaced with the standard forms. - -Hyphenated words sometimes also appear without hyphenation, e.g. ‘olive -grounds’ and ‘olive-grounds’. Where there is a clear preponderance, the -hyphen has either been retained or removed to following the preference. -When there was none, they are left as printed. - - Comments - - 91.10 The original quotation marks (“Wretch, would you make - me a “Phaselitan for a farthing?”) have been properly - nested. - - 355.n3.64 The asterisk seems to serve no purpose. It might have - referred to an internal footnote that was never - printed. It was retained, nonetheless. - -Minor punctation errors and inconsistencies in the footnote apparatus -have been corrected with no further mention here. - -Those errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, -and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the -original. Corrections within notes are denoted with ‘n’ and the original -note number. - - 36.n1 καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν ο[ἴκι]/ἰκίαν Replaced. - 61.15 to have been a comb[.] Added. - 63.31 The _Ægle[,]_ the _Pede_ and Added. - 65.11 in Lycia[,/.] Replaced. - 71.29 ran into the opposite extreme[,/.] Replaced. - 86.7 signi[ni]fies eggs) Removed. - 119.20 were most brilliantly reflected[,/.] Replaced. - 133.8 recal[l]s to mind Inserted. - 134.n3 Ἅλα[ ]λείχειν Space added. - 135.n3.10 Profluit.[”] Added. - 139.30 How much [my,/, my] friend, Transposed. - 163.31 The walnuts a[u/n]d chestnuts Inverted. - 164.20 [“]but we call it Added. - 185.37 roll about the room like a hoop[,/.] Replaced. - 201.31 to the frying[-]pan Inserted. - 209.n5.1 Sc[ol/h\. Aristoph. Nub. 1337, seq. Replaced. - 209.n6.1 Ilgen, De Sc[h]ol. Poes. p. 156. Removed. - 242.1 the friendship of Demosthenes[.] Added. - 242.34 the “Exile Hunter.[”] Added. - 249.n7.2 [‘/“]chez les anciens Atheniens Replaced. - 257.n5 Μ[ε/έ]σσοισιν Replaced. - 274.18 whose Penelope, the[ the] _beau idéal_ Removed. - 286.n8 and out [out ]of these they sometimes Repetition. - drank. - 290.n4 following in the foo[t]steps of Heyne Inserted. - 328.16 found this answer of[ of] irrigation. Removed. - 355.n3.38 le _samia_[,] gros raisin Added. - 385.15 hey would not, if po[s]ssible, Removed. - 423.38 shall judge to-morrow[.]” Added. - 429.n6.14 non parvo sumptu reparatur.[”] Added. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF THE MANNERS AND -CUSTOMS OF ANCIENT GREECE VOLUME II (OF III) *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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