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- text-indent:-1em; - list-style-type: none;} - -a:visited {text-decoration:none; color: red;} -a:link {text-decoration:none;} /* no UL of any links - for html accessibility */ - </style> - </head> - -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry the First, Volume II (of 2), by Edward Augustus Freeman</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry the First, Volume II (of 2)</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Edward Augustus Freeman</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: February 21, 2022 [eBook #67459]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Carol Brown, MWS and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE REIGN OF WILLIAM RUFUS AND THE ACCESSION OF HENRY THE FIRST, VOLUME II (OF 2) ***</div> -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 unindent">Transcriber’s Note: In ebook readers, sidenotes -appear in-line, highlighted in light grey. Additional notes are at the -end of the book.</p> -</div> -<div class="chapter"> - -<h1 class="h1head">THE REIGN OF WILLIAM RUFUS.</h1> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<p class="center black">London</p> - -<p class="center large ls">HENRY FROWDE</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/logo.jpg" - alt="Illustration: Publisher logo" - /> -</div><!--end illustration--> - -<p class="center">OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE</p> - -<p class="center small">7 PATERNOSTER ROW</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter center"> - - -<p class="center">THE</p> -<p class="center muchlarger">REIGN OF WILLIAM RUFUS</p> -<p class="center small">AND THE</p> -<p class="center larger">ACCESSION OF HENRY THE FIRST.</p> - -<p class="p4 center muchsmaller">BY</p> -<p class="p2 center"><span class="h2head">EDWARD A. FREEMAN,</span><span class="large"><abbr title="Master of Arts">M.A.</abbr>, <abbr title="Honorary Doctor of Civil Law"><span class="sc">Hon.</span> D.C.L.</abbr>, <abbr title="Doctor of Laws">LL.D.</abbr></span></p> -<p class="center muchsmaller">HONORARY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE.</p> - -<p class="center p4 ls"><span class="decoration">IN TWO VOLUMES.</span></p> - -<p class="center p2">VOLUME <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr></p> - -<p class="center p4 black ls">Oxford:</p> -<p class="center ls">AT THE CLARENDON PRESS.</p> -<p class="center">1882.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">[<span class="decoration">All rights reserved.</span>]</p> -<!--Blank Page--> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<!--blank page--> -<span class="pageno">v</span> - -<h3 class="h3head ls">CONTENTS.</h3> -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/line.jpg" - alt="Illustration: decorative line" - /> -</div><!--end illustration--> -<table summary=""> - -<tr><td colspan="2" class="pt vc center large">CHAPTER <abbr title="five">V.</abbr></td></tr> - -<tr><td colspan="2" class="ptb vc center small">THE WARS OF SCOTLAND, NORTHUMBERLAND, AND WALES. -1093–1098.</td></tr> - -<tr class="muchsmaller"><td class="p vb left">A. D.</td> - <td class="p vb right">PAGE</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Events of the year 1093; relations between England - and Scotland; results of the war of 1093</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_3">3–4</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Growth of the English power and of the English - nation under Rufus; the Scottish kingdom becomes - English</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_4">4–5</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1093 – Death of Malcolm; first reign of Donald</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1094 – Reign of Duncan; second reign of Donald</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1097 – Establishment of Eadgar</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1095 – Revolt of Robert of Mowbray</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_5">5–5</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Affairs of Wales; comparison between Wales and - Scotland</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_6">6</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Effects of the reign on the union of Britain; comparison - with Ireland and Normandy</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_6">6–8</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 1. <i>The last year of Malcolm.</i><br />1093.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Complaints of Malcolm against William Rufus; - effects on Scotland of the restoration of Carlisle; - other grounds of offence</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_8">8–9</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">March, 1093 – Scottish embassy at Gloucester; Malcolm summoned - to Gloucester; Eadgar sent to bring him</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_9">9–10</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Present favour of Eadgar with William</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_9">9–10</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August – Malcolm sets forth; he stops at Durham</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 11 – He lays a foundation stone of the abbey; import of - the ceremony</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_11">11–12</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 24 – Malcolm at Gloucester; William refuses to see him; - questions between the kings; William observes his - safe-conduct</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_13">13–14</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Malcolm’s last invasion of England; he draws near - to Alnwick; history of the place</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_15">15–16</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">English feeling about Malcolm</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Nov. 13 – Malcolm slain by Morel</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_16">16–17</a> -<span class="pageno">vi</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Burial of Malcolm at Tynemouth; history of Tynemouth; - his translation to Dunfermline</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_18">18–19</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Local estimate of Malcolm’s death</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Character of Margaret; Malcolm’s devotion to her; - her children and their education</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_20">20–22</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Margaret’s reforms; Scottish feeling towards them</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_22">22–26</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Her religious reforms</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_22">22–23</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">She increases the pomp of the court</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_23">23–24</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">English influence in Scotland; English and Norman - settlers</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_24">24–26</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Nov. 27 – Death of Margaret; different versions; her burial at - Dunfermline; Scottish feeling towards her</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_26">26–28</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Donald elected king; he drives out the English; - meaning of the words</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_29">29–30</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Margaret’s children driven out; action of the elder - Eadgar</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_30">30</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Eadgyth and Mary brought up at Romsey; Malcolm - at Romsey; story of Eadgyth and William Rufus</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_31">31–32</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Events of 1094; order of Scottish events</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_32">32–33</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Christmas, 1093–1094 – Assembly at Gloucester; Duncan claims the Scottish - crown; his Norman education</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_33">33–34</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1094 – He receives the crown from William, and wins the - kingdom by the help of Norman and English - volunteers</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_34">34–35</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">May, 1094 – Revolution in Scotland; the foreigners driven out</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">November – Duncan slain and Donald restored</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1094–1097 – Second reign of Donald</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 2. <i>The revolt of Robert of Mowbray.</i><br />1095–1096.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Conspiracy against William Rufus; no general support - for the plot</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_37">37–40</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert of Mowbray marries Matilda of Laigle</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_38">38</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">His dealings with Earl Hugh and Bishop William; - other conspirators; William of Eu</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_38">38–39</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Designs on behalf of Stephen of Aumale</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_39">39–40</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Earl Robert plunders the Norwegian ships; the - merchants complain to the King; Robert refuses - redress</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_40">40–41</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">March 25, 1095 – Easter assembly at Winchester; Robert summoned, - but refuses to come</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">April 4 – Falling stars</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_41">41–42</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Messages between the King and Robert</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">May 13 – Whitsun assembly at Windsor; Robert again refuses - to come</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The King marches against Robert; his rebellion</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_42">42–43</a> -<span class="pageno">vii</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The rebels expect help from Normandy</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_44">44</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The King marches to Nottingham; Anselm’s command - in Kent</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_44">44–45</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert’s fortresses; the New Castle, Tynemouth, - Bamburgh; taking of the New Castle</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_46">46–47</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">July – Siege of Tynemouth; description of the site; taking - of Tynemouth</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_47">47–48</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The castle of Bamburgh; Robert defends it against - the King</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_49">49–50</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Failure of direct attacks; making of the <i>Malvoisin</i>; - the King goes away</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_51">51–52</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert entrapped by a false message; he flees to - Tynemouth; he is besieged in the monastery, - taken, and imprisoned</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_52">52–53</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Bamburgh defended by Matilda of Laigle</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">November – She yields to save her husband’s eyes</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Later history of Robert and Matilda</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_54">54–55</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Morel turns King’s evidence</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1095–1096 – Christmas assembly at Windsor; all tenants-in-chief - summoned; constitutional importance of the meeting</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_56">56–59</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">January 13 – The meeting adjourned to Salisbury; action of the - assembly; no general sympathy with the accused</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_56">56–59</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Bishop William charged with treason and summoned - to take his trial; portents foretelling his death</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_59">59–61</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Dec. 25, 1095–<br />Jan. 1, 109 – His sickness and death</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_61">61</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Debate as to his burial-place; he is buried in the - chapter-house</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_61">61–62</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Sentences of the assembly; Earl Hugh buys his - pardon</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_62">62–63</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">January 13 – William of Eu appealed by Geoffrey of Baynard, and - convicted by battle</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">He is blinded and mutilated; action of Earl Hugh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_64">64–65</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Story of Arnulf of Hesdin; his innocence proved by - battle</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">He goes to the crusade and dies</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William of Alderi sentenced to death; the King refuses - to spare him</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_66">66–67</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">His pious end</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_67">67–68</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Last days of William of Eu and of Morel</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_68">68–69</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 3. <i>The Conquest and Revolt of Wales.</i><br />1093–1097.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Relations with Wales; character of the Welsh wars - of Rufus; effect of the building of castles</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_69">69–71</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Welsh campaigns of Harold and William Rufus compared</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_71">71–72</a> -<span class="pageno">viii</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Immediate failure and lasting success</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Comparison of the conquest of Wales with the English - and Norman conquests; difference of geographical - conditions</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_72">72–74</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Extension of England by conquest and settlement</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_74">74</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Various elements in Wales; the Flemish settlements; - ndurance of the Welsh language</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_74">74–75</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The local nomenclature of Wales contrasted with that - of England</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_75">75–76</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The Welsh castles; contrast with England; the - Welsh towns</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_76">76–77</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Conquests before the accession of Rufus; Robert of - Rhuddlan; reigns of Rhys ap Tewdwr and Cedivor</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_77">77–78</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1091 – Saint David’s robbed by pirates</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1093 – Beginning of the conquest of South Wales; legend of - the conquest of Glamorgan</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_79">79–81</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Story of Jestin and Einion; settlement of Robert - Fitz-hamon and his knights</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_80">80–81</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Estimate of the story; elements of truth</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_81">81–82</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">History of Robert Fitz-hamon; his lands, marriage, - and settlement at Cardiff</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_82">82–83</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">His works at Gloucester and Tewkesbury; his grants - of Welsh churches to English monasteries</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_84">84</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Distinction between Morganwg and Glamorgan; extent - of Glamorgan</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_85">85</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The lords and their castles</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_86">86–87</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The South-Welsh churches and monasteries</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_88">88–89</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Saxon and Flemish settlements in South Wales; - oundation of boroughs</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_88">88</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Conquest of Brecknock; Bernard of Newmarch and - his wife Nest</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_89">89–91</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Easter, 1093 – Defeat and death of Rhys at Brecknock; effects of his - death</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_91">91–92</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">April 30 – Cadwgan harries Dyfed</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_92">92</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">July 1 – Norman conquest of Ceredigion and Dyfed</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_92">92–93</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Tale of Rufus’s threats against Ireland</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_92">92–93</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Acquisition of Saint David’s; Bishop Wilfrith</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The Pembrokeshire castles</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Pembroke castle begun by Arnulf of Montgomery; - second building by Gerald of Windsor; his wife - Nest</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_96">96–97</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Earl Hugh in Anglesey; castle of Aberlleiniog</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Advance of Earl Roger in Powys; castle of Rhyd-y-gors</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Seeming conquest of Wales; Gower and Caermarthen - unsubdued</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_98">98</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Effect of William’s absence; general revolt under - Cadwgan son of Bleddyn</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_98">98–100</a> -<span class="pageno">ix</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Invasion of England</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_100">100</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Deliverance of Anglesey; Aberlleiniog castle broken - down</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_101">101</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Character of the war; action of Cadwgan in Dyfed; - Pembroke castle holds out</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_101">101–102</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Question of a winter campaign; conquest of Kidwelly, - Gower, and Caermarthen</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1099 – Alleged West-Saxon settlement in Gower; the Gower - castles</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Pagan of Turberville helps the Welsh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_104">104</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">North Wales holds out; the Welsh take Montgomery</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_104">104–105</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Michaelmas, 1095 – William’s invasion of Wales</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_105">105</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">November 1 – He reaches Snowdon; ill-success of the campaign</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_105">105</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1096 – The Welsh take Rhyd-y-gors; revolt of Gwent and - Brecknock</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">English feeling towards the war</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_106">106–107</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Vain attempts to recover Gwent</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_107">107</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Importance of the castles; the Welsh attack Pembroke; - defence of Gerald of Windsor</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_108">108–109</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1097 – Gerald takes the offensive against the Welsh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Easter, 1097 – William’s second campaign; seeming conquest; fresh - revolt under Cadwgan</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_110">110–111</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">June–Aug. 1097 – William’s third campaign; his ill-success</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_111">111–112</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">October – He determines to build castles</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_112">112–113</a></td></tr> - - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 4. <i>The Establishment of Eadgar in Scotland.</i><br />1097–1098.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August, 1097 – Decree for action in Scotland; the elder Eadgar commissioned - to restore the younger</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_114">114</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Story of Godwine and Ordgar; the Ætheling Eadgar - cleared by battle</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_114">114–118</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Estimate and importance of the story</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_117">117–118</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">September – The two Eadgars march to Scotland; exploits of - Robert son of Godwine; defeat and blinding of - Donald; later life of Eadmund</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_118">118–120</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1097–1107 – Reign of Eadgar in Scotland</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_120">120–123</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Eadgar’s gifts to Robert son of Godwine</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_121">121</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1099–1100 – Eadgar and Robert go to the Crusade</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_121">121–122</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1103 – Exploits and martyrdom of Robert son of Godwine; - parallels and contrasts</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_122">122–123</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1107–1124 – Reign of Alexander in Scotland; friendship of the - Scottish kings for England; Turgot and Eadmer</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_124">124</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1124–1153 – Reign of David in Scotland; English influence in - Scotland; the Scottish kings of the second series</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_125">125–126</a> -<span class="pageno">x</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 5. <i>The Expedition of Magnus.</i><br />1098.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Events of the year 1098; their wide geographical - range; Anglesey the centre of the story</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_126">126–127</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Winter, 1097–1098 – Schemes of Cadwgan and Gruffydd; they take - wikings from Ireland into pay</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_127">127–128</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The two Earls Hugh of Chester and Shrewsbury</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_129">129</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The Earls enter Anglesey; they rebuild the castle of - Aberlleiniog</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_129">129–130</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The Earls bribe the wikings; Cadwgan and Gruffydd - flee to Ireland</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_130">130–131</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Cruelties of the Earls; mutilation and restoration of - Cenred</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_131">131–132</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1093–1103 – Reign of Magnus Barefoot in Norway; his surnames</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_133">133</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">He professes friendship for England; his treasure at - Lincoln</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_133">133–134</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Harold son of Harold in his fleet</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_134">134–136</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Designs of Magnus on Ireland; Irish marriage of his - son Sigurd; his voyage among the islands</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_136">136</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1075–1095 – Reign of Godred Crouan in Man and the Sudereys</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_136">136–137</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1078–1094 – His Irish dominion</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_136">136–137</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">His sons Lagman and Harold</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Rulers of Man sent from Ireland and Norway; civil - war in Man</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_137">137–138</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Legend of Magnus and Saint Olaf</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_138">138–140</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Magnus seizes the Orkney earls and gives the earldom - to his son Sigurd</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_140">140</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Further voyage of Magnus; he occupies Man; his - designs</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_140">140–142</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">He approaches Anglesey; preparations of the earls; - he fleet off Aberlleiniog</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_142">142–143</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Death of Hugh of Shrewsbury; different versions</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_143">143–144</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Peace between Magnus and Hugh of Chester</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Anglesey and North Wales subdued by Hugh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_145">145–146</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Sigurd’s kingdom in the islands; dealings of Magnus - with Scotland</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_145">145–146</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 6. <i>The Establishment of Robert of Bellême in England.</i><br />1098.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1098 – Effects of the death of Hugh of Shrewsbury; Robert - of Bellême buys his earldom and his other possessions; - doubtful policy of the grant</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_147">147–149</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Unique position of Robert in England; effects of his - coming; his cruelty and spoliations</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_149">149–151</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">His skill in castle-building; his defences in Shropshire; - early history of the Shropshire fortresses</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_151">151–152</a> -<span class="pageno">xi</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">896–912 – First works at the <i>Bridge</i></td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_152">152–153</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Quatford; Earl Roger’s house and chapel</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_153">153–154</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert of Bellême removes to Bridgenorth and - Oldbury</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_155">155–158</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The group of fortresses</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_158">158</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert builds the castle of Careghova</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_158">158</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Roger of Bully; his Yorkshire and Nottingham - estates</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_159">159–160</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The castle of Tickhill; use of the names Tickhill and - Blyth</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_160">160–162</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1088 – The priory of Blyth founded by Roger of Bully</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_161">161</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Death of Roger of Bully; his lands granted to Robert - of Bellême</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_162">162–164</a></td></tr> - - -<tr><td colspan="2" class="pt vc center large">CHAPTER <abbr title="six">VI.</abbr></td></tr> - -<tr><td colspan="2" class="ptb vc center small">THE LAST WARS OF WILLIAM RUFUS. 1097–1099.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1097–1100 – Character of the last years of William Rufus; his - designs on France</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_165">165–167</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1097–1098 – Beginning of the wars between France and Maine</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Nov. 1097 – William crosses the sea</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Comparison of France and Maine; Philip and Helias; - advantage of the kingly dignity</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_168">168–170</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Lewis son of Philip</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_170">170</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Jan. 1098 – Beginning of the war of Maine</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_170">170</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 1. <i>The Beginning of the French War.</i><br />1097–1098.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1092 – King Philip; his adulterous marriage with Bertrada - of Montfort</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_171">171–172</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Opposition of Ivo and Hugh of Lyons; excommunication - of Philip and Bertrada</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_173">173–174</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Sons of Philip and Bertrada; she schemes against - Lewis</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_174">174</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Philip invests Lewis with the Vexin</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_175">175</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1097 – William’s grounds of offence; he demands the cession - of the Vexin; his demand is refused</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_175">175–176</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">November 11–30 – William crosses to Normandy; excesses of his followers - in England</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_176">176–177</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William and Lewis; difficulties of Lewis; fate of - the captives on each side</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_178">178–179</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">French traitors; Guy of the Rock; description of - Roche Guyon</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_179">179–182</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Policy of Robert of Meulan; he receives William’s - troops; importance and description of Meulan</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_182">182–184</a> -<span class="pageno">xii</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Prospects of William; failure of his plans</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_184">184–185</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The castle of Chaumont-en-Vexin</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_185">185–186</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1096 – The castle of Gisors; its first defences strengthened - by Robert of Bellême</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_186">186–188</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Castles of Trye and Boury</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_188">188–189</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">National feeling in the French Vexin</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_189">189–190</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Prisoners on both sides; Gilbert of Laigle; Simon of - Montfort</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_190">190</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 2. <i>The First War of Maine.</i><br />1098.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">November, 1097–1098 – Dates of the French war</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_191">191</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Jan.–Aug. 1098 – War of Maine</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_191">191</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1089 – Robert suspects the loyalty of Maine; he asks help - of Fulk of Anjou; marriage of Fulk and Bertrada</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_191">191–194</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1090 – Movements in Maine; Hugh son of Azo sent for</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_194">194–195</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Character of Helias of La Flèche; his descent; his - castles; he accepts the succession of Hugh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_195">195–197</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1090 – Revolt of Maine; Hugh received at Le Mans</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_197">197–200</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Bishop Howel imprisoned by Helias</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_197">197–199</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Release of Howel; his dealings with Robert</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_199">199–200</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Disputes between Hugh and Howel; disputes of - Howel with his chapter; he goes to England</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">June 28, 1090 – Return of Howel; unpopularity of Hugh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_202">202</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">February, 1091 – Helias buys the county of Hugh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_202">202–203</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1091–1098 – First reign of Helias; peace of the land</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_203">203–204</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">October 17, 1093 – Translation of Saint Julian</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_204">204</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">November, 1095 – Visit of Pope Urban to Le Mans</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_205">205</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1095–1097 – Sickness of Howel</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_205">205</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1095–1096 – Helias takes the cross; estimate of his conduct</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_205">205–207</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Aug. 1096 – William in Normandy; danger to Maine; negotiations - of Helias with Robert</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_207">207</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Interview of William and Helias; mutual challenge - and defiance</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_208">208–210</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1096–1097 – William delays his attack</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_210">210</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">July 29, 1097 – Death of Howel; disputed election to the bishopric</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_210">210–211</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1097–1126 – Hildebert Bishop of Le Mans</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_211">211–212</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Claims of the Norman dukes over the bishopric; - anger of Rufus at the election of Hildebert</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_211">211–213</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Nov. 1097 – William in Normandy; his designs on Maine</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_213">213</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert of Bellême attacks Maine; Helias strengthens - Dangeul; geographical character of the war</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_213">213–214</a> -<span class="pageno">xiii</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Jan. 1098 – Robert of Bellême invites the King; guerrilla warfare - of Helias</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_214">214–215</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William leaves Maine; Robert of Bellême continues - the war; castles held by him</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_216">216–219</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Nature of the country and of the war; comparison of - Maine and England</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_219">219–221</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Helias defeats Robert at Saônes; cruelty of Robert</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_221">221–223</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">April 28, 1098 – Second victory of Helias; he is taken prisoner near - Danguel</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_223">223–224</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Helias surrendered to the king; contrast between - William Rufus and Robert of Bellême</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_224">224–225</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Hildebert and the council at Le Mans</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_225">225–226</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William at Rouen; a great levy ordered; numbers - of the army</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_226">226–228</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">June, 1098 – The army meets at Alençon; invasion of Maine; - truce with Ralph of Fresnay</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_228">228–230</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Dealings with the nobles of Maine</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_230">230–231</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">May 5 – Fulk of Anjou at Le Mans; he leaves Geoffrey in - command</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_231">231–232</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">March of William Rufus; he approaches Le Mans by - Coulaines; he ravages Coulaines</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_232">232–234</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Sally from the city; Rufus goes away; the siege of - Le Mans raised</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_234">234–236</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Ballon betrayed to Rufus; occupied by Robert of - Bellême, and besieged by Fulk</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_235">235–236</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">July 20 – William relieves Ballon; his treatment of the captive - knights</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_236">236–237</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August – Fulk goes back to Le Mans; convention between - William and Fulk; Le Mans to be surrendered and - Helias set free</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_237">237–238</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Submission of Le Mans; William’s entry</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_238">238–241</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William leaves Le Mans; general submission of - Maine</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_241">241</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Meeting of William and Helias at Rouen; the offers - of Helias rejected; his defiance</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_242">242–243</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Helias set free; illustration of the King’s character</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_244">244–245</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 3. <i>The End of the French War.<br />September-December</i>, 1098.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1097–1099 – William on the Continent; extent of his conquest in - Maine; he begins, but does not finish</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_245">245</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">September 27, 1098 – He sets forth against France; the sign in the sky</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_246">246</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">He marches to Pontoise; position of the town and - castle; Pontoise his furthest point</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_247">247–248</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Siege of Chaumont; castle not taken</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_248">248–249</a> -<span class="pageno">xiv</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Alliance between Normandy and Aquitaine; coming - of Duke William of Poitiers</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_249">249–250</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Campaign to the west of Paris; valley of the Maudre; - the two Williams march against the Montfort - castles</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_250">250–252</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The castles resist singly; Peter of Maule</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_252">252–253</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The two Simons of Montfort; the castle of Montfort; - successful defence of the younger Simon</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_253">253–255</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Christmas, 1098–1099 – William keeps Christmas in Normandy; truce with - France</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_255">255</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Ill-success of the French war; illustrations of William’s - character</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_256">256</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 4. <i>The Gemót of 1099.</i></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">April 10, 1099 – Easter assembly</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_256">256</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">May 19 – Whitsun assembly in the new hall at Westminster</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_257">257</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Buildings of William Rufus; they are reckoned - among the national grievances; probable abuses of - the law</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_257">257–260</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Various grievances and natural phænomena</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_258">258</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The wall round the tower, the bridge, and the hall; - growth of the greatness of London; relations of - London and Winchester</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_259">259–261</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Westminster Hall; its two founders; its history</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_262">262–263</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Object of the hall; personal pride of Rufus; the - Whitsun feast; the sword borne by the King of - Scots</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_263">263–264</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Deaths of bishops and abbots; character and acts of - Walkelin of Winchester</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_265">265–266</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">April 8, 1093 – The monks take possession of the new church of - Winchester</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_266">266</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1097–1098 – Walkelin joint regent with Flambard; the King’s - demand for money</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_266">266–267</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Jan. 3, 1098 – Death of Walkelin</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_267">267</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Death of Turold of Peterborough and Robert of New - Minster</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_267">267</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Abbot Baldwin of Saint Eadmund’s; rebuilding of - the church; the King forbids the dedication</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_267">267–269</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">April 30, 1095 – Various details of Abbot Baldwin; translation of - Saint Eadmund</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_268">268–270</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Dec. 29, 1097 – Death of Abbot Baldwin</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_270">270</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The bishopric of Durham granted to Randolf Flambard</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_271">271</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">June 5, 1099 – Consecration of Flambard</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_271">271</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1099–1128 – Character of the appointment; Flambard’s episcopate</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_271">271–274</a> -<span class="pageno">xv</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">His works at Durham and Norham</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_272">272</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Later events of the year 1099</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_274">274</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 5. <i>The Second War of Maine.<br />April–September, 1099.</i></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Aug. 1098-April, 1099 – Helias withdraws to La Flèche; he strengthens the - castles on the Loir</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_274">274–276</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">April, 1099 – He attacks the castle held by the King</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_277">277</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">June – He marches against Le Mans; battle at Pontlieue; - he recovers Le Mans</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_277">277–278</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The castles still held for the King; the Normans - set fire to the city; comparison of Le Mans and - York</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_279">279–281</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Vain operations against the castles; use of the church - towers; Robert of Bêlleme strengthens Ballon</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_281">281–282</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The news brought to William in the New Forest; - his ride to the coast</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_282">282–284</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">He crosses to Touques and rides to Bonneville; the - castle of Bonneville</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_284">284–287</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">His levy; he marches to Le Mans; Helias flees to - Château-du-Loir</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_287">287</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William passes through Le Mans; he harries southern - Maine; Helias burns the castles</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_288">288–289</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William besieges Mayet; observance of the Truce of - God; details of the siege; the siege raised</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_289">289–294</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The land ravaged, but the campaign left unfinished</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_294">294–295</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William at Le Mans; his good treatment of the - city; he drives out the canons</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_295">295–296</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Sept. 1099 – He goes back to England</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_296">296</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Hildebert reconciled to the King; the King bids him - pull down the towers of Saint Julian’s; question - whether the order was carried out</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_297">297–300</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1099 – Revolt in Anglesey; return of Cadwgan and Gruffydd; - recovery of Anglesey and Ceredigion by the - Welsh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_300">300–301</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Nov. 3, 1099 – The great tide in the Thames</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_302">302</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">December 3 – Death of Bishop Osmund of Salisbury</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_302">302</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td colspan="2" class="pt vc center large">CHAPTER <abbr title="Seven">VII.</abbr></td></tr> - -<tr><td colspan="2" class="ptb vc center small">THE LAST DAYS OF WILLIAM RUFUS AND THE ACCESSION OF HENRY. -1100–1102.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1000–1100 – End of the eleventh century; changes in Britain and - in the world</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_303">303–307</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Change from Æthelred to William Rufus; contradiction - in William’s position; his defeats not - counted defeats</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_307">307–308</a> -<span class="pageno">xvi</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The year 1100; lack of events in its earlier months; - comparison with the year 1000; vague expectations, - portents, and prophecies</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_308">308–310</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 1. <i>The Last days of William Rufus.</i><br /> -<i>January–August, 1100.</i></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The three assemblies of 1099–1100; no record of - these assemblies; continental schemes of Rufus</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_310">310–311</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Return of Robert from the crusade; his marriage - with Sibyl of Conversana</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_311">311–313</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William of Aquitaine; his crusade; he proposes to - pledge his duchy to Rufus; preparations for the - occupation of Aquitaine</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_313">313–314</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Alleged designs of Rufus on the Empire</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_314">314</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">May, 1100 – Portents; death of Richard son of Robert</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_315">315–316</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">June, July – Warlike preparations</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_317">317</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">July 15 – Consecration of Gloucester abbey</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_317">317</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 1 – Visions and prophecies; Abbot Fulchered’s sermon - at Gloucester</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_317">317–321</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 1 – William at Brockenhurst; his companions; Walter - Tirel; his history; his <i>gab</i> with the King; illustrative - value of the story</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_321">321–325</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 2 – Last day of William Rufus; various versions of his - death; estimate of the received tale</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_325">325–327</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Versions of Orderic and William of Malmesbury</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_327">327–331</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Versions which assert a repentance for Rufus</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_331">331–332</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Version charging Ralph of Aix</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_333">333–335</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Impression made at the time by the death of Rufus; - its abiding memory; local traditions; end and - character of Rufus</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_335">335–337</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Accounts of William’s burial; the genuine story; his - popular excommunication; he is buried in the Old - Minster without religious rites</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_338">338–341</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">July 31 – Portents at William’s death; dream of Abbot Hugh - of Clugny</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 1 – Vision of Anselm’s doorkeeper</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 2 – News brought to Anselm’s clerk; vision of Count - William of Mortain</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_341">341–343</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 2. <i>The First Days of Henry.</i><br /> -<i>August 2-November 11, 1100.</i></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Vacancy of the throne; claims of Robert by the - treaty of 1091; choice between Robert and Henry; - claims of Henry; his speedy election</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_343">343–345</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 2 – Story of Henry on the day of the King’s death; he - hastens to Winchester</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_345">345–346</a> -<span class="pageno">xvii</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">He demands the treasure and is resisted by William - of Breteuil; popular feeling for Henry</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_346">346–347</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 3 – Meeting for the election; division in the assembly; - influence of Henry Earl of Warwick; Henry - chosen King</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_347">347–348</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Henry grants the bishopric of Winchester to William - Giffard</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_349">349</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 5 – Henry crowned at Westminster; form of his oath; - joy at his accession</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_349">349–351</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">He puts forth his charter; its provisions</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_352">352–357</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Privilege of the knights and its effects</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_355">355–356</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Renewal of the Law of Eadward</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_357">357</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Witnesses to the charter</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_358">358</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">August 5 – Appointments to abbeys; Robert of Saint Eadmund’s - and Richard of Ely; their later history</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_359">359–360</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1100–1120 – Herlwin Abbot of Glastonbury</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_360">360</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1100–1117 – Faricius Abbot of Abingdon</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_360">360</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Imprisonment of Flambard</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_361">361–362</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The King’s inner council</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_362">362–363</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The news of the King’s death brought to Anselm; - his grief</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_363">363</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Letters to him from his monks and from the King; - popular language of Henry’s letter</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_363">363–366</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Intrigues of the Norman nobles with Robert; renewed - anarchy in Normandy</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_366">366–367</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Sept. 1100 – Return of Robert to Normandy; his renewed no-government</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_367">367–368</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Henry keeps his own fief; war between Henry and - Robert</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_368">368</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Sept. 23. – Return of Anselm</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_368">368</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Helias returns to Le Mans; the King’s garrison holds - out in the royal tower</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_370">370</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Helias calls in Fulk; siege of the tower</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_370">370</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Courtesies between Helias and the garrison; messages - sent to Robert and Henry; surrender of the - castle</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_370">370–373</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1100–1110 – Just reign of Helias; his friendship for Henry</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_373">373</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1109 – His second marriage; later history of Maine; descent - of the later English kings from Helias</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_374">374</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Meeting of Anselm and Henry; comparison of the dispute - between Anselm and William Rufus and - that between Anselm and Henry</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_374">374–375</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Henry calls on Anselm to do homage; Anselm refuses; - hange in his views</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_375">375–377</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Truce till Easter; the Pope to be asked to allow the - homage; the spiritual power strengthened through - Rufus’ abuse of the temporal power</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_375">375–378</a> -<span class="pageno">xviii</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The temporalities of the archbishopric provisionally - restored</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_378">378</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Reformation of the court; personal character of - Henry; his mistresses and children; story of - Ansfrida and her son Richard</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_379">379–382</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Henry is exhorted to marry; he seeks for Eadgyth - daughter of Malcolm; policy of the marriage</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_382">382–383</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Objections to the marriage; Eadgyth said to have - taken the veil</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_384">384</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Anselm holds an assembly to settle the question; - adgyth declared free to marry; other versions of - the story</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_384">384–387</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">November 11, 1100 – Marriage of Henry and Eadgyth; she changes her - name to Matilda</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_387">387–388</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Anselm’s speech at the wedding; objections not - wholly silenced</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_388">388</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1100–1118 – Matilda as Queen; her children and character; -“Godric and Godgifu”</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_388">388–391</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Guy of Vienne comes as Legate; his claims not - acknowledged</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_391">391</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Nov. 18 – Death of Thomas Archbishop of York</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_391">391</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1100–1108 – Gerard of Hereford Archbishop of York</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_392">392</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 3. <i>Invasion of Robert.<br />January–August, 1101.</i></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Likeness of the years 1088 and 1101; plots to give - the crown to Robert; a party in Normandy to give - the crown to Henry</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_392">392–393</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Character of Robert and Eadgar; Robert as crusader; - is relapse on his return to Normandy</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_394">394</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Parties in England and Normandy; Henry’s strict - rule distasteful to the nobles</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_394">394–395</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Plots of Robert of Bellême and others; Duke Robert’s - grants to Robert of Bellême</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_395">395–396</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Christmas 1100–1101 – Assembly at Westminster</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_396">396</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Flambard escapes to Normandy; his influence with - Robert</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_396">396–398</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">April 21 – Easter assembly at Winchester; the questions between - Henry and Anselm adjourned; growth of - the conspiracy</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_399">399</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">June 9 – Whitsun assembly; its popular character; mediation - of Anselm; renewed promise of good laws</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_399">399–400</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The Church and the people for Henry; England - united against invasion</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_401">401</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Importance of the campaign of 1101; last opposition - of Normans and English; their fusion under Henry</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_401">401–402</a> -<span class="pageno">xix</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">July, 1101 – Robert and his fleet at Tréport</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_401">401–403</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Henry’s levée; Anselm and his contingent; the English - at Pevensey</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_403">403–404</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The English fleet sent out; some of the crews desert - to Robert</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_404">404</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">July 20 – Robert lands at Portchester; comparison with former - invasions</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_405">405–406</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert marches on Winchester; Matilda in child-bed - in the city; he declines to attack Winchester</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_406">406</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Estimate of his conduct; personal character of the - chivalrous feeling</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_406">406–408</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert marches towards London; the armies meet - near Maldon</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_408">408–409</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Desertion of Robert of Bellême and William of - Warren</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_408">408–409</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">July 26 – Death of Earl Hugh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_410">410</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Anselm’s energy on the King’s side; zeal of the - English; exhortations of the King</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_410">410–411</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Negotiations between Henry and Robert; their personal - meeting; they agree on terms</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_412">412–413</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Treaty of 1101; Robert resigns his claim to England; - enry gives up his Norman possessions, but keeps - Domfront; other stipulations</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_413">413–414</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Michaelmas, 1101 – Robert goes back; mischief done by his army</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_415">415</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="ptb vc center">§ 4. <i>Revolt of Robert of Bellême.</i><br />1102.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Continued disloyalty of the Norman nobles; Henry’s - plans for breaking their power</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_415">415</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Flambard in Normandy; his dealings with the see - of Lisieux</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_415">415–416</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Banishment and restoration of Earl William of Warren</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_416">416</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Other banishments; trial of Ivo of Grantmesnil; his - bargain with Robert of Meulan</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_417">417–418</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1102–1118 – Robert of Meulan Earl of Leicester; his death; his - ecclesiastical foundations</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_418">418–421</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Christmas, 1101–1102 – Assembly at Westminster; danger from Robert of - Bellême; the King watches him</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_420">420–421</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">April 6, 1102 – Easter assembly at Winchester; Robert of Bellême - summoned, but does not come</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_421">421–422</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Second summons to Robert; the war begins</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_422">422</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert and his brothers Arnulf and Roger; his acquisition - of Ponthieu; his dealings with Wales, - reland, and Norway</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_423">423–424</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Condition of Wales; return of Gruffydd and Cadwgan</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_424">424</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Alliance of Robert of Bellême with the Welsh</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_425">425</a> -<span class="pageno">xx</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Arnulf’s dealings with Murtagh; the Irish king’s - daughter promised to him</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_425">425–426</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Henry’s negotiations with Duke Robert; the Duke - attacks Robert of Bellême’s fortress of Vignats</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_426">426</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Treason of Robert of Montfort; defeat of the besiegers; - eneral ravages</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_427">427–428</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert of Bellême strengthens his castles; his works - at Bridgenorth</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_428">428</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The King besieges Arundel; truce with the besieged</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_428">428–429</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert and Arnulf harry Staffordshire</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_429">429</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Surrender of Arundel</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_430">430</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Surrender of Tickhill; its later history</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_431">431–432</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">Autumn, 1102 – Henry’s Shropshire campaign; Robert of Bellême at - Shrewsbury; the three captains at Bridgenorth</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_432">432–433</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Story of William Pantulf; he joins the King; his - services</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_434">434–435</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Siege of Bridgenorth; division between the nobles - and the mass of the army</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_435">435–437</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Gathering of the mass of the army; they stand by - the King</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_437">437–438</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">William Pantulf wins over Jorwerth to the King</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_439">439–440</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The captains at Bridgenorth agree to surrender</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_440">440–441</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Arnulf goes to Ireland; Robert asks help of Magnus - in vain</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_442">442–443</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The mercenaries at Bridgenorth refuse to surrender; - hey are overpowered by the captains and the - townsmen</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_443">443–444</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Surrender of Bridgenorth; the mercenaries march - out with the honours of war</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_444">444–445</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Robert still holds Shrewsbury; his despair</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_445">445–446</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The King’s march to Shrewsbury; zeal of the English; - learing of the road</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_446">446–447</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">The King refuses terms to Robert; he submits - at discretion, and is banished from England</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_448">448–449</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Joy at Robert’s overthrow; banishment of his - brothers; later history of Robert of Bellême</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_449">449–450</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1103 – Death of Magnus</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_451">451</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1103 – Later history of Jorwerth; his trial at Shrewsbury - and imprisonment</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_451">451–453</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">Assemblies held in various places under Henry</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_452">452</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1104–1106 – Establishment of Henry’s power; banishment of - William of Mortain; his imprisonment and alleged - blinding</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_453">453</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1102–1135 – Peace of Henry’s reign; its character; Henry the - refounder of the English nation</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_454">454–455</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1107 – The compromise with Anselm</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_455">455</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vt lefth2">1106 – Battle of Tinchebrai</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_456">456</a> -<span class="pageno">xxi</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="pl vb lefth">General character and results of the reigns of William - Rufus and Henry</td> - <td class="right p vb"><a href="#Page_456">456–457</a></td></tr> -</table> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<hr /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<table summary=""> - -<tr><td colspan="3" class="center ptb">APPENDIX.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt"><span class="sc">Note A.</span></td> - <td class="lefth p vb">The Accession of William Rufus</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_A">459</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">B.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Beginning of the Rebellion of 1088</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_B">465</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">C.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Share of Bishop William of Saint-Calais in the - Rebellion of 1088</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_C">469</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">D.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Deliverance of Worcester in 1088</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_D">475</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">E.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Attempted Landing of the Normans at Pevensey</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_E">481</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">F.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Bishopric of Somerset and the Abbey of Bath</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_F">483</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">G.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Character of William Rufus</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_G">490</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">H.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Ecclesiastical Benefactions of William Rufus</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_H">504</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">I.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">Chivalry</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_I">508</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">K.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Purchase of the Côtentin by the Ætheling Henry</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_K">510</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">L.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Death of Conan</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_L">516</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">M.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Siege of Courcy</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_M">519</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">N.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Treaty of 1091</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_N">522</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">O.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Siege of Saint Michael’s Mount</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_O">528</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">P.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Adventures of Henry after the Surrender of - Saint Michael’s Mount</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_P">535</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">Q.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Homage of Malcolm in 1091</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_Q">540</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">R.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Earldom of Carlisle</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_R">545</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">S.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Early Life of Randolf Flambard</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_S">551</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">T.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Official Position of Randolf Flambard</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_T">557</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">U.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The alleged Domesday of Randolf Flambard</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_U">562</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">W.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Dealings of William Rufus with vacant - Bishoprics and Abbeys</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_W">564</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">X.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Appointment of Herbert Losinga to the See of - Thetford</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_X">568</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">Y.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Letters of Anselm</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_Y">570</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">Z.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">Robert Bloet</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_Z">584</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">AA.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Mission of Abbot Geronto</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_AA">588</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">BB.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Embassies between William Rufus and Malcolm - in 1093</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_BB">590</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">CC.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Death of Malcolm</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_CC">592</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">DD.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Burial of Margaret</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_DD">596</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">EE.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">Eadgyth-Matilda</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_EE">598</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">FF.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">Tynemouth and Bamburgh</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_FF">603</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">GG.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Conquest of Glamorgan</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_GG">613</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">HH.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">Godwine of Winchester and his son Robert</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_HH">615</a> -<span class="pageno">xxii</span></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">II.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Expedition of Magnus</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_II">618</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">KK.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Relations between Hildebert and Helias</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_KK">624</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">LL.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Surrender of Le Mans to William Rufus</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_LL">628</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">MM.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Fortresses of Le Mans</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_MM">631</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">NN.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Dates of the Building of Le Mans Cathedral</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_NN">632</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">OO.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Interview between William Rufus and Helias</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_OO">640</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">PP.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Voyage of William Rufus to Touques</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_PP">645</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">QQ.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Siege of Mayet</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_QQ">652</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">RR.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">William Rufus and the Towers of Le Mans Cathedral</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_RR">654</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">SS.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Death of William Rufus</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_SS">657</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">TT.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Burial of William Rufus</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_TT">676</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">UU.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Election of Henry the First</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_UU">680</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">WW.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Objections to the Marriage of Henry and Matilda</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_WW">682</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="right pr vt">XX.</td> - <td class="lefth p vt">The Treaty of 1101</td> - <td class="rightax p vb"><a href="#Note_XX">688</a></td></tr> -</table> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"><span class="pageno">xxiii</span> -<h3 class="p4 h3head">ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.</h3> - -<hr /> - -<p class="p2 center"><abbr title="Volume Two">VOL. II.</abbr></p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 19, <a href="#footnote_31">note 3</a>. This picture of the two natives, most likely churls, carrying -the King’s body on the cart, is singularly like the story of Rufus’ own end to -which we shall come presently.</p> - -<p><a href="#cross"><abbr title="page 27, line">p. 27, l.</abbr> 5</a>. I should not have said “<em>a</em> relic,” as I find that the black cross -of Scotland is a relic of great fame, as indeed is almost implied in the story.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 27, <a href="#footnote_48">note 5</a>. See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 167.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 28, <a href="#footnote_54">note 5</a>. Munch (<span lang="no" xml:lang="no">Det Norske Folks Historie</span>, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 471–475, for an -introduction to which I have to thank Professor Fiske of Cornell University) -connects this entry with the account of Magnus’ dealings with Man, spoken of -in <a href="#Page_138"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 138</a>, and with every likelihood supposes an earlier expedition of Magnus -in 1093, in which he appeared in both Scotland and Man, and which the -writers of the Sagas have confounded with his expedition in 1098. We can -thus understand the mention of Godred, who was certainly alive in 1093, and -certainly dead in 1098. See also Anderson, Preface to Orkneyinga Saga, <abbr title="pages 33–34">pp. -xxxiii-xxxiv</abbr>.</p> - -<p><a href="#Breton"><abbr title="page 31, line">p. 31, l.</abbr> 14.</a> Not “the Breton Count Alan,” at least not the Count of the -Bretons, but Alan of Richmond. See <a href="#Page_602"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 602.</a></p> - -<p><a href="#southwest"><abbr title="page 49, line">p. 49, l.</abbr> 22</a>, for “south-western” read “north-western.”</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 62, <a href="#footnote_150">note 5</a>. Mr. Fowler writes to me that “what is left of William of -Saint-Calais is under the floor in the part of the chapter-house still used. -W. G. has one of his shoes. They began at the west end in burying the -bishops in the chapter-house, and gradually worked eastward, ending with -Kellow before the bishop’s seat at the east end. Rites of Durham (Surtees -Society ed. <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 47) gives the names as they were ‘ingraven upon stone with -the figure of the crosse + annexed to every of their said names,’ i.e. on the -chapter-house floor, and between ‘Walcherus’ and ‘Ranulphus comes’.</p> - -<p class="center pneg">‘Willielmus Episcopus.’</p> - -<p class="unindent pneg">We found further east ‘Will. Secundus Episcopus’ [that is William of Saint -Barbara, bishop from 1143–1152]. Wyatt smashed them all more or less.”</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 81, <a href="#footnote_190">note 1</a>. See <a href="#Page_614"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 614.</a></p> - -<p><a href="#line88_17"><abbr title="page 88, line">p. 88, l.</abbr> 17.</a> See below, <a href="#Page_103"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 103</a>.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 93, <a href="#footnote_224">note 2</a>. I presume this is the same king of whom we shall hear a -great deal from <a href="#Page_137"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 137</a> onwards.</p> - -<p><a href="#Rhydygors"><abbr title="page 97, line">p. 97, l.</abbr> 2 from bottom</a>. I have been unable to fix the exact site of Rhyd-y-gors; -but I believe it is to be looked for in Caermarthenshire.</p> - -<p><a href="#Yspwys"><abbr title="page 101, line">p. 101, l.</abbr> 13</a>. I am also unable to fix the exact site of Yspwys.</p> - -<p><a href="#line134_7"><abbr title="page 134, line">p. 134, l.</abbr> 7 from bottom</a>, for “Ulf” read “Wulf,” as in <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 14. The -<span class="pageno">xxiv</span> -English spelling is the better, but I suppose I was carried away by Scandinavian -associations.</p> - -<p><a href="#line134_11"><abbr title="page 134, line">p. 134, l.</abbr> 11</a>. <span lang="no" xml:lang="no">Munch (Det Norske Folks Historie</span>, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 511) oddly refers -to William of Malmesbury as making the companion of Magnus Barefoot, -not a younger Harold, but the Magnus whom we have already heard -of as our Harold’s son, as I suppose, by Eadgyth Swanneshals. But William -of Malmesbury distinctly says Harold, and I can see nothing about it in the -places in the Saga of Magnus and the Orkneyinga Saga to which he refers.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page 136, line">p. 136, l.</abbr> 4 from bottom, for “Cronan” read <a href="#Crouan">“Crouan.”</a></p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 138, <a href="#footnote_364">note 1</a>. This is placed in the year 1098.</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_144"><abbr title="page 144, line">p. 144, l.</abbr> 1</a>. I know not by what carelessness I contrived, after referring -(see <a href="#Page_131"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 131</a>) to Giraldus’ account of the earlier doings of the two Earls in -Anglesey, to leave out all mention of his account of Hugh of Shrewsbury’s -death, which follows immediately (<abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Kamb.</abbr> <abbr title="two 7, volume six page">ii. 7, vol. vi. p.</abbr> 129) on the -story of the desecration of the church of Llantryfrydog. It agrees on most -points very minutely with the narrative of Orderic; but it does not seem to be -borrowed from it;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“Accesserant ad insulæ portum ab Orchadum insulis piratæ in navibus -longis; quorum adventum ubi comes audivit, statim eis usque in ipsum mare, -forti residens equo, animose nimis occurrit. Et ecce navium princeps, cui -nomen Magnus, primæ navis in prora cum arcu prostans sagittam direxit. Et -quanquam comes a vertice capitis usque ad talum pedis, præter oculos solum, -ferro fideliter esset indutus, tamen dextro percussus in lumine, perforato -cerebro, in mare corruit moribundus. Quem cum sic corruentem victor ab -alto despiceret, superbe in victum et insolenter invectus, dixisse memoratur -lingua Danica, ‘Leit loupe,’ quod Latine sonat Sine salire. Et ab hac in -posterum hora potestas Anglorum in Monia cessavit.”</p> - -<p>The only difference between this story and Orderic’s is that, while Orderic -makes Magnus mourn when he learns whom he has slain, Giraldus puts into -his mouth two good Teutonic words of triumph, which sound a great deal more -natural. On the other hand we cannot accept Giraldus’ account of the immediate -result of the encounter as regards Anglesey, which quite contradicts -the witness of the Welsh writers. His statement however is true in the long -run, as Anglesey was delivered again the next year. See <a href="#Page_146"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 146</a>.</p> - -<p>In the Orkneyinga Saga, <abbr title="100 29">c. xxix.</abbr> (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 55, Anderson), Magnus “takes a psalter -and sings during the battle.” Then, by his order, he and the man from -Hálogoland shoot at the same time, and hit “Hugh the Proud,” much as in -the other versions. He and “Hugh the Proud” are oddly spoken of as -“British chiefs.”</p> - -<p><a href="#line146_17"><abbr title="page 146, line">p. 146, l.</abbr> 17</a>. See below, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_623">623</a>; but the words “and of other parts of -North Wales” had better be left out.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 153, <a href="#footnote_409">note 1</a>, for “muentione” read “inuentione.”</p> - -<p><a href="#line174_4"><abbr title="page 174, line">p. 174, l.</abbr> 4</a>, for “from” read “for.”</p> - -<p><a href="#line175_3"><abbr title="page 175, line">p. 175, l.</abbr> 3</a>. I think we must accept this distinct statement as more trustworthy -than the flourish of Orderic a few pages later, which I have quoted in -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 178, <a href="#footnote_452">note 1</a>. The present passage, besides its more distinct character, has -the force of a correction.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 178, <a href="#footnote_454">note 3</a>. Suger is a discreet writer, or one might suspect him of -<span class="pageno">xxv</span> -exaggeration in his figures both ways. If we take “milites” in the strict -sense of knights, the French numbers seem strangely small, and the English -strangely large. But any other sense of “miles” would make the French -numbers quite incredible.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 181, <a href="#footnote_458">note 1</a>. And by the Loir too; see below, <a href="#Page_276"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 276</a>.</p> - -<p><a href="#line190_9"><abbr title="page 190, line">p. 190, l.</abbr> 9 from bottom</a>, “superinducta” is the favourite epithet for her.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 201, <a href="#footnote_500">note 2</a>. “Fraterculus” is an odd word; but it most likely points to -Geoffrey as being one of the “canonici pueri” of whom we hear sometimes -(see below,<a href="#Page_521"> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 521</a>). “Frater” did not get its special meaning till the rise of -the Friars, and we have seen the word “fratres” applied to the canons of -Waltham. One might for a moment think that Geoffrey was a brother of the -Bishop’s own, but this is forbidden by the account of his kindred which -directly follows.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 207, <a href="#footnote_520">note 1</a>. This time, when William and Robert were together at -Rouen, can only have been about September, 1096, just after the conference -between the brothers spoken of in <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 559, and just before Robert set -forth on the crusade.</p> - -<p><a href="#line230_1"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 230, last line</a>, for “he” read “we.”</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 243, <a href="#footnote_607">note 1</a>. It is rather odd that exactly this same phrase of “callidus -senex,” here applied to Robert of Meulan, should be also applied to the old -Roger of Beaumont in the story told in <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 194. We must remember that -our present “callidus senex” had been married, seemingly for the first time, -only two years before (see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 551), and that he lived till 1118.</p> - -<p><a href="#line250_8"><abbr title="page 250, line">p. 250, l.</abbr> 8</a>. This is doubtless true, but the specially strange guise, described -in the passage of William of Malmesbury referred to in the note, was not put on -till William of Aquitaine had come back from the crusade. See above, -<a href="#Page_113"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 113</a>.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 252, <a href="#footnote_616">note 2</a>. See above, <a href="#Page_178"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 178</a>, and the correction just above, <a href="#line175_3"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 175.</a></p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 260, <a href="#footnote_633">note 3</a>. See at the end of the chapter, <a href="#Page_302"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 302</a>, and <a href="#footnote_742">note 1</a>.</p> - -<p><a href="#line290_2"><abbr title="page 290, line">p. 290, l.</abbr> 2 from bottom</a>. Yet see the piece of Angevin scandal quoted in -<a href="#Page_609"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 609</a>.</p> - -<p><a href="#line312_10"><abbr title="page 312, line">p. 312, l.</abbr> 10</a>, for “both Rogers, the Duke of Apulia and the young Count of -Sicily, to be one day the first and all but the most famous of Sicilian kings,” -read “both Rogers, the Duke of Apulia and the Count of Sicily, now drawing -near to the end of his stirring life.” The elder Roger was still alive, though he -did not live long after.</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_343"><abbr title="page 343, line">p. 343, l.</abbr> 1</a>. The abbey of Saint Alban’s was not vacant at this time, see -<a href="#Page_666"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 666</a>; and for “thirteen” and “twelve” read “twelve” and “eleven,” see -<a href="#footnote_833">note</a>.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 347, <a href="#footnote_843">note 2</a>. Orderic is rather full on the circumstances of the election -than on the election itself; see <a href="#Page_680"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 680</a>.</p> - -<p><a href="#line359_11"><abbr title="page 359, line">p. 359, l.</abbr> 11</a>, for “thirteen” read “eleven.”</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 360, <a href="#footnote_881">note 1</a>. It must have been at the same time that Abbot Odo of -Chertsey was restored to his abbey. See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 350.</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 380, <a href="#footnote_949">note 4</a>. We have had one or two other cases of a church tenant like -this Eadric or Godric, giving back his lease by way of a benefaction.</p> - -<p><a href="#line389_18"><abbr title="page 389, line">p. 389, l.</abbr> 18</a>. The imperial dignity of Matilda is greatly enlarged on by the -poet of Draco Normannicus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 4. Two lines are,</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="pageno">xxvi</span> -“Suscipit Henricus sponsam, statimque coronat,<br /> - Hoc insigne decus maxima Roma dedit.”</p> - -<p><a href="#line396_4"><abbr title="page 396, line">p. 396, l.</abbr> 4</a>. See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 184.</p> - -<p><a href="#line413_6"><abbr title="page 413, line">p. 413, l.</abbr> 6</a> from bottom, for “in a neighbour” read “a neighbour in.”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_416"><abbr title="page 416, line">p. 416, l.</abbr> 1</a>. I cannot admit the statement of Flambard’s Durham biographer, -who puts his restoration at this point. It is not so much that he had no claim -to restoration by the general terms of the treaty, for he might have been -specially included in it. But his restoration at this time is quite inconsistent -with Orderic’s account of his dealings with the bishopric of Lisieux, which -cannot be mere confusion or invention.</p> - -<p><a href="#line450_3"><abbr title="page 450, line">p. 450, l.</abbr> 3</a>. After the words “give thanks to the Lord God,” insert “for -thou hast now begun to be a free king.”</p> - -<p><a href="#line454_13"><abbr title="page 454, line">p. 454, l.</abbr> 13 from bottom</a>, for “his” read “the King’s.”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_472"><abbr title="page 472, line">p. 472, l.</abbr> 1</a>. This grant of Northallerton must be the same as the grant -mentioned in the charter which I have quoted in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> <a href="#Page_535">535</a>; <abbr title="compare pages"><abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> pp.</abbr> <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_487"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 487, <abbr title="lines">ll.</abbr> 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.</a> It does not appear that any of the regular assemblies -of the year 1101 was held at Windsor. The Whitsun assembly (see <a href="#Page_399"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 399</a>) -may have been held there, but it is hardly likely. But the mere confirmation -of an earlier grant need not have been made in a regular gemót.</p> - -<p><a href="#line503_13"><abbr title="page 503, line">p. 503, l.</abbr> 13</a>. For “hanc terram” read “hac terra.”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_508"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 508</a>. Several gifts of Rufus to the Abbey of Gloucester are recorded in -the Gloucester Cartulary, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 68, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 102, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 115. This last, which appears again -in <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 293, is a grant to the abbey of the right of catching sturgeons. This cannot -have been one of the grants made during his sickness at Gloucester (see <abbr title="volume one">vol. i.</abbr> -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 395), as it is dated from Huntingdon; but in the grant in <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 102, it is expressly -said that it was made when the King was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“apud Gloucestriam morbo -gravi vexatus.</span>” In <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 238, 239, 240, Henry and Stephen confirm gifts of their -brother and uncle. The document in <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 107, which in the index is referred to -William Rufus, clearly belongs to the Conqueror, and to the earlier part of his -reign, before the death of William Fitz-Osbern in 1071; it refers to the lands of -the church of Gloucester which were held by Archbishop Thomas. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. -vol. ii. p.</abbr> 690.</p> - -<p>In the Register of Malmesbury (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 330) there is a singular charter in favour of -the Abbey of Malmesbury granted during his stay at Hastings in 1094. It brings -in several familiar names great and small, and illustrates the relations between -landowners of any kind and the King and his huntsmen;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus rex Angliæ O. episcopo et W. Hosato, et C. venatori, et A. -falconario, salutem. Sciatis me abbati Godefrido silvas suas ad custodiendum -commendasse. Nolo ergo ut aliquis forestarius meus de eis se intromittat. Et -Croco venatori præcipio ut de <abbr title="9 solidi">ix. sol.</abbr> quos super homines suos placitaverat eum -et suos clamet quietos. Teste Willelmo episcopo, et F. filio Hamonis, R. -capellano, apud Hastinge.”</p> - -<p><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 569, <ins title="TN: headers for continuing pages eliminated">heading</ins>, for “Losinga” read “Herbert.”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_585"><abbr title="page 585, line">p. 585, l.</abbr> 1</a>. It is odd that William of Malmesbury should speak of the -all-powerful Roger of Salisbury as “alius quidam episcopus;” for we see from -the Chronicle (see <a href="#Page_587"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 587</a>) that it was no other.</p> - -<p><a href="#line592_10"><abbr title="page 592, line">p. 592, l.</abbr> 10</a>, for “þaes” read “þæs.”</p> - -<p><a href="#line600_6"><abbr title="page 600, line">p. 600, l.</abbr> 6 from bottom</a>. I seem in <a href="#Page_30"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 30</a> to have taken “puellæ nostræ” -<span class="pageno">xxvii</span> -to mean the nuns; but it would rather seem, both here and in the next page, to -mean, other girls sent merely for education, like Eadgyth herself.</p> - -<p><a href="#line605_8"><abbr title="page 605, line">p. 605, l.</abbr> 8 from bottom</a>. I cannot get rid of a lurking notion that this -“Aldredi” should be “Alberici.” But I do not know how Alberic could -appear with the title of earl in the time of Waltheof.</p> - -<p><a href="#line611_9"><abbr title="page 611, line">p. 611, l.</abbr> 9 from bottom</a>. See <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> Paris, <abbr title="edition">ed.</abbr> Wats, Additamenta, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 199.</p> -<!--Blank Page--> -</div><!--end chapter--> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 class="p4 h3head">THE REIGN OF WILLIAM RUFUS.</h3> -<!--Blank Page--> -</div><!--end chapter--> - - -<div class="chapter booktext"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3"></a><span class="pageno">3</span> -<h3 class="p4 h3head">CHAPTER V.</h3> - -<h4 class="h4head">THE WARS OF SCOTLAND, NORTHUMBERLAND, AND -WALES.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1" id="fnanchor_1"></a><a href="#footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></span> -<br /> -1093–1098.</h4> - -<p class="p2 dropcap negindent">THE year of Anselm’s appointment to the archbishopric, <span class="sni">Events of the year 1093.</span> -that part of the year which passed -between the day when the bishop’s staff was forced into -<a name="Page_4" id="Page_4"></a><span class="pageno">4</span> -his hand and the day when he received consecration -from Thomas of Bayeux, was a time full of stirring -and memorable events of quite another kind. <span class="sni">Relations between England and Scotland. War of 1093.</span> It was -now that some of the events of former years were to -bring forth fruit. The relations between England and -Scotland were of a kind which might lead to open warfare -at any moment.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_2" id="fnanchor_2"></a><a href="#footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></span> -This year the open warfare came. -And it was a warfare which was far more important in -its direct results than mere plundering inroads on either -side of the border commonly were. <span class="sni">Its results.</span> -The direct results -of the warfare of this year were in truth the crowning -result of causes which had been working for a whole -generation. <span class="sni">Growth of the English power</span> -It was a singular irony of fate which made -William the Red in some sort a missionary, not only of -the political power of the English kingdom, but of the -ascendency of the English blood and speech. He began -the later position of England as an European power. -He extended the boundaries of the kingdom of England -within his own island. <span class="sni">and of the English nation under William Rufus.</span> -And, more than this, he gave -decisive help to a work which wrought one of the -greatest of victories, not so much for England as a -power as for the English-speaking folk in their English-speaking -character. That he gave kings to Scotland -was a small matter; that was done by other rulers of -England before and after him. What specially marks -his reign is that in his day, and largely by his agency, -it was ruled that, of the three elements in Northern -Britain, British, English, and Scottish or Irish, the English -<a name="Page_5" id="Page_5"></a><span class="pageno">5</span> -element should have the upper hand. <span class="sni">The Scottish kingdom becomes English.</span> -It was ruled -that the kingdom of Scotland, whatever might be its -relations towards the kingdom of England, whether -separate or united, whether dependent or independent, -whether friendly or hostile, should be itself truly an -English kingdom, a kingdom which was for some -generations more truly English than the southern -England itself.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Summary of Scottish affairs.</span> -The Scottish affairs with which we shall have to deal -in the present chapter begin with the controversy between -William Rufus and Malcolm which led to the -death of Malcolm in his last invasion of England. -<span class="sni">Death of Malcolm; first reign of Donald. 1093.</span> -On -this follows that first outburst of the true Scottish nationality -which led to the election of Donald, followed by -his overthrow and the establishment of Duncan by the -power of England. <span class="sni">Reign of Duncan.</span> -Then, after a short interval, comes -the second national uprising, and the restoration of -Donald. After a longer interval comes the second -overthrow of Donald, and the establishment of the -younger Eadgar by the arms of the elder. <span class="sni">Second reign of Donald. 1094. Establishment of Eadgar. 1097.</span> The question -was now decided in favour of the line of Malcolm and -Margaret and of the form of English influence which -was represented by that line. And between these two -last revolutions we may record, as a kind of episode for -which it is not easy to find a place in the general run of -any other narrative, <span class="sni">Revolt of Robert of Mowbray. 1095.</span> -the revolt and overthrow of the great -earl of Northern England which forms at least a poetical -sequence to the overthrow of Malcolm. Between the -second establishment and the second overthrow of -Donald, I propose to tell, in its chronological order, the -tale of the slayers of Malcolm, of Earl Robert of Mowbray -and his kinsman Morel. There is little doubt that -their revolt was connected with movements in Normandy -also; but it would have been hard to describe it -in a chapter in which Anselm is the chief actor. It -<a name="Page_6" id="Page_6"></a><span class="pageno">6</span> -comes better in its moral and geographical relation -towards the affairs of Scotland.</p> - -<p>But Scotland was not the only land within the four -seas of Britain with which the kingdom of England has -much to do, especially in the way of fighting, within the -few years of this memorable reign. <span class="sni">Affairs of Wales.</span> -The affairs of Wales -are still more constantly coming before our eyes. While -the Red King is on the throne, Welsh warfare supplies, -year after year, no small part of the events which the -chronicler of England has to record. The Welsh history -of this time is one of deep interest on many grounds. -But it is specially important as giving us an example of -a third type of conquest in our own island, a conquest -differing widely both from the English Conquest of -Britain and from the Norman Conquest of England. -<span class="sni">Comparison between Wales and Scotland.</span> -Nor do the affairs of Wales fail to supply us with some -instructive contrasts as compared with the affairs of -Scotland. Scotland and the other dominions of the -Scottish king seem throughout this time to act as a -whole, at least as regards England. The land is conquered, -or it wins back its freedom; it receives foreign -influences, or it casts them out; but it seems to do all these -things as a whole. The union was perhaps very much on -the surface, but the events of this time bring whatever -there was of union to the front. <span class="sni">Disunion in Wales.</span> -The British story, on the -other hand, is the story of disunion in its strongest form. -Alike in victory and in defeat, all is local and personal; -common action on the part of the whole nation seems -impossible. The result of English dealings with Wales -during these years may be summed up as immediate loss -and final success, as defeat in detail leading to substantial -conquest. <span class="sni">Effects of the reign on the union of Britain.</span> -It is to this reign more than to any other that -we may trace up the beginning of the chain of events -which has gradually welded together England, Scotland, -and Wales, into the thoroughly united island of -<a name="Page_7" id="Page_7"></a><span class="pageno">7</span> -Great Britain. The remote causes begin far earlier; -now we begin to enter on the actual story itself. And -from that story we may perhaps draw another lesson. -<span class="sni">Its causes.</span> -Three nations, differing in blood and speech, once parted -by bitter enmities, have been worked together into one -political whole, while still keeping so much of old diversity -as is really healthy, so much as hinders a dull and -lifeless uniformity, so much as sometimes kindles to -wholesome rivalry in a common cause. But this has -been because the facts of geography allowed and almost -compelled their union; it has been because the nature -of the old enmities was such as did not hinder union. -England, Scotland, and Wales, have at various times -done one another a good deal of mischief; there has -been no time when any one of the three held either of -the others in abiding Turkish bondage. But these very -facts may teach us that the same result cannot be looked -for in a land where the undying laws of nature and the -events of past history alike forbid it. Such union cannot -be where the boundaries of land and water on the map, -where the memory of abiding Turkish bondage in days -not long passed by, join to hinder the same process of -welding together which has so happily taken place among -the three nations of the isle of Britain. <span class="sni">Comparison with Ireland and Normandy.</span> -William the Red -did much for the final union of Britain, because nature -favoured that union. He brought Normandy under the -same rule as England, but only for the two lands to be -again parted asunder, because nature forbad their union. -And if it be true that from the rocks of Saint David’s -he looked out on the dim outline of distant Ireland, he -did well to turn away from the prospect, to bluster and -threaten, it may be, but to keep the practical exercise of -his warfare and his policy for other lands. He did well to -keep it, as far as the island world was concerned, for -those lands which, as the event has shown, nature did -<a name="Page_8" id="Page_8"></a><span class="pageno">8</span> -not forbid to be, in course of ages, fully united with his -kingdom.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 1. <span class="title">The Last Year of Malcolm.</span><br />1093.</p> - -<p>We should be glad of a clearer account than we have -of the immediate causes which led to the open breach -between William and Malcolm in the year which followed -the restoration of Carlisle. <span class="sni">Complaints made by Malcolm.</span> -It is certain that -Malcolm complained through an embassy that the King -of the English had failed to carry out the provisions of -the treaty made two years before. Nothing is more -likely; it was not the manner of William Rufus to carry -out his treaties with other princes, any more than his -promises to his subjects. Both alike, being parts of his -everyday duty, and not lighted up with the rays of -chivalrous honour, were reckoned by him under the head -of those promises which no man can carry out. But we -should be well pleased to know whether the alleged -breach of treaty had anything to do with William’s -Cumbrian conquest. <span class="sni">Effects on Scotland of the restoration of Carlisle.</span> -The strengthening of Carlisle, the -annexation of its district, could in no case have been -agreeable to the King of Scots. And if, as there seems -every reason to believe, the land had been held by its -late lord Dolfin as a vassal of the Scottish crown, what -William had done was a distinct aggression on the rights -of that crown. <span class="sni">Probable wrong to Scotland.</span> -The superiority of the English crown -over both Scotland and Cumberland would in no way -justify the act; it would have been a wrong done to the -Duke of the Normans if the King of the French had -annexed Ponthieu and strengthened Saint Valery against -Normandy. <span class="sni">Other grounds of offence.</span> -But we are not told whether this was the -ground of offence, or whether William had failed to carry -out any of the clauses of the treaty, those for instance -which secured to the King of Scots certain payments -<a name="Page_9" id="Page_9"></a><span class="pageno">9</span> -and possessions in England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_3" id="fnanchor_3"></a><a href="#footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></span> -What followed may perhaps -suggest that, however much the occupation of Carlisle -may have rankled in the mind of Malcolm, the formal -ground of complaint was something of this last kind. -<span class="sni">Scottish embassy at Gloucester. March, 1093.</span> -Whatever were his wrongs, the Scottish king sent to -complain of them, and the answer which he received was -one which shows that, at this first stage, Rufus was not -disposed to slight the complaint. We are not told the -exact date of this first Scottish embassy. It may very -well have come during the short season of William’s -reformation; his seeming readiness to deal reasonably -with the matter, as contrasted with his conduct a few -months later, may pass as one of the fruits of his temporary -penitence, along with the appointment of Anselm -and the promise of good laws. <span class="sni">Malcolm summoned to Gloucester.</span> -He sent an embassy to -Scotland, inviting or summoning the Scottish King to -Gloucester, and giving hostages for his safety. This looks -very much as if the ground of complaint was the refusal -of some of the rights which had been promised to Malcolm -whenever he came to the English court. The Scottish -King agreed to come on these terms. William, in his -present frame of mind, was seemingly anxious to do all -honour to the prince with whom he was dealing. <span class="sni">Eadgar sent to bring him.</span> -The -Scottish ambassadors were sent back to bring their king, -and with them, as the most fitting of mediators, was sent -the man who had himself for a moment been a king, -the brother-in-law of Malcolm, the favoured guest of -William, the Ætheling Eadgar.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_4" id="fnanchor_4"></a><a href="#footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Eadgar in favour with William.</span> -We last heard of Eadgar somewhat more than a year -before, when Robert left England in anger, and Eadgar -went with him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_5" id="fnanchor_5"></a><a href="#footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></span> -This seems to imply that the relations -between William and Eadgar were at that moment unfriendly. -<a name="Page_10" id="Page_10"></a><span class="pageno">10</span> -We have no account of Eadgar’s return to -England; but the duty on which he was now sent implies -that he was now not only in William’s formal favour, but -in his real confidence. <span class="sni">His mission to Scotland.</span> -He who had lately been Malcolm’s -representative in a conference with William now acts as -William’s representative in a conference with Malcolm. -Eadgar, like his friend Duke Robert, was clearly one of -those men who can act better on behalf of others than on -behalf of themselves.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_6" id="fnanchor_6"></a><a href="#footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></span> -In his present mission he seems -to have acquitted himself to William’s full satisfaction; -the King of Scots was persuaded to come to the English -court. If his coming did not prove specially lucky either -to himself or to the over-lord to whom he came, that was -at all events not the fault of Eadgar.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Events of the year 1093.</span> -While Eadgar was away on his mission to Scotland, -he left behind him a busy state of things in England. -His embassy came in the midst of the long delays between -Anselm’s first nomination and his investiture, enthronement, -and consecration. It came in the time when William -of Eu was plotting,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_7" id="fnanchor_7"></a><a href="#footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></span> -and when, as we shall presently -see, seeming conquest was going on throughout Wales. -<span class="sni">Meeting at Gloucester. August 24, 1093.</span> -The place and day for which Malcolm was summoned to -the King’s court was Gloucester on the feast of Saint -Bartholomew. This can hardly have been a forestalling -of the regular Christmas Gemót, for which, by the rule -of the last reign, Gloucester was the proper place. But -this year, like most years when William Rufus was in -England, was a year of meetings. This cannot be the -meeting at which Anselm was invested and did homage, -for that, as we have seen, was at Winchester.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_8" id="fnanchor_8"></a><a href="#footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></span> -But, if -Winchester was near to the New Forest, Gloucester was -near to the Forest of Dean, and would on that account -not be without its attractions for the Red King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_9" id="fnanchor_9"></a><a href="#footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></span> -Or it -<a name="Page_11" id="Page_11"></a><span class="pageno">11</span> -may well be that the presence of the King at Gloucester, -both now and earlier in the year, may have been caused -by the convenience of that city for assemblies in which -action against the Britons might have to be discussed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_10" id="fnanchor_10"></a><a href="#footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></span> - -<span class="sni">Malcolm sets forth. August, 1093.</span> -Malcolm accordingly set forth, “with mickle worship,” -in the beginning of August as it would seem, to go to -the court of the over-lord by the Severn.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">He stops at Durham.</span> -On his way he tarried to take part in a great ecclesiastical -ceremony, his share in which was not without a -political meaning. <span class="sni">Rebuilding of the abbey.</span> -The Bishop of Durham, William of -Saint-Calais, now again the King’s chief counsellor, -already his partisan in the opening strife with Anselm,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_11" id="fnanchor_11"></a><a href="#footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></span> -was ready to begin his great work of rebuilding Saint -Cuthberht’s abbey. The church of Ealdhun, which had -escaped the flames on the day of Robert of Comines,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_12" id="fnanchor_12"></a><a href="#footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></span> -could not really have been ruinous beyond repair; but, -after the fashion of the time, it was doomed to make way -for a building, built not only on a vaster scale, but in an -improved form of art surpassing every contemporary -building.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_13" id="fnanchor_13"></a><a href="#footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Malcolm lays a foundation stone. August 11, 1093.</span> -Of the mighty pile which still stands, the glory -of the Northern Romanesque, King Malcolm now laid -one of the foundation-stones, along with Bishop William -and Prior Turgot.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_14" id="fnanchor_14"></a><a href="#footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></span> -The invitation to take part in such -<a name="Page_12" id="Page_12"></a><span class="pageno">12</span> -a work was clearly meant as a mark of honour and -friendship on both sides. But it must surely have -meant more. The King of Scots could not on any -showing have claimed any authority at Durham. But -he was something more than a mere foreign visitor. As -ecclesiastical geography was understood at Durham, -Malcolm was no stranger there; he was rather quite at -home. At York he might have been told that the whole -of his dominions owed spiritual allegiance to that metropolis. -But the Bishops of Durham, practically the -only suffragans of the see of York and suffragans almost -on a level with their metropolitan, were at no time -specially zealous for the rights of the Northern Primate. -<span class="sni">Much of Malcolm’s dominions in Durham diocese.</span> -But, as they drew the ecclesiastical map, a great part of -Malcolm’s dominions, his earldom of Lothian, his Castle -of the Maidens, perhaps even lands beyond those borders, -all came within their own immediate spiritual charge. -To the counsellor of King William Malcolm came as the -highest vassal of the English crown; to the Bishop of -Durham he came as the highest layman in his own diocese. -As such, he was fittingly asked to take a share in -a work which concerned the kingdom and the church -of which he was one of the chief members. <span class="sni">Import of the ceremony.</span> -His consent, -besides being a mark of friendship alike towards King -William and Bishop William, was doubtless taken as -an acknowledgement that he belonged to the temporal -realm of the one and to the spiritual fold of the other. -And if Malcolm had learned any of the subtleties of -some of his contemporaries and of some of his successors, -he might have comforted himself with the thought that, -whatever the laying of the stone implied, it was laid -only by the Earl of Lothian and not by the King of -Scots.</p> - -<p class="p2">From Durham and its ceremonies Malcolm, Earl and -<a name="Page_13" id="Page_13"></a><span class="pageno">13</span> -King, went on to the court of the over-lord at Gloucester. -<span class="sni">Malcolm at Gloucester. August 24, 1093.</span> -He had evidently come disposed to make the best of -matters, as William himself had been during his time of -sickness and penitence. But now in August Rufus -was himself again; he had repented of his repentance; -he was more than ever puffed up with pride and with -the feeling of his own power. <span class="sni">Rufus refuses to see Malcolm.</span> -Out of mere insolence, it -would seem, in defiance of the advice of his counsellors -who wished for peace, he refused to have any speech -with, or even to see, the royal vassal and guest who had -made such a journey to come to his presence.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_15" id="fnanchor_15"></a><a href="#footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></span> -Whatever -passed between the kings must have passed by way -of message through third parties. <span class="sni">Dispute between the kings.</span> -In one account we -read generally that Rufus would do nothing of what he -had promised to Malcolm.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_16" id="fnanchor_16"></a><a href="#footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></span> -In another version we are -told, with all the precision of legal language, that William -<span class="sni">Question of “doing right.”</span> -demanded that Malcolm should “do right” to him -by the judgement of the barons of England only, while -Malcolm maintained that he was bound by ancient -custom to “do right” only on the borders of the two -kingdoms, where the kings of Scots were wont to “do -right” to the kings of the English, and that by the -judgement of the great men of both kingdoms.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_17" id="fnanchor_17"></a><a href="#footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></span> -The -meaning of these words is plainly open to dispute, and -it has naturally given rise to not a little.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_18" id="fnanchor_18"></a><a href="#footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Probable pretensions of Rufus.</span> -Their most -natural meaning seems to be that William wished to deal -with the kingdom of Scotland as with an ordinary fief. -Such a claim would have been against all precedent, and -it would be specially dangerous when William Rufus was -king and when Randolf Flambard was his minister. On -the other hand, Malcolm in no way denies the superiority -of the English crown; he stands simply on the ground of -<a name="Page_14" id="Page_14"></a><span class="pageno">14</span> -ancient custom. He is ready to “do right,” a process -clearly to be done by an inferior to a superior; but he -will do it only as by ancient custom it was wont to be -done. Because a kingdom acknowledged the external -superiority of another kingdom, it did not at all follow -that its king was bound to submit himself to the judgement -of the barons of the superior kingdom. The original -commendation had been made, not only by the King of -Scots, but by the whole Scottish people,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_19" id="fnanchor_19"></a><a href="#footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></span> -and their king -might fairly claim that he should have the advice and help -of his own Wise Men in making answer to any charge -that was brought against him. This is one of the cases -in which the use of technical language, without any full -explanation of the circumstances, really makes a matter -darker; and we must perhaps be content to leave the -exact point at issue unsettled. <span class="sni">William in the wrong.</span> -But it is plain from the -English Chronicle that William was in the wrong; he -refused to do something for Malcolm which he had promised -to do. The obligations of a treaty sat lightly on -the Red King; but on one point his honour was pledged. -Malcolm had come under a safe-conduct—​the sending of -hostages, if nothing else, shows it. <span class="sni">William observes his safe-conduct.</span> -And a safe-conduct -from Rufus might always be trusted. We cannot say -that the two kings parted in wrath, seeing they did not -meet at all. But Malcolm naturally went away in great -wrath, and he left Rufus behind him in great wrath also. -He reached his own kingdom in safety; what he did -with the hostages we are not told.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_20" id="fnanchor_20"></a><a href="#footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></span></p> - -<!--Blank Page--> - -<div class="figcenter img80"> - <img src="images/i_015.jpg" - alt="Northumberland Campaign" - /> - <p class="captionbottom">Edwᵈ. Weller</p> - <p class="captioncenter">For the Delegates of the Clarendon Press.</p> - <p class="caption">Map -illustrating the<br /> -NORTHUMBRIAN CAMPAIGNS<br /> -<span class="small">A.D. 1093–95.</span></p> -</div><!--end illustration--> - -<p class="p2">The silly pride shown by William Rufus at Gloucester -led to a series of events of the highest importance both -as to the relations between England and Scotland, and -as to the internal affairs of the northern kingdom. -<a name="Page_15" id="Page_15"></a><span class="pageno">15</span> -<span class="sni">Malcolm’s last invasion of England.</span> -As soon as Malcolm reached Scotland, he gathered together -his forces, and began his fifth, and, as it happened, -his last, invasion of England. He entered the -earldom of Northumberland, and harried after his usual -fashion as far as some point which, there is no reason to -doubt, was in the near neighbourhood of Alnwick. <span class="sni">He draws near to Alnwick.</span> -We -may fairly accept the tradition which carries him to the -spot known as Malcolm’s Cross, where a commemorative -rood once stood, and where the ruins of a Romanesque -chapel may still be seen. The spot is on high ground -overlooking the river Alne, while on the opposite side of -the stream a lower height is crowned by the town of -<span class="sni">Alnwick castle.</span> -Alnwick, and by such remains of its famous castle as -modern innovation has spared. The neighbourhood of -<span class="sni">Alnwick and the Percies.</span> -that castle, the fame of the historic house which once -held it, has caused every place and every act into which -the name of Alnwick or of Percy can be dragged to be -surrounded by an atmosphere of legend. <span class="sni">The first Percy at Alnwick. 1309.</span> -It needs some -little effort to take in the fact that, as the Percies of -history have long passed away from Alnwick, so in the -days of Malcolm some centuries had to pass before the -Percies of history reached Alnwick. It needs some further -effort to take in the further fact that the true Percy, -<span class="sni">The true Percies.</span> -the Percy of Domesday, the Percy of Yorkshire, never -had anything to do with Alnwick or with Northumberland -at all. And it perhaps needs a further effort again -to take in the fact that it is by no means clear whether -in the days of Malcolm there was any castle of Alnwick -in being. One may guess that the site had been fortified -at some earlier time; <span class="sni">The Vescies at Alnwick.</span> -but the known history of Alnwick, -castle and abbey, begins with the works of the elder lords of -Alnwick, the house of Vescy, in the next century.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_21" id="fnanchor_21"></a><a href="#footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></span> -Of that -date a noble gateway has still been spared, which may -<span class="sni">1174.</span> -well have looked on the captivity of the Scottish William -<a name="Page_16" id="Page_16"></a><span class="pageno">16</span> -in the days of Henry the Second, but which assuredly -did not look on the death of Malcolm in the days of -the Red King. The height to which Malcolm’s harryings -reached may have looked down on some earlier fortress -beyond the Alne, or it may simply have looked down on -the town of Alnwick, which was doubtless already in -being. But whatever was there at that time in the -way of artificial defence, there were stout hearts and -a wary leader ready to meet the king who was invading -England for the fifth time.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">English feeling about Malcolm.</span> -It is certainly strange that in not a few English -writers, generally indeed those who are parted from -the event by some distance of time and place, the -overthrow of the invaders which now followed is told -with a certain feeling for the invader and with a certain -feeling against those who overthrew him. Malcolm -perhaps drew to himself some share of the national and -religious halo which gathered round his wife, while -there was nothing attractive, either on national or on -personal grounds, in the men who at that time stood forth -as the champions of England. Yet it must have been -the “good men” of two years past<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_22" id="fnanchor_22"></a><a href="#footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></span> -who now went forth -under the cunning guidance of Earl Robert of Mowbray. -By some ambush or other stratagem, that skilful captain -led his forces on the Scottish King unawares, under -circumstances which are not detailed, but which have -led even English writers to speak of the attack as -treacherous.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_23" id="fnanchor_23"></a><a href="#footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Death of Malcolm. November 13, 1093.</span> -Malcolm was killed; and with him died -his son and expected heir Eadward. They fell on the day -of Saint Brice, ninety-one years after the great slaughter -of the Danes which has made that day memorable -in the kalendar of England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_24" id="fnanchor_24"></a><a href="#footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Malcolm slain by Morel.</span> -The actual slayer of -Malcolm was his gossip Morel, Earl Robert’s nephew -<a name="Page_17" id="Page_17"></a><span class="pageno">17</span> -and steward, guardian of the rock and fortress of -Bamburgh. From him it would seem that Alnwick, -or perhaps rather the dale between Alnwick and Malcolm’s -Cross, took the name of <span class="title">Moreldene</span>.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_25" id="fnanchor_25"></a><a href="#footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></span> -Morel was, -it was noticed, the gossip, the <em>compater</em>, of Malcolm, as -William Malet was of Harold;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_26" id="fnanchor_26"></a><a href="#footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></span> -and it seems almost -to be implied, by writers far away from Alnwick, that -this spiritual affinity made the slaughter of the invader -a crime.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Burial of Malcolm at Tynemouth.</span> -The body of Malcolm, like the bodies of Harold and -Waltheof, received a first burial and a later translation. -It was first borne to the church of Saint Oswine at Tynemouth, -a place which was growing into great reputation -under the special favour of Earl Robert. <span class="sni">History of Tynemouth.</span> -Through his -bounty the walls of a new minster were rising within his -fortress which crowned the rocky height on the left bank -of the mouth of the great Northumbrian river. That fortress -and that minster will again play a memorable part -in the chequered history of their founder. But the church -of Saint Oswine, the martyred King of Deira, did not -owe its first origin to Robert of Mowbray or to any -other stranger.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_27" id="fnanchor_27"></a><a href="#footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Martyrdom of King Oswine.</span> -The body of the sainted king, slain -by the practice of the Bretwalda Oswin, was laid in -a church which was said to have been first built of wood -by the Bretwalda Eadwine, and then rebuilt of stone -by the sainted Bretwalda Oswald. <span class="sni">First church of Tynemouth.</span> -The position of -Tynemouth marked it out as a special point for attack -and defence in the days of the Danish invasions; but, -after the havoc which they caused, the holy place had -been neglected and forgotten. <span class="sni">Invention of Saint Oswine. March 15, 1065.</span> -In the days of Earl Tostig -<a name="Page_18" id="Page_18"></a><span class="pageno">18</span> -and Bishop Æthelwine the pious care of the Earl’s -wife Judith had led to the invention of the martyr’s -relics, and to the beginning of a new church. Of that -<span class="sni">Tostig begins the new church.</span> -church Tostig laid the foundations in the year of his fall, -but men of another speech were to finish it. The unfinished -church was granted by Earl Waltheof to the monks -of the newly restored house of Jarrow, and his gift was -confirmed by the Norman Earl Alberic. <span class="sni">Tynemouth granted to Jarrow by Waltheof.</span> -A gift to Jarrow -proved, as events turned out, to be the same thing -as a gift to Durham; but, before the change of foundation -at Durham, the monks of Jarrow had removed the relics -of Saint Oswine from Tynemouth to their own church. -<span class="sni">Earl Robert grants Tynemouth to Saint Alban’s.</span> -With the reign of Earl Robert a change came. Out -of devotion, and at the heavenly bidding, as was believed -at Saint Alban’s—​out of a quarrel with Bishop William, -as was believed at Durham—​but at all events out of -a feeling for the memory of Oswine which showed that -he had learned some reverence for the worthies of the -land in which he had settled—​Earl Robert deprived -the church of Durham of this possession, and refounded -Tynemouth as a cell to the distant abbey of -Saint Alban. <span class="sni">Death of Abbot Paul. 1093.</span> -Abbot Paul came in person to take -possession, in defiance of all protests on behalf of -Durham, where it was believed that his death which -soon followed was the punishment of this wrong. <span class="sni">Translation of Saint Oswine. August 23, 1103.</span> -Saint -Oswine himself was not translated back to Tynemouth -till the power of Robert of Mowbray had passed away. -But the church on the rock became famous, and it fills -a considerable place in the local history of Saint Alban’s. -There, in the chosen sanctuary of his conqueror, the -body of Malcolm lay for awhile. <span class="sni">Malcolm translated to Dunfermline.</span> -He was afterwards -moved to his own Dunfermline<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_28" id="fnanchor_28"></a><a href="#footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></span> -, where the pillars of his -minster, in their deep channellings, bear witness to an -<a name="Page_19" id="Page_19"></a><span class="pageno">19</span> -abiding tie, at least of the artistic kind, between the -royal abbey of Scotland and the great church of Northern -England of which a Scottish king laid the foundation-stone.</p> - -<p>But, if English writers in later times, and even men -who wrote at the time in distant parts of England, -found some flowers to strew on the tomb of the husband -of the saintly daughter of the old kingly line, no such -feelings were shared by those who had seen Malcolm -and his invading host at their own doors. <span class="sni">Local estimate of Malcolm’s death.</span> -The chronicler -who wrote nearest to the spot stops, as he records the -death of Malcolm, to mark the judgement of God which -cut off the merciless enemy of England. He stops to -reckon up all the times that Malcolm had laid waste -the fields of Northumberland, and had carried away the -folk of Northumberland into bondage.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_29" id="fnanchor_29"></a><a href="#footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></span> -He tells with -glee how the invading host utterly vanished; how they -were either cut down by the sword of the avenger, or -swept away by the floods of Alne, swollen by the winter’s -rain beyond its wonted depth and strength.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_30" id="fnanchor_30"></a><a href="#footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></span> -He records -the burial at Tynemouth; but he takes care to tell how -none of the Scottish host was left to bury the Scottish -king, but how the charity of two men of the land bore -him on a wain to the place of burial.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_31" id="fnanchor_31"></a><a href="#footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></span> -And he adds -the moral, equally applicable to all ambitious kings, that -he who had deprived so many of life and goods and -<a name="Page_20" id="Page_20"></a><span class="pageno">20</span> -freedom now, by God’s just judgement, lost his life and -his goods together.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_32" id="fnanchor_32"></a><a href="#footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2">The invading king was dead, and with him the son -whom he had designed to wear his crown after him was -dead also. The saintly wife of Malcolm and mother of -Eadward was soon to follow her husband and her son. -<span class="sni">Character of Margaret.</span> -Of the true holiness of Margaret, of her zeal, not only -for a formal devotion, but for all that is morally right, -none can doubt.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_33" id="fnanchor_33"></a><a href="#footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></span> -A woman evidently of great natural -gifts and of a cultivation unusual in her time, she deeply -impressed all whom she came across, her own husband -most of all. <span class="sni">Malcolm’s devotion to her.</span> -To Malcolm his Margaret was indeed a -pearl of great price, to be cherished, almost to be worshipped, -as already a saint on earth. She taught him -to share her devotions, till men wondered at such piety -in a man of this world.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_34" id="fnanchor_34"></a><a href="#footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></span> -It is touching to read how -the unlettered king loved to look with wonder on the -books in which his queen delighted; how those which -she delighted in more than others he would cherish and -kiss like holy relics, how he would have them adorned -with gold and gems, and would then bring them back -to his wife in their new splendour, as sacred offerings.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_35" id="fnanchor_35"></a><a href="#footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></span> -<a name="Page_21" id="Page_21"></a><span class="pageno">21</span> -Her prayers, her fasts, her never-failing bounty to the -poor, stand out in her biography even more conspicuously -than her gifts to churches, to distant Iona among them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_36" id="fnanchor_36"></a><a href="#footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></span> - -<span class="sni">Margaret’s education of her children.</span> -It is perhaps a rarer merit that the influence of her -personal example hindered the slightest approach to foul -or profane speech in her presence,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_37" id="fnanchor_37"></a><a href="#footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></span> -and that her careful -education of her children handed on her virtues to -another generation. For Margaret was not one of those -who sought for their own soul’s health in neglecting the -most obvious duties of the state of life to which God -had called them. In the petty and selfish devotion of -her great-uncle she had no share; called to be wife, -mother, and queen, it was by doing her duty as wife, -mother, and queen that she won her claim to a higher -saintship than that of Æthelthryth at Ely or of Eadgyth -at Wilton. The witness of Margaret is in her children, -children many of whom bore the great and kingly names -of her own house. The careful training which the -Conqueror gave to his children showed its fruits in his -daughters only; the teaching of Margaret lived in her -sons as well. <span class="sni">Her sons;</span> -Eadward died with his father; but in -<a name="Page_22" id="Page_22"></a><span class="pageno">22</span> -Eadgar and Alexander and the more renowned David, -she gave three kings to Scotland, of whom the two latter -were kings indeed, while all three inherited the gentleness -and piety of their mother, along with the virtue -so rare among the princes of that day, the strictest -purity of personal life.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_38" id="fnanchor_38"></a><a href="#footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></span> - <span class="sni">David;</span> -David, son-in-law of Waltheof, -who gave Scotland worthy heirs to succeed him, surely -ranks higher on the roll of royal saints than Eadward, -son-in-law of Godwine, who left England to the chances -of a disputed succession. One child only of this goodly -stock is spoken of as falling away from the bright -example of his parent.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_39" id="fnanchor_39"></a><a href="#footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Eadmund.</span> -Yet Eadmund, alone of the -children of Margaret, lived to become a cloistered monk; -and he was perhaps deemed degenerate only because -he fell back on the character of a Scottish patriot of -an older type.</p> - -<p>Had Margaret confined her cares to bringing up her -own children in strict piety and virtue, one of her sons -would in all likelihood have mounted his father’s throne -immediately after the bloody day of Alnwick. <span class="sni">Margaret’s reforms.</span> -But in -Malcolm’s kingdom she came, in her own eyes at least, -as the representative of a higher morality, a purer religion, -and a more advanced civilization, and she felt -specially called on to play the part of a reformer. <span class="sni">State of religion in Scotland.</span> -The -ecclesiastical condition of Scotland was by no means -perfect, according to the standard which Margaret had -<a name="Page_23" id="Page_23"></a><span class="pageno">23</span> -brought with her. The Scots still kept Easter at a -wrong time; they said mass in some way which at -Durham was deemed barbarous;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_40" id="fnanchor_40"></a><a href="#footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></span> -they cared not for the -Lord’s day; and they are said to have neglected the -most ordinary Christian rules in the matter of marriage. -They took to wife, after Jewish models, the widows of -their brothers, and even, after old Teutonic models, the -widows of their fathers. All these evils, ecclesiastical -and moral, Margaret set herself zealously to root out. -Councils were gathered to work the needful reforms, and -<span class="sni">Malcolm acts as his wife’s interpreter.</span> -Margaret found her husband an useful interpreter. For -the king who had been placed on the Scottish throne -by the will of Eadward and the arms of Siward naturally -spoke the English tongue as readily as that of his own -people.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_41" id="fnanchor_41"></a><a href="#footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></span> -But Margaret was a queen as well as a saint; -and she either took a personal pleasure in the pomp of -royalty or else she deemed royal state to be wholesome -in its effects on the minds of the barbarous people. <span class="sni">She increases the pomp of the Scottish court.</span> -The -King of Scots was taught to show himself in more -gorgeous apparel, to ride with a greater and more stately -train, than his forefathers had been wont to do. But the -righteous queen knew something of the evils which -might come of a king’s great and stately following, and -she took care that the train of King Malcolm should -not, like the train of King William, pass among the -fields and households of his people like a blight or a -pestilence<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_42" id="fnanchor_42"></a><a href="#footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></span> -. That Margaret should innovate in the -<a name="Page_24" id="Page_24"></a><span class="pageno">24</span> -direction of state and ceremony was not wonderful. -<span class="sni">Her early associations.</span> -Daughter of kings, kinswoman, perhaps daughter, of -Cæsars, she had, in her childhood and youth, seen something -of many lands. She may have seen the crown -of Saint Stephen, still in its freshness, on the brow of -a Magyar king, and the crown of Charles and Otto on -the brow of an Imperial kinsman. She had assuredly -seen King Eadward, King Harold, and King William, -in all the glory of the crown to which her husband’s -crown owed homage. And we may be sure that the -kingly state of Scotland was mean besides that of -Germany, of England, and even of Hungary. Margaret -might well think it a duty to herself and to her husband -to raise him in outward things nearer to a level with -his brother kings both of the island and of the mainland. -<span class="sni">Feeling of the Scots.</span> -But the policy of such a course, among such a people -as the Scots of that age, may well be doubted. A fierce -race, hard to control at any time, may well have had -no great love for an outward show of kingship, which -would be taken, and rightly, as the sign of a growth -of the kingly power such as agreed neither with their -customs nor with their wishes.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">English influence in Scotland.</span> -Margaret moreover was a stranger in Scotland. One -can well believe that the native Scots were already -beginning to be jealous of English influence in any shape. -Before Margaret came, they must have felt that the -English element in the triple dominion was growing into -greater importance than their own. Lothian was becoming -greater than the true Scottish land beyond the Scots’-water. -Fife, it may well be, was already becoming as -Lothian. Malcolm himself had been placed on the throne -<a name="Page_25" id="Page_25"></a><span class="pageno">25</span> -by English arms; he had become the man of two kings -who were politically English, though they held England -as a conquered realm. His five invasions of England -must have been quite needful to keep up even Malcolm’s -character among his own people. <span class="sni">Scottish feeling towards Margaret.</span> -And his English queen, -bringing in English ways, trying to turn Scotland into -another England, stopping good old Scottish customs -and good old Scottish licence, tricking out the King -of Albanach in some new devised foreign garb, English, -Norman, German, or Hungarian, must have been looked -at in her own time, by the Scots of her own day, with -very different feelings towards the living queen from -those with which they soon learned to look towards the -national saint. <span class="sni">English and Norman settlers.</span> -She came too with her English following, -and her English following was only the first wave of -many which came to strengthen the English element -which was already strong in the land. While Malcolm -and Margaret reigned, Scotland, the land which had -sheltered Margaret and her house in their days of -banishment, stood open to receive, and its king’s court -stood open to welcome, every comer from the south. -Native Englishmen flying from Norman oppression and -Norman plunder,—​Normans who thought that their share -in the plunder of England was too small—​men of both -races, of both tongues, of every class and rank among -the two races,—​all found a settlement across the Scottish -border. The King spoke English; the Queen most -likely spoke French also; Englishmen and Normans -alike seemed civilizing elements among the people whom -Margaret had to polish and to convert. Both Normans -and English kept Easter at the right time, and neither -Normans nor English thought of marrying their step-mothers. -Scotland and the court of Scotland were -crowded with English and Norman knights, with English -and Norman clerks. They got benefices, temporal and -<a name="Page_26" id="Page_26"></a><span class="pageno">26</span> -spiritual, in the Scottish land. They may have converted; -they may have civilized; but conversion and -civilization are processes which are not always specially -delighted in by those who are to be converted and -civilized. Anyhow they were strangers, brought into -the land by kingly favour, to flourish, as men would -naturally deem, at the cost of the sons of the soil. -<span class="sni">Jealousy of the native Scots.</span> -The national spirit of the Scottish people arose; the jealousy -of the strangers established in the land waxed stronger -and stronger. It might be in some measure kept down as -long as novelty was embodied in the persons of the warrior -king and the holy queen. As soon as they were gone, -the pent-up torrent burst forth in its full strength.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">The news of Malcolm’s death brought to Margaret. November 17, 1093.</span> -The first to bring the news of the death of her husband -and son to the ears of Margaret was another of her -sons, the future King Eadgar. As the tale reached -Peterborough, Worcester, and Saint Evroul, the Queen, -when she heard the tidings, became as one dead at heart; -she settled her temporal affairs; she gave gifts to the -poor; then she entered the church with her chaplain; -she communicated at the mass which he sang; she prayed -that her soul might pass away, and her prayer was -granted.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_43" id="fnanchor_43"></a><a href="#footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></span> - <span class="sni">English version of her death.</span> -This is a version which has already received -a legendary element. It is not, strictly speaking, miraculous, -but is on the way to become so. A person, -seemingly in health, is made to die in answer to prayer -on the receipt of ill news. The tale, as told by an -eye-witness, is different. The Queen had long been -expecting death; for half a year she had never mounted -<a name="Page_27" id="Page_27"></a><span class="pageno">27</span> -a horse, and had but seldom left her bed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_44" id="fnanchor_44"></a><a href="#footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></span> -On the fourth day -after her husband’s death, feeling somewhat stronger, <span class="sni">Turgot’s version.</span> -she -went into her private oratory; she heard mass, and communicated. -Her sickness increased; she was taken back to -her bed, holding and kissing<a name="cross" id="cross"></a> a relic known as the Black -Cross of Scotland,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_45" id="fnanchor_45"></a><a href="#footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></span> -and waiting for her end. She prayed -and repeated the fifty-first psalm,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_46" id="fnanchor_46"></a><a href="#footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></span> -with the cross in her -hand. The agony was already near when Eadgar came -from the war. She was able to ask after his father and -brother. Fearing to distress his mother yet more, Eadgar -said that they were well.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_47" id="fnanchor_47"></a><a href="#footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></span> -Margaret conjured him as -her son, and by the cross which she had in her hand, -to speak the truth. He then told her the grievous tale. -She murmured not, nor sinned with her lips.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_48" id="fnanchor_48"></a><a href="#footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></span> -She could -even give thanks for her sorrows, sent, as she deemed, -to cleanse her from her sins.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_49" id="fnanchor_49"></a><a href="#footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></span> -As one who had just -<a name="Page_28" id="Page_28"></a><span class="pageno">28</span> -partaken of the holy rite, she began the prayer which -follows communion, and, as she prayed, her soul left the -world. The deadly paleness passed away from her face, -and she lay, red and white, as one sleeping.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_50" id="fnanchor_50"></a><a href="#footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Her burial at Dunfermline.</span> -The place -of her death was Edinburgh, the castle of maidens;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_51" id="fnanchor_51"></a><a href="#footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></span> -her -body was borne to Dunfermline and buried there, before -the altar of the church of the Holy Trinity of her own -rearing.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_52" id="fnanchor_52"></a><a href="#footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2">We read the touching tale with different feelings from -those with which it was heard at the moment by Scots -who clave to old Scottish ways, good or bad. We have -even hints that the funeral of the sainted queen could -not go from Edinburgh to Dunfermline without danger. -<span class="sni">Scottish feeling towards her.</span> -It needed either a miracle or the natural phænomena -of the country to enable the body of the English lady -to be carried out of one gate of the Castle of the -Maidens, while the champions of the old times of Scotland -were thundering at another.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_53" id="fnanchor_53"></a><a href="#footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></span> -Such a story may -be legendary in its details, but it is clearly no legend, -but true tradition, as regards the national feeling of the -times which it describes. Scotland, at the time of -Malcolm’s death, was still torn by local and dynastic -factions;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_54" id="fnanchor_54"></a><a href="#footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></span> -but all parties in the old Scottish realm were -<a name="Page_29" id="Page_29"></a><span class="pageno">29</span> -agreed on one point. <span class="sni">A Scottish king to be chosen.</span> -They would have no more innovations -from England or from Normandy; they would -have no more English or Norman strangers to eat up -their land in their own sight. They would have no -son of Margaret, no son even of Malcolm, to reign over -them; they would again have a king of the true stock -of Albanach, who should reign after the old ways of -Albanach and none other. The settled English element -south of the Scots’-water would be weak against such -a movement as this; or indeed it may be that the men -of Lothian were no more eager to be reformed after -Margaret’s fashion than the men of Scotland and Strathclyde. -<span class="sni">Election of Donald.</span> -Such a king as was needed was soon found in -the person of Donald Bane, Donald the Red—​Scotland -had her Rufus as well as England—​the brother of the -late king and son of that Duncan who had been cut off -in his youth in the civil war between his house and the -house of Macbeth.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_55" id="fnanchor_55"></a><a href="#footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></span> -He was at once raised to the Scottish -crown as the representative of Scottish nationality. -<span class="sni">He drives out the English.</span> -His first act was emphatic; “he drave out all the -English that ere with the King Malcolm were.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_56" id="fnanchor_56"></a><a href="#footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Meaning of the words.</span> -This is of course no more to be understood of a general -driving out of the settled English inhabitants of Lothian -than the massacre of Saint Brice is to be understood of -a general slaughter of the settled Danish inhabitants -of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_57" id="fnanchor_57"></a><a href="#footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></span> -The driving out was -<a name="Page_30" id="Page_30"></a><span class="pageno">30</span> -confined to the newly come English, who filled the court -of Malcolm and Margaret, and who doubtless kept, or -seemed to keep, many a true-born Scot from the favour -of his king. For these there was to be no longer a -place in the Scottish realm or in the other dominions of -its sovereign. They had to go and seek shelter in their -own land. The language of our guides suggests that -they were mainly English in the strictest sense; though -we cannot but fancy that some Normans or other -strangers may have crept in among them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_58" id="fnanchor_58"></a><a href="#footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></span> -One thing -is certain; among the English that ere with the King -Malcolm were his own children by his English wife -held a place. <span class="sni">Margaret’s children driven out.</span> -Of his sons Eadmund and Æthelred we -cannot speak with certainty; but Eadgar, Alexander, -and David, had to flee, and the Scottish story describes -their uncle the Ætheling Eadgar as in some way helping -their escape. He did it, we are told, by stealth, that he -might not kindle any suspicion in the Norman King of -England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_59" id="fnanchor_59"></a><a href="#footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Action of the elder Eadgar.</span> -It is hard to see what Eadgar, who could -not have been in Scotland at the time of his sister’s -death, could have done for her children till they were at -least within the English border, and there is nothing to -make us think that Eadgar had in any way lost that -full favour with William Rufus which he had enjoyed at -the beginning of the year. But the mere use of his name -witnesses to the belief that he who could do so little for -himself was able to do a good deal for others. In this -<a name="Page_31" id="Page_31"></a><span class="pageno">31</span> -story he is said to have sheltered his sister’s daughters -as well as her sons. <span class="sni">Malcolm’s daughters;</span> -More trustworthy accounts say -that Eadgyth and Mary had already been sent by their -parents to be brought up in the abbey of Romsey, where -their aunt Christina was a nun.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_60" id="fnanchor_60"></a><a href="#footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Mary;</span> -Mary in time married -the younger Eustace of Boulogne, and was the mother of -a Queen of the English, that valiant Matilda who strove -so well to keep the English crown for her husband -Stephen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_61" id="fnanchor_61"></a><a href="#footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Eadgyth or Matilda;</span> -Eadgyth, in her loftier destiny, will meet us -again under the new name which she had to share with -her niece and to hand on to an Imperial daughter.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_62" id="fnanchor_62"></a><a href="#footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></span> -The -second Queen Matilda of our story, the good Queen -Maud of tradition, had been designed to be the bride of -<a name="Breton" id="Breton"></a>the Breton Count Alan.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_63" id="fnanchor_63"></a><a href="#footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></span> -That was not to be her fate; -neither was it to be her fate to embrace the holy calling -which her aunt Christina strove to force upon her. <span class="sni">her sojourn at Romsey.</span> -For -the present she remained unprofessed, loathing the veil -which her aunt ever and anon put upon her head, to -shield her, as she said, from Norman outrage.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_64" id="fnanchor_64"></a><a href="#footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></span> -When -Christina’s back was turned, the lively girl tore the -veil from her head and trampled on it.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_65" id="fnanchor_65"></a><a href="#footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Malcolm at Romsey.</span> -Her father -too, on some visit to England—​could he have turned -aside to Romsey before or after his memorable visit to -Gloucester?—​saw the veil on her head with anger; he had -not designed her for that, but for the bridal of Count -Alan. <span class="sni">Her relations with Henry.</span> -It seems plain that her marriage with Henry -was a marriage of old affection on both sides, and one -version even makes the Ætheling seek for her as his -<a name="Page_32" id="Page_32"></a><span class="pageno">32</span> -wife in her father’s lifetime. <span class="sni">Tale of Eadgyth and William Rufus.</span> -One version, strange indeed, -but perhaps the more likely to have some truth in -it because of its strangeness, gives her an unlooked-for -lover. We are told that, for once, in the person of Eadgyth -of Scotland, female charms kindled in the heart of the Red -King a passion which in his case might be called virtuous.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_66" id="fnanchor_66"></a><a href="#footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></span> -He came to Romsey with a body of his knights; -the wily abbess, dreading his purpose, caused Eadgyth -to put on the veil. She then drew the King into the -cloister to see her roses and other flowers; but he caught -a glimpse of the nuns as they passed by; he saw the -veil on the head of Eadgyth, and turned away. She -was then twelve years old. Presently her father came; -he saw her veiled; he tore the veil from her head, he -trampled it under his feet, and took away his daughter. -Such a tale must be taken for what it is worth; but the -picture of William Rufus contemplating either maidens -or roses at least puts him in a light in which we do not -meet him elsewhere.</p> - -<p class="p2">A series of events now follow which our guides seem -to place within the year of Malcolm’s death, but for -which room can hardly have been found in the few -weeks of it which were still to come. <span class="sni">Christmas, 1093–1094.</span> -The winter of -that year, it will be remembered, was a stirring winter. -It saw the consecration of Anselm; it saw the Gemót at -Gloucester at which William received the challenge from -his brother in Normandy;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_67" id="fnanchor_67"></a><a href="#footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></span> -it saw the first beginnings -of fresh disputes between the King and the Archbishop.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_68" id="fnanchor_68"></a><a href="#footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></span> - -<span class="sni">Events of 1094.</span> -The next year was the year of William’s second Norman -expedition, and it is clear that his absence from England -had an influence on the affairs of Scotland, as it undoubtedly -had on those of Wales. <span class="sni">Order of Scottish events.</span> -The election of -<a name="Page_33" id="Page_33"></a><span class="pageno">33</span> -Donald and the driving out of the English from Scotland -may have followed as swiftly on the deaths of -Malcolm and Margaret as the election of Harold followed -on the death of Eadward or the election of Henry -on the death of William Rufus. But we can hardly find -room for an English expedition to Scotland, for the -establishment of a new king, and for a domestic revolution -limiting his powers, between the driving out of the -English and the last day of the year. One is inclined -to think that the Gemót of Gloucester saw a discussion -of the affairs of Scotland as well as of the affairs of -Normandy, and that the results of that discussion, direct -consequences as they were of the death of Malcolm and -the election of Donald, were set down under the year -in which the chain of events began, though some of them -must, almost in the nature of things, have really happened -in the year which followed.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Gemót of Gloucester. Christmas, 1093–1094.</span> -I am inclined therefore to think that it must have been -at the Christmas assembly which decreed the war with -Robert that a claimant appeared to demand the Scottish -crown at the hands of the southern over-lord. This was -Duncan, the son of Malcolm and Ingebiorg. <span class="sni">Duncan claims the Scottish crown.</span> -He was in -truth the eldest of Malcolm’s children, and, though, under -the influence of a new set of ideas, it became usual to -speak of him as a kind of Ishmael, he was most likely as -lawful an heir to the Scottish throne as any of the three -kings who were sons of the English saint.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_69" id="fnanchor_69"></a><a href="#footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></span> -In itself -the succession of Duncan would have seemed an intermediate -course between the succession of Donald and -the succession of Margaret’s son Eadgar. But Duncan, -<a name="Page_34" id="Page_34"></a><span class="pageno">34</span> -given years ago as a hostage to William the Great,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_70" id="fnanchor_70"></a><a href="#footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></span> -had -long been a follower of William the Red. <span class="sni">Duncan’s Norman education.</span> -He lived in -his court, and did him faithful service as his man and his -knight. He must have been unknown in Scotland, and -his feelings and habits must have been those of a Norman -rather than those of a Scot. He represented neither the -old Scottish traditions which were embodied in Donald -nor yet the new foreign reformation which was embodied -in Margaret and her sons. It was no wonder then that -no party in his father’s kingdom thought of his claims -at his father’s death. <span class="sni">He receives the crown from William.</span> -But he now came to the King’s -court; he set forth the usurpation of his uncle Donald and -his own rights; he demanded the crown of his father, -and did homage for it to the Monarch of Britain.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_71" id="fnanchor_71"></a><a href="#footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></span> -The -event is singularly like the earlier event which had -placed Duncan’s own father on the Scottish throne; <span class="sni">1054.</span> -it -is still more like the later event which gave Scotland a -momentary king in Edward Balliol. <span class="sni">1332.</span> -The King’s designs -on Normandy hindered him from either marching -himself to the help of Duncan or sending any part -of the regular forces of his kingdom. <span class="sni">He wins it by the help of Norman and English volunteers. 1094.</span> -But Duncan -was allowed to get together a body of volunteers, -English and French—​doubtless of any nation that he -could find—​at whose head he marched into Scotland. -He overthrew his uncle Donald, and took possession of -<a name="Page_35" id="Page_35"></a><span class="pageno">35</span> -the throne by the help of his new allies.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_72" id="fnanchor_72"></a><a href="#footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></span> -Details are -lacking; the Scots must have been overthrown for a -moment by some sudden attack. <span class="sni">Second revolution; the foreigners driven out.</span> -What follows is instructive. -The reign of Duncan, as a king surrounded -by a Norman and English following, was but for a moment. -<span class="sni">May? 1094.</span> -But there was clearly no feeling in Scotland -against allowing him to reign, if he were willing to reign -as a national Scot. The people, startled for a moment, -took heart again. A new movement broke forth; the King -was surrounded, and the foreigners who accompanied -him were this time, not driven out, but slaughtered. He -himself escaped with a few only.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_73" id="fnanchor_73"></a><a href="#footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></span> -But, this work once -done, the son of Malcolm was not less willingly received -than his brother. Donald was not restored; but Duncan -was accepted as King of Scots on condition of his allowing -no English or French settlers within his realm.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_74" id="fnanchor_74"></a><a href="#footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></span></p> - -<p>We may perhaps suspect that this national movement -in Scotland was timed so as to grasp the favourable -moment when the King of the English, with the mass -of his forces, was beyond the sea. This is more -clearly marked in the next revolution, which took -place towards the end of the year. While King William -was still in Normandy, while the Welsh were in -<a name="Page_36" id="Page_36"></a><span class="pageno">36</span> -triumphant revolt, a powerful confederacy was formed -against Duncan. Donald now leagued himself with Malpeter, -the Mormaor of Mærne, the representative of the -old party of Macbeth, and also with Eadmund, son of -Malcolm and Margaret. This last, their only degenerate -son, as he is called, joined with his uncle against his half-brother. -He was lured, it is said, by the promise of half the -kingdom.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_75" id="fnanchor_75"></a><a href="#footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Death of Duncan and restoration of Donald. November? 1094.</span> -Duncan was slain, by treachery, we are told, -and Donald began a second reign.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_76" id="fnanchor_76"></a><a href="#footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></span> -This revolution was -perhaps among the causes which brought William back -from Normandy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_77" id="fnanchor_77"></a><a href="#footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></span> -But both English and Welsh affairs -were in a state which forbade any immediate intervention -in Scotland. William had to put up with the insults -which he had received, the driving out of his subjects -and the slaughter of the king to whom he had given -the kingdom. <span class="sni">Second reign of Donald. 1094–1097.</span> -Donald was allowed to reign without -disturbance for three years.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 2. <span class="title">The Revolt of Robert of Mowbray.</span><br />1095–1096.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Events contemporary with Donald’s second reign.</span> -The three years of Donald’s second reign were contemporary -with much that we have already told, with -the whole dispute between William and Anselm, with the -preaching of the crusade, with the acquisition of Normandy. -They were contemporary with stirring events in Wales -<a name="Page_37" id="Page_37"></a><span class="pageno">37</span> -which we shall speak of in another section. And they -were contemporary with events in England which, as I -have said, have a kind of connexion with the fate of -Malcolm which makes it seem on the whole most natural -to speak of them at this point. We will now therefore -go on to the chief English event of the year which -followed the second accession of Donald, namely the -revolt of Robert Earl of Northumberland.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Conspiracy against William Rufus.</span> -It is not the least strange among the strange events -of this reign that the only rebellion against William -Rufus within his kingdom, after that which immediately -followed his accession, was directly occasioned by one of -the few good deeds which are recorded of him. The King -did a simple act of justice; one of his greatest nobles at -once openly rebelled, and the open rebellion of one brought -to light the hidden conspiracy of many more. We may be -sure that there had long been a good deal of lurking -discontent which was waiting for even a slight opportunity -to break forth into a flame. The conspiracy was -devised among men of the highest rank and power, some -of them near of kindred to the King; and the open rebel -was certainly the foremost man of his own generation in -the kingdom. There were in the days of Rufus grounds -enough for discontent and revolt among any class, -and there were special grounds which specially touched -the men of highest rank. They are said to have been -offended by the King’s general harshness, and, above -all, by the strictness of his hunting-code.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_78" id="fnanchor_78"></a><a href="#footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></span> -The head -<a name="Page_38" id="Page_38"></a><span class="pageno">38</span> -and author of the seditious movement was the stern -guardian of the northern frontier of the kingdom, Robert -of Mowbray Earl of Northumberland. He is said to -have been specially puffed up to rebellion by his -successes against Malcolm and his Scots.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_79" id="fnanchor_79"></a><a href="#footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></span> -But, great -as he deemed himself, he held that he might become -greater by a powerful alliance. The gloomy Earl, with -whom speech and laughter were so rare, thought to help -his projects by taking a wife. <span class="sni">Robert of Mowbray marries Matilda of Laigle.</span> -He married Matilda of -Laigle, the daughter of that Richer who died so worthily -beneath the keep of Sainte-Susanne,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_80" id="fnanchor_80"></a><a href="#footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></span> -the sister of -that Gilbert whom we have seen foremost in the work -of slaughter among the seditious citizens of Rouen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_81" id="fnanchor_81"></a><a href="#footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></span> -Her -mother Judith was the sister of Earl Hugh of Chester; -and Robert seems to have entangled his new uncle in his -rebellious schemes. <span class="sni">His dealings with the Earl of Chester and the Bishop of Durham.</span> -One would have thought that Bishop -William of Durham had had enough of rebellion. He -was now as high in the King’s favour and counsels as -any man in the realm. He was, or at least had been, -on bad terms with his neighbour Earl Robert;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_82" id="fnanchor_82"></a><a href="#footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></span> -and it is -hard to see what can have been his temptation to join -in any seditious movement. Yet we know that there -were churchmen concerned in the conspiracy;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_83" id="fnanchor_83"></a><a href="#footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></span> -it is -certain that Bishop William lost the King’s favour about -this time; and there seems little doubt that he was at -least suspected of being in league with the Earl. <span class="sni">Other conspirators.</span> -Others -concerned are said to have been Philip of Montgomery, son -<a name="Page_39" id="Page_39"></a><span class="pageno">39</span> -of the late Earl of Shrewsbury,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_84" id="fnanchor_84"></a><a href="#footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></span> -Roger of Lacy, great in -Herefordshire and in several other shires,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_85" id="fnanchor_85"></a><a href="#footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></span> -and one nearer -to the royal house than all, <span class="sni">William of Eu.</span> -William of Eu, the late -stirrer up of strife between the King and his brother. -<span class="sni">Conspiracy in favour of Stephen of Aumale.</span> -The object of the conspiracy was said to be to put the -King to death, and to give the crown to Stephen of -Aumale, the son of Adelaide, whole sister of the -Conqueror, by her third husband, Odo Count of Champagne -and lord of Holderness.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_86" id="fnanchor_86"></a><a href="#footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></span></p> - -<p>In short, the two men who had been the first to put -castles into the King’s hands in Normandy were now -plotting against him in England. Stephen of Aumale -was to receive the English crown at the bidding of -William of Eu. <span class="sni">No general support for the plot.</span> -Such a conspiracy as this must have -been merely the device of a few discontented nobles; it -could have met with no broad ground of general support -among men of any class. No doubt many men of all -ranks and of all races would have been well pleased -to get rid of William; but there must surely have been -few who seriously hoped to set up Stephen of Aumale -as his successor. <span class="sni">No ground for Stephen’s claim.</span> -By a solemn treaty only five years old, -the reigning Duke of the Normans was marked out as -the successor to the English crown.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_87" id="fnanchor_87"></a><a href="#footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></span> -And if that -arrangement was held to be set aside by later warfare -between the brothers, there was nothing to bar the -natural claims of Henry. Neither Norman nor English -feeling could have endured that the man who was at -once Norman and English should be set aside for a -stranger from Champagne. Neither Norman nor English -<a name="Page_40" id="Page_40"></a><span class="pageno">40</span> -feeling could have endured that all the sons of the -Conqueror should be set aside in favour of the son of -his sister. Truly men of any rank or any race had -good reason to revolt against William Rufus. But this -was like the revolt of the Earls in the days of the elder -William,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_88" id="fnanchor_88"></a><a href="#footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></span> -a purely personal and selfish revolt, which -called forth no sympathy, Norman or English. Still -a large party was ready to revolt on any occasion. And -the occasion was presently found.</p> - -<p>It was found, as far as Earl Robert was concerned, -in a wanton breach of common right and of the law -of nations, which it was assumed that the King would -treat as an act of defiance against his authority. -Four Norwegian trading ships had peacefully anchored -in some Northumbrian haven. <span class="sni">Earl Robert plunders the Norwegian ships.</span> -Earl Robert, his -nephew Morel, and their followers, wantonly plundered -the ships, and took away their whole cargoes. And -the tale is told as if the act of plunder was meant -directly as an act of rebellion against the King, whose -peace was certainly broken in the most outrageous way.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_89" id="fnanchor_89"></a><a href="#footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></span> - -<span class="sni">The merchants complain to the King.</span> -The merchants, despoiled of all that they had, made -their way to the King and laid before him their complaint -against the Earl of the Northumbrians.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_90" id="fnanchor_90"></a><a href="#footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></span> -Had such -an act been done by any of William’s own following, the -injured men would most likely have met with no redress. -But plunder done by anybody else on his own account -was an outrage on the royal authority—​one might perhaps -say an encroachment on the royal monopoly of -oppression—​with which the Red King was not minded -<a name="Page_41" id="Page_41"></a><span class="pageno">41</span> -to put up. William straightway sent the strictest and -sternest orders to Earl Robert to restore at once all that -had been taken from the Norwegian merchants. <span class="sni">Robert refuses redress.</span> -The -Earl scornfully took no notice. The King then asked -the amount of the merchants’ losses, and made it good -to them from his own hoard. <span class="sni">He is summoned to the King’s court.</span> -He then summoned the -Earl to his court; but he refused to come.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_91" id="fnanchor_91"></a><a href="#footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such is the story which reached the cloister of Saint -Evroul, a story altogether likely in itself, and which -well fits in with and explains the entries in our own -Chronicle. These bring us into the thick of the regular -assemblies of this year of assemblies. The gathering -at Rockingham dealt wholly with the affairs of Anselm; -<span class="sni">Gemót of Winchester. March 25, 1095.</span> -to the regular Easter assembly at Winchester which -so soon followed it, Earl Robert, though specially summoned, -refused to come. The King was very wroth -against him, and sent word that, if he did not wish to -be altogether put out of the King’s peace, he must come -to the court to be held at Pentecost.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_92" id="fnanchor_92"></a><a href="#footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></span> -Signs in the -heavens seem to have foretold that something was -coming. <span class="sni">The falling stars. April 4.</span> -It was now, on the night of the feast of Easter -and again ten days later, that a crowd of stars was -seen to fall from heaven, not one or two, but so thickly -that no man could tell them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_93" id="fnanchor_93"></a><a href="#footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></span> -If the stars fought against -<a name="Page_42" id="Page_42"></a><span class="pageno">42</span> -Malcolm on the day of Saint Brice, it was only in their -courses, and no chronicler has recorded the fact. But -it looks as if this special Easter shower, of which we -have elsewhere heard other meanings,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_94" id="fnanchor_94"></a><a href="#footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></span> -was by some -at least held to portend the fall of the great earl of the -North. <span class="sni">Messages between the King and Robert.</span> -The time between Easter and Pentecost, the -time so busily occupied in another range of subjects -by the coming of Cardinal Walter and the acknowledgement -of Pope Urban,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_95" id="fnanchor_95"></a><a href="#footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></span> -was no less busily occupied by -an exchange of messages between the King and his -undutiful subject. Robert, like Godwine two-and-forty -years before, demanded hostages and a safe-conduct, -before he would risk himself before the Assembly.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_96" id="fnanchor_96"></a><a href="#footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></span> -This -the King refused; Robert, arraigned on a definite charge -of open robbery, had no such claim to hostages as -Godwine, as King Malcolm, or even as his own neighbour -Bishop William. <span class="sni">Whitsun Gemót. Windsor, May 13, 1095.</span> -The Whitsun-feast was held; the King -was at Windsor—​not at Westminster—​and all his Witan -with him. Anselm was there, to be received into the -King’s favour, and to engage to observe the customs of -the realm.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_97" id="fnanchor_97"></a><a href="#footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></span> -But the Earl of the Northumbrians was -not there.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_98" id="fnanchor_98"></a><a href="#footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></span> -The two accounts fit in perfectly without -contradiction or difficulty. One gives us the cause of -the special summons of Earl Robert to the Gemót; the -other gives us its exact date and form.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The King’s march.</span> -Rufus, thus defied, at once took to arms. It would -seem that he did not wholly rely on his mercenaries, -but called out the national force of the kingdom.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_99" id="fnanchor_99"></a><a href="#footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></span> -He -<a name="Page_43" id="Page_43"></a><span class="pageno">43</span> -was again the King of the English, marching at the head -of his people. He was marching against the rebel fortresses -of the North, as he had once marched against -Tunbridge, Pevensey, and Rochester. <span class="sni">His motives.</span> -But these great -preparations were not made simply to avenge the wrongs -of the Norwegian merchants. Their wrongs were the -outward occasion, and that was all. The refusal of Earl -Robert to come to the King’s court was the counterpart -of the more general refusal of the Norman nobles to come -to the Easter Assembly seven years earlier.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_100" id="fnanchor_100"></a><a href="#footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></span> -The -King knew, or had good reason to suspect, that there -was again a wide-spread conspiracy afloat to deprive -him of his crown and life. Of this conspiracy the open -disobedience of Earl Robert was simply the first outward -sign; the affair of the Norwegian merchants had merely -brought matters to a head. Rufus may even have -made use of their wrongs as a pretext for proving -Robert’s doubtful loyalty. Robert was as yet the only -open rebel. When the King drew the sword, he met -with no resistance anywhere save where the Earl of -the Northumbrians was in possession. Robert’s accomplices -remained accomplices and conspirators; they did -not dare to risk the chances of open rebellion. The -Earl may have thought that the strength which had -twice overcome a King of Scots might defy a King of -the English also.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_101" id="fnanchor_101"></a><a href="#footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Robert resists.</span> -At all events, Robert of Mowbray -withstood the King in arms, and a stirring and varied -campaign followed.</p> - -<p>It appears however from an incidental notice that -<a name="Page_44" id="Page_44"></a><span class="pageno">44</span> -Earl Robert and his fellows by no means trusted only -to movements within the realm. <span class="sni">Help expected from Normandy.</span> -It is certainly strange -that a conspiracy in which William of Eu could be even -suspected of taking a part should have found any support -in Normandy; yet in those times men changed sides -so easily that it is not impossible that he might have -been again intriguing with Duke Robert himself. It -is still more likely that some intrigue was going on, -not with the Norman Duke but with the enemies of -Rufus in Normandy as well as in England. It is -certain that an invasion of south-eastern England was -at this time daily dreaded;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_102" id="fnanchor_102"></a><a href="#footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></span> -and it is perhaps more likely -that William of Eu, Stephen of Aumale, and the rest, -were planning an expedition at their own risk than that -Duke Robert was designing anything with the regular -forces of Normandy. The invasion was plainly looked -on as a serious danger; but there is no reason to think -that it ever took place. The King thought it needful -to take special means for guarding the coast. <span class="sni">The King marches to Nottingham.</span> -He had -gone on his northern march as far as Nottingham, -accompanied not only, as we might expect, by many -of his nobles, but what we might less have looked for, -by both the archbishops and by the Cardinal Bishop of -Albano.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_103" id="fnanchor_103"></a><a href="#footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Anselm’s command in Kent.</span> -One might almost think that some special -news was brought to the King at this point; for it was -now that Anselm, in this his short season of renewed -favour with the King, was sent back to guard his city -and diocese. He received the trust from the King’s -own mouth; he went back to Canterbury, whither a -<a name="Page_45" id="Page_45"></a><span class="pageno">45</span> -writ from the King followed him bidding him stay -in care of the city, ready at any moment, when news -should be brought from the threatened havens, at once -to gather together horse and foot for the defence of the -land.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_104" id="fnanchor_104"></a><a href="#footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></span> -Anselm went back to his metropolis, and there -stayed, as we have seen, ready to discharge these unusual -duties, which, as the expected invasion never came, did -not in the end involve any military action on his part.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile the King went on, taking with him the -Archbishop of York, who at Nottingham was already -in his own province and diocese. <span class="sni">The King draws near to Northumberland.</span> -When the march -had gone on somewhat further, when the King and -his host were drawing near to the borders of the -Northumbrian earldom, that is, we may suppose, when -they were near the banks of the Tyne, an incident -happened which showed that the enemies of Rufus had -other schemes besides those of open warfare either at -home or abroad.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_105" id="fnanchor_105"></a><a href="#footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></span> -Gilbert of Clare or of Tunbridge, of -whom we have already heard as a rebel in earlier days,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_106" id="fnanchor_106"></a><a href="#footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></span> -and who seems now to be looked on as a traitor in the -King’s camp, calls the King aside, and, to his amazement, -falls at his feet and craves his pardon for his offences. -<span class="sni">Confession of Gilbert of Clare.</span> -Let the King promise him forgiveness, and he will do -something which shall deliver him from a great danger.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_107" id="fnanchor_107"></a><a href="#footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></span> - -<a name="Page_46" id="Page_46"></a><span class="pageno">46</span> -Rufus wonders and hesitates, but, after a little debate -in his own mind, he promises the pardon that is asked -for. Gilbert then warns the King not to enter a certain -wood—​have we again the tale of the hunting-party -as the scene of assassination?<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_108" id="fnanchor_108"></a><a href="#footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></span> -He was himself one of -a body who had plotted the King’s death, and a party -of them were now in the wood ready to slay him. -He told the King their number and names;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_109" id="fnanchor_109"></a><a href="#footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></span> -but the -story reads as if no immediate action was taken against -them. The conspirators are baulked of their prey, and -the King’s host marches on to attack the fortresses of -the rebel Earl.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_110" id="fnanchor_110"></a><a href="#footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Defence of Robert’s fortresses.</span> -Robert of Mowbray had made good preparations for defence. -The main body of his followers, among them the -men highest in rank and most trusted in valour, guarded -the great frontier fortress of his earldom, <span class="sni">The New Castle.</span> -the New Castle -which Duke Robert had reared to guard the way to the -further north by the old line of the Ælian Bridge.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_111" id="fnanchor_111"></a><a href="#footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></span> -Placed -opposite the scene of Walcher’s slaughter at Gateshead,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_112" id="fnanchor_112"></a><a href="#footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></span> -it rose above the Tyne with far more of the usual position -of a fortress than would be dreamed by one who merely -passes so strangely near to it on the modern railway, -or who lights almost by chance on gateway and castle -imbedded in the streets of the modern town. The -gateway, even the keep as it now stands, are both of -later date than the time of our story. But the days -of Monkchester were passed; the New Castle was -already a place of arms, a strong post standing right -in the way of the King’s advance against the rebellious -land. Lower down the tidal stream, beyond the relics—​they -<a name="Page_47" id="Page_47"></a><span class="pageno">47</span> -were then still something more than relics—​of the -great Roman rampart which left its name at Wallknol, -at Wallcar, and at Wallsend<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_113" id="fnanchor_113"></a><a href="#footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></span>—​fast by the mouth of the -estuary whose shores and whose waters are now so -thickly set with the works of modern industry—​the -<span class="sni">Tynemouth.</span> -Earl’s castle of Tynemouth at once sheltered the rising -monastery of Saint Oswine and guarded the approach -to the river and to all to which the river led. Tynemouth -was held by the Earl’s brother; <span class="sni">Bamburgh.</span> -Robert himself, -far to the north, kept the great stronghold of all, the -old seat of Northumbrian power, which frowns over -land and sea from the basaltic rock of Bamburgh. The -King’s first attack was lucky; we have no details; but -we read that the New Castle was taken, and that all -the men that were in it were kept in ward. <span class="sni">Taking of the New Castle.</span> -The -choicest men of Earl Robert’s following were thus in -the King’s hands; the inland centre of his power was -lost; but he and his brother still held out in their -fastnesses by the Ocean.</p> - -<p>Tynemouth and Bamburgh both stood long sieges. -The strong site of the monastic stronghold enabled it -to bear up for two months, while the fortress of Ida -remained, as far as any strictly military operation was -concerned, untaken during the whole war. <span class="sni">Siege of Tynemouth.</span> -Tynemouth, -which had so lately seen the burial of Malcolm, had -now to endure the assaults of the royal force in the -cause of Malcolm’s chief enemy. The holy place of -Saint Oswine was strong alike by nature and art. <span class="sni">Description of the site.</span> -At -the mouth of the great Northumbrian river, on that -bank of it which lay within Robert’s earldom, two -headlands, divided by a small bay, stand forth boldly -<a name="Page_48" id="Page_48"></a><span class="pageno">48</span> -to meet the waves of the German Ocean. In later times -the fortified precinct took in both points. Both came -within the wall and ditch which cut off the peninsulas -from the mainland. The castle of Tynemouth, strictly -so called, covered the southern height immediately above -the river. The northern promontory was crowned by -the church and the monastic buildings, themselves -sheltered by a vast gatehouse, which itself grew into -a castle. Such, there is reason to believe, was the -arrangement in the days of Malcolm and William. The -castle of Robert of Mowbray rose sheer above the estuary, -on its left bank. To the north, on the other headland, -protected by a smaller fortress, stood the church and -monastery which were growing up at his bidding, a -tribute paid by the conquerors to the ancient worthies -of the land. <span class="sni">The monastic peninsula.</span> -The peninsula crowned by the monastic -stronghold stretches forth into the waters, like a miniature -of that which is at once the oldest and the newest -Syracuse, since the art of man joined the island of -Ortygia to the mainland of Sicily. While the neck -is strengthened by works of defence, the rocky headland -rises boldly from the waves on two sides. To the south -the ground rises more gently above the bay between the -two peninsulas, the bay to which the monastery above it -gave the name of the Prior’s haven. The town which -grew up in after times sprang up directly to the west -of the approach to the northern headland; it now spreads -itself on all sides save only on the two headlands themselves. -<span class="sni">Taking of Tynemouth. July? 1095.</span> -The first attack must have been made from -the older site of the town; the small fortress, that most -likely which guarded the neck of the monastic headland, -was taken. The main castle to the south fell at the -end of two months, and the Earl’s brother and the -knights who defended it shared the fate of the defenders -of the New Castle.</p> - -<p><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49"></a><span class="pageno">49</span> -And now came the hardest struggle of all, the -struggle for the old home of Ida and Bebbe. <span class="sni">The castle of Bamburgh.</span> -<span class="title">Bebbanburh</span>, -Bamburgh—​the royal city of Bernicia, which -its founder had fenced first with a hedge and then -with a wall or earthwork—​the city small but strong, -with its steep height approached only by steps<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_114" id="fnanchor_114"></a><a href="#footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></span>—​though -its main purpose was military and not religious, -contained within its walls a sanctuary and a relic as -worshipful as aught that was sheltered by Tynemouth -or Jarrow or Durham itself. <span class="sni">The relic of Saint Oswald.</span> -The ancient church of -Bamburgh was honoured by the presence of the wonder-working -hand of the martyred Bretwalda Oswald. That -relic had in earlier days helped, along with the prayers -of Aidan, to save Bamburgh from the fires of Penda; -we are not told whether it was by the favour of the -martyr that the elder Waltheof sheltered himself within -the impregnable walls, while his valiant son marched -forth to victory. The city, the small city which took -in the space only of a few fields, had doubtless by this -time given way to the Norman fortress, strengthened -by all the arts which the Norman had brought with -him. The castle precincts, in their widest extent, clearly -cover the whole of the ancient site; <a name="southwest" id="southwest"></a>at the south-western -end they are still approached by steps which doubtless -represent those which in the days of the old Northumbrian -chronicler were the only means of mounting -the height. At Bamburgh, as elsewhere, we are met by -the never-failing difficulty which besets the student of the -castles of that age. Can any of the work at Bamburgh -which bears the impress of Norman art be safely assigned -to the eleventh century? <span class="sni">The keep.</span> -Or must we give up all to the -twelfth, and believe that no part of the great centre of -the building, the keep “huge and square,” was already in -being when Robert of Mowbray defied the Red King from -<a name="Page_50" id="Page_50"></a><span class="pageno">50</span> -his rock? On such a point it is dangerous to be over-positive. -The surrounding walls are of all dates down to -the basest modern imitations; the chapel which guarded -the relic of Saint Oswald, standing apart in the great -court with its eastern apse overlooking the sea, was -clearly, when perfect, no mean work of the next age. -But whatever was the character or the material of the -defences of Robert’s day, they were doubtless as strong as -any skill within the Northumbrian earldom could make -them. There, from the castle raised on the land side -on the bulwarks of the rock out of which its walls -and bastions grow, rising on the sea side over deep -and shifting hills of sand, the eye might take in the -long indented coast, the sea dotted with islands of -which many play a part in the sacred story of -northern England,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_115" id="fnanchor_115"></a><a href="#footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></span>—​Farn and its fellows hard by, hallowed -by the abode and death of Saint Cuthberht—​Holy -Island itself further to the north-west, the landscape -bounded in the far distance by the border hills -of the two British kingdoms, beyond which Malcolm -no longer stood ready to ravage the pastures of Northumberland. -<span class="sni">Robert defends Bamburgh against the King.</span> -Within that ancient fortress, rich with -so many earlier associations, the proud and gloomy Earl -now kept his ground, adding a new and stirring page -to the long history of Bamburgh. His brother and his -best knights were the King’s prisoners; but, strong on -his rocky height, the Earl of the Northumbrians, heedless -of the lesson of seven years earlier, dared to bid defiance -<a name="Page_51" id="Page_51"></a><span class="pageno">51</span> -to the King of the English and to the whole strength -of his kingdom.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Strength of the position.</span> -And in truth the event proved that the rebellious -daring of Robert of Mowbray had better grounds than -the daring of those who had held Rochester and Pevensey, -Tynemouth and the New Castle, against their sovereign. -The well of the purest water, hollowed out on the highest -point of the rock, and then, or at some later day, taken -in within the massive walls of the huge keep, made -Robert safe from all such dangers as threatened the -Ætheling Henry when he held out on the rock of -Saint Michael.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_116" id="fnanchor_116"></a><a href="#footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Direct attacks fail.</span> -All the power and skill of the Red -King was brought to bear upon the ancient stronghold; -but all was in vain; the castle of Bebbe was not to -be taken by any open attack. William therefore took -to slower means of warfare. <span class="sni">Making of the <span class="title">Malvoisin</span>.</span> -He made one of those -towers which were so often made in such cases, to act -as a check on the besieged castle, to form in fact an -imperfect kind of blockade. This tower must have -stood on the land side, to cut off all hope of help from -any friendly quarter. It therefore could not have stood -very far from the site of the present village; and in -the fields nearly south of the castle some faint traces of -earthworks seem not unlikely to mark the site of the -tower to which the King gave the significant name of -<span class="title">Malvoisin</span>. <span class="sni">Its effects.</span> -The new work is described as exercising -all the energies of the royal army, and as striking such -fear into the hearts of the besieged that many of -Robert’s party now forsook him and entered the King’s -service. <span class="sni">Alleged despair of Robert.</span> -We are even told that the fierce Earl looked -out from the height of Bamburgh in all fear and sadness, -crying out to his accomplices by name to be mindful -of the traitorous oaths which they had sworn to him. -The King and his friends were merry as they heard, -<a name="Page_52" id="Page_52"></a><span class="pageno">52</span> -and none of those who were appealed to, tormented -as they were with fear and shame, went back to share -the Earl’s waning fortunes. Be this as it may, as far -as open force went, Bamburgh and its lord remained -unsubdued. <span class="sni">The castle still not taken.</span> -To bring either of them under his power, -the King and his followers were fain to have recourse -to false promises and cruel threats.</p> - -<p>The Evil Neighbour of Bamburgh was built; it was -well stocked with guards, arms, and victuals. But Bamburgh -itself was not taken any the more. William did -not in this case, as he did in some of his continental -enterprises, throw up the whole undertaking, because he -did not succeed in the first or second attack. So to have -done would have been pretty much the same as throwing -up his crown; it would have been to unteach the great -lesson of his reign, and to declare that the Earl of the -Northumbrians was stronger than the King of the English. -He might turn away in wilfulness from this or that -Norman or Cenomannian fortress which he had attacked -in wilfulness; but he knew the art of reigning better -than to leave Bamburgh in the possession of a rebel earl. -<span class="sni">The King goes away.</span> -The work was to go on; but he was so far tired of it that -he left it to be done by others. When the <span class="title">Malvoisin</span> was -well strengthened, the King turned away, and appeared no -more before Bamburgh during the rest of the campaign.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Michaelmas, 1095.</span> -When Rufus left Bamburgh, he went southward; -he then went to the war in Wales, and left the garrison -of the <span class="title">Malvoisin</span> to keep watch over their besieged -neighbour. It may be left to casuists in chivalry to -judge whether the knightly king approved of the means -which were now taken in order to entrap the besieged -earl. <span class="sni">Robert entrapped by a false message.</span> -The garrison of the New Castle, doubtless not -without the knowledge of the garrison of the <span class="title">Malvoisin</span>, -sent a false message to Robert, saying that, if he came -thither privily, he would be received into the castle. -<a name="Page_53" id="Page_53"></a><span class="pageno">53</span> -The Earl, naturally well pleased at such a prospect of -winning back his lost stronghold, set forth by night for -the New Castle at the head of thirty knights. The men -from the <span class="title">Malvoisin</span> watched and followed him, and sent -to the men of the New Castle to say that he was on the -way. Knowing nothing of what was going on, Earl -Robert drew near to the New Castle on a Sunday, expecting, -it would seem, to be received there with welcome. -His hopes were vain; he was taken, and the more part -of his followers also were taken, killed, or wounded. <span class="sni">He flees to Tynemouth.</span> -The -version which goes most into detail says that, when he -saw that he was betrayed by the garrison of the New -Castle, he fled, with a part at least of his following, to -his own monastery at Tynemouth. It is not easy -to see how this could be, unless he was able either -to win back the small fortress on the neck of the -monastic peninsula, or else to climb up from the seaside -at some less steep or less strongly defended point -of the height. But the tale is so told that there must be -at least some kernel of truth in it. <span class="sni">He is besieged in the monastery,</span> -We read that the -Earl stood something like a siege in his own monastery. -He was able, with his small party, to defend himself in -it for six days, and to kill and wound many of his -assailants. At last, on the sixth day, he himself received -a severe wound in the leg; the whole of his followers -were taken, some of them also as wounded men. The -Earl, himself among the latter, contrived to drag himself -to the church of his own rearing, where still lay the body -of the Scottish King whom some looked on as his victim. -If claims of sanctuary were thought of, they were not -allowed, and one who had turned the consecrated precinct -into a castle had perhaps little claim to plead such privileges, -even within his own foundation. <span class="sni">taken, and imprisoned.</span> -Earl Robert was -dragged away from his own church, and was kept in -prison to await the King’s pleasure.</p> - -<p><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54"></a><span class="pageno">54</span> -<span class="sni">Bamburgh defended by Matilda of Laigle.</span> -A tale of twenty years back now repeats itself in our -story. A strong castle is again defended by a valiant -bride. As Norwich, after the revolt and flight of Ralph -of Wader, was defended by Emma of Breteuil, so Bamburgh, -after the revolt and capture of Robert of Mowbray, -was defended by Matilda of Laigle. Married just as the -revolt broke out, she had had, we are told, but little -taste of joyful or peaceful wedlock; but she was at least -zealous in the cause of her husband. She had Morel to -her counsellor and captain, and the two held out in the -ancient stronghold against all attacks. <span class="sni">November, 1095.</span> -It was now -winter, and King William had come back from Snowdon, -not covered with much glory. He felt no mind to renew -the siege of Bamburgh in his own person; but he bade -that the captive Earl should be taken thither, and led -before the walls, with the threat to his wife and nephew -that, if the castle was not at once given up, the eyes of -its lord should be then and there seared out in their -sight. <span class="sni">She yields to save her husband’s eyes.</span> -To this threat Matilda and Morel yielded, and -the gates of the unconquered fortress were thrown open -to the King’s forces. The valiant Countess thus saved -her husband’s eyes; but his eyes were all that she could -save. Robert was sent back to prison at Windsor, to live -in bonds, at least for a season, and in no case to return -to the rights and duties of an earl or a husband. <span class="sni">Later history of Robert; two versions.</span> -But -there are two widely different stories as to his later fate. -The local history of Saint Alban’s told how one who, -however guilty towards others, was at least a benefactor -to that house, was allowed to spend his remaining days -as a monk within its walls. At Saint Evroul a widely -different tale was believed. It was there recorded by the -contemporary writer that Robert survived his capture -thirty years, but that the whole of that time was passed -in hopeless imprisonment. If so, he must have been -looked on as dangerous by the calm prudence of Henry -<a name="Page_55" id="Page_55"></a><span class="pageno">55</span> -no less than by the wrath or the revenge of Rufus. The -story indeed runs that his imprisonment was deemed so -irrevocable that it was held to amount to a civil death. -The once proud Earl of Northumberland was counted -to have passed away from among men as much as if the -grave had closed over him alongside of Malcolm in his -own Tynemouth. <span class="sni">Later history of Matilda; her second marriage and divorce.</span> -By a special permission from Pope -Paschal, Matilda was allowed to marry again, as though -she had been his widow and not his wife. Nigel of -Albini became her second husband; but, after the death -of her brother Gilbert of Laigle, he thought he could -better himself by marriage in another quarter. His -marriage with Matilda was declared void, not on the -ground that Robert was alive, but because of some -kindred, real or alleged, between Robert and Nigel. The -papal dispensation must have been badly drawn, if it did -not provide for the lesser irregularity as well as for the -greater. Of Matilda we hear no more; Nigel took him -another wife of the house of Gournay. Gerard had by -that time died on his way to the crusade;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_117" id="fnanchor_117"></a><a href="#footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></span> -his widow -Eadgyth had married again, and their son Hugh was lord -of Gournay. Their daughter, who inherited the name of -Gundrada from her mother’s mother, took the place of the -forsaken Matilda, who was thus left in a strange plight, -as the widow, so to speak, of two living husbands.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Morel turns King’s evidence.</span> -Meanwhile her partner in the defence of Bamburgh, -Morel, the nephew and steward of the fallen Earl, made -his peace with the King by naming all who had any share -in the late conspiracy. Not a few men of high rank, -clerical and lay, were accused by him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_118" id="fnanchor_118"></a><a href="#footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></span> -The time of the -Midwinter Gemót drew nigh, at which the offenders would -<a name="Page_56" id="Page_56"></a><span class="pageno">56</span> -regularly be brought for trial. The King’s prisons were -full,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_119" id="fnanchor_119"></a><a href="#footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></span> -and he determined that the gaol delivery should be a -striking and a solemn one. <span class="sni">Christmas Gemót of 1095–1096.</span> -The Assembly of that Christmas-tide -was to be a <span class="title">Mickle Gemót</span> indeed, a Gemót like -those which had gathered in King Eadward’s day beneath -the walls of London and in King William’s day upon the -plain of Salisbury. A summons of special urgency went -forth, bidding all men who held any land of the King, if -they wished to be deemed worthy of the King’s peace, to -come to his court at the appointed time.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_120" id="fnanchor_120"></a><a href="#footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a></span> -The call was -answered. The appointed place of meeting was Windsor, -and there the Assembly came together. But the business -to be done needed a longer time than the usual twelve days -of Christmas, and the gathering was greater than the royal -castle and its courts could hold. <span class="sni">Adjourned from Windsor to Salisbury. January 13, 1096.</span> -The work began at -Windsor; but an adjournment was needed, and on the -octave of the Epiphany in the opening year we find the -King and his Witan at Salisbury.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_121" id="fnanchor_121"></a><a href="#footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a></span> -The wide fields which -had seen the great review and the great homage in the -days of the elder William could alone hold the crowd -which came together to share in the great court of doom -which was now holden by the younger.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Constitutional importance of the meeting.</span> -The Gemót of this winter, and specially the strict -general summons sent forth by the King, are of high -constitutional importance. They show how, even under -such a king as Rufus, the old constitutional forms went -<a name="Page_57" id="Page_57"></a><span class="pageno">57</span> -on. They show how great is the error of those who dream -that the Norman kingship in England was as thorough a -despotism in form as it undoubtedly was in substance. -<span class="sni">Continuance of the old forms.</span> -In the eleventh century, as in the sixteenth, the whole -future of English history turned on the fact that constitutional -forms still went on, that assemblies were still -brought together, even if they came together for little -more than to register the edicts of the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_122" id="fnanchor_122"></a><a href="#footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></span> -So now -Rufus himself, when about to make a great display of -kingly power, specially summons no small part of the -nation to take a share in his acts. <span class="sni">Import of the summons.</span> -On the one hand, -the need of the summons shows that, unless at some -specially exciting moment, men did not flock eagerly to -such gatherings.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_123" id="fnanchor_123"></a><a href="#footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></span> -On the other hand, the fact of the -summons shows that kings then knew, that Rufus himself -knew, that the gathering of such an assembly was -both a sign and a source, not of weakness but of strength, -on the part of the kingly power.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_124" id="fnanchor_124"></a><a href="#footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></span> -But in the form of -the summons we may see that the assembly, though still -large, is gradually narrowing. <span class="sni">Tenants-in-chief only summoned.</span> -The summons goes, not -to all freemen, not to all land-owners, but only to the -King’s tenants-in-chief. <span class="sni">Their great number.</span> -These, it must be remembered, -were a very large body, including land-owners on every -scale, from the greatest to the smallest. And it must -be further remembered that in this body a vast majority -of the influential members were strangers by -birth, but that a great numerical proportion, most -likely a numerical majority, were natives. The King’s -thegn, who had kept a scrap of his old estate, was -as much a member of the court as Earl Hugh of -Shrewsbury or Earl Walter of Buckingham, though he -was not so likely to be listened to in any debate that -might arise as Earl Hugh or Earl Walter was. Still -<a name="Page_58" id="Page_58"></a><span class="pageno">58</span> -the special summons to the King’s tenants-in-chief marks -a change; it marks the growth of the new ideas. The -immediate reason was doubtless to be found in the -main object for which the Assembly came together. -The main work of the earlier Gemót of Salisbury was -that all men in the realm, of whatever lord they held, -should become the men of the King. <span class="sni">Comparison with the Conqueror’s Gemót at Salisbury.</span> -William the Great -therefore summoned the men of other lords, who had -not up to that moment been his own men, who owed -obedience to him as head of the kingdom, but who -was not bound to him by any more personal tie. He -summoned them in order that they might bind themselves -to him by that personal tie, that they might become -his men as well as his subjects. But the main work of -the present Gemót was to sit in judgement on a crowd of -offenders, of various ranks and orders, but all of whom -were likely to be tenants-in-chief of the King. According -to the notions which were coming in, the right court -for their trial was the court of their peers, their fellow -tenants-in-chief. The King, who could summon whom he -would, who sometimes summoned few and sometimes many, -this time, for this special purpose, summoned the whole -body of his tenants-in-chief, great and small, and summoned -no others. <span class="sni">Effects of the practice of summons.</span> -But, as every summons tends practically -to the exclusion of those who are not summoned, this -summons of a particular class marks a stage in the process -by which the Assembly shrank up from the crowd -which decreed the restoration of Godwine to a House of -Lords of the reign of Henry the Eighth.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_125" id="fnanchor_125"></a><a href="#footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></span> -Still the actual -gathering, even of the summoned members only, must -have been very great. <span class="sni">Action of the Assembly.</span> -When it came together, the -Assembly must have followed the same law as all other -assemblies of that age. Practically it decreed as the -King willed; only a few of the great men were likely to -<a name="Page_59" id="Page_59"></a><span class="pageno">59</span> -say anything to guide the King’s will; the mass of the -assembly were not likely to do more than to make the -King’s acts their own by crying Yea, Yea. We must -however remember that they had not the slightest temptation -to cry Nay, Nay. <span class="sni">No general sympathy with the accused.</span> -The mass of the inhabitants -of the land, Norman and English alike, were not likely -to have the faintest sympathy with any one who really -had a share in the late treason. The only question was -whether any were accused who had no share in it. In -the case of those who were charged only with conspiracy -and not with open revolt, this might easily be. -Otherwise the Red King, in the vengeance which he -now took, did no more than justice, as justice was deemed -in his day. But his justice was far sharper than the -justice of the old kings, far sharper than the justice -of his father. And the tone in which the story is told -implies that men at the time felt that it was so.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Sickness of the Bishop of Durham.</span> -One of the great men of the realm, who, whether -guilty or not, seems to have been at least suspected, died, -while the Assembly was in session, before any formal -charge had been brought against him. Before the Bishop -of Durham came to Windsor, it was known in his own -diocese that he had not long to live. <span class="sni">Portents foretelling his death.</span> -One of his knights, -Boso by name, had, while lying under a dangerous -sickness, been favoured with trances and visions, which -told him much that was comforting about the monks -of Durham, and much that was fearful about other -folk. He saw the old inhabitants of the land, he -saw the new French settlers, above all, he saw the -priests’ wives—​these seem to be looked on as three -classes of offenders, gradually increasing in blackness—​suffering -each a grievous doom.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_126" id="fnanchor_126"></a><a href="#footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></span> -His visions about the -<a name="Page_60" id="Page_60"></a><span class="pageno">60</span> -Bishop himself might perhaps point to an intermediate -destiny; at all events they were understood as implying -his speedy death.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_127" id="fnanchor_127"></a><a href="#footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></span> - <span class="sni">His work at Durham. 1083. 1093.</span> -His work perhaps was done. Thirteen -years before he had filled the church of Durham -with monks;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_128" id="fnanchor_128"></a><a href="#footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></span> -three years before he had begun the great -work of its rebuilding; and, by pressing it on with almost -incredible speed, he had carried it on so far as to set -an example of unsurpassed grandeur in its own style, an -example which his own monks could not follow, but -which Randolf Flambard could.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_129" id="fnanchor_129"></a><a href="#footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></span> - <span class="sni">He is summoned to take his trial.</span> -William of Saint-Calais -came to the Gemót, and was summoned by the -King to appear to take his trial.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_130" id="fnanchor_130"></a><a href="#footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></span> -He pleaded sickness -<a name="Page_61" id="Page_61"></a><span class="pageno">61</span> -as his excuse for not appearing. Rufus declared, with -his usual oath, that the excuse was a feigned one.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_131" id="fnanchor_131"></a><a href="#footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></span> - <span class="sni">He sickens and dies. December 25, 1095-January 1, 1096.</span> -It -was however thoroughly real. Bishop William was sick, -and sick unto death. He was smitten on the day of the -Nativity, and died on the day of the Circumcision.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_132" id="fnanchor_132"></a><a href="#footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></span> - <span class="sni">His death-bed.</span> -He -was comforted in his sickness by the presence and exhortations -of several of his brother bishops who had -come together for the business of the Assembly. There -was Anselm whom he had withstood at Rockingham; -there was his own metropolitan Thomas; there was -Walkelin of Winchester; there was John of Bath, born, -like himself and Anselm, beyond the bounds either of -England or of Normandy. <span class="sni">Debate as to his burying-place.</span> -These prelates debated concerning -the place of his burial. They argued that he -who had done such great things for Saint Cuthberht’s -abbey should be buried in the place of highest honour -within its walls. He himself declined any such place. -He would be no party to any breach of Saint Cuthberht’s -own rule, which forbade that any man should be -buried within his minster.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_133" id="fnanchor_133"></a><a href="#footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></span> -The bishops therefore ruled -that he should be buried in the chapter-house, so that -his monks, when they came together, should have the -tomb of their founder ever before their eyes.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_134" id="fnanchor_134"></a><a href="#footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a></span> -So it was; -<a name="Page_62" id="Page_62"></a><span class="pageno">62</span> -<span class="sni">He is buried in the chapter-house.</span> -he was borne to Durham, and there laid in the place -which the bishops had chosen for him, among the tears -and wailings of the brotherhood which he had founded, -any one of whom, we are told, would gladly have died -for him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_135" id="fnanchor_135"></a><a href="#footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2">This touching picture of the death which ended the -varied life of William of Saint-Calais comes as an -episode in the middle of the stern doings of the Gemót -of Windsor and Salisbury. The Red King did not bear -the sword in vain. <span class="sni">Sentences of the Gemót.</span> -Yet, if his justice was sharp towards -those whom it did smite, it was certainly somewhat -capricious, or at least guided by expediency, with regard -to those whom it smote and those whom it failed to -smite. Some of the offenders were men of the highest -rank, some even, it is implied, of the rank of Earl. But -these powerful rebels, ashamed and weakened by the fall -of their brother of Northumberland, were now deemed -fitting objects of mercy. By the advice of the Wise -Men, they were spared a public trial;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_136" id="fnanchor_136"></a><a href="#footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></span> -but some of them -were made to pay a heavy price for being left safe in -life, limb, and estate. <span class="sni">Hugh of Shrewsbury buys his pardon.</span> -One is mentioned by name. Earl -Hugh of Shrewsbury, who was at least suspected of a -share in the plot, was dealt with privately by the King -<a name="Page_63" id="Page_63"></a><span class="pageno">63</span> -as his father had been at Arundel.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_137" id="fnanchor_137"></a><a href="#footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></span> -He bought his -restoration to favour at the high price of three thousand -pounds.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_138" id="fnanchor_138"></a><a href="#footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Roger of Lacy.</span> -Roger of Lacy lost his lands and was banished, -as he would have been in the days of King -Eadward, and his possessions were given to his loyal -brother Hugh. But heavier penalties, unknown in King -Eadward’s days, were in store for others of the conspirators, -including one of the loftiest descent. <span class="sni">January 13, 1097.</span> -At the -adjourned meeting at Salisbury, Geoffrey of Baynard, -bearing a name famous in London city, appealed no less -a man than William of Eu of treason against the King, -of conspiring to slay him, and to give his crown to -Stephen of Champagne.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_139" id="fnanchor_139"></a><a href="#footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Combat of Geoffrey of Baynard and William of Eu.</span> -The charge was denied, and, -as both parties were Frenchmen, the trial was, by the -law of the Conqueror, referred to the wager of battle. -The judicial combat which followed is memorable in the -history of the time, and forms one of the landmarks in -our early jurisprudence.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Defeat of William of Eu.</span> -On the plain of Salisbury the combatants met, and -William of Eu was overthrown.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_140" id="fnanchor_140"></a><a href="#footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></span> -By the laws of the -combat his defeat was full evidence of his guilt. But -what was to be his punishment? Save the case of the -<a name="Page_64" id="Page_64"></a><span class="pageno">64</span> -beheading of Waltheof, there was no precedent in the -ordinary jurisprudence either of England or of Normandy -for any sentence harsher than banishment, forfeiture, and -imprisonment.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_141" id="fnanchor_141"></a><a href="#footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></span> -The older English precedents went for -banishment and forfeiture. The precedents of Normandy -and of Norman rule in England went for -imprisonment, such an imprisonment, it might be, as -that of Robert of Mowbray. For the course actually -taken there was no precedent in either land, unless it -were the dealings of Harold the son of Cnut with the -Ætheling Ælfred.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_142" id="fnanchor_142"></a><a href="#footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Sentence of mutilation on William of Eu.</span> -The punishment decreed was that -of bodily mutilation. <span class="sni">Urged by Hugh of Chester.</span> -It is said that this course was -proposed by Earl Hugh of Chester, and that on a singular -ground. William of Eu was the husband of the -Earl’s sister—​her name is not mentioned. He had -neglected his wife, while he had three children by a -mistress.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_143" id="fnanchor_143"></a><a href="#footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></span> -If this was to be ground for the loss of eyes -or limbs, the brothers of the Countess Ermentrude would -have had a right to demand that the portly person of -Earl Hugh should be cut down to a shapeless trunk.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_144" id="fnanchor_144"></a><a href="#footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></span> - -<span class="sni">Feeling with regard to mutilation.</span> -Mutilation, it should be remembered, was a familiar -punishment, a punishment which in that generation -aroused no horror when the persons so dealt with were -held to be real criminals.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_145" id="fnanchor_145"></a><a href="#footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></span> -But, with that common inconsistency -which reverses the sound rule of smiting the -leaders and sparing the commons, mutilation, death, or -any heavy punishment, seems always to have aroused -horror, or at least amazement, when it was inflicted on -any criminal of lofty rank. Such things had been done -in the isle of Britain and out of it, but hardly by the -<a name="Page_65" id="Page_65"></a><span class="pageno">65</span> -solemn sentence of the King of the English at the head -of his Witan. But now William of Eu was blinded, and -underwent a fouler mutilation as well.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_146" id="fnanchor_146"></a><a href="#footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a></span> -His sentence -was seemingly carried out at Salisbury, perhaps in sight -of the assembly. Are we to infer that any show of indignation -was called forth by the bloody sight, when we -read directly afterwards that some of the lord of Eu’s -fellow-sufferers were taken to London, and were blinded -or otherwise mutilated there?<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_147" id="fnanchor_147"></a><a href="#footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Story of Arnulf of Hesdin.</span> -If we may trust a tale to be found in one of those -secondary writers who often preserve scraps of truth, -another accused man appealed to the wager of battle -with better luck than William of Eu. This was Arnulf -of Hesdin, a man whose name is familiar enough to us -in Domesday, though it does not call up any distinct -personal idea like the King’s unlucky kinsman.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_148" id="fnanchor_148"></a><a href="#footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></span> -He -is set before us as a man of great bodily stature, -brave and active, and in the enjoyment of large possessions, -out of which he and his wife Emmeline had made -gifts to the abbey of Gloucester.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_149" id="fnanchor_149"></a><a href="#footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></span> -He was charged, unjustly -and enviously we are told, with the same crime as -the rest.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_150" id="fnanchor_150"></a><a href="#footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></span> - <span class="sni">His innocence proved by battle.</span> -He defended himself by his champion, who -proved his lord’s innocence by overthrowing a man of -the King’s who was matched against him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_151" id="fnanchor_151"></a><a href="#footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a></span> -But Arnulf -<a name="Page_66" id="Page_66"></a><span class="pageno">66</span> -was so stirred up with wrath and grief at the unjust -charge, that, notwithstanding the King’s entreaties to -stay, he threw up all the lands that he held of him, and -left England for ever.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_152" id="fnanchor_152"></a><a href="#footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a></span> - <span class="sni">He goes to the Crusade,</span> -Before the end of the year, the -Crusade offered him worthy occupation elsewhere. He -marched with the Christian host as far as Antioch; he -there fell sick, and declined all medical help; none should -heal him save Him for whose sake he had gone on pilgrimage. -<span class="sni">and dies.</span> -Arnulf, professing the opposite doctrine to Asa -of Judah, fared no better than that king. Antioch was -the last stage reached by the armed pilgrim of Hesdin.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_153" id="fnanchor_153"></a><a href="#footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Confiscation of lands.</span> -Arnulf, according to this story, became landless, as far -as England was concerned, by his own act. Others -underwent the same loss by sentence, it seems, of the -Assembly. Count Odo of Champagne and many others -lost their lands.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_154" id="fnanchor_154"></a><a href="#footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></span> -In one case only does death seem to -have been inflicted. <span class="sni">William of Alderi is condemned to death.</span> -William of Alderi, cousin and -steward of William of Eu, was, as the Chronicle tells us, -“hanged on rood.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_155" id="fnanchor_155"></a><a href="#footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></span> -This somewhat startling formula -doubtless means nothing but ordinary hanging; but it -seemingly marks hanging of any kind as something -which was not ordinary. As to the guilt or innocence of -William of Alderi we have contradictory accounts. One -weighty authority declares him to have been a sharer in -the plot.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_156" id="fnanchor_156"></a><a href="#footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a></span> -Others class him among many brave and -<a name="Page_67" id="Page_67"></a><span class="pageno">67</span> -guiltless men who were ruined by the charges brought by -Morel and by Geoffrey of Baynard.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_157" id="fnanchor_157"></a><a href="#footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></span> -Guilty or innocent, -he was, we are told, a man of high birth, goodly presence, -and lofty spirit.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_158" id="fnanchor_158"></a><a href="#footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></span> -He was moreover the King’s gossip, -bound to him by the same tie which bound Morel to -Malcolm. We thus incidentally learn that there were -those whom William Rufus had held at the font, and for -whose Christian faith and Christian life he had pledged -himself. But the spiritual kindred went for nothing -with the Red King. <span class="sni">The King refuses to spare him.</span> -Many of the great men are said to -have earnestly begged for the life of William of Alderi, -and to have striven to move the King’s greed by a -mighty bribe. The Conqueror had refused Harold’s -weight in gold as the price of his Christian burial; -his son refused three times the weight of William of -Alderi, both in gold and in silver, as the price of -his life.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_159" id="fnanchor_159"></a><a href="#footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a></span> -Why Rufus was so bent on his death does -not appear; but nothing could move him. It marks -the way in which the King’s will practically ordered -everything, even in so great an assembly of the realm as -that which had now come together, that William of -Alderi was condemned and hanged without any attempt -to rescue him, though many believed him to be guiltless, -and though powerful men were eager to save him. -<span class="sni">His pious end.</span> -When hope was gone, he made an ending at once as pious -and, according to the ideas of other ages, more manly -than the ending of Waltheof. He confessed his sins to -<a name="Page_68" id="Page_68"></a><span class="pageno">68</span> -Bishop Osmund, and was, seemingly at his own asking, -scourged in the new-built minster and the other churches -of the city on the waterless hill.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_160" id="fnanchor_160"></a><a href="#footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></span> -Then he gave away -his clothes to the poor, and went naked or slightly clad -to the place of hanging, staining his limbs with blood by -often kneeling on the rough stones.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_161" id="fnanchor_161"></a><a href="#footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></span> -The Bishop and a -crowd of people followed him to the place. He then made -the most solemn protestations of his innocence. The -Bishop sprinkled him with holy water, said the commendatory -prayer, and then withdrew.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_162" id="fnanchor_162"></a><a href="#footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></span> -It was not for Osmund -of Salisbury, whatever it might have been for Odo of -Bayeux or Geoffrey of Coutances, to look on what was -next to come. The work of death was then done, and all -who beheld wondered that not a groan escaped the victim -as death drew near, and not a sigh in the act of dying.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_163" id="fnanchor_163"></a><a href="#footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Last days of William of Eu.</span> -There was thus a marked difference in the fate of the -kinsmen and chief officers of the two leaders, if leaders -they both were, in the conspiracy. The steward and -cousin of William of Eu was done to death, while his -master underwent a fate which to modern ideas seems -worse than death. We are not told how long William of -Eu lived on in blindness and misery; but his punishment -did not involve forfeiture, at all events not corruption -of blood; for a few years later we find his son Henry in -possession of his county.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_164" id="fnanchor_164"></a><a href="#footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></span> - <span class="sni">End of Morel.</span> -The steward and nephew of -Robert of Mowbray seems to have gained but little by -<a name="Page_69" id="Page_69"></a><span class="pageno">69</span> -the act which, if it were formally allowed to be loyalty -to the King, was likely to be far more commonly looked -on as treason to his immediate lord. When he saw that -his kinsman and master was condemned to life-long -bonds, he left England, and died in banishment, poor and -hated of all men.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_165" id="fnanchor_165"></a><a href="#footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 3. <span class="title">The Conquest and Revolt of Wales.</span><br /> -1093–1097.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Relations with Wales.</span> -These years, so rich in events in Scotland and on the -English lands nearest to the Scottish border, were at -least equally rich in events on the other border of the -English kingdom, towards the lands which were still -held by the remnant of our British predecessors. Wars -with the Welsh may be looked for, as a matter of course, -in every reign during this period; but in the reign of -William Rufus such wars form a special feature, and the -position which they hold is a little singular. <span class="sni">Nature of the Welsh wars of Rufus.</span> -It is plain -from the records of the time, it is still plainer from the -results, that this reign was a time of great and lasting -advance at the cost of the Britons. It was the time when -large parts of Wales were more or less fully brought -under the authority of the English crown. <span class="sni">Territorial advance and military ill-success.</span> -It is still more -distinctly the time when Norman adventurers, subjects -of the English crown, carved out for themselves, as its -vassals, possessions and lordships within the British land. -Yet the first impression which we draw from the writers -who record the British warfare of this reign is that it -was a time of ill success on the English side, especially -in those campaigns in which the King himself took -a part. The Chronicler records an expedition, and -he sends up a wail at its ill luck. Nothing came of -<a name="Page_70" id="Page_70"></a><span class="pageno">70</span> -it; horses and men not a few were lost; the Welsh -escaped to their moors and mountains where no man -might come at them. One chief is put to flight in a -battle, but the others go on doing mischief all the same.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_166" id="fnanchor_166"></a><a href="#footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></span> -The same story comes almost every year; one would -think that the warfare of the Red King with the Welsh -was a warfare than which none was ever more bootless. -And a historian who aspires to more of critical and -philosophical insight sums up the whole British warfare -of the reign as a distinct case of failure.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_167" id="fnanchor_167"></a><a href="#footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></span> -Yet it is clear -from the result that it was not so. And one passage in -the Chronicle seems to give us the key to the whole -matter. “When the King saw that he could there further -nothing of his will, he came back into this land, and took -rede that he might let make castles on the borders.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_168" id="fnanchor_168"></a><a href="#footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Effect of the building of castles.</span> -An expedition which seemed mere failure, in which -many men and horses were lost, while the Welsh escaped -to moors and mountains with hardly any loss at all, was -really successful in the long run, if it led to the building -of a border castle. The Britons fled unhurt to their mountains; -but while they lurked in the fastnesses where -none might come at them, the most valuable part of their -land was taken from them bit by bit. When they came -down again from the mountains, they found a castle built, -they found so much land as the castle could protect -<a name="Page_71" id="Page_71"></a><span class="pageno">71</span> -changed into a settlement of strangers. The lands might -be harried; the castle might at some favourable moment -be broken down; but it was sure to spring up again and -again to do its work. The lasting possession of the fertile -land had passed away to the invaders; the moors and -mountains alone were left to the sons of the soil.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Welsh campaigns of Harold and of William Rufus.</span> -The mention of these Welsh wars naturally carries us -back to the thought of the great Welsh campaign of a -generation earlier. We see how true, from one point -of view, was the saying of the next century that none -since Harold had known how to deal with the Welsh -as Harold had known.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_169" id="fnanchor_169"></a><a href="#footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></span> -As a matter of military success, -the failures of William Rufus stand out in marked contrast -to the victories of Harold. The Red King had -no pillars to set up to mark where he had overcome -the Briton in open fight.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_170" id="fnanchor_170"></a><a href="#footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></span> -A single word helps us to -at least one part of the cause. <span class="sni">Use of horses.</span> -Harold, in his victorious -campaign, must have undergone some loss of men, but -he underwent no loss of horses. He found that the -English tactics were not suited for British warfare, -and he made his housecarls turn themselves into -light-armed Welshmen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_171" id="fnanchor_171"></a><a href="#footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></span> -But the Norman tactics were -still less suited for British warfare than the English. -There were places in the moors and mountains which -the mailed housecarl might reach, if with difficulty, but -which the mounted knight could not reach at all. But -William Rufus does not seem to have suited his tactics -to the country as Harold had done; the mention of -horses suggests that he repeated the old mistake of -Ralph the Timid in a worse shape.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_172" id="fnanchor_172"></a><a href="#footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Immediate defeat and lasting success.</span> -As a matter of -fighting then, Rufus failed where Harold had succeeded; -but as a matter of enduring conquest, the failures of -Rufus did more than the successes of Harold. Harold -<a name="Page_72" id="Page_72"></a><span class="pageno">72</span> -indeed had no general schemes of Welsh conquest. -<span class="sni">Different objects of Harold and Rufus.</span> -He overthrew the Welsh; but, except in the districts -which were definitely ceded to England,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_173" id="fnanchor_173"></a><a href="#footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a></span> -he made no -attempt to occupy Wales. He gave back the land -whose people he had overcome to princes of their own -blood, bound to him simply by their oath of homage.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_174" id="fnanchor_174"></a><a href="#footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a></span> -But wherever Rufus or his lords planted a castle, there -was at once a piece of Welsh soil occupied, and a centre -made ready for occupying more. The object of Harold -in short was simply the defence of England; the object -of William Rufus was the conquest of Wales.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Comparison of the conquest of Wales with the English and Norman Conquests.</span> -The conquest which now began, that which we may -call either the English or the Norman Conquest of Wales, -differed widely both from the English Conquest of Britain -and from the Norman Conquest of England. It wrought -far less change than the landing at Ebbsfleet; it wrought -far more change than the landing at Pevensey. The -Briton of those lands which in the Red King’s day -were still British was gradually conquered; he was -gradually brought under English rule and English law; -but he was neither exterminated nor enslaved nor wholly -assimilated. He still abides in his ancient land, still -speaking his ancient tongue. The English or Norman -Conquest of Wales was not a national migration, like -the English Conquest of Britain. Nor was it a conquest -wrought under the guise of an elaborate legal fiction, -like the Norman Conquest of England. William Rufus -did not ask the people of Wales to receive him as their -own lawful king; he did not give himself out to all -mankind as the true heir of Gruffydd the son of Llywelyn, -defrauded of his rights by perjured usurpers. Europe -had passed the stage at which a conquest of the earlier -kind was possible; and there was in this case no excuse -or opportunity for a conquest of the later kind. William -<a name="Page_73" id="Page_73"></a><span class="pageno">73</span> -Rufus was not a man to seek, like his father, to justify -his acts by legal fictions; nor had he the same room -for devising them as his father had. He had doubtless, -with the crown of the Old-English kings, inherited -their claims to Imperial supremacy over the whole -island; he called himself “Monarch of Britain” no less -than the kings who had gone before him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_175" id="fnanchor_175"></a><a href="#footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a></span> -But that -monarchy gave him no claim to bring the lands of his -subordinate princes under his immediate rule. If an invasion -of Wales needed any justification in the eyes of -William Rufus and his barons, that justification would -take the shape of reprisals. We may be sure that there -was no moment when the men on the border, either on -the English or the Welsh side, could not have brought -some complaint against the other side which might -have been deemed to justify reprisals by a more scrupulous -prince than the Red King. But for men like -the Norman adventurers of his day it was enough -that a land adjoining to the land which they had -made their own lay open to be conquered. <span class="sni">Geographical conditions of the conquest.</span> -Therein -lay another great difference between this conquest and -either of the other two conquests with which we have -compared it, in the fact that the land to be won lay -adjoining to the land which was already won. The -Angles and Saxons wholly forsook their old homes -beyond the sea, and, if the Normans in England did not -in the same way wholly forsake theirs, the sea at least -rolled between the old home and the new. But the -Norman whose lot was cast on the Welsh frontier of -England had nothing to do but to press on from the -point where he already was. He had simply to add on -the next field to his own field, subject to such resistance -as the actual occupiers of the next field might be able -to make. From this geographical cause, while the -<a name="Page_74" id="Page_74"></a><span class="pageno">74</span> -Norman Conquest of England was in no sense an extension -of Normandy, the English or Norman Conquest -of Wales was in every sense an extension of England. -<span class="sni">Extension of England by conquest and settlement.</span> -The Normans in England did not bring Normandy with -them; they had from the very beginning to put on more -or less fully the character of Englishmen, and to live -according to English law. But the Norman who from -England went on into Wales had no thought of putting -on the character of a Welshman or of living according to -Welsh law. Wherever he settled, he most truly carried -England with him, such as England had been made through -his own coming. But then for a long time he settled only -here and there in the British land. Where he did settle, -the speech, the laws, the national life, of the Briton passed -away in such sort as the speech, the laws, the national life, -of the Englishman never at any moment passed away -from England. But alongside of these conquered districts -there long remained independent districts, where the -natives under their native princes still bade defiance to -the invaders. England had already an uniform aspect; -it was the old England with certain changes; its laws -were the laws of King Eadward with the amendments of -King William. Wales, for a long while after the time -with which we are now dealing, was as far from -uniformity as any land east of the Hadriatic. <span class="sni">Various elements in Wales.</span> -Here -was the castle of the Norman lord, with his following, -Norman, English, Flemish, anything but British. Here -was the newly-founded town, with its free burghers, again -Norman, English, Flemish, anything but British. Here -again was a whole district from which the Briton had -passed away as thoroughly as he had passed away from -Kent or Norfolk, but which the Norman had not taken -into his own hands. <span class="sni">The Flemings.</span> -He had found that it suited his purpose -to leave it in the hands of the hardy and industrious -Fleming, the last wave of Low-Dutch occupation in the -<a name="Page_75" id="Page_75"></a><span class="pageno">75</span> -isle of Britain. And alongside of all, there was the -still independent Briton, still keeping his moors and -mountains, still ready to pour down from them upon -the richer lands which had been his fathers’, but which -had passed into the stranger’s grasp. Those days have -long passed away; for three centuries and more Briton -and Englishmen have been willing members of a common -state, willing subjects of a common sovereign. But the -memory of those days has not passed away; it abides -in the most living of all witnesses. <span class="sni">Endurance of the Welsh language.</span> -England has for ages -spoken a single tongue, her own ancient speech, modified -by the coming of the conquerors of eight hundred years ago. -But in Wales the speech of her conquerors, the speech -of England, is still only making its way, slowly and -fitfully, against the abiding resistance of that stubborn -British tongue which has survived <em>three</em> conquests.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_176" id="fnanchor_176"></a><a href="#footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Local nomenclature of Wales.</span> -The results of this state of things, where so many contending -elements so long stood side by side, are still to -be seen on the face of the British land. The local -nomenclature of Wales tells a wholly different tale from -that of England. <span class="sni">Contrast with that of England.</span> -In England the nomenclature is everywhere -essentially Teutonic; we might say that it is -everywhere essentially English; for the names given by -the Danes form one class along with those given by the -Angles and Saxons, as opposed either to Celtic survivals -or to Romance intruders. Both these two last classes -are in England mere exceptions to the general law of -Teutonic nomenclature. <span class="sni">Teutonic and French names.</span> -But in Wales, while the great -majority of the names are Celtic, the Teutonic names are -somewhat more than exceptions. In some districts, as -I have already said, they are the all but invariable -rule. French names, too, though not very common, are, -I think, less rare than in England. <span class="sni">Places bearing two names.</span> -Nothing is more -<a name="Page_76" id="Page_76"></a><span class="pageno">76</span> -common than for a place to bear different names, according -as English or Welsh is spoken. And these names -sometimes translate one another, and sometimes do not. -All this is natural in a land where distinct and hostile -races so long dwelled side by side, each one a thorn in -the side of the others. It marks a kind of conquest -different alike from the conquest where the conquered -vanish from the soil and from the conquest where they -swallow up their conquerors.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The Welsh castles.</span> -There is again a visible feature, one so characteristic of -the scenery of Wales as to be all but a natural feature, -which arises out of the nature of the conquest with which -we have now to deal. The traveller who comes back, I will -not say from the land of the Grey Leagues, but from that -nearer land of Maine with which our tale will soon have -so much to do, to one of the hilly districts of England, -feels something missing in the landscape, or in the -memories called up by the landscape. On the isolated -hill, on the bluff which ends the long ridge, he comes -instinctively to look for the shattered castle or for the -lines which show that the castle once stood there. <span class="sni">Lack of castles in England.</span> -It is -one of the special signs of what English history has been, -one of the signs which should make us thankful that it -has been what it has been, that in England those bluffs, -those island hills, on which the castle or its traces can -still be seen, are in truth few and far between. After all -that we hear of castles and castle-builders, the castle was, -at any moment of English history save the nineteen -years of anarchy, a rare thing in England compared to -what it was in other lands. <span class="sni">Houses in England.</span> -Save where there was a -town to protect or to keep in obedience, save where there -was some special post of military strength that needed to -be guarded, the lord of an English lordship, in whichever -host his forefather had fought on Senlac, found that a -simple manor, sheltered perhaps by some slight defence, -<a name="Page_77" id="Page_77"></a><span class="pageno">77</span> -served his purpose as well as the threatening tower. <span class="sni">Border castles.</span> -On -all the borderlands it was otherwise; the pele-tower of -the north is but the Norman keep on a miniature scale. -And, above all, Wales is, as every one knows, pre-eminently -the land of castles. Through those districts with -which we are specially concerned, castles, great and -small, or the ruins or traces of such castles, meet us at -every step. It was needful to strengthen every height, -to guard every pass, while the moors and mountains, the -Asturias or the Tzernagora of the Cymry, still remained -unsubdued. The castles are in truth the leading architectural -features of the country; the churches, mostly small -and plain, might themselves, with their fortified towers, -almost count as castles. <span class="sni">The Welsh towns.</span> -The towns, almost always of -English foundation, were mostly small; they were military -colonies rather than seats of commerce. As Wales -had no immemorial cities like Exeter and Lincoln, so she -had no towns which sprang up into greatness in later -times, like Bristol, Norwich, and Coventry. Every memorial -of former days which we see in the British land -reminds us how long warfare remained the daily business -alike of the men of that land and of the strangers who -had made their way into it at the sword’s point.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Advance before the accession of Rufus.</span> -We have seen that neither the days of Eadward nor -the days of the elder William were days of peace along -the Welsh border. The English frontier had advanced -during both reigns. Rhuddlan,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_177" id="fnanchor_177"></a><a href="#footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a></span> -Montgomery,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_178" id="fnanchor_178"></a><a href="#footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a></span> -Cardiff,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_179" id="fnanchor_179"></a><a href="#footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></span> -had become border fortresses of England. An indefinite -tract of North Wales was held by Robert of Rhuddlan;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_180" id="fnanchor_180"></a><a href="#footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></span> -Radnor was an English possession;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_181" id="fnanchor_181"></a><a href="#footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a></span> -the followers of Earl -<a name="Page_78" id="Page_78"></a><span class="pageno">78</span> -Roger of Montgomery had harried as far as the peninsula -of Dyfed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_182" id="fnanchor_182"></a><a href="#footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></span> -The whole land seems to have made some -kind of submission to William the Great at the time -when he made his pilgrimage to Saint David’s, and set -free so many of his captive subjects.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_183" id="fnanchor_183"></a><a href="#footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Robert of Rhuddlan.</span> -But real conquest -does not seem to have gone very far beyond the border -fortresses, as within the <em>march</em> of the Marquess of -Rhuddlan it did not go very far from the coast. In -the days of the rebellion we have seen that the hearts -of the Cymry rose again, and that they again ventured -on offensive warfare with no small effect. They and their -Scandinavian allies had broken the power and taken away -the life of the man who had so long kept their northern -tribes in awe. <span class="sni">Rhys ap Tewdwr.</span> -In that work we have seen that Rhys ap -Tewdwr, the King of Deheubarth, whose dominions took -in the greater part of South Wales, had a hand.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_184" id="fnanchor_184"></a><a href="#footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a></span> -Under -him Cedivor seems to have been the vassal prince of Dyfed. -The reign of Cedivor ended in a time of misfortune, -ominous of greater misfortunes to come. <span class="sni">Saint David’s robbed by pirates. 1091.</span> -The shrine of -Saint David was robbed. The holy bishop Sulien died, -and presently his church and city, the holy place of Saint -David, were again sacked by the pagans of the isles.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_185" id="fnanchor_185"></a><a href="#footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></span> -Is this simply a traditional way of speaking of Scandinavian -invaders, or were there still any wild wikings -who avowedly clave to the faith of Odin? Then Cedivor -himself died, and his sons revolted against their over-lord -Rhys, but were again overthrown.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_186" id="fnanchor_186"></a><a href="#footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a></span> -This was the year -of the Red King’s siege of Saint Michael’s Mount, the -<a name="Page_79" id="Page_79"></a><span class="pageno">79</span> -year of his journey to the North; and one account hints -that the movements in Wales as well as in Scotland had -a share in bringing him back from the mainland.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_187" id="fnanchor_187"></a><a href="#footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></span> -But -it is not till two years later that Welsh warfare began to -put on enough of importance for its details to be recorded -by English writers.</p> -<!--Blank Page--> - - -<div class="figcenter img80"> - <img src="images/i_079.jpg" - alt="Welsh Wars" - /> - <p class="captionbottom">Edwᵈ. Weller</p> - <p class="captioncenter">For the Delegates of the Clarendon Press.</p> - <p class="caption">Map -illustrating the<br /> -WELSH WARS OF -HENRY <span class="muchsmaller">AND</span> WILLIAM RUFUS.</p> -</div><!--end illustration--> - -<p><span class="sni">Beginning of the Conquest of South Wales. 1093.</span> -It seems to have been in the year of Anselm’s appointment, -the year of Malcolm’s death, that the conquest of -South Wales began in earnest. It seems now to have -been for the first time taken up by the King as part of -the affairs of his kingdom. But the geography of the -campaign shows that a gradual advance must have -already begun along the south coast. Our public entries -are concerned only with the land stretching nearly due -west, from the mountains of Brecknock and Abergavenny -to the Land’s End of Saint David’s. This leaves out -the sea-land which, with the bold curve of its coast, -projects to the south, the land of Morganwg or Glamorgan. -Yet it may be taken as a matter of course that this -land was not left to be won later than inland Brecheiniog -and far distant Dyfed. <span class="sni">Legend of the conquest of Glamorgan.</span> -The unlucky thing is that, -while the conquest of Brecheiniog and Dyfed is recorded -in notices which, though meagre enough, are fully trustworthy -as far as they go, the conquest of Morganwg, -strangely left out in all authentic records, has become -the subject of an elaborate romance which has stepped -into the empty place of the missing history. The romance -is, as usual, the invention of pedigree-makers, working, -after their manner, to exalt the glory and increase the -antiquity of this and that local family. This is perhaps -the meanest of the many forms of falsehood against -which the historian has to strive; but it is also one of -<a name="Page_80" id="Page_80"></a><span class="pageno">80</span> -the strongest and most abiding, and one which is specially -strong and abiding on the northern coast of the Bristol -Channel.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_188" id="fnanchor_188"></a><a href="#footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></span></p> - -<p>The legend pieces itself on to that point of the genuine -history when the sons of Cedivor were defeated by -Rhys ap Tewdwr. <span class="sni">Story of Jestin and Einion.</span> -A brother of Cedivor, Einion by -name, who had been in the service of either the elder or -the younger William, and had served the King in his -continental wars, now flees to another enemy of Rhys, -Jestin son of Gwrgan, described as prince of Gwent -and Morganwg.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_189" id="fnanchor_189"></a><a href="#footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></span> -Jestin promises his daughter to Einion -with an ample estate, if he can obtain help from England -against the common enemy Rhys. This, it is supposed, -Einion’s friendship with the King and his knights will -enable him to do. Nor was Jestin’s hope disappointed. -<span class="sni">Story of Robert Fitz-hamon and his knights.</span> -No less a man than Robert Fitz-hamon hearkened to the -invitation of Einion; he set out at the head of a company -of twelve knights and their followers to give help to the -prince of Morganwg. Their joint forces overcame Rhys -in a battle on the borders of Brecheiniog, and Rhys -himself, flying from the field, was taken and beheaded. -His kinsmen and followers seem to have been killed -or dispersed, and we are told that Robert Fitz-hamon -and his companions, being well paid for their services -by Jestin, went away towards London. Then Einion -demands his reward; but Jestin says that he will not -give either his daughter or his land to a traitor. <span class="sni">Einion recalls Robert.</span> -Then -Einion persuades Robert and his companions to come -back, and take Jestin’s dominions for themselves. They -are of course in no way unwilling; and they are joined -by some of Jestin’s Welsh enemies. Jestin is driven -out, and his land is partitioned. The rough mountain -land is assigned to Einion and his Welsh companions, -and Einion also marries Nest the daughter of Jestin. -<a name="Page_81" id="Page_81"></a><span class="pageno">81</span> -Robert Fitz-hamon and his twelve knights divide the -fertile vale of Glamorgan among them. <span class="sni">Division of Glamorgan.</span> -Each man -establishes himself in a lordship and castle, and all do -homage to Robert as lord of Glamorgan, holding his -chief seat in his castle of Cardiff. <span class="sni">Share kept by the children of Jestin.</span> -But, while the traitor -Einion obtains so sorry a portion, a son of Jestin is -admitted to a share in the rich vale, and is allowed to -hand on his lordship to his descendants. Another of the -family, a grandson of Jestin, Gruffydd son of Rhydderch, -refuses to submit, withstands the invaders in arms, contrives -to defend Caerleon, and to hand on to his son Caradoc -a principality in Gwent, seemingly east of the Usk.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Estimate of the story.</span> -Now how much of this story is to be believed? Jestin -is a most shadowy being, of whom personally nothing -is recorded. But there is evidence enough for the -existence of his descendants, and for their retention of -an important lordship in Glamorgan.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_190" id="fnanchor_190"></a><a href="#footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a></span> -This may make -us inclined to put some faith in the account of the -transactions between Jestin, Einion, and Robert Fitz-hamon. -<span class="sni">Elements of truth.</span> -The general outline of the tale is perfectly -possible, except the very unlikely story that Robert or -any other Norman, when once standing in arms on -British or any other ground, simply marched out again -after receiving a fair day’s wages for a fair day’s work. -<span class="sni">Settlement of Robert Fitz-hamon at Cardiff.</span> -That Robert Fitz-hamon did conquer Glamorgan and -establish himself at Cardiff cannot be doubted. The -settlement of some of his followers is equally historical; -but the list of them as given in the legend is untrustworthy, -<span class="sni">Legendary names in the list.</span> -as containing names of families which did not -<a name="Page_82" id="Page_82"></a><span class="pageno">82</span> -appear in the district till later. That the Normans were -invited by a Welsh prince to help him against his enemies, -and that they then took his lands to themselves, is quite -possible, though the story rests on no certain evidence. -That the Norman invaders took the valuable land, the -fertile vale, to themselves, and left the rugged mountains -to the Britons, is doubtless a true description of the -general result, though it is not likely to have been caused -by any formal division. The only thing to suggest such -a division is the portion which was kept by the descendants -of Jestin. But such an anomaly as this last might -be accounted for in various ways. The defeat and death -of Rhys in Brecheiniog is beyond doubt, and it is not -unlikely that Robert Fitz-hamon may have had a hand -in it; but at all events the date is utterly wrong.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_191" id="fnanchor_191"></a><a href="#footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Question of Jestin’s descendants.</span> -The -most unlikely part of the story is that which describes -a grandson of Jestin as founding a principality in that -part of Gwent which had already long been an English -possession. This story might almost seem to be a confusion -with an event of earlier times. We are tempted -to think that the Caradoc son of Gruffydd and grandson -of Rhydderch, who now settles himself in Gwent, is a -mythical repetition of the Caradoc son of Gruffydd and -grandson of Rhydderch who destroyed King Eadward’s -hunting-seat at Portskewet.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_192" id="fnanchor_192"></a><a href="#footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Robert Fitz-hamon;</span> -Robert Fitz-hamon, conqueror of Glamorgan—​for of -his right to that title there is no doubt—​has his -place in the history of this reign and of the early -years of the next. <span class="sni">other notices of him.</span> -We have already heard of him as -one of the few faithful among the Normans in England -at the time of the great rebellion against the present -King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_193" id="fnanchor_193"></a><a href="#footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></span> -Son or grandson of the famous rebel of Val-ès-dunes,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_194" id="fnanchor_194"></a><a href="#footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a></span> -he had an elder brother of his father’s name, -<a name="Page_83" id="Page_83"></a><span class="pageno">83</span> -who appears, with the title of <span class="title">Dapifer</span>, among the land-owners -of eastern England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_195" id="fnanchor_195"></a><a href="#footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He holds the lands of Brihtric.</span> -He had himself, at one time -in the present reign, received those lands which had once -been Brihtric’s, which had then been Queen Matilda’s, -and which had been afterwards held or claimed by the -Ætheling Henry.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_196" id="fnanchor_196"></a><a href="#footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a></span> -These made him great in the shires of -Gloucester and Somerset, shires from which he might look -with a longing eye towards the lands beyond the Severn -and the Severn sea. To these, it appears, was added the -honour of Gloucester, or rather the lands of Brihtric were -made into an honour of Gloucester for his benefit.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_197" id="fnanchor_197"></a><a href="#footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He marries Earl Roger’s daughter.</span> -He -married a daughter of Earl Roger, Sibyl by name,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_198" id="fnanchor_198"></a><a href="#footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a></span> -and so -had the privilege of being brother-in-law to Robert of -Bellême. <span class="sni">Marriage of his daughter to Robert of Gloucester.</span> -His daughter Mabel, heiress of her uncle as -well as of her father,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_199" id="fnanchor_199"></a><a href="#footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a></span> -became, as we have often had -occasion to notice, the wife of King Henry’s son Robert, -<a name="Page_84" id="Page_84"></a><span class="pageno">84</span> -with whom Gloucester became an earldom. <span class="sni">His works at Gloucester and Tewkesbury.</span> -He founded -the abbey of Tewkesbury, one of the line of great religious -houses along the Severn, where his work may -still be seen in the vast pillars and mysterious front of his -still surviving minster.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_200" id="fnanchor_200"></a><a href="#footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></span> -To the older abbey of Gloucester -he was a bountiful benefactor. And the nature of his -gifts to these two favoured houses would be almost -enough of itself to enable us to set down Robert Fitz-hamon -as conqueror of Glamorgan. <span class="sni">Grant of Welsh churches to English monasteries.</span> -Gloucester and -Tewkesbury were enriched at the cost of the churches -of Glamorgan, proof enough that he who could thus -enrich them had won great possessions in Glamorgan. -The holy places of the Briton, Llantwit and Llancarfan, -with a crowd of churches of lesser note, supplied -the conqueror with an easy means of being bountiful -with no cost to himself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_201" id="fnanchor_201"></a><a href="#footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a></span> -So again the mere fact that -a man who held such a position as that of Robert Fitz-hamon, -one who, though not an earl, ranked by possessions -and connexions alongside of earls, plays so small -a part as he does in the recorded history of the reign, -might almost of itself suggest that he was busy on some -enterprise of his own, such as that which legend assigns -to him. <span class="sni">Conquest of Glamorgan.</span> -When the mound by the swift and shallow -Taff was crowned by the shell-keep of Cardiff, the -progress of invasion was not likely to tarry. The fertile -<a name="Page_85" id="Page_85"></a><span class="pageno">85</span> -lowlands from the mouth of the Taff to the mouth of -the Neath were a natural accession to the lowlands of -Gwent which were already won. They were won; -they were guarded by a crowd of castles. <span class="sni">Building of castles.</span> -And the -winning of the land, the building of the castles, events -about which the genuine local history is strangely silent, -were, there is not the slightest reason to doubt, the work -of Robert Fitz-hamon and of the men who shared with -him in that work.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Distinction between Morganwg and Glamorgan.</span> -In strict geographical accuracy the names <span class="title">Morganwg</span> -and <span class="title">Glamorgan</span> do not answer to one another.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_202" id="fnanchor_202"></a><a href="#footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a></span> -Morganwg -in the wider sense is said to have taken in a -vast district from the Severn to the Towy, while Glamorgan, -said to be called from a prince named Morgan -in the tenth century, was less than the present county, -taking in only the vale. The distinction between the -two was preserved in the style of the lords of “Morgania -and Glamorgania.” <span class="sni">Extent of Glamorgan.</span> -But the country with which we -have now to deal may be practically looked on as -answering to the present county, somewhat cut short -to the west and somewhat lengthened to the east. It -takes in the present Monmouthshire between Usk and -Rhymny; it does not take in the peninsula of Gower. -This last, with the town of Swansea on its isthmus, -still forms no part of the diocese of Glamorgan or -Llandaff; it marks its formerly distinct character by still -belonging to the diocese of Saint David’s. Within this district -Robert Fitz-hamon and his successors the Earls of -Gloucester held a position like that of the Earl of Chester -or the Bishop of Durham. Without bearing their lofty -titles, the Lord of Glamorgan practically held, like them, -a vassal principality of the crown. Like the other lords -marchers, he held most of the powers of kingship within -his lordship, and the position of his lordship enabled -<a name="Page_86" id="Page_86"></a><span class="pageno">86</span> -him to carry out those powers more thoroughly than most -of his fellows.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_203" id="fnanchor_203"></a><a href="#footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Cardiff castle.</span> -The chief seat of the lord was at Cardiff -on the Taff, where the castle had been, as we have seen, -founded in the Conqueror’s day.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_204" id="fnanchor_204"></a><a href="#footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Bishopric of Llandaff.</span> -A little higher up the -river was the seat of the bishopric of Glamorgan at -Llandaff, with its church, most unlike Le Mans or Durham, -nestling by the river at the foot of the hill. Under -the chief lord settled several lesser lords, tenants-in-chief, -we may almost venture to call them, within Glamorgan, -who founded castles and families, and under -whom the land was again divided among a crowd of -smaller tenants. Some of these lesser lords held within -their own lordships powers almost equal to those of the -lord of Glamorgan himself. <span class="sni">William of London.</span> -First perhaps among them -was the house founded by William of London, better -known under the French form of <span class="place" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Londres</span>.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_205" id="fnanchor_205"></a><a href="#footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></span> -The name -suggests some thoughts. Who was a William of London -in the days of William Rufus? A Norman doubtless, -but hardly a Norman of any very lofty rank in his own -land. May we follow the analogy of the great bearer of -the same name in the next age, and see in him the son -of a Rouen citizen settled in London in the very first -days of the Conquest, or even in the days of the Confessor? -<span class="sni">Kidwelly and Ogmore.</span> -The house of London spread beyond the bounds -of Glamorgan; their chief seat was at Kidwelly; but -within the lordship of Fitz-hamon the square keep of -Ogmore and the fortified priory of Ewenny, one of the -most precious specimens of the Norman minster on the -smallest scale, still remain as memorials of their presence. -<span class="sni">Richard Siward.</span> -But the name of Siward—​its first bearer appears in the -legend as Richard Siward—​bespeaks English or Danish -descent, and we are tempted to see in the colonist of -<a name="Page_87" id="Page_87"></a><span class="pageno">87</span> -Glamorgan a son or grandson of Thurkill of Warwick.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_206" id="fnanchor_206"></a><a href="#footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Pagan of Turberville at Coyty.</span> -Pagan of Turberville held Coyty, married a Welsh -heiress, and became the founder of a house whose feelings -became British rather than Norman or English. -<span class="sni">Aberafan held by the children of Jestin.</span> -Aberafan, the fortress at the mouth of the Glamorgan -Avon, remained in the hands of the descendants of Jestin, -the only native line which, like such Englishmen as -Thurkill, Eadward of Salisbury, Coleswegen and Ælfred -of Lincoln, abode on its own ground on equal terms -with the conquerors. They alone shared the fertile -plain with the strangers; the rest of their countrymen, -even those who held acknowledged lands and lordships, -were confined to the barren hills.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_207" id="fnanchor_207"></a><a href="#footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">The lords and their castles.</span> -These few families have each something in their name -and history which entitles them to special notice. A few -others were of really equal eminence from the first, and -the legend, to make up the full tale of twelve peers, -adds on several names of later date. These great lords, -and a crowd of smaller land-owners as well, built each -man his castle; in Glamorgan the peaceful manor-house, -soon to become the rule in England, seems to have been -the reform of a much later day. The castles with -which we are to deal are of course for the most part -castles of the older and simpler type; it was not till -long after the times with which we are dealing that -Caerphilly, with its mighty gateway-towers, its princely -hall, its lake wrought by the hand of man, became the -proudest of South-Welsh fortresses, the peer of Caernarvon -itself. Caerphilly lies indeed beyond our immediate -range, in the land still left to the natives, parted off by -hills from Cardiff and from the rich plain which the conquerors -kept for themselves. Not a few others of the -famous castles of the district belong to times far too -<a name="Page_88" id="Page_88"></a><span class="pageno">88</span> -late for us. <span class="sni">The South-Welsh churches.</span> -From the castles the churches also caught -a military air, and kept it during the whole time of -mediæval architecture. The fortified towers of Glamorgan -have the military character less strongly marked -than the towers of Pembrokeshire; but it is marked -quite strongly enough to strike the English visitor as -something altogether in harmony with the endless -traces of castles which meet him at every step. He sees -at once that a state of things which in England -existed only during the first years of the Conquest, or -which more truly, unless during the nineteen years of -anarchy, never existed at all, went on in the half conquered -British land for ages.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Saxon settlements in South-Wales.</span> -The leaders in the settlement were of course mainly -Norman. It has been acutely remarked that they mostly -came, as followers of Robert Fitz-hamon most naturally -<a name="line88_17" id="line88_17"></a>would come, from the old lands of Brihtric in Gloucestershire -and Somerset. They doubtless brought with them -an English following, a strictly Saxon invasion of South -Wales. Among the Teutonic settlers in this district, -it is not easy to distinguish the Saxon from the Fleming. -<span class="sni">The Flemings in Pembrokeshire.</span> -It must always be remembered that, while the Flemish -settlement in Pembrokeshire is matter of history, the -Flemish settlements in Gower and Glamorgan are merely -matters of inference.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_208" id="fnanchor_208"></a><a href="#footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Foundation of boroughs.</span> -The English and Flemish settlers -were doubtless the chief inhabitants of the boroughs -which now began to arise under the shadow of the castles. -Cardiff, Kenfig, Aberafan, and Neath, arose on the coast or -on the rivers from which some of them took their names. -Cowbridge and Llantrissant lay in the inland part of the -vale; the last, a borough mainly British, was the only one -which held at all a commanding site among the hills. -In later times these towns sank into insignificance—​Kenfig -indeed well nigh perished under heaps of sand. -<a name="Page_89" id="Page_89"></a><span class="pageno">89</span> -But some of them have in later times been called up to -a new life by the wonderful development of mineral -wealth which has changed the barren hills which were -left to the Briton into one of the busiest regions of our -whole island.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Ecclesiastical affairs.</span> -In ecclesiastical matters the conquest of this district -was for awhile chiefly marked, as has been mentioned, -by the spoliation of the ancient British foundations, -to the behoof of the conqueror’s favourite monasteries -at Gloucester and Tewkesbury. <span class="sni">Llandaff.</span> -The bishopric of Llandaff -or Glamorgan kept its place, though it never became, -either in the extent of its possessions or in the -fabric of its church, at all the peer of Saint David’s. -<span class="sni">Ewenny. Cistercian foundations.</span> -Ewenny arose, if not in the very first days of the conquest, -yet within the first or second generation. -The Cistercian -movement reached this district early. <span class="sni">Neath. 1130.</span> -The abbey -of Neath arose in King Henry’s time, under the patronage -of Earl Robert;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_209" id="fnanchor_209"></a><a href="#footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></span> -and in the last year of his life, while -the anarchy still raged, the same earl, the most renowned -of the lords of Glamorgan, <span class="sni">Margam. 1147.</span> -found means to found the -more famous abbey of Margam.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_210" id="fnanchor_210"></a><a href="#footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2">The conquest of Glamorgan thus stands out as an -event which is altogether unrecorded in authentic history, -but of which it is not hard to put together a picture -from its results. Other parts of the conquest of South -Wales are more clearly entered in both British and -English annals. <span class="sni">Conquest of Brecknock.</span> -The mountain land of Brecheiniog -must have been occupied early in the reign of Rufus, -if not earlier still. <span class="sni">Bernard Newmarch.</span> -Its conqueror, Bernard of Neufmarché, -better known in the English form of <span class="place">Newmarch</span>, -has already figured in our story;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_211" id="fnanchor_211"></a><a href="#footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a></span> -and he was clearly -<a name="Page_90" id="Page_90"></a><span class="pageno">90</span> -in possession when William Rufus lay sick and penitent -at Gloucester. His followers are then spoken of as the -French who inhabited Brecheiniog. By that time then -the upper valley of the Usk, from Abergavenny westward, -must have been already subdued. The rich land -of the holy King Brychan, with his twenty-four sainted -daughters—​the church where the worship of one of them -turned the people of the land into frenzies which offended -the soberer devotion of the Norman<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_212" id="fnanchor_212"></a><a href="#footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></span>—​the rivers full of -fish, the lake of marvels, the whole pleasant valley cut -off by its hills from the extremes of heat and cold<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_213" id="fnanchor_213"></a><a href="#footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></span>—​all -had passed away from British rule. <span class="sni">The castle of Brecknock.</span> -Bernard had doubtless -by this time reared on the hill of Aberhonwy at -least some rude forerunner of the castle of Brecknock, -the fragments of which still stand, facing the southern -mountains, alongside of the massive church of his own -priory, the church which he made his far-off offering -to Saint Martin of the Place of Battle.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_214" id="fnanchor_214"></a><a href="#footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Bernard’s gifts to Battle Abbey.</span> -We know not -whether Bernard had by this time striven to confirm his -power on British soil by a marriage which connected him -with the noblest blood, alike British and English. <span class="sni">His wife Nest.</span> -His -wife Nest united the blood of Gruffydd with the blood of -Ælfgar. We are not told the name or race of her father;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_215" id="fnanchor_215"></a><a href="#footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></span> -but her mother was Nest the daughter of Gruffydd and -Ealdgyth, the stepdaughter of Harold, the half-sister of -<a name="Page_91" id="Page_91"></a><span class="pageno">91</span> -his twin wanderers, the granddaughter of Ælfgar and -his perhaps Norman Ælfgifu.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_216" id="fnanchor_216"></a><a href="#footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></span> -Nest thus came on the -spindle-side from Godgifu the mirror of English matronhood; -but the woman who shamelessly avowed to King -Henry that her son was not the son of her husband -Bernard hardly walked in the steps of her renowned -ancestress.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_217" id="fnanchor_217"></a><a href="#footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></span> -During that memorable Lent, while King -William lay sick at Gloucester, the new lord of Brecknock -found it needful to gather his strength to withstand an -attack from the people whom he had despoiled. <span class="sni">Defeat and death of Rhys at Brecknock. 1093.</span> -The -Britons came together under Rhys the son of Tewdwr, the -king of whom we have often heard, and who must have -been at this time the most powerful prince of South Wales.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_218" id="fnanchor_218"></a><a href="#footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a></span> -He invaded the invaders; and in the very Easter week, -while matters were busy between William and Anselm -on the one hand, between William and Malcolm on -the other hand, a battle took place near Brecknock. -There Rhys was killed, by the help, according to the -Glamorgan legend, of Robert Fitz-hamon. According to -the same legend, Rhys did not fall in open fight, but as -a prisoner to whom quarter was refused. Another -account describes him as being slain by the treachery -of his own men. His death was marked as an epoch -in the history of Wales. <span class="sni">End of “the kingdom of the Britons.”</span> -With him, the native historian -writes, fell the kingdom of the Britons, a phrase which -an English writer seems to have misunderstood as -meaning that after him no Welsh prince bore the kingly -<a name="Page_92" id="Page_92"></a><span class="pageno">92</span> -title.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_219" id="fnanchor_219"></a><a href="#footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a></span> -The overthrow of Rhys led to great movements -in other parts of South Wales. <span class="sni">Effect of the death of Rhys.</span> -We can hardly doubt -that, whether Robert Fitz-hamon had a hand in the -fight at Brecknock or not, his settlement in Glamorgan -was at any rate already begun. But the fall of Rhys -laid the lands to the south-west, the lands of Ceredigion -and Dyfed, open to invasion; and two sets of invaders -were equally ready to make the most of the chance -which was now laid open to them. The British enemy -came first. <span class="sni">Cadwgan harries Dyfed. April 30, 1093.</span> -Cadwgan son of Bleddyn, who had once -before driven Rhys from his throne,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_220" id="fnanchor_220"></a><a href="#footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></span> -seized the moment -of his death to carry a wasting inroad into Dyfed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_221" id="fnanchor_221"></a><a href="#footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a></span> -He -was presently followed by invaders who were to do -something more than make a wasting inroad. <span class="sni">Norman conquest of Ceredigion and Dyfed. July 1, 1093.</span> -“About the -kalends of July the French for the first time held Dyfed -and Ceredigion, and set castles in them, and thence -occupied the whole land.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_222" id="fnanchor_222"></a><a href="#footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></span></p> - -<p>These words of the British annalist mark a most important -stage in the occupation of his country. The campaign -of this summer completed the conquest of South -Wales, so far as a land could be said to be conquered which -was always revolting, and where native chiefs still kept, -sometimes by their own strength, sometimes by formal -acknowledgement, such parts of the land as the invaders -could not or did not care to occupy. But it was now -<a name="Page_93" id="Page_93"></a><span class="pageno">93</span> -that a land was planted with castles which is still pre-eminently -the land of castles; <span class="sni">Pembrokeshire.</span> -it was now that a land -was brought under the power of those who bore rule -in England which was itself to become a new England -beyond the line of the Briton. Ceredigion, the land of -Cardigan, the vale of Teifi with its still abiding beavers,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_223" id="fnanchor_223"></a><a href="#footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a></span> -the sites of the castles of Aberystwyth and Cilgerran, of -the abbey of Strata Florida and the priory of Saint Dogmael, -were added to the dominion of the conquerors. -Thence they pressed on to the extreme south-western -land, and added Dyfed by a new name to the possessions -of the English crown. <span class="sni">Tale of Rufus’ threats against Ireland.</span> -A tale has been told how the -Red King himself made his way to the most western -point of all, to the headland of Saint David’s; there, -from the treeless rocks, he looked over the sea to the -land beyond, which may now and then be seen on a -cloudless evening. Then he boasted that, lord as he -was of Britain, he would be lord of Ireland too, how he -would gather round that headland the fleets of his whole -kingdom, and would make of them a bridge by which -he might pass over and win the great island for himself. -The tale goes on to tell how, when the threatening -words were brought to King Murtagh,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_224" id="fnanchor_224"></a><a href="#footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a></span> -he asked whether -the King of the English had added to his threat the -words, “If God will?”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_225" id="fnanchor_225"></a><a href="#footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a></span> -The Red King had not used -<a name="Page_94" id="Page_94"></a><span class="pageno">94</span> -the formula which he hated to hear even from the lips -of others,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_226" id="fnanchor_226"></a><a href="#footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a></span> -and the Irish prince at once answered that -he did not fear the coming of one who meant to come -only in his own strength, and not in that of the Most -High.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_227" id="fnanchor_227"></a><a href="#footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Estimate of the story.</span> -The tale is eminently characteristic of William Rufus; -yet it sounds somewhat like an echo of the real visit -and the real schemes of the great William translated -into the boastful language of his son. The Conqueror -did visit Saint David’s;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_228" id="fnanchor_228"></a><a href="#footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></span> -he did plan the conquest of -Ireland;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_229" id="fnanchor_229"></a><a href="#footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a></span> -but it is not likely that he threw the -expression of his designs into such a shape as that -which William Rufus would have been likely enough -to choose. The younger William may have made -his way to Saint David’s; but it is not easy to find -a time for his coming, either in this year or in any -other. <span class="sni">Acquisition of Saint David’s.</span> -But, whether through his coming or not, Saint -David’s itself passed under the obedience of the conquerors. -<span class="sni">Bishop Wilfrith.</span> -We presently find its bishop, a bishop spoken -of as a Briton, but bearing the English name of Wilfrith, -acting in their full confidence.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_230" id="fnanchor_230"></a><a href="#footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></span> -But the holy place, -deep in its hollow, was left to be guarded by its own -holiness. No castle of king or earl or sheriff invaded -its precincts; the home of its bishop did not, as at -Llandaff, take the form of a castle looking down upon -the minster, but that of a peaceful palace resting by -<a name="Page_95" id="Page_95"></a><span class="pageno">95</span> -its side. The conquerors pressed on, through the land -of Cemaes and Emlyn and by the hills of Preseleu, -till they reached the south-western land, the land of -creeks and peninsulas, where the tides of Ocean rise -and fall beneath the walls of far inland towns and -fortresses. <span class="sni">Milford Haven.</span> -In those waters the wandering wiking had -seen the likeness of his own fiords, and he had left his -mark here and there on a <dfn>holm</dfn>, a <dfn>gard</dfn>, a <dfn>thorp</dfn>, a <dfn>ford</dfn>, -some of them bearing names which seem to go back -to the gods of Scandinavian heathendom.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_231" id="fnanchor_231"></a><a href="#footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a></span> -The Norman -won the land, to hand it over in the next reign to the -Flemish settlers, who rooted out whatever traces of the -Cymry Northmen and Normans had left. Two of the -chief towns, Pembroke and Tenby, kept their British -names in corrupt forms.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_232" id="fnanchor_232"></a><a href="#footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></span> -Milford and Haverford would -seem to have been already named by the Northmen. <span class="sni">The Pembrokeshire castles.</span> -On -every tempting point overlooking the inland waters, sometimes -on points overlooking the Ocean itself, castles arose, -some of which grew into the very stateliest of their own -class. Tenby, Haverfordwest—​Manorbeer, birthplace of -Giraldus<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_233" id="fnanchor_233"></a><a href="#footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a></span>—​Caerau, connected with so many famous names -of later date<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_234" id="fnanchor_234"></a><a href="#footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a></span>—​and a crowd of castles of lesser note, -witness the means by which the conquerors knew how to -hold down the land which they had won.</p> - -<p>At the head of all stands the great fortress which -<a name="Page_96" id="Page_96"></a><span class="pageno">96</span> -gave its name to a town, a shire, and a long line of -earls, and in our own time to a great workshop of the -naval strength of the land. <span class="sni">Pembroke Castle.</span> -<span class="place">Pen bro</span>, the head of the -sealand, grew into Pembroke, with its vast castle rising -on a peninsula above two arms of the inland sea—​with -its stately hall looking down on the waters—​with the -deep cave underneath its walls, with the huge mass of the -round tower—​with the one hill-side covered by the houses -and churches of the town, the other crowned by the -long line of the priory of Monkton, with its stern -square tower and its now roofless choir. <span class="sni">Pembrokeshire buildings.</span> -The character -of military strength and simplicity, which is stamped -in a lesser measure on the churches and houses of -Glamorgan, comes out in all its fulness in the churches -and houses of Pembrokeshire. Of all this the days of -which we are speaking saw the beginnings, but only -the beginnings. <span class="sni">The castle begun by Arnulf of Montgomery.</span> -On the tongue of land between the -two creeks a fortress was raised by Arnulf of Montgomery, -son of Roger and Mabel, a man of whom we -have already heard and shall hear again. But his -defences were as yet small and feeble as compared with -what was to follow; the first castle of Pembroke was -a mere earthwork with a palisade.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_235" id="fnanchor_235"></a><a href="#footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Second building of Gerald of Windsor. 1105.</span> -Arnulf placed his -work under the care of a valiant knight named Gerald -of Windsor, who afterwards was the beginner of a castle -<a name="Page_97" id="Page_97"></a><span class="pageno">97</span> -of greater strength on the same spot.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_236" id="fnanchor_236"></a><a href="#footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His wife Nest.</span> -In after times -he married a wife of the noblest British blood, yet -another Nest, the daughter of Rhys son of Tewdwr, and -grandchild through her mother of that Rhiwallon who -had received a kingdom at the hands of Harold.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_237" id="fnanchor_237"></a><a href="#footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></span> -Before -her marriage she was the mother of one of the sons of -King Henry, though assuredly not of the great Earl of -Gloucester.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_238" id="fnanchor_238"></a><a href="#footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a></span> -In later days, through another marriage, -she became the grandmother of Giraldus Cambrensis.</p> - -<p>The course of events in North Wales during these -years is less easy to mark with exact dates. But it -is plain that the death of Robert of Rhuddlan had been -only a momentary triumph for the Cymry, and that -it had not given any real check to the Norman power. -<span class="sni">Hugh of Chester in Anglesey.</span> -Earl Hugh of Chester, strong on the border of the -continental Britons, still held a hand no less firm on -their island kinsfolk. <span class="sni">Castle of Aberlleiniog.</span> -He even pressed on into Anglesey, -and there built a castle, most likely at Aberlleiniog on -the eastern coast of the island, a spot of which we shall -have to speak again more fully in recording a memorable -day later in our story. <span class="sni">Advance of Earl Roger in Powys.</span> -Earl Roger meanwhile, from -his capital at Shrewsbury and his strong outpost at his -new British Montgomery,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_239" id="fnanchor_239"></a><a href="#footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a></span> -pushed on his dominion into -Powys. The King at least approved, if he did not at this -stage help in the work; <a name="Rhydygors" id="Rhydygors"></a><span class="sni">Castle of Rhyd-y-gors.</span> -the castle of Rhyd-y-gors was -built at the royal order by William son of Baldwin.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_240" id="fnanchor_240"></a><a href="#footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98"></a><span class="pageno">98</span> -The conquest of Wales was thus, to all appearance, -nearly complete. <span class="sni">Seeming conquest of Wales.</span> -The two great earls were going on -with their old work in the north, while in the south -the tide of conquest was advancing with such speed -as it had never advanced before. In the south-east -Gwent and Morganwg seemed to be firmly held, while -in the south-west the torrent of Norman invasion had -rushed by a single burst from the hill of Brecknock -to the furthest coast of Dyfed. In the south at least -the only independent region left was that which lies -between the conquest of Robert Fitz-hamon and the -conquest of Arnulf of Montgomery. <span class="sni">Gower and Caermarthen unsubdued.</span> -Gower, with its -caves, its sands, its long ridge, where the name of Arthur -has made spoil of a monument of unrecorded times—​with -its Worm’s Head looking out in defiance at the -conquered land beyond the bay—​the whole range too -of coast with its sandy estuaries, from the mouth by -Llwchr to the mouth by Laugharne—​Kidwelly also, not -yet crowned by the gem of South-Welsh castles—​Caermarthen -and the whole vale of Towy—​were still unsubdued. -Otherwise the Britons might truly say with -their chronicler that on the death of Rhys their kingdom -passed away from them. <span class="sni">1093–1094.</span> -So things slept while Anselm -received his archbishopric, while Malcolm pressed on to -die at Alnwick, while King William was kept by the -winds at Hastings. <span class="sni">Effects of William’s absence.</span> -But when the king was beyond -the sea, when he and the great men of England were -busy with Norman affairs—​when Argentan bowed to -Robert and Philip and when the brother of the conqueror -of Pembroke was a prisoner<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_241" id="fnanchor_241"></a><a href="#footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></span>—​when the great -Earl, the father of both of them, had died with the cowl -on his head at Shrewsbury—​then the Britons deemed -that the hour of deliverance was come. The English -<a name="Page_99" id="Page_99"></a><span class="pageno">99</span> -Chronicler, though he does not at this stage help us to -the names of British men or of British places, paints -the general picture in his strongest colours; <span class="sni">Revolt of the Welsh. 1094.</span> -“The -Welshmen gathered themselves together, and on the -French that were in Wales or the nighest parts and -had ere taken away their lands, they upheaved war, -and castles they broke and men they offslew, and as -their host waxed, they <dfn>todealed</dfn> themselves into more. -With some of those <dfn>deals</dfn> fought Hugh Earl of Shropshire -and put them to flight. And none the less the -others all this year never left off from none evil that -they might do.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_242" id="fnanchor_242"></a><a href="#footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></span></p> - -<p>In this version the Norman or English champion -stands clearly forth. We see that Earl Hugh had sharp -work upon his hands from the moment that he stepped -into his father’s earldom. The British writers give us a -clearer sight of the geographical extent of the movement, -and they help us to the name of its chief leader. <span class="sni">Cadwgan son of Bleddyn.</span> -This -was Cadwgan son of Bleddyn, whom we last heard of as -harrying Dyfed, and who even now seems at least as -anxious to make Dyfed a land subject to Gwynedd as to -drive Normans, English, or Flemings, out of either. Thus -the Britons were, as ever, in the words of the Chronicler, -<dfn>todealed</dfn>; they were divided into local and dynastic -parties. <span class="sni">Divisions of the Welsh.</span> -Yet, as he puts it, even this division, if it -did not give strength, at least delayed subjection. If -Earl Hugh or any other leader of a regular force was -able to overthrow one <dfn>deal</dfn>, another <dfn>deal</dfn> was ready all -the same to do as much evil as before. But it was in -<a name="Page_100" id="Page_100"></a><span class="pageno">100</span> -Gwynedd and under Cadwgan that the work began. -<span class="sni">General revolt of Wales.</span> -The Britons could not bear the yoke of the French; -they rose, they broke down the castles, and, as men -commonly do in such cases, they did by the invaders -as the invaders had done by them. It is not very -wonderful if, in their hour of victory, they revenged the -reavings and slaughters done on them by the French -with new reavings and slaughters done on the French -themselves.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_243" id="fnanchor_243"></a><a href="#footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a></span> -And, as our Chronicler hints, it was not -only on the French within Wales, but on those also in -the nighest parts that they rose. By this time the whole -land had risen; South-Welsh and West-Welsh—​that is -now no longer the men of the peninsula of Cornwall, but -the men of the peninsula of Dyfed—​were in arms no less -than the men of Gwynedd. <span class="sni">Invasion of England.</span> -Gruffydd and Cadwgan burst -into the neighbouring shires, Cheshire, Shropshire, and -Herefordshire; they burned towns, carried off plunder, -and slew Frenchmen and Englishmen alike.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_244" id="fnanchor_244"></a><a href="#footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a></span> -The Saxon, -<a name="Page_101" id="Page_101"></a><span class="pageno">101</span> -the old enemy, had not become less an enemy, because -he had, through his own conquest, become an accomplice -in the invasions of his conquerors. <span class="sni">Deliverance of Anglesey.</span> -Gwynedd was now -free; the deliverers crossed into Anglesey; <span class="sni">Aberlleiniog castle broken down.</span> -they broke -down the castle at Aberlleiniog or elsewhere, and put an -end for a while to the foreign dominion in the island.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_245" id="fnanchor_245"></a><a href="#footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Britons now seemed to have altogether undone -the work of the invaders. It was now time for vigorous -action on the other side. The French—​Hugh of Chester, -Hugh of Shrewsbury, or any other—​entered Gwynedd -with a regular force; but if one <dfn>deal</dfn> was put to flight, -another, under Cadwgan himself, claims to have overcome -<a name="Yspwys" id="Yspwys"></a>the invaders at Yspwys.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_246" id="fnanchor_246"></a><a href="#footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></span> -The path was now open for -a march of the Britons to the south. Late in the year a -general attack was made on all the castles throughout -Ceredigion and Dyfed. Two only held out; Gerald of -Windsor successfully defended Pembroke; William the -son of Baldwin successfully defended Rhyd-y-gors.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_247" id="fnanchor_247"></a><a href="#footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Action of Cadwgan in Dyfed.</span> -But -the warfare of Cadwgan was waged in the interest of Gwynedd, -not in that of Dyfed. By a harsh, though possibly -prudent policy, he enforced a migration somewhat in the -style of an Eastern despot. The men and the cattle of -Ceredigion and Dyfed—​we must take so general a statement -with those deductions which the laws of possibility -imply—​were transported to the safer region, and south-western -Wales was made, so far as Cadwgan could -make it, a wilderness.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_248" id="fnanchor_248"></a><a href="#footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Pembroke holds out.</span> -Gerald, in his castle among the -<a name="Page_102" id="Page_102"></a><span class="pageno">102</span> -creeks, was left to lord it over whom he might find, -and to feed himself and his followers how he might, -in the wasted land. As far as we can see, Gwent, -Morganwg, and Brecheiniog, remained in the hands of -the conquerors. The rest of the British land, from the -isthmus of Gower to the furthest point of Mona, was -either free or a wilderness.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Question of a winter campaign.</span> -It is almost past belief that William Rufus could -have found time for a winter campaign against the -Welsh in the few weeks, or rather days, which passed -between his return from Normandy at the end of -December and his interview with Anselm at Gillingham -in the middle of January.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_249" id="fnanchor_249"></a><a href="#footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></span> -<span class="sni">December 28,1094-January, 1095.</span> -But there was plenty of -fighting in the course of the year in Wales and elsewhere. -The Britons seem to have kept their independence -in the newly liberated districts, while the -Norman conquerors of Glamorgan made a successful -attack on the intermediate lands which had not yet -been subdued. <span class="sni">Conquest of Kidwelly, Gower, and Caermarthen.</span> -“The French laid waste Gower, Kidwelly, -and the vale of Towy;” and we are further told that -those lands, as well as Dyfed and Ceredigion, remained -waste.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_250" id="fnanchor_250"></a><a href="#footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a></span> -But if Normans laid waste, they did not simply -lay waste, like the Welsh. What they found it expedient -to lay waste for a season they meant to put in -order some day for their own advantage. This was -no doubt the time when William of London established -himself at Kidwelly, and made the first beginnings of -castle, church, borough, and haven.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_251" id="fnanchor_251"></a><a href="#footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a></span> -It was now too that -the way was at least opened for the work of colonization -<a name="Page_103" id="Page_103"></a><span class="pageno">103</span> -which made Gower a Teutonic land. <span class="sni">1099.</span> -According to an -authority to which we turn with a certain doubt, the -actual settlement dates from five years later. <span class="sni">Swansea Castle. The castles of Gower.</span> -Castles -were built, Abertawy or Swansea guarding its own bay -and the approach to the peninsula, Aberllwchr guarding -the sandy estuary between the peninsula and the opposite -coast to the north, Oystermouth, Penrice, Llanrhidian, -on points within the peninsula itself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_252" id="fnanchor_252"></a><a href="#footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Alleged West-Saxon settlement of Gower.</span> -And in this -version the settlement is made, not by Flemings, according -to the common tradition, but by West-Saxons -brought across the channel from Somerset.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_253" id="fnanchor_253"></a><a href="#footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a></span> -It is certain, -as has been already said, that there is not the same -historical evidence for Flemings in Gower which there -is for Flemings in Pembrokeshire. But it is perhaps -less important to fix the exact origin of each Teutonic -settlement along this coast than to insist on the fact that, -as compared with the native Cymry, any two branches -of the Nether-Dutch stock, whether Flemish or Saxon, -came to very much the same thing.</p> - -<p>Along with this territorial advance on the part of -the invaders, we hear, from the same somewhat doubtful -quarter, of a movement among the invaders themselves -which turned to the advantage of the natives. It is -characteristic of the outwardly legal nature of the Norman -Conquest of England that it gave no opportunity -for a character not very rare in less regular invasions, -the invading chief who finds it to his interest to separate -<a name="Page_104" id="Page_104"></a><span class="pageno">104</span> -himself from his own fellows and to place himself at -the head of those whom he has helped to subdue. In -the conquests both of Wales and of Ireland there was -room for such a part to be played, and the story sets -before us one of the Norman conquerors of Glamorgan -as playing it with some effect. <span class="sni">Pagan of Turberville joins the Welsh.</span> -The lord of Coyty, -Pagan of Turberville, married to a wife of the house -of Jestin, took the side of his wife’s countrymen, and, we -are told, went so far as to attack Cardiff on their behalf. -The result, it is said, was a confirmation of the ancient -laws of Wales on the part of the lord of Glamorgan. -This, it is added, led many to transfer their dwellings -from the disturbed parts of the country to the more -settled lands under his rule.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_254" id="fnanchor_254"></a><a href="#footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">North Wales keeps its independence.</span> -Meanwhile in the northern parts of Wales the Britons -still kept the independence that they had won by -the struggle of the last year. They had got the better -of the local powers on their own borders, and the -King, busied with the peaceful opposition of Anselm -and the armed opposition of Robert of Mowbray, had -little time to spare from councils and sieges within -his kingdom. <span class="sni">Autumn, 1095.</span> -At last, towards autumn, while the siege -of Bamburgh was going on, after he had himself turned -away from it, and left the <span class="title">Evil Neighbour</span> to do its work, -William heard a piece of news from the British border -which at once stirred him to action. One of the great -fortresses of the march had fallen. In vain had Earl -Roger made his nest on the rock to which he gave the -name of his own Norman home.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_255" id="fnanchor_255"></a><a href="#footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The Welsh take Montgomery.</span> -Montgomery, <span class="title">Tre Baldwin</span>, -<a name="Page_105" id="Page_105"></a><span class="pageno">105</span> -was in the hands of the Britons, and all Earl -Hugh’s men within it were slain.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_256" id="fnanchor_256"></a><a href="#footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a></span> -William was wroth -at the tidings, and he at once called out the <dfn>fyrd</dfn> of his -realm, so much of it as was not needed for the lingering -leaguer-work in Northumberland.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_257" id="fnanchor_257"></a><a href="#footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a></span> -<span class="sni">William’s invasion of Wales. Michaelmas, 1095.</span> -Soon after Michaelmas -he entered Wales at the head of his host. He -divided it into parties, and caused them to go thoroughly -through the land. <span class="sni">He reaches Snowdon. November 1.</span> -At last, by the feast of All-hallows, -the whole army met together by Snowdon. If merely -marching through a country could subdue it, William -Rufus had now done a good deal towards the conquest -of Gwynedd. But William Rufus was not Harold; the -master of continental chivalry could not bring himself -to copy Harold’s homely tactics. While the royal army -scoured the dales, the Welsh betook them to the moors -and mountains where no man might come at them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_258" id="fnanchor_258"></a><a href="#footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a></span> -Harold had found out the way to come at them; but -the Red King knew it not. <span class="sni">Ill-success of the campaign.</span> -All that he could do was to -go homeward, when he saw that he there in the winter -might do no more.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_259" id="fnanchor_259"></a><a href="#footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a></span> -The British annalists, with good -right, rejoice as they tell how God their people sheltered -in the strong places of their land, and how the King -and his host went away empty, having taken nothing.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_260" id="fnanchor_260"></a><a href="#footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106"></a><span class="pageno">106</span> -<span class="sni">1096.</span> -The next year saw the bloody Gemót at Salisbury; -it saw Europe pour forth its forces for the deliverance -of Eastern Christendom; it saw the Red King become -master of the Norman duchy. Among such cares, William -had no time, perhaps he felt no strong call, for another -Welsh campaign, either in winter or summer. But the -lords of the marches could not be thus idle; with them -the only choice was to invade or to be invaded. The year -seems to have begun with another gain on the part of the -Britons. <span class="sni">The Welsh gain Rhyd-y-gors. 1096.</span> -William son of Baldwin, who had kept the -castle of Rhyd-y-gors safe through all perils up to this -time, now died. His spirit did not abide in his garrison; -they left the castle empty, a prey to the enemy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_261" id="fnanchor_261"></a><a href="#footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></span> -The -spirit of the Britons, even in the lands which seemed -most thoroughly subdued, now rose. Within the bounds -of the present Glamorgan the favourable composition of -the last year seems to have kept men quiet; but the -lands to the east, parts of which had been so long under -English rule, were now encouraged to strike another blow -for independence. <span class="sni">Revolt of Gwent and Brecknock.</span> -The natives were in arms along the -whole line of the Usk; Brecheiniog, Gwent, and Gwenllwg, -the land between Usk and Wye and the land -between Usk and Rhymny, threw off, as their own -writers say, the yoke of the French.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_262" id="fnanchor_262"></a><a href="#footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a></span> -The marchers -had now to act in earnest. <span class="sni">English feeling towards the war.</span> -Our own Chronicler says -mournfully how “the head men that this land held -ofttimes sent the <dfn>fyrd</dfn> into Wales, and many men with -that sorely harassed, and man there sped not, but man-marring -and fee-spilling.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_263" id="fnanchor_263"></a><a href="#footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a></span> -We see that the old duty -<a name="Page_107" id="Page_107"></a><span class="pageno">107</span> -of every man to fight for the land when called on had -come to awaken some of the feelings which attach to a -conscription. Men were, we may believe, ready for a -campaign in Normandy or Maine, where plunder was -to be had, and where there was most likely still some -satisfaction felt in fighting against French-speaking -enemies, even under French-speaking captains. To drive -back Malcolm would come home to every man’s heart -as a national duty; to dispose of Malcolm’s crown under -the leadership of an English Ætheling might call up -long-forgotten feelings of national pride. But who could -be tempted by the prospect of a march to Snowdon, even -in the fairest weather? What interest had the men of -perhaps far-off English shires in rivetting the dominion -of a Norman lord on the men of Brecknock or Pembroke? -No doubt every Englishman was ready to drive back -the Briton from Shropshire and Herefordshire; but it -was an irksome and bootless work to go and attack -him in his own land, a land from which even conquerors -could draw so little gain. Even to win back Gwent, -the conquest of Harold, was an enterprise which would -lead mainly to man-marring and fee-spilling. <span class="sni">Vain attempt to recover Gwent.</span> -Into Gwent -however they were marched; but nothing was done; the -land was not subdued; the army was even attacked -on its retreat, and after great slaughter put to flight.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_264" id="fnanchor_264"></a><a href="#footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a></span> -A second greater attempt came to nothing more. The -grandsons of Cadwgan, Gruffydd and Ivor, attacked this -army too on its return, and cut it also off at Aberllech.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_265" id="fnanchor_265"></a><a href="#footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108"></a><span class="pageno">108</span> -The British chronicler here makes a comment which -fully explains the final issue of these wars. The Normans -or English, whichever we are to call the hosts of England -under the Red King, had thus for three years met with -nothing but defeat. Yet they had in truth won the -land. “The folk stayed in their homes, trusting fearlessly, -though the castles were yet whole, and the castlemen -in them.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_266" id="fnanchor_266"></a><a href="#footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Effects of the castle-building.</span> -The fortresses might be hemmed in for -a moment; but, as long as they stood whole with the -castlemen in them, the newly won freedom of the open -country was liable to be upset at any moment. In -Gwent and Brecheiniog at least the natives might for -the moment stay fearlessly in their homes; they might -at some favourable point surprise and cut to pieces the -armies that were sent against them; they might withdraw -to moors and mountains when the invading force was -too strong for them; but, as long as the castles stood -firm, the real grasp of the stranger on the land was -not loosened. How long a castle could stand out we -see by the example of this very year’s campaign. <span class="sni">Pembroke castle holds out.</span> -All -the castles of Dyfed and Ceredigion had been destroyed -two years before, save Pembroke and Rhyd-y-gors; and -Rhyd-y-gors was now in the hands of the Britons. Pembroke, -the castle of earth and wood, the outpost cut off -from all help, still stood through the whole of these two -years, the one representative of Norman dominion in the -whole region of which it had become the head. No wonder -that the Britons, victorious everywhere else, resolved on -one great attack on this still unconquered stronghold of the -enemy. <span class="sni">The Welsh attack Pembroke. 1096.</span> -A host led by several chieftains of the house of -Cadwgan, Uhtred son of Edwin,--one whom we should -rather have looked for in Northumberland,--and Howel -son of Goronwy, set forth and fought against Pembroke. -Gerald of Windsor was hard pressed. One night, fifteen -<a name="Page_109" id="Page_109"></a><span class="pageno">109</span> -of his knights, despairing of resistance, made their -escape from the castle in a boat. <span class="sni">Resistance of Gerald of Windsor.</span> -Their esquires were -more faithful, and Gerald at once gave them the arms -of knighthood, and also granted—​or professed to grant -to them—​the fiefs of their recreant lords.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_267" id="fnanchor_267"></a><a href="#footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His devices.</span> -We read too -how Gerald, to hide his real plight from the enemy, -betook himself to some of those simple devices of which -we hear in so many times and places. He had four -swine in the castle; he cut them in pieces, and threw -them over to the besiegers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_268" id="fnanchor_268"></a><a href="#footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></span> -The next day he wrote -or caused letters to be written sealed with his seal, saying -that there was no need to trouble Earl Arnulf—​he is -made to bear the title—​for any help for four months -to come. <span class="sni">His dealings with Bishop Wilfrith.</span> -These letters he took care should be found -near a neighbouring house of Bishop Wilfrith of Saint -David’s, as if they had been lost by their bearer.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_269" id="fnanchor_269"></a><a href="#footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a></span> -They -were read out in the Welsh army. The Britons, we are -told, having no mind for a four months’ siege, marched -away.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_270" id="fnanchor_270"></a><a href="#footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></span> -They claim to have marched away without loss, -<a name="Page_110" id="Page_110"></a><span class="pageno">110</span> -with much booty, especially with all the cattle belonging -to the castle.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_271" id="fnanchor_271"></a><a href="#footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Offensive action of Gerald. 1097.</span> -But the castle was not taken; it stood -there to do its work; and early in the next year Gerald -was harrying in his turn as far as the borders of Saint -David’s.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_272" id="fnanchor_272"></a><a href="#footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a></span> -Friendship for the Bishop perhaps kept him -from harrying the holy soil of Dewisland itself.</p> - -<p>This year, the King, as he had done two years before, -deemed the affairs of Wales to call for his own presence, -and for a greater effort on his part than ever. He had -come back from taking possession of the mortgaged land -of Normandy; <span class="sni">Easter, 1097.</span> -he had held the Easter Assembly at -Windsor somewhat after the regular time.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_273" id="fnanchor_273"></a><a href="#footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></span> -At that -Assembly Welsh affairs must have formed a subject of -discussion, as the King presently set out for Wales with -a great host. This was the time when the knights sent -by the Archbishop were deemed so unfit for their duty.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_274" id="fnanchor_274"></a><a href="#footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a></span> -<span class="sni">William’s second Welsh campaign.</span> -The King’s coming appears to have led to a seeming, -perhaps a pretended, submission. Led by native guides, -he passed through the whole country,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_275" id="fnanchor_275"></a><a href="#footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Seeming conquest.</span> -and he clearly -believed that he had brought Wales to a state of peace. -So he deemed when he came back to hold the Whitsun -Assembly, the assembly in which Anselm for the first -<a name="Page_111" id="Page_111"></a><span class="pageno">111</span> -time that year craved leave to go to the Pope.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_276" id="fnanchor_276"></a><a href="#footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a></span> -But -he was called back by a fresh revolt. <span class="sni">Fresh revolt.</span> -The Welsh, in -the emphatic phrase of our Chronicler, “bowed <em>from</em> the -King.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_277" id="fnanchor_277"></a><a href="#footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></span> -They had once bowed <em>to</em> him; now they bowed -<em>from</em> him; they cast away his authority; perhaps they -formally <em>defied</em> him in the strict feudal sense; certainly -they defied him in the more general sense which that -word has now come to bear. And now, for the first -time in these wars, the English Chronicler gives us the -name of a Welsh leader, a name which from British -sources has long been familiar to us. <span class="sni">Cadwgan.</span> -“They chose them -many elders of themselves; one of them was Cadwgan -hight, that of them the worthiest was; he was brother’s -son of Gruffydd the King.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_278" id="fnanchor_278"></a><a href="#footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a></span> -The name of the great -prince who had ruled all Wales, who had won the battle -by the Severn,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_279" id="fnanchor_279"></a><a href="#footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></span> -who had put Earl Ralph to flight<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_280" id="fnanchor_280"></a><a href="#footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></span> -and -burned Hereford town and minster,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_281" id="fnanchor_281"></a><a href="#footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a></span> -the prince whom -it needed all the strength and all the arts of Harold -to overthrow, was still famous even among Englishmen. -The nephew of Gruffydd had this time too to dread no -such tactics as had worn down his uncle on his own -soil. <span class="sni">William’s third campaign. June-August, 1097.</span> -King William set forth with a host of horse as -well as of foot, vowing to put to death every male of -the rebel nation.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_282" id="fnanchor_282"></a><a href="#footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a></span> -Again the pomp and pride of Norman -<a name="Page_112" id="Page_112"></a><span class="pageno">112</span> -chivalry was shivered against the natural defences of -the land which was so rashly attacked. The Britons -seem, by their own account, to have made the war a -religious one; perhaps, like the Irish king, they deemed -that higher powers would fight for them against the -blasphemer. <span class="sni">The King’s ill-success.</span> -Strengthened by prayers, fastings, and other -pious exercises, the Welsh took to their woods and rocks -and mountains, while the Red King’s host marched -and rode bootlessly through the valleys and plains.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_283" id="fnanchor_283"></a><a href="#footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a></span> -“Mickle he lost in men and in horses, and eke in many -other things.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_284" id="fnanchor_284"></a><a href="#footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a></span> -This state of things went on from midsummer -to August.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_285" id="fnanchor_285"></a><a href="#footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></span> -Then the King came back to hold -two assemblies at unusual times, in the second of which -he and Anselm met for the last time.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_286" id="fnanchor_286"></a><a href="#footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a></span> -And now it was -that he took that wise resolution which I have quoted -above.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_287" id="fnanchor_287"></a><a href="#footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He determines to build castles. October, 1097.</span> -As invasions by mounted knights led to nothing -but losing both the knights and their horses, he would -build castles on the borders. This Harold, who knew so -much better than William Rufus how to carry on a Welsh -campaign, had not done. But then the objects of Harold -and the objects of William Rufus were not the same.</p> - -<p>We should have been well pleased to know what was -the immediate result of the resolve for the building of -<a name="Page_113" id="Page_113"></a><span class="pageno">113</span> -the border-castles. What were the fortresses which were -built, as surely some must have been built, in obedience -to it? This is the last entry which connects Rufus -personally with Welsh affairs. But we can hardly help -connecting this resolve with the building, a little time -later, of several fortresses in the lands threatened by the -Welsh, specially of one, the greatest of them all. <span class="sni">Action of Robert of Bellême. 1098–1102.</span> -In -the next year one part of the British land becomes the -scene of a series of events of far-reaching interest and -importance, but also of a local interest quite as great in -its own way. We shall then see that, if the Red King -did not do much in the way of building border-castles -himself, much was done by others, of course with his -approval, most likely by his order. Our next year’s -tale brings Robert of Bellême to the Welsh border, -and, where he was lord, castle-building went on with -all vigour.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Affairs of Scotland.</span> -But before we enter on a branch of our story which -touches all parts of the British islands, and many lands -beyond the British islands, it may be well to take up -the thread of our Scottish narrative at a point where the -affairs of Scotland and those of Wales seem again to be -brought into some measure of connexion. The year -which saw that wise resolution of the Red King with -regard to the Welsh castles, a resolution which really -meant the final union of Wales with the English realm, -saw also the end of those revolutions whose final result -was, not the union of Scotland with the English realm—​that -was not to come about till long after, and by other -means—​but the extension of English influence within -the kingdom of Scotland till it might be looked on as in -truth a second English realm.</p> - -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114"></a><span class="pageno">114</span> -§ 4. <span class="title">The Establishment of Eadgar in Scotland.</span><br /> -1097–1098.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Decree for action in Scotland. August, 1097.</span> -It must have been at one of the later assemblies of -the year which we have now reached, most likely at the -August gathering,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_288" id="fnanchor_288"></a><a href="#footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a></span> -that the resolution was taken for -vigorous action in Scotland. The King himself had -had enough of Welsh warfare; he must have been -already looking forward to those French and Cenomannian -campaigns which form the main feature of the -next year; he was in the middle of his final dispute -with Anselm. But William Rufus seems always to have -been well pleased to set others in motion, even on enterprises -in which he did not share himself. <span class="sni">Designs of the Ætheling Eadgar.</span> -So he gladly -hearkened to the proposals of the Ætheling Eadgar for -an expedition into Scotland. Its object was to overthrow -the usurper Donald, as the chosen of Dunfermline was -deemed at Winchester, to restore the line of Malcolm -and Margaret, and to bring the Scottish kingdom once -more into its due obedience to the over-lord in England.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Relations between Eadgar and the King.</span> -Our last certain notice of Eadgar sets him before us as -enjoying the fullest confidence on the part of the reigning -King, as sent by him on the important errand of negotiating -with Malcolm and bringing him to William’s -court at Gloucester.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_289" id="fnanchor_289"></a><a href="#footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Story of Godwine and Ordgar.</span> -One hardly knows what to make -of the tale which describes him as awakening a certain -amount of suspicion in the King’s mind later in the -same year;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_290" id="fnanchor_290"></a><a href="#footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a></span> -but that, either before or after this time, he -was in some such danger appears from another tale in -the details of which there may or may not be a legendary -element, but which undoubtedly brings before us real -persons and a real state of things. To this tale I have -<a name="Page_115" id="Page_115"></a><span class="pageno">115</span> -already referred elsewhere, as having that kind of interest -which belongs to every story in which we see any one -of those who are recorded in the Great Survey as mere -names stand forth as a living man, playing his part in -the world of living men. However obscure the man, -however small his deeds, there is always an interest in -finding any part of the dry bones of Domesday clothed -with flesh and blood. And the interest becomes higher -when the man thus called forth out of darkness is a man -of native English birth, and the father of one whom England -may well be glad to reckon among her worthies.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_291" id="fnanchor_291"></a><a href="#footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Eadgar accused by Ordgar.</span> -The story runs then that a knight of English birth, -Ordgar by name, seeking favour with the King, brought a -charge against the English Ætheling. He told William -that Eadgar, trusting to his own descent from ancient -kings, was seeking to deprive the reigning king of his -crown. William hearkened to the accuser, and some -grievous doom—​would it have been the doom of William -of Eu?--was in store for Eadgar, if his guilt—​his ambition -or patriotism—​could be proved. <span class="sni">The ordeal and the battle.</span> -But how was the -charge to be proved or disproved? By Old-English law the -appeal to the judgement of God in doubtful cases was by -the ordeal; and, as between Englishman and Englishman, -this rule had not been changed by the laws of the Conqueror.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_292" id="fnanchor_292"></a><a href="#footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a></span> -But we can well believe that Englishmen who -were admitted to a place in the Red King’s court had -largely put on the ideas and feelings of Normans. They -would doubtless look down on the ancient practice of -their fathers, and they would be more inclined to follow -the fashion of their Norman companions in better liking -the more chivalrous test of the wager of battle. It seems -in the present story to be taken for granted that the -trial will be by wager of battle. But who will do battle -<a name="Page_116" id="Page_116"></a><span class="pageno">116</span> -for Eadgar, when the royal favour is so clearly shown -on behalf of Eadgar’s accuser? The Ætheling was sad at -heart, forsaken, as it seemed, of all men. <span class="sni">Godwine volunteers to fight for Eadgar.</span> -But at last -one stepped forward who was ready to dare the risk on -behalf of a man to whom he was bound by a double -tie. As an Englishman he was stirred to come to -the help of the descendant of the ancient kings, and he -was further bound to Eadgar by the special tie which -binds a man to his lord. He was a knight of noble -English descent, known as Godwine of Winchester. -<span class="sni">Notices of him in Domesday.</span> -We know him in Domesday as a tenant of the -Ætheling for lands in Hertfordshire, and the Survey -further suggests that he may have had a private grudge -against the opposite champion. There were lands in -Oxfordshire which were held by an Ordgar, and which -had been held by a Godwine. <span class="sni">Duel of Godwine and Ordgar.</span> -The matter is to be -decided by the hand-to-hand fight of the two English -knights. For they so far cleave to the customs of their -fathers that they fight on foot and deal handstrokes -with their swords. Ordgar comes forth in splendid -armour, surrounded by a crowd of courtiers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_293" id="fnanchor_293"></a><a href="#footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a></span> -Godwine -has nothing to trust to but his sword and his good -cause. But there was at least no attempt made to -hinder a fair fight—​so to do would have been altogether -foreign to the spirit of the chivalrous king. The herald -and the umpire do their duty;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_294" id="fnanchor_294"></a><a href="#footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></span> -the knights take their -oath to forbear the use of all weapons but those which -were needed in the knightly duel. A long and hard fight -follows, the ups and downs of which are described with -<a name="Page_117" id="Page_117"></a><span class="pageno">117</span> -Homeric minuteness. <span class="sni">Victory of Godwine, and acquittal of Eadgar.</span> -Ordgar at last, sorely wounded, is -pressed to the ground, with the foot of the victorious Godwine -upon him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_295" id="fnanchor_295"></a><a href="#footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a></span> -As a last resource, he strives, but in -vain, to stab Godwine with a knife which, in breach of his -oath, he had treacherously hidden in his boot.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_296" id="fnanchor_296"></a><a href="#footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a></span> -Godwine -snatches the knife from him; Ordgar confesses the falsehood -of his charge, and presently dies of his wounds.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_297" id="fnanchor_297"></a><a href="#footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a></span> -Godwine now becomes an object of universal honour, -and receives from the King the lands of the slain Ordgar, -while Eadgar rises higher than ever in the King’s -favour.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Estimate of the story.</span> -I see no reason to doubt the main outline of this -story, which rests on the evidence of undesigned coincidences. -Men of no special renown, about whom -there was no temptation to invent fables, are made to -act in a way which exactly agrees with what we know -from the surest of witnesses to have been their real -position. Without pledging ourselves to the details of -the combat, which have a slightly legendary sound, we -may surely believe that we have here the record of a -real wager of battle, like those which happened at no -great distance of time in the cases of William of Eu and -Arnulf of Hesdin. <span class="sni">Its general truth. Englishmen under Rufus.</span> -We may surely believe that Eadgar -was wrongfully accused, and that Godwine cleared his -lord in the duel. We see then that in the Red King’s -day there was nothing to hinder men of Old-English -<a name="Page_118" id="Page_118"></a><span class="pageno">118</span> -birth, exceptionally lucky men doubtless, from holding -an honourable rank and a high place in royal favour. -But we learn also, as we might expect to find, that such -Englishmen found that it suited their purposes to adopt -Norman fashions. <span class="sni">Robert son of Godwine.</span> -Of Godwine we hear no more; but -his son, as I have noticed elsewhere, bears, according to a -very common rule, the Norman name of Robert.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_298" id="fnanchor_298"></a><a href="#footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a></span> -Had -we chanced to hear of him without hearing the name -of his father, we might not have known that the hero -and martyr was a man of our own blood.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">The Eadgars march to Scotland. September, 1097.</span> -We now follow the Ætheling to a warfare in which -Robert the son of Godwine is his companion. Eadgar set -out about Michaelmas to place his nephew and namesake -on the Scottish throne. He had a bright comet -and a shower of falling stars to light him on his -way.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_299" id="fnanchor_299"></a><a href="#footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a></span> -But Donald was hardly of importance enough for -the heavenly powers to foretell his fall; <span class="sni">The comet.</span> -the shining -and departure of the comet was rather understood to -mark the approaching day when Anselm, the light of -England, turned away from our land and left darkness -behind him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_300" id="fnanchor_300"></a><a href="#footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a></span> -The force of the Ætheling seems -to have been of much the same kind as the force which -<a name="Page_119" id="Page_119"></a><span class="pageno">119</span> -Duncan had led on the same errand three years before. -He went with the King’s approval and support, but -certainly without the King’s personal help, perhaps -without any part of the royal army.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_301" id="fnanchor_301"></a><a href="#footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a></span> -That army, as -we have lately seen, was just then coming together for -another errand.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_302" id="fnanchor_302"></a><a href="#footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Vision of the younger Eadgar.</span> -The host then marched northward. On the way, we -are told, the younger Eadgar was honoured by a vision -of Saint Cuthberht, who bade him take his banner from -the abbey at Durham—​the abbey now without a bishop—​and -he should have victory in the battle.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_303" id="fnanchor_303"></a><a href="#footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a></span> -The banner -was borne before the army; the fight in which it was -unfurled was long and hard; but the valour of the men -who fought under its folds was not to be withstood. -<span class="sni">Exploits of Robert son of Godwine.</span> -Without binding ourselves to details which may well -be legendary, we may believe that Robert son of Godwine -was foremost in the fight, and that the victory in which -<span class="sni">Defeat and blinding of Donald.</span> -Donald was the second time overthrown was largely -owing to his personal prowess.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_304" id="fnanchor_304"></a><a href="#footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a></span> -Little mercy was shown -to the vanquished; Donald spent the rest of his days -blinded and a prisoner;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_305" id="fnanchor_305"></a><a href="#footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Fate of Eadmund; he becomes a monk at Montacute.</span> -his confederate Eadmund lived -<a name="Page_120" id="Page_120"></a><span class="pageno">120</span> -to become somewhat of a saint. -He put on the garb -of Clugny in the priory of Montacute, at the foot of that -hill of Saint Michael where the castle of Robert of -Mortain now covered the spot which had beheld the -finding of England’s Holy Cross.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_306" id="fnanchor_306"></a><a href="#footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a></span> -But as that house -did not arise till some years later, at the bidding of -Count William the son of Robert,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_307" id="fnanchor_307"></a><a href="#footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a></span> -we may gather that -Eadmund spent the intermediate time in some harsher -captivity. When he died, he was buried, at his own -request, in chains, as a sign of penitence for his share in -his half-brother’s death.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_308" id="fnanchor_308"></a><a href="#footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Eadgar King of Scots.</span> -The younger Eadgar now reigned over Scotland as -the sworn liegeman of King William of England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_309" id="fnanchor_309"></a><a href="#footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a></span> -The -elder Eadgar went back to England, to end there a year -of heavy time, a year of evil weather, <span class="sni">Character of the year 1098.</span> -a year in which -men could neither till the earth nor gather in its tilth, -and when the folk was utterly bowed down by unrighteous -gelds.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_310" id="fnanchor_310"></a><a href="#footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a></span> -His valiant comrade abode for a while in the -dominions of the Scottish King. Eadgar was grateful -to all who had helped him in heaven or in earth. The -battle had been won by Saint Cuthberht and Robert son -<a name="Page_121" id="Page_121"></a><span class="pageno">121</span> -of Godwine. Saint Cuthberht, in the person of the -monks of his abbey, received the lands of Coldingham, -the seat in ancient times of a house of nuns famous in -the days of Danish warfare.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_311" id="fnanchor_311"></a><a href="#footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Eadgar’s gifts to Durham and to Robert son of Godwine.</span> -A little later—​for it was -when Durham had again a bishop—​he received, in -the person of his own successor, the greater gift of the -town of Berwick.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_312" id="fnanchor_312"></a><a href="#footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a></span> -Robert, by the leave of his own -sovereign, received a fief in the same land of Lothian, -and began the building of a castle. <span class="sni">Action of Eadgar, Robert, and Randolf Flambard; after 1099.</span> -But, while King -Eadgar went to do service to his over-lord in England, -the bishop—​it was already Randolf Flambard—​and the -barons of the bishopric, whom Robert’s fortress seems in -some way to have offended, attacked it and made its -lord a prisoner.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_313" id="fnanchor_313"></a><a href="#footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a></span> -King Eadgar came back with letters -from his over-lord, ordering the release of their common -subject. The Bishop and his barons obeyed; but the -King of Scots withdrew his gift of Berwick from the -bishopric, as a punishment for the wrong done to the -man to whom he owed his crown.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_314" id="fnanchor_314"></a><a href="#footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Eadgar and Robert go to the Crusade.</span> -Robert the son of Godwine was presently called to -a nobler work. His lord the Ætheling went to the Holy -War. Eadgar was not one of those who marched first of -all with the two Roberts of Normandy and Flanders. -He was one of that second party who set forth about -the time of the siege of Antioch, <span class="sni">1099.</span> -and joined the Norman -<a name="Page_122" id="Page_122"></a><span class="pageno">122</span> -Duke in his ignoble retreat at Laodikeia.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_315" id="fnanchor_315"></a><a href="#footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a></span> -Robert the -son of Godwine, if he stayed in Britain long enough to -have any dealings with Flambard in his character of -Bishop of Durham, must have set out later still. He -could have had no share in the leaguer of Nikaia or -of Antioch; most likely he had no share in the rescue -of the Holy City. <span class="sni">Robert in Palestine.</span> -He could hardly have reached -Syria till Jerusalem was again a Christian kingdom -under its second king. Godfrey, the mirror of Christian -knighthood, was gone. His successor was his less worthy -brother Baldwin, he who had told the dream of his -calling to Dame Isabel in the hall of Conches.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_316" id="fnanchor_316"></a><a href="#footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a></span> -But -there was still work to be done; the land which -had been won had to be defended. King Baldwin was -besieged in Rama by the misbelievers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_317" id="fnanchor_317"></a><a href="#footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a></span> -<span class="sni">1103.</span> -The King, attended -by five knights only, made a sally to cut his way -through the besiegers. <span class="sni">His exploits and death.</span> -The valiant Englishman rode in -front of him, cutting down the infidels on each side with -his sword. As Robert pressed too fiercely on, his sword -fell from his hand; he stooped to grasp it again; he was -overpowered by numbers, and was carried off a prisoner.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_318" id="fnanchor_318"></a><a href="#footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a></span> -He was led to the Egyptian Babylon; he was offered -his choice of death or apostasy; he clave to his faith; -placed as a mark in the market-place, like the East-Anglian -Eadmund, he died beneath the arrows of his -merciless captors.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_319" id="fnanchor_319"></a><a href="#footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a></span> -Such men could England, even in -<a name="Page_123" id="Page_123"></a><span class="pageno">123</span> -her darkest day, send forth for the relief and defence -of Christendom in the Eastern world. <span class="sni">Modern parallels and contrasts.</span> -Such men she -could send forth even in the days of our fathers, to draw -the sword for right in the haven of Pylos or beneath -the akropolis of Athens. Now the men who go forth -from England to the same quarter of the world seem to -share more of the spirit of another Robert who, a century -later, went forth from the same shire as the son of -Godwine on another errand. In our own story we come -across no renegade or traitor save the single name of -Hugh of Jaugy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_320" id="fnanchor_320"></a><a href="#footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a></span> -But in the course of the twelfth century -we see the forerunners of a class of men whose names -stain the annals of our own time. <span class="sni">Robert of Saint Alban’s.</span> -The glory of Robert -son of Godwine is balanced by the shame of Robert of -Saint Alban’s, English by birth and blood, the apostate -Templar who joined the host of Saladin and mocked -the last agonies of the defenders of the Holy City.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_321" id="fnanchor_321"></a><a href="#footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a></span> -Of -the earlier Robert our century has seen the true successors -in the honoured names of Gordon and Church and -Hastings. Of the later Robert it has seen the successor -in the Englishman who sells his soul and his sword to -keep down the yoke of the barbarian on the necks of his -Christian brethren. It has seen him in the Greek who -sells his soul and his glib tongue to argue in the councils -of Europe against the deliverance of his own people.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Reign of Eadgar in Scotland. 1097–1107.</span> -With the accession of Eadgar to the Scottish crown -the direct connexion between English and Scottish affairs -comes to an end, as far as concerns the period with which -we have immediately to do. Eadgar reigned in peace, as -far as his own kingdom was concerned, for ten years, -<a name="Page_124" id="Page_124"></a><span class="pageno">124</span> -earning the doubtful praise of being in all things like to -his remote uncle the Confessor.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_322" id="fnanchor_322"></a><a href="#footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a></span> -At his death the Scottish -dominions were divided between his two more energetic -brothers. <span class="sni">Alexander. 1107–1124.</span> -Alexander took the kingdom; David, by a revival -of an ancient custom,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_323" id="fnanchor_323"></a><a href="#footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a></span> -held as an appanage that part -of Strathclyde or Cumberland which still belonged to the -Scottish crown. <span class="sni">Friendship of the Scottish kings for England.</span> -Both princes maintained strict friendship -with England, and both sought wives in England. -Alexander married a natural daughter of King Henry, -Sibyl by name;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_324" id="fnanchor_324"></a><a href="#footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a></span> -the wife of David was, more significantly, -the widowed daughter of Waltheof.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_325" id="fnanchor_325"></a><a href="#footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a></span> -Alexander -had to strive against revolts in the North,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_326" id="fnanchor_326"></a><a href="#footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a></span> -and his reign -marks a great period in the ecclesiastical history of -Scotland. <span class="sni">Turgot and Eadmer.</span> -It is the time in which we meet with the -familiar names of Turgot and Eadmer, the one as bishop, -the other as bishop-elect, of the first see in Scotland.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_327" id="fnanchor_327"></a><a href="#footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a></span> -The influence of the reign of Eadgar told wholly in -favour of the process by which Scotland was becoming an -English kingdom. The reign of Alexander told perhaps -less directly in favour of things specially English,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_328" id="fnanchor_328"></a><a href="#footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a></span> -but it -<a name="Page_125" id="Page_125"></a><span class="pageno">125</span> -worked strongly towards the more general object of -bringing Scotland into the common circle of western -Christendom. <span class="sni">Effects of the reign of David. 1124–1153.</span> -The succession of David reunited the -Scottish dominions, and his vigorous rule of twenty-nine -years brought to perfection all that his parents had begun. -That famous prince was bound to England by every tie of -descent, habit, and affinity. <span class="sni">His English position;</span> -Brother of her Queen, uncle of -her Imperial Lady,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_329" id="fnanchor_329"></a><a href="#footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a></span> -David was an English earl in a stricter -sense than any king of Scots who had gone before him. -<span class="sni">his earldoms.</span> -He was not only Earl of Lothian, which was becoming fast -incorporated with Scotland—​or more truly was fast incorporating -Scotland with itself—​nor yet only of Northumberland -and Cumberland, with which the same process -might easily have been carried out.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_330" id="fnanchor_330"></a><a href="#footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a></span> -He was Earl also of -distant and isolated Huntingdon, an earldom which could -not be held except on the same terms as its fellows of -Leicester or Warwick. <span class="sni">English influence in Scotland.</span> -Under David, the great reformer, -the great civilizer, but at the same time the king who -made the earlier life of Scotland a thing of the past, all -that was English, all that was Norman, was welcomed in -the land which was now truly a northern England. <span class="sni">His invasion of England.</span> -If -David, like his father, appeared as an invader of England, -if, in so doing, he made England feel that he had subjects -who were still far from being either English or Norman,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_331" id="fnanchor_331"></a><a href="#footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a></span> -he did so only as a benevolent mediator in the affairs of -England, as the champion of the claims of one of his nieces -against the claims of the other. <span class="sni">The Scottish kings of the second series.</span> -With the three sons of -Malcolm and Margaret begins the line of those whom we -may call the second series of Scottish kings, those who -still came in the direct line of old Scottish royalty, but -under whom Scotland was a disciple of England, and on -the whole friendly to England. They stand distinguished -alike from the purely Celtic kings who went before them, -<a name="Page_126" id="Page_126"></a><span class="pageno">126</span> -and from the kings, Norman or English as we may -choose to call them by natural descent, who were politically -more hostile to England than the old Malcolms and -Kenneths. Eadgar and Alexander died childless; the -later kings were all of the stock of David. <span class="sni">The English or Norman candidates for the Scottish crown.</span> -Of that -stock—​and thereby of the stock of Waltheof and Siward -and their forefathers of whatever species—​came -that motley group who in after days wrangled for David’s -crown. Bruce, Balliol, Hastings, Comyn, all came by female -descent of the line of David and Matilda. In every -other aspect all of them were simply English nobles of -the time. It is an odd destiny by which, according as -they supported or withstood the rights of their own -prince over the kingdom which they claimed, some of -them have won the name of Scottish traitors and others -the name of Scottish patriots.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 5. <span class="title">The Expedition of Magnus.</span> 1098.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Events of the year 1098.</span> -The events of the year which followed the last revolution -in Scotland amount to a general stirring of all the -lands which could in ordinary times have any influence -on the affairs of England. <span class="sni">Their wide geographical range.</span> -We shall see in the next -chapter that it was the busiest of times in the Gaulish -mainland, where the designs of Rufus, now undisputed -master of Normandy, spread far beyond anything -that had been dreamed of by any earlier holder of the -Norman duchy. For warfare or for alliance, the range -of our story during this most stirring year stretches from -the fiords of Norway to the gorges of the Pyrenees. In -the present section we have to look to the northern side -of this tangled drama, and to take the specially British -aspect of it as our centre. A mighty undertaking, which -moved the whole of north-western Europe, which touched -England, Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and the smaller islands -which lie between and around them, comes home to us -<a name="Page_127" id="Page_127"></a><span class="pageno">127</span> -mainly as it touches that one among those islands which -might almost pass for a part of the mainland of southern -Britain. <span class="sni">Magnus of Norway.</span> -The great warfare of Magnus of Norway mainly -concerns our story so far as it almost casually became a -part of warfare in Wales, and specially of warfare in -Anglesey. <span class="sni">Anglesey the centre of the story.</span> -And, as regards England itself, the most -important aspect of a movement which stirred every -northern land was that it indirectly lifted one man who -was already great beyond endurance in Normandy and -its border lands into a place of greatness even less endurable -in England and its border lands. <span class="sni">The Earls of Shrewsbury.</span> -We have to -tell a tale spreading over many lands and seas, a tale full -of personal pictures and personal exploits. To Englishmen -of the last years of the eleventh century and the -first years of the twelfth, its most practical aspect was -that it took away Earl Hugh of Shrewsbury and set -his brother Robert in his place.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The winter of 1097.</span> -We must now look back to the moment, late in the -last year, when the Welsh seemed to have completely -won back their freedom, except in Glamorgan and at -the single point covered by the unconquered fortress of -Pembroke.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_332" id="fnanchor_332"></a><a href="#footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a></span> -It is startling to find in our next notice -that the Britons, without any mention of any fresh loss, -are beginning to stand on the defensive, and to seek -out as it were a last shelter. <span class="sni">The war of Anglesey. 1098.</span> -The war is now shifted -to a quarter of which we have hitherto heard less -than of some other parts of Wales, and it becomes -connected with movements in other parts of the world -which carry us back a generation. The island off the -north-west corner of Wales, that Mona or Mevania to -which half-forgotten English conquests had given the -name of Anglesey,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_333" id="fnanchor_333"></a><a href="#footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a></span> -became now, as in the days of -<a name="Page_128" id="Page_128"></a><span class="pageno">128</span> -Roman invasion, the chief—​at the time it may have -seemed the last—​stronghold of British resistance. The -island, parted from the British mainland by the narrow -strait—​the Hellespont—​of Menai, lying within sight of -the fortress of Robert of Rhuddlan at Dwyganwy, seems -for the last four years to have been left untouched by -any Norman invader. <span class="sni">Schemes of Cadwgan and Gruffydd.</span> -But now we read that the princes -of Gwynedd, Cadwgan son of Bleddyn, their worthiest -elder, and Gruffydd the slayer of Robert, with the -general assent of the Britons of the north, agree in -council, as one of their own chroniclers puts it, to save -Mona.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_334" id="fnanchor_334"></a><a href="#footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a></span> -This form of words seems to imply less trust in -their own resources than we might have looked for in -the elders of the Britons after their late successes. If -Mona needed to be saved, one would think that they -must already have found that there was little real -chance of saving Gwynedd or Dyfed. And the way by -which they sought to save Mona was hardly a wise one, -though it was one which might have been defended by -many precedents. <span class="sni">The Welsh take wikings from Ireland into pay.</span> -Just as Gruffydd had done ten -years before, they took into their pay a fleet of pirates -from Ireland, wikings doubtless from the Scandinavian -settlements, whom one Welsh writer, perhaps more from -habit than as meaning his words to be taken in their -full force, speaks of as heathens.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_335" id="fnanchor_335"></a><a href="#footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a></span> -With these allies, -and with the main body of their own forces, the British -leaders withdrew into Anglesey.</p> - -<p><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129"></a><span class="pageno">129</span> -<span class="sni">The two Earls Hugh, of Chester and Shrewsbury.</span> -The news of this alliance was thought serious enough -to call for vigorous action on the part of the two earls -of the border. Both now bore the same name. Hugh -of Avranches still ruled at Chester—​we last heard of -him as counselling the cruel punishment of William of -Eu; Hugh of Montgomery was drawing near to the -end of his short dominion over Shropshire. The -Scandinavian writers couple the two Hughs together, -and they distinguish the elder by the well-earned surname -of Hugh the Fat, and the younger by that of -Hugh the Proud.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_336" id="fnanchor_336"></a><a href="#footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a></span> -They gathered their forces, Norman -and English, and crossed over to Anglesey. The -first step towards the occupation of the island was -the usual Norman means, the building of a castle. In -this case they had not to build for the first time, but -to build up afresh what the Welsh had destroyed in -the moment of victory. It will be remembered that, -four years before, the Britons in their great revolt had -won back Anglesey and broken down the castle.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_337" id="fnanchor_337"></a><a href="#footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Rebuilding of the castle of Aberlleiniog.</span> -There -seems no reason to doubt that the site of the old work -was the site of the new, and that that site marks at once -the landing-place of the two earls and the scene of the -fall of one of them. It lies on the eastern side of the -island, quite free from the strait, and nearly due west -from the scene of the Marquess Robert’s death at -Dwyganwy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_338" id="fnanchor_338"></a><a href="#footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a></span> -It lies about half way between the priory -of Penmon—​the head of Mona—​parts of whose simple -and venerable church must be nearly contemporary -<a name="Page_130" id="Page_130"></a><span class="pageno">130</span> -with our times,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_339" id="fnanchor_339"></a><a href="#footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a></span> -and the great fortress of later days at -Beaumaris, the head of the island shire. A small -expanse of flat and marshy ground marks the spot where -the small stream of Lleiniog, mere brook as it is, makes -its independent way into the sea. <span class="sni">Traces of the castle.</span> -On its left bank -the careful enquirer will find, what he will certainly not -see at a glance, a castle-mound with its ditches, now, -after the usual senseless and provoking fashion, masked -with trees. But he who makes his way within will find, -not only the mound, but the square tower crowning -it, though he will hardly deem this last to be a work -of the two earls. In front of the castle, immediately -above the sea, a slight natural height seems to have been -improved by art into a smaller mound. The earthworks -at least the earls doubtless found ready to their hand, -whether they had been thrown up in the earlier invasion -of the island, or whether the invaders had then taken -advantage of mounds thrown up by men of earlier times. -Here we have beyond doubt the remains of the castle -of Aberlleiniog, the castle which Hugh the Fat and Hugh -the Proud designed to hold Anglesey in check.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_340" id="fnanchor_340"></a><a href="#footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a></span> -But it -was not only to the craft of the engineer that the two -Hughs trusted. <span class="sni">The earls bribe the wikings.</span> -The earls of the Red King’s day had -learned to practise the special arts of their master. The -wikings were bribed with the gold of England to betray -the cause of their British allies, and they gave the earls -<a name="Page_131" id="Page_131"></a><span class="pageno">131</span> -valuable help in making good their entrance into -Anglesey.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_341" id="fnanchor_341"></a><a href="#footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Cadwgan and Gruffydd flee to Ireland.</span> -It was in strange contrast with the vigour which for -several years had been shown by the Welsh leaders, -and with the success which had commonly waited on -their arms, but quite in harmony with their last action -of all, when Cadwgan and Gruffydd, seeing the turn -which things had taken, threw up the common cause -altogether and fled to Ireland to secure their own safety.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_342" id="fnanchor_342"></a><a href="#footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a></span> -Anglesey was now left to the mercy of the two earls. -The character for gentleness which Hugh of Shrewsbury -bears, and which he may have deserved in the government -of his own earldom, brought no lessening of -suffering to British enemies. Wherever the two Hughs -marched, men were slaughtered, or were, in modern eyes -at least, worse than slaughtered. <span class="sni">Cruel treatment of the Welsh captives.</span> -They were blinded, -deprived of hands and feet, or made to undergo the other -mutilations usual at the time.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_343" id="fnanchor_343"></a><a href="#footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a></span> -In some cases at least -the earls trampled on every privilege of holy places and -holy persons. <span class="sni">Desecration of the church of Saint Tyfrydog.</span> -It may be deemed a lesser matter that -one of them caused his hounds to pass a night in the -church of Saint Tyfrydog, and found them all mad in -the morning.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_344" id="fnanchor_344"></a><a href="#footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a></span> -The privileges of the Church could not -<a name="Page_132" id="Page_132"></a><span class="pageno">132</span> -shelter even her human and priestly servants. One -special victim was an aged priest, who is said to have -taken a leading part in the war by the advice which -he gave to the Welsh. <span class="sni">Mutilation of Cenred.</span> -His name Cenred bespeaks -English birth; the form of the name is Mercian; if he -had passed from the earldom of either Hugh to the side -of the Welsh, he would naturally be looked on as a -traitor, and his treason would explain the excessive -harshness with which he was treated. The old man was -dragged out of a church; besides more shameful suffering, -one eye was torn out, and his tongue was also cut out.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_345" id="fnanchor_345"></a><a href="#footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a></span> -This last form of mutilation seems to have been confined -to himself, and it may have been meant as specially -befitting one who had used that dangerous member to -give counsel to the enemy. <span class="sni">Restoration of his speech.</span> -And now, according to our -story, happened one of those signs and wonders which were -at the time naturally deemed miraculous, but for which -modern times have supplied, if not an explanation, at -least a parallel. Cenred fared like the victims of Gelimer -of old, like the victims of Djezzar in modern times; three -days after the loss of his tongue, his speech came back -to him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_346" id="fnanchor_346"></a><a href="#footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a></span> -Four days later again, so men deemed at Worcester, -came vengeance on one at least of the two earls -for the cruel deed which they had wrought on him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_347" id="fnanchor_347"></a><a href="#footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Expedition of Magnus Barefoot.</span> -If wikings from Ireland had betrayed the cause of the -<a name="Page_133" id="Page_133"></a><span class="pageno">133</span> -Britons, a far mightier wiking was now afloat, if not to -give help to the Britons, at least to act as a minister of -wrath upon their enemies. The tale of Stamfordbridge -seems to come over again on the western, instead of the -eastern, side of the British islands. For a grandson of -Harold Hardrada shows himself at the head of a power -almost equalling that of his grandfather; he brings -a grandson of Godwine in his train, he overcomes -two Mercian earls, and finds his own doom, not indeed -in Yorkshire, but in Ireland. But the enterprise which -recalls so many points in the enterprise of two-and-thirty -years earlier was not in any strict sense an invasion -of England. <span class="sni">Character of his reign. 1093–1103.</span> -Magnus, the son of that peaceful Olaf -of whom we have heard in the Conqueror’s day,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_348" id="fnanchor_348"></a><a href="#footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a></span> -now -reigned in Norway in the spirit of his grandfather rather -than in that of his father. <span class="sni">His surnames.</span> -He bore various surnames, as -the Tall and the Lover-of-Strife; but his name has gone -down in history with the special epithet of Magnus Barefoot—​more -strictly it would seem Bare-leg—​a name -which is said to have been given to him as one of the -results of the enterprise of which we have now to speak. -<span class="sni">1093–1098.</span> -After showing himself for five years as a mighty warrior -in his own peninsula, Magnus set forth to bring more -western lands under his obedience. <span class="sni">He professes friendship for England.</span> -Against England -he professed to have no designs, and the little that we -casually hear of him in connexion with England seems -to imply friendly relations. His son Sigurd, afterwards -famous as the Crusader, was the child of an English captive. -Her name of Thora witnesses to her Scandinavian -descent;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_349" id="fnanchor_349"></a><a href="#footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a></span> -but her captivity could not have been the work -<a name="Page_134" id="Page_134"></a><span class="pageno">134</span> -of the arms of Magnus. <span class="sni">His treasure at Lincoln.</span> -Either now or at some later time, -he entrusted a great treasure, twenty thousand pounds -of silver, to the keeping of a rich citizen of Lincoln,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_350" id="fnanchor_350"></a><a href="#footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a></span> -a -sign of the high place which was still held by the city -of the Danish Lawmen, and of the connexion which its -citizens still kept up with the kingdoms of the North.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_351" id="fnanchor_351"></a><a href="#footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Harold son of Harold in his fleet.</span> -But, peaceful as might be the professions of Magnus -toward England, there was one in his fleet whose presence -could not fail to call up thoughts of deeds which had been -done, or which might again be done, on English ground. -<a name="line134_11" id="line134_11"></a>We learn from one of the most casual of notices that Magnus -had with him a man who, if the course of things had -gone otherwise a generation earlier, might then himself -have been the wearer of the English crown, who would at -least have stood nearer to it than either the Ætheling of -the blood of Cerdic or the Ætheling of the blood of Rolf. -It could hardly have been without an object that the -grandson of Harold the son of Sigurd brought with him -the son of Harold the son of Godwine. Strange indeed was -the fate of the twin sons of the doubly widowed Ealdgyth.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_352" id="fnanchor_352"></a><a href="#footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a></span> -Each flashes across our sight for a moment, and only for a -moment. <a name="line134_7" id="line134_7"></a>Ulf we have seen the prisoner of the Conqueror; -we have seen him sent forth by the Conqueror’s son to go -in freedom and honour, but to go we know not whither.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_353" id="fnanchor_353"></a><a href="#footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a></span> -And now, for once in the course of a life which must have -been a chequered one, we hear the name of his brother. -Some ship in the fleet of Magnus bore, as its guest or as -its captain, Harold the son of Harold King of the English.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_354" id="fnanchor_354"></a><a href="#footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a></span> -<a name="Page_135" id="Page_135"></a><span class="pageno">135</span> -Whence he came, whither he went, before and after -that one voyage to the shores of Britain, we know not. -Grandson of Godwine, grandson of Ælfgar, begotten, but -not born, to the kingship of England, the child of the -widow did not see the light in the City of the Legions -till his father had found his cairn upon the rocks of -Hastings, perhaps his tomb before the altar at Waltham. -What friendly hand saved him, when his brother came -into the Conqueror’s power, we know not, any more than -we know the later fortunes of his mother. But now the -younger Harold came, the guest of one whose grandfather -had felt the might, as his father had felt the mild-heartedness, -of the elder Harold.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_355" id="fnanchor_355"></a><a href="#footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a></span> -His voyage brought -him not near to either the most glorious or the most -mournful memories of his father. The fleet of Magnus -kept aloof alike from the shores of Yorkshire and from -the shores of Sussex. But the younger Harold came to -look for a moment on the land where his mother had -dwelled as a queen, and which his father had filled with -the trophies of his conquest.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_356" id="fnanchor_356"></a><a href="#footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a></span> -He came to see the British -shores lined with English warriors, but to see them under -the rule of the Norman leaders who had divided between -them so great a part of the earldom of his mother’s house, -and the elder of whom reigned as all but a king in the -city of his own birth. Son and nephew of the three who -died on Senlac, he saw from the Norwegian ship the fall -of the son of the man who led the charge which first -broke down the English palisade upon that hill of doom.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_357" id="fnanchor_357"></a><a href="#footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a></span> -And then, his name once spoken, he passes away into -utter darkness. Of Ulf, the knight of the Norman duke, -<a name="Page_136" id="Page_136"></a><span class="pageno">136</span> -of Harold the comrade of the Norwegian king, we have -no tale to tell save that they were such.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Magnus’ designs on Ireland.</span> -One version of our tale speaks of Ireland as the main -object of the expedition of Magnus, as it certainly was -the object of his last expedition some years later. <span class="sni">His alleged Irish marriage.</span> -He -had, it is said, married the daughter of an Irish king, but -his father-in-law had failed to carry out the marriage-contract.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_358" id="fnanchor_358"></a><a href="#footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a></span> -There is nothing of this in the Norwegian -account, which speaks only of a later marriage between -Sigurd son of Magnus <span class="sni">Irish marriage of his son Sigurd.</span> -and a daughter of King Murtagh.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_359" id="fnanchor_359"></a><a href="#footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a></span> -But it seems clear from a comparison of the various -accounts that Magnus did, at some stage of the present -voyage, make an attack on Ireland; it seems reasonable -therefore to suppose that Irish enterprise formed part of -his scheme from the beginning.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_360" id="fnanchor_360"></a><a href="#footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His voyage among the islands.</span> -Our own narrative is -more concerned with his course along the shores of our -own island, in which however he seems to have barely -touched Britain itself, in either its Scottish or its English -regions. His exploits lay among the smaller islands of -the British seas, most of which had at that moment more -to do with Ireland than with either England or Scotland. -It is not easy to call up from among many conflicting -statements an exact picture of the state of things at the -time. <span class="sni">Dominion of Godred Cronan.</span> -In the interval between the expedition of Harold -Hardrada and the expedition of his grandson, Godred -the son of Harold, surnamed <a name="Crouan" id="Crouan"></a>Cronan, he whom we have -heard of at Stamford bridge,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_361" id="fnanchor_361"></a><a href="#footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a></span> -<span class="sni">1075–1091.</span> -had raised up a considerable -dominion of which Man was the centre. <span class="sni">1078.</span> -He ruled -over Dublin and the greater part of Leinster, and over -<a name="Page_137" id="Page_137"></a><span class="pageno">137</span> -the Sudereys or Hebrides; and, if the chronicle of his -own island may be believed, he drove the Scots to a -singular treaty, the object of which must have been to -hinder Scotland from becoming a naval power.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_362" id="fnanchor_362"></a><a href="#footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a></span> -We may -guess that some of the piratical adventurers of whom we -have heard once or twice in our Welsh notices, as for -instance in the story of Robert of Rhuddlan and again -in the tale which we have just told, were in truth subjects -of Godred. But the dominion of Godred was one -of those powers which seem as it were casually founded, -and which seldom long outlive the reign of their founder. -His Irish dominion did not last even so long as his own -life. <span class="sni">Godred driven out of Dublin. 1094.</span> -After seventeen years of possession, he was driven -out of Dublin by Murtagh, and in the next year he died, -leaving three sons, Lagman, Harold, and Olaf, of whom -Lagman succeeded to his island dominion. <span class="sni">His death.</span> -<span class="sni">1095.</span> -<span class="sni">His sons, Lagman and Harold.</span> -In the Manx -version of the tale, Lagman, disturbed by a rebellion of -his brother Harold, took a frightful revenge by inflicting -on him the usual cruel mutilations. Then, smitten -with remorse, he made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem and -died there.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_363" id="fnanchor_363"></a><a href="#footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a></span> -The chief men of the Sudereys, hearing of -his death, asked King Murtagh for a ruler during the -minority of Olaf. <span class="sni">Donald sent by Murtagh to the Sudereys.</span> -This would almost look as if Murtagh -had not only driven Godred out of Ireland, but had established -some kind of supremacy over Man itself. But the -ruler sent, Donald by name, proved a tyrant, and was -<a name="Page_138" id="Page_138"></a><span class="pageno">138</span> -driven out.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_364" id="fnanchor_364"></a><a href="#footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Ingemund sent by Magnus.</span> -Then we are told that Magnus himself sent -one Ingemund to take the crown of the Isles, that the -chief men came together in Lewis to make him king but -that his outrages on their wives and daughters made -them change their purpose. Instead of crowning him, -they burned him in his house, and slew all his followers -with fire and sword.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_365" id="fnanchor_365"></a><a href="#footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Civil war in Man.</span> -Directly after, we read of a civil -war in the isle of Man itself, in which the leaders of both -parties were killed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_366" id="fnanchor_366"></a><a href="#footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a></span> -The Norwegian story tells us -nothing of all this; it conceives Godred as still living at -the time of the expedition of Magnus, and Lagman as -acting under his father.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_367" id="fnanchor_367"></a><a href="#footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a></span> -The Manx version, though -confused in its chronology and mixed up with some -legendary details, gives the more intelligible story of the -two. We see a time of confusion in Man, Ireland, and -the Sudereys, which the Norwegian King tries to turn to -his own advantage. The slaughter of his candidate for -the island crown might have been looked on as ground -for war by princes more scrupulous in such matters than -Magnus Barefoot.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Signs and wonders.</span> -A King of the Northmen could hardly set out on a -great enterprise without signs and wonders; but the -<a name="Page_139" id="Page_139"></a><span class="pageno">139</span> -signs and wonders which marked the expedition of -Magnus are of a different kind from those which marked -the expedition of Harold Hardrada. Or rather, one of -the two elements which we see in the tale of Harold -had, in the thirty years which had passed, waxed strong -enough to drive out the other. In the days of Harold -the omens and visions still savour of the old times of -Scandinavian heathendom. Saint Olaf indeed appears in -his character of a Christian martyr, to remind us that we -are reading the deeds of baptized men; but the general -tone is that of the worshippers of Thor and Odin.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_368" id="fnanchor_368"></a><a href="#footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a></span> -But -the tale which is now told of Magnus is a mere piece of -every-day mediæval hagiology. It reminds us of some -of the tales which are told of William the Great and of -others.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_369" id="fnanchor_369"></a><a href="#footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Legend of Magnus and Saint Olaf.</span> -Magnus, great-nephew of Saint Olaf, is seized -with an irreverent longing to test the truth of the boast -that the body of his martyred kinsman had not seen -corruption. The body, first buried in a sandhill near -Nidaros or Trondhjem, was soon, like those of our own -Harold and Waltheof, translated to a worthier place in -the great church of Nidaros. Its incorruption had been -already proved, and in their new place the holy remains -wrought wonders of healing and deliverance.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_370" id="fnanchor_370"></a><a href="#footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a></span> -But now, -heedless of the remonstrances of the bishop and his -clergy, Magnus bade that the shrine should be opened, -that he might see whether it was even as the tale went. -He saw and believed; and he not only believed but -trembled. He rushed out of the church, smitten with -sudden fear. In the night the martyr appeared to him -and gave him his choice of two forms of punishment. He -must either lose his kingdom and his life within thirty -<a name="Page_140" id="Page_140"></a><span class="pageno">140</span> -days, or else he must set forth from Norway and never -see the land again. <span class="sni">His fleet.</span> -Magnus gathered together his wise -men; he told them the vision, and by their advice, he -chose the second alternative, by far the less terrible to a -king of the seas.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_371" id="fnanchor_371"></a><a href="#footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a></span> -He set forth, but it was on an errand -of conquest, at the head of a fleet of a hundred and sixty -ships, a number far less than that of the mighty armada -which had come together at the bidding of his grandfather.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_372" id="fnanchor_372"></a><a href="#footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a></span></p> - -<p>The teller of this tale has either misplaced the date -of the real or supposed vision, or else he has mixed up -the present voyage of Magnus with a later one. Magnus -certainly saw Norway again after that one of his expeditions -which alone directly touches English history. -<span class="sni">Magnus at Orkney.</span> -He first sailed to the Orkneys, where the brother earls, -the sons of Thorfinn and Ingebiorg, the half-brothers -of Duncan of Scotland, still reigned.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_373" id="fnanchor_373"></a><a href="#footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a></span> -Their reign now -ended. <span class="sni">He seizes the earls.</span> -On what ground we are not told, Paul and -Erling, the allies of his grandfather, were dealt with by -Magnus as enemies. They were made prisoners, and -were sent to Norway, where they afterwards died.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_374" id="fnanchor_374"></a><a href="#footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He gives the earldom to Sigurd.</span> -His own young son Sigurd was established in the -rule of the earldom, with a council to advise him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_375" id="fnanchor_375"></a><a href="#footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a></span> -Magnus then sailed among the Sudereys, plundering, -burning, and slaying. <span class="sni">Magnus among the Sudereys;</span> His minstrels and sagamen boast -of his doings in this way in the islands of Lewis, Uist, -<a name="Page_141" id="Page_141"></a><span class="pageno">141</span> -Skye, Mull, and Islay. But he spared—​the new faith -of the Northmen prevailed thus far—​the holy island -of Saint Columba, all whose inhabitants were freely -received to his peace.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_376" id="fnanchor_376"></a><a href="#footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a></span> -<span class="sni">in Cantire;</span> -The only part of the isle of -Britain itself which he seems to have touched was the -long peninsula of Cantire, which might pass rather for -another island than for part of the mainland, and which -in truth formed a part of the insular realm. Thence, -we are told, he plundered such parts of the Irish and -Scottish coasts as lay within reach.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_377" id="fnanchor_377"></a><a href="#footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a></span> -<span class="sni">his dealings with Galloway.</span> -We read also -in other versions that he made the men of Galloway -become hewers of wood for fortresses to be raised, perhaps -along their own shores.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_378" id="fnanchor_378"></a><a href="#footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His fruitless design on Ireland.</span> -We read too that at -this stage he designed a more deliberately planned attack -on Ireland, but that he shrank from carrying it out -when he saw how strongly the Irish coasts were guarded.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_379" id="fnanchor_379"></a><a href="#footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He occupies Man.</span> -His next point was Man, which one narrator of his -exploits strangely describes him as finding forsaken, and -as peopling with inhabitants, from what quarter we -are not told.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_380" id="fnanchor_380"></a><a href="#footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a></span> -The local chronicler tells us, doubtless -with far greater truth, that he landed on the island of -Saint Patrick,--Holm Peel, the place of the famous -castle and cathedral church—​that he was pleased with -the land, and built fortresses therein, meaning—​so at -<a name="Page_142" id="Page_142"></a><span class="pageno">142</span> -least it was believed in Man—​to make the island his -own dwelling-place.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_381" id="fnanchor_381"></a><a href="#footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His designs.</span> -Man, once established as the seat -of a great Northern empire, would certainly have been -a standing menace to all the regions and races of the -British islands. But the dominion of Magnus over Man -was not handed on to any successor of his own house, -and during the few years which he still lived, he did not -make Man the centre of his power.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Version of Orderic.</span> -We now come near to that point in the expedition -which brings it immediately within the range of our -present history. The writer who gives us most detail -deems the exploits of Magnus so great that he lashes -himself up to his highest flight of classical rhetoric. -He paints the Norwegian king as the conqueror of the -Kyklades—​not those Kyklades of the Ægæan which his -grandfather may well enough have visited, but the other -Kyklades in the great sea, lying as it were outside the -world.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_382" id="fnanchor_382"></a><a href="#footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a></span> -To match this unlooked-for definition of the -Western islands, the winds which filled the sails of Magnus -are honoured with unusual names; and, by a sad relapse -into paganism Amphitritê seems to be called up as a -special guardian of the English shore.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_383" id="fnanchor_383"></a><a href="#footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a></span> -Of the two islands -which bore the name of Mevania, both of which had -<a name="Page_143" id="Page_143"></a><span class="pageno">143</span> -obeyed the Bretwalda Eadwine, Magnus was already -master of one; he now drew near to the other. <span class="sni">He approaches Anglesey.</span> -We are -told that he sent a small part of his fleet, consisting of six -ships, to some unnamed point of the more strictly English -shore, bearing a red shield as a sign that their purposes -were peaceful.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_384" id="fnanchor_384"></a><a href="#footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Preparations for resistance.</span> -But the people of Britain of all races -seem to have put little faith in the peaceful purposes of -the Northmen. A vast host, French and English, presently -came together from all parts of the dominions of -the two Mercian earls. The meeting-place is said to have -been at Dwyganwy on the peninsula opposite Anglesey, -the scene of the fall of Robert of Rhuddlan.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_385" id="fnanchor_385"></a><a href="#footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The fleet off Aberlleiniog.</span> -But there -can be no doubt that the scene of the tale which we -have to tell lies on the opposite shore of Anglesey, and -seemingly hard by the newly restored castle of Aberlleiniog. -Most likely the sea then came in further over -the low and marshy ground, and nearer to the castle-mound, -than it does now. Both the earls were on the -spot; the younger Hugh of Shrewsbury had been the first -to come, and he had had to wait some days for his allies. -At last the Norwegian ships were seen at sea near the -coast, and the inhabitants were running to and fro for -fear. By this time the forces of Hugh of Chester must -have come up; but it is Hugh of Shrewsbury, the younger -and more active of the pair, who plays the chief part -in the story. He mounted his horse, and rode backwards -and forwards along the shore, bringing his followers -together, lest the invaders should land and overcome -them piecemeal.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_386" id="fnanchor_386"></a><a href="#footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a></span> -In his zeal he rode so near to the water -<a name="Page_144" id="Page_144"></a><span class="pageno">144</span> -as to come within reach of the advancing tide and within -bow-shot of the Norwegian ships. Two archers on the -ship of King Magnus spied him out, and took aim. His -body was so well guarded by his coat of mail that it -was his face only that supplied a mark for the archers. -Of these one was King Magnus himself; the other was -a warrior from Halagoland, the most northern part of the -strictly Norwegian shore. The arrow shot by the King’s -comrade struck and turned aside from the nose-piece of -the Earl’s helmet. The shaft sent by the King’s own -hand went yet more truly to its mark; it pierced the eye -of Hugh and went through his head. Hugh the Proud -sank, and perished amid the advancing waves.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_387" id="fnanchor_387"></a><a href="#footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a></span> -He died -by a stroke like that by which the elder Harold fell on -Senlac; and we could almost wish that it had been the -hand of the younger Harold that sent the shaft.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Norwegian and Welsh versions.</span> -That shaft was, according to the monk of Saint Evroul, -sent by the hand of Magnus, but by the special instigation -of the devil. To the minstrels of Norway the death -of Earl Hugh seemed a worthy exploit. They sang, -not of a single shot, but of a fierce battle, in which the -Norwegian king, lord of the islands, met the Welsh -earls<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_388" id="fnanchor_388"></a><a href="#footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a></span> -face to face. They told how the arrows rattled -on the coats of mail, and how the King’s own arrow -overthrew Earl Hugh the Proud by the waters of Anglesey.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_389" id="fnanchor_389"></a><a href="#footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a></span> -The British chronicler too tells us, if not of -the fierce struggle described by the Northern poet, yet -of arrows shot on both sides, alike from the ships -and by the defenders of the land.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_390" id="fnanchor_390"></a><a href="#footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a></span> -All agree that it -was by the royal hand that the Earl fell. But it is -only from Saint Evroul that we hear that Magnus shot -Hugh unwittingly, and that he mourned when he knew -who it was whom he had slain. <span class="sni">Peace between Magnus and Hugh of Chester.</span> -It is added that he at -<a name="Page_145" id="Page_145"></a><span class="pageno">145</span> -once made full peace with the surviving Earl Hugh of -Chester, declaring that he had no hostile purposes against -England, but that he only wished to wage war with -Ireland, and to assert his dominion over the islands.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_391" id="fnanchor_391"></a><a href="#footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a></span> -The body of Earl Hugh of Shrewsbury was sought for -with pains by Normans and English, and was found at -last, as the tide went back.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_392" id="fnanchor_392"></a><a href="#footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a></span> -The only gentle one among -the sons of Mabel<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_393" id="fnanchor_393"></a><a href="#footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a></span>—​gentle, we may easily believe, to all -but the Britons, perhaps cruel to them only under the evil -influence of his elder namesake—​was mourned by all, <span class="sni">Burial of Hugh of Shrewsbury.</span> -and -was buried the seventeenth day after his death in the -cloister of his father’s abbey at Shrewsbury.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_394" id="fnanchor_394"></a><a href="#footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a></span></p> - -<p>The words which we have just seen put into the mouth -of Magnus are words of doubtful meaning, and they -might imply a claim to Anglesey, as well as to the other -islands. <span class="sni">Designs of Magnus on Anglesey.</span> -That Magnus came thither with purposes of -conquest we may set down as certain; it is less clear -whether those purposes were carried out, even for a -moment. In Norway it was believed that the overthrow -of Earl Hugh put the King of the Northmen in possession -of Anglesey, which is strangely spoken of as a third -of the British land.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_395" id="fnanchor_395"></a><a href="#footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a></span> -In Man it was said that Magnus, -having slain one earl and put another to flight, occupied -Anglesey, but that he was persuaded by the Welsh, on -<a name="Page_146" id="Page_146"></a><span class="pageno">146</span> -the payment of a heavy ransom, to leave the island and -sail back to Man.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_396" id="fnanchor_396"></a><a href="#footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a></span> -Certain it is that, if Magnus took -any real possession of Anglesey, it was a momentary -possession indeed. According to the British chroniclers, -he sailed away at once, so that his coming and the death -of one of the earls did not really hinder the joint work of -the two. <span class="sni">Anglesey and North Wales subdued by Hugh.</span> -For a moment Anglesey, and with it seemingly -the greater part of North Wales, was brought more -thoroughly than ever under Norman or English rule. -The phrase by which the Welsh writer sets forth the -result has a strange sound; but it does not badly describe -the final work of these endless wars. The French, he -says, made the people become Saxons.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_397" id="fnanchor_397"></a><a href="#footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a></span> -But for the -present this work was done only for a moment. In the -course of the next year, Anglesey was again, neither in -French nor in Saxon, but in British hands.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_398" id="fnanchor_398"></a><a href="#footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="line146_17" id="line146_17"></a>We shall hear again of Magnus in the revolutions both -of Anglesey and of other parts of North Wales. For the -present, satisfied with the glory of having carried the -Norwegian arms further south in the British islands than -any of his predecessors had done,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_399" id="fnanchor_399"></a><a href="#footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a></span> -he seems to have -sailed, first to Man and then to Ireland. There he -made a truce with Murtagh, and, at a later time, he -married the daughter of the Irish king to his own -son Sigurd. <span class="sni">Sigurd’s kingdom.</span> -This youth was now entrusted with the -rule of all the Orkneys and Hebrides, and that with the -kingly title.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_400" id="fnanchor_400"></a><a href="#footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a></span> -Of his kingdom Cantire formed a part; -<a name="Page_147" id="Page_147"></a><span class="pageno">147</span> -the peninsula had been formally taken possession of by -the Norwegian king. <span class="sni">Occupation of Cantire.</span> -This was done by a symbolic rite, -which well expressed the dominion of a king of the seas -over the land. Magnus was drawn in a ship across the -isthmus which joins Cantire to the mainland. <span class="sni">Dealings of Magnus with Scotland.</span> -The occupation -of Cantire was, according to the Norwegian -writer, the result of a treaty with Malcolm King of -Scots;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_401" id="fnanchor_401"></a><a href="#footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a></span> -but the expedition of Magnus took place during -the reign of Eadgar. Magnus then went back to Norway, -to receive his surname from the dress of the islanders, -the use of which he and his followers brought into their -own land. He then occupied himself for a while with -Scandinavian affairs, till his restless spirit again brought -him within the range of our story.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 6. <span class="title">The establishment of Robert of Bellême in England.</span><br /> -1098.</p> - -<p>Of the two earls who had crossed over to Anglesey to -meet with such singular ups and downs of fortune, it -was the elder who came back alive. Hugh of Chester, -Hugh the Fat, had still to rule for a few years longer till -he died a monk at Saint Werburh’s. <span class="sni">Effects of the death of Hugh of Shrewsbury.</span> -But the short-lived -reign of Hugh the Proud at Shrewsbury and Arundel had -come to an end, and his death led to important changes -in all those parts of England with which he had had -to deal, but above all in his own earldom on the Welsh -border. <span class="sni">Robert of Bellême Earl of Shrewsbury. 1098.</span> -A large part of that district, a district the most -important of all in a military point of view, passed -under the rule of the man who was at once the most -merciless of oppressors and the most skilful of military -<a name="Page_148" id="Page_148"></a><span class="pageno">148</span> -engineers. The Red King and his minister had now an -opportunity of carrying out their doctrines with regard -to the redemption of lands on a grand scale. The King -was doubtless ready to be the heir of Earl Hugh, as of -all other men; but, as in the case of other men, he -was willing to allow the next kinsman to redeem the inheritance, -if he offered a becoming price. <span class="sni">He buys his brother’s possessions.</span> -So now, when -Robert of Bellême claimed the earldom and lands of his -deceased brother, he obtained a grant of them on a payment -of three thousand pounds.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_402" id="fnanchor_402"></a><a href="#footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a></span> -This was nearly half -the sum for which William Rufus had made himself master -of all Normandy; but it was perhaps not too great a -price to pay for the great earldom of Shropshire with its -endless castles and lordships, for Arundel and Chichester -and the other South-Saxon lands of Roger of Montgomery, -and for the rest of his possessions scattered over -many English shires. <span class="sni">Extent of his estates.</span> -Robert of Bellême, specially so called -as the son of his mother, but who was no less Robert of -Montgomery as the son of his father, and who now became -no less Robert of Arundel and of Shrewsbury, thus -joined together in his own person three inheritances, any -one of which alone might have set him among princes. -<span class="sni">Doubtful policy of the grant.</span> -One might doubt whether William the Conqueror would -have been tempted by any price to allow the accumulation -of such vast powers in the hands of one man, -and that a man whose homage was not due to himself -only. But with William the Red the services and the -payments of Robert of Bellême together outweighed any -thought of the policy which might have led him rather -to bestow the vacant earldom and other lands on some -other among the sons of Earl Roger. Robert was now at -<a name="Page_149" id="Page_149"></a><span class="pageno">149</span> -the height of his power and his fame—​such fame as his -was—​beyond the sea. <span class="sni">Position of Robert on the continent.</span> -We shall read in the next chapter -of his doings in Maine this very year, the doings of which -he now received the reward. To the Norman heritage -of his father, to the marchlands which he had inherited -from his mother, to the lands which mother and son -had snatched from so many Norman and Cenomannian -holders, Robert now added all that his father had received -from the Conqueror’s grant among the conquered -English, and all that his father had won for himself -among the half-conquered Welsh.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">His new position in England.</span> -The establishment of Robert of Bellême in England -marks an epoch in our story. Though we have already -so often heard of him, not only in continental affairs but -in the affairs of our own island, he had not yet, as far as -we can see, held any English possessions at all; certainly -he had none which put him on a level with the great -Norman land-owners. From this time he is something -more than merely one among them; he at once begins to -play the part of the foremost among them, foremost alike -in power and in ambition. His namesake, Robert of -Mortain and of Cornwall, had held as great a number of -English acres, and his death had handed over the vast -heritage to his son. <span class="sni">Comparison with the Counts of Mortain.</span> -But neither of the Counts of Mortain -had any personal gifts which could win for them the -personal position which was held by Robert of Bellême. -The father was sluggish; the son was turbulent; neither -of them was the peer of the great captain and engineer -who was now to lord it over the British march. Nor did -the nature and position of his estates give to the grandson -of Herleva the same advantages which belonged to -the son of Mabel. The one was, bating the title of Earl, -as great in Cornwall as the other was in Shropshire; -but the lord of Cornwall might, if he chose, sleep idly, -while the lord of Shropshire was driven to constant -<a name="Page_150" id="Page_150"></a><span class="pageno">150</span> -action against a restless enemy. Each had a great position -in Sussex; but the position of the lord of Arundel -and Chichester was practically higher than that of the -lord of Pevensey. The vast scattered possessions held by -the Count of Mortain throughout England added more to -his wealth than to his political power. <span class="sni">Comparison of Robert of Bellême and Hugh of Chester.</span> -Earl Hugh of -Chester was in his own earldom even greater than -Robert was in his; but Earl Hugh was growing old, and -ambitious as he was, he seems to have kept his ambition -within certain geographical bounds, in those regions of -Normandy and of Britain which destiny seemed to have -set before him. <span class="sni">Unique position of Robert.</span> -There can be no doubt that, at this -moment, Robert of Bellême held a position in England -which he shared with no rival in the island, and which -was backed by a power beyond sea which put him rather -on a level with sovereign dukes and counts than with -ordinary nobles.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Effects of his coming.</span> -To the men of the borderland, of whatever race, the -change of masters was a frightful one. To the settled -inhabitants, Norman and English, it must have been like -yet another foreign conquest. The change is marked in -the change of name; the surname of the new lord comes -from the lands of his mother which lay beyond the bounds -either of England or of Normandy. Hugh of Montgomery -is exchanged for Robert of Bellême. <span class="sni">Robert a stranger in England.</span> -The new master from -the march of Normandy and Maine must, twenty-nine -years after the conquest of Shropshire, have seemed a -stranger, not only to Englishmen, but to Normans of the -first settlement, still more so to men who were of Norman -parentage but of English birth. In its personal aspect -the change of lords must have been a matter of shuddering. -The rule of Earl Roger had been tolerable; the -four years of Earl Hugh we have seen spoken of as a -reign of special mildness, at least for his own people. -But now they had a lord of another kind. English and -<a name="Page_151" id="Page_151"></a><span class="pageno">151</span> -Welsh, we are told, had smiled at the tales of the deeds -of Robert in other lands; <span class="sni">Cruelty of the new earl.</span> -they listened to them as to the -song of the bard or the gleeman, deeming that, if such -things were done, they were at least done far away from -themselves. But now they found in their own persons -that those tales were true, when, in the strong words of -a writer of those times, they were flayed alive by the -iron claws of Earl Robert.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_403" id="fnanchor_403"></a><a href="#footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a></span> -The Earl himself, great as -he was in power and wealth, was only puffed up by what -he had to hanker after yet more. <span class="sni">His spoliations.</span> -He spared no man, of -whatever race or order, whose lands lay conveniently to -his hand, nor did he scruple to take away from the -saints themselves what the men of the elder time had -given to them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_404" id="fnanchor_404"></a><a href="#footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a></span></p> - -<p>But Robert of Bellême was something more than an -ordinary plunderer; he was a man of genius in his way; -whatever he either inherited or seized on was sure to be -strengthened by the best engineering skill of his time.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_405" id="fnanchor_405"></a><a href="#footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His skill in castle-building.</span> -In -the gradual work of planting both England and Normandy -with castles he had no small share; and his skill is nowhere -more to be admired than in the way in which he adapted -his designs to the varying circumstances of different -places. He built at Bridgenorth and he built at Gisors; -there is little that is alike in the two fortresses, because -there is little that is alike in the position of the two -points which those fortresses severally had to defend. -The former, Robert of Bellême’s great creation on English -<a name="Page_152" id="Page_152"></a><span class="pageno">152</span> -ground, held a most important place in the defences of the -middle course of the Severn. <span class="sni">His defence of Shropshire.</span> -The Welsh wars of this -reign had brought that whole line of country into renewed -importance. If the power of England under her -Norman masters was stretching further and further over -the British lands, that very advance laid the English lands -more and more open to passing and occasional British -ravages. The experience of such warfare within the -English border was quite fresh. <span class="sni">1094.</span> -When Robert of Bellême -took his earldom, four years only had passed since Shropshire -and Herefordshire had been laid waste,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_406" id="fnanchor_406"></a><a href="#footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a></span> -just as in -the old days when Gruffydd smote the Saxon at Rhyd-y-Groes.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_407" id="fnanchor_407"></a><a href="#footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a></span> -The new Earl of Shropshire therefore found -it needful to strengthen the whole line of defences of the -Severn. <span class="sni">Early history of the Shropshire fortresses.</span> -Strong as was the capital of his earldom on its -peninsular height, it was well to have, in the rear of -Shrewsbury, another great fortress on a lower point of -the river, a point whose importance is witnessed by its -name; it is emphatically the <em>Bridge</em>. The whole region -had been carefully fortified, perhaps in earlier days still, -certainly in the days when the Dane as well as the -Briton had to be guarded against. <span class="sni">896.</span> -In the last campaign -of Ælfred, the Danes, finding it expedient to leave the -neighbourhood of London, had marched across the whole -breadth of England from Thames to Severn, and had -<dfn>wrought</dfn> a <dfn>work</dfn> beside that river at <span class="place">Quatbridge</span>.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_408" id="fnanchor_408"></a><a href="#footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Æthelflæd fortifies Bridge (north). 912.</span> -Sixteen -years later, the victorious Lady, the guardian of the -Mercian land, had <em>timbered</em> the <em>burh</em> at <span class="place">Bridge</span>. At a -somewhat lower point, the enemy against whom Ælfred -and his daughter had to strive has left his memory -in the name of Danesford. The <span class="place">Bridge</span> was the site -<a name="Page_153" id="Page_153"></a><span class="pageno">153</span> -of the chosen stronghold of Robert of Bellême. But -when his discerning eye marked the spot for a great -military centre, he did but do afresh what had been -already done by the native guardian of England. The -fortress of Robert of Bellême was but a calling into -fresh being, a strengthening with new works, of the older -fortress of Æthelflæd.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_409" id="fnanchor_409"></a><a href="#footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a></span></p> - - -<div class="figcenter img80"> - <img src="images/i_152.jpg" - alt="Shropshire Campaign" - /> - <p class="captionbottom">Edwᵈ. Weller</p> - <p class="captioncenter">For the Delegates of the Clarendon Press.</p> - <p class="caption">Map -illustrating the<br /> -SHROPSHIRE CAMPAIGN.<br /> -<span class="small">A.D. 1102.</span></p> -</div><!--end illustration--> - -<!--Blank Page--> -<p>It is somewhat singular that in the line of defence -traced by Robert’s father so commanding a site as that -of the Bridge did not hold the first place. The strong -place of Roger of Montgomery lies between three and -four miles lower down the river. <span class="sni">Older mound of Quatford.</span> -There, on the -left, the English, side of the Severn, we meet with the -first—​first to one going up the stream—​of our present -group of fortresses. A bold height, of no very great -positive elevation, marks the position of the church and -mound of Quatford, standing side by side, as is so often -seen both in our own island and beyond sea. The mound -is a natural height rising close above the river, ditched -and scarped as was needed, but raised only slightly -above its original height. <span class="sni">Quatford Castle.</span> -This elder fortification, the -dwelling-place of some English thegn of the old time, -seems to have given way, either before or after the -coming of the Norman, to a stronghold a little way further -up the river, which still bears the name of Quatford -<a name="Page_154" id="Page_154"></a><span class="pageno">154</span> -Castle. A sandstone hill, standing isolated, near to the -river but not immediately on its banks, was, like the -smaller and older post, improved and raised into a castle -mound, perhaps by Earl Roger himself, perhaps by some -earlier holder. <span class="sni">Earl Roger’s house.</span> -There the Survey records his new house -and his borough; and we may fairly see his work in the -well which still remains bored deep in the heart of the -rock.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_410" id="fnanchor_410"></a><a href="#footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a></span> -In the days of King Eadward the lordship of -Eardington had been held by Saint Mildburh of Wenlock. -<span class="sni">His chapel.</span> -But, if Earl Roger, who passes for the refounder -of that house,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_411" id="fnanchor_411"></a><a href="#footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a></span> -did any wrong to its patroness, he may -be held to have atoned for it by the collegiate chapel -which he raised at Quatford. It was founded at the -request of his wife, not the proud and cruel Mabel, but -her pious and gentle successor Adeliza. A pleasing -legend is told of the origin of the chapel and of the -house, a legend which, if it contains any kernel of truth, -points to Earl Roger as having been the first to occupy -Quatford Castle as a dwelling, and which may account -for the restoration of the far more tempting site of the old -fortress of the Lady being left to be the work of his son.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_412" id="fnanchor_412"></a><a href="#footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155"></a><span class="pageno">155</span> -The new rule now began, and the home of Roger and -Adeliza was forsaken by Earl Robert for the far stronger -point higher up the river, and on the opposite, the right -or Welsh bank.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_413" id="fnanchor_413"></a><a href="#footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Robert of Bellême removes to Bridge (north).</span> -Here, in contrast to the mere fords at -other points, to Quatford itself and to the Danesford -above it, stood the <em>bridge</em> which still forms so marked a -feature, and which had given the spot its name. <span class="place">Bridge</span> -then, the stronghold of Æthelflæd, became the stronghold -of Robert of Bellême; and now, perhaps from its position -with regard to his father’s dwelling at Quatford, it came -to be specially distinguished as <span class="place">Bridgenorth</span>. A steep -cliff overhangs the river at a point where the opposite -ground is high, where the stream is far wider than it -again becomes lower down, and where the channel is -divided by an island, such as those by which the Danes -loved to anchor, whether in the Seine or in the Severn. -<span class="sni">Oldbury.</span> -And, as the Danes are recorded to have <em>wrought</em> a <em>work</em> -in clear distinction from the <em>burh</em> which the Lady afterwards -<em>timbered</em>, we are tempted to see that work in -a mound not far from the bridge, and on the same side -as the river, but not rising immediately above the river’s -banks. A natural height has been ditched, scarped, and -raised to a level somewhat lower than that of the cliff -immediately above the stream, the cliff which was chosen -for the fortress, first of the Lady and then of the rebel -Earl. It is plainly in opposition to this last that the place -had, before the time of Domesday, received the name of -Oldbury, which is still borne by the parish in which it -stands.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_414" id="fnanchor_414"></a><a href="#footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a></span> -The cliff itself, the site of the castle and town of -Bridgenorth, has a peninsular shape so strongly marked -that it is hard to believe that the river runs on one side of -it only, and that Bridgenorth and Oldbury are divided, not -<a name="Page_156" id="Page_156"></a><span class="pageno">156</span> -by a stream, but by a dry valley, in those days doubtless -not dry, but marshy. <span class="sni">Oldbury and Bridgenorth.</span> -The sites of the older and the newer -fortress still look on one another, though the older has -again become only a grassy mound, while the younger -grew into a fortress, parish, and town, and still remains a -parliamentary borough.</p> - -<p>The position of the great fortress of the oppressor is a -noble one. The mere height of the cliff at Bridgenorth -is so much lower than many of the surrounding hills -of that lovely region that it makes less show than might -have been looked for in the general view. But, as we -stand close under it on the other side of the river, -we feel that Bridgenorth needs only buildings of equal -majesty on its height to make it rank with Lincoln, with -Le Mans, almost with Laon itself. But against the -proud minsters of those cities Bridgenorth has nothing -to set in its general view save two church towers, one of -them modern, whose ugliness is not relieved by the fact -that it represents the castle church, the college of Bridgenorth, -transferred thither by Robert of Bellême, when -he moved castle, church, and everything from their older -home at Quatford. <span class="sni">Bridgenorth castle;</span> -But Bridgenorth still keeps one object -of surpassing interest in our present story, that which is -of a truth the very cradle and kernel of the place, -the shattered keep of Robert of Bellême. <span class="sni">Robert’s keep.</span> -There we have -the good luck which we enjoy but seldom in examining -the military remains of this age, the strongholds of the -men of the Conquest and their immediate successors. -Most commonly we light on little more than the mere -site, or the works of earlier or of later times; it is -only now and then that we actually see, in however -imperfect a state, some piece of genuine masonry belonging -to the time with which we are dealing. This -satisfaction we have in no small measure at Bridgenorth. -There is the square keep of the terrible founder of the -<a name="Page_157" id="Page_157"></a><span class="pageno">157</span> -fortress, broken down, riven asunder by some explosion -in the warfare of later times—​what is left of it driven -to overhang its base like the tower of Caerphilly or the -<span class="place" lang="it" xml:lang="it">Muro Torto</span> of Rome—​but still keeping its main and -distinctive features, still showing, in its flat pilasters, its -double-splayed windows,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_415" id="fnanchor_415"></a><a href="#footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a></span> -the traces of its double-sloped -roof with the deep gutter,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_416" id="fnanchor_416"></a><a href="#footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a></span> -what that stern, hard, tower -was when the Devil of Bellême first called it into being. -We can just trace the gateway which the keep commanded -between the inner and outer courts of the castle, -and we can see the ruins of the advanced building which -sheltered the actual entrance of the keep itself. The -square tower, so characteristic of Norman military work, -is after all so rare in this its earlier form that every -such fragment as this of Bridgenorth calls for most attentive -study. Here we see the highest advances in -the art of defence, as practised by the man whose name -makes us shudder through almost every page of our -story. At Bridgenorth nature had done almost everything. -The tall and steep cliff called for nothing to be -done in the way of mounds and ditches. It was enough -to fence in the height—​that the Lady had doubtless done -after the fashion of her age—​and to raise the keep—​the -distinctive feature of Earl Robert’s age—​as the last -shelter in case of attack from the land side. <span class="sni">The churches and town of Bridgenorth.</span> -We can -trace the inner and outer courts, the latter containing the -unsightly church which represents the college within the -castle. The other church stands nearly on a level with -the castle, parted from the castle hill by a dip which -takes the form of a steep road--<dfn>Cartway</dfn> is the name it -<a name="Page_158" id="Page_158"></a><span class="pageno">158</span> -still keeps—​leading down from the town to the river. -Few stronger or more striking sites of its own scale -could have been found. The Castle by the Bridge is not -a mountain fortress; far higher hills than the hill of -Bridgenorth or the hill of Quatford come within the -general view. But the stronghold of Æthelflæd and -Robert served better than any loftier point could have -done for its own immediate work. No other point -could have served so well to guard the most important -point of the river, and to shelter the older borders of -England against any desperate attempt of the Britons to -carry their endless warfare far within her later borders. -<span class="sni">The group of fortresses.</span> -The whole group, Bridgenorth, Oldbury, the two Quatfords, -are a succession of strongholds which form a whole. -All are within sight of one another, though it might be -hard to find a point which directly commands all four at -once. <span class="sni">Burf Castle.</span> -A little further inland, on the Quatford side of -the river, a broad hill, fenced in by a slight earthwork, -and known as Burf Castle, commands the widest and -most striking view of all, the round back of the Wrekin, -the sharp rise and fall of the Titterstone, with a boundless -view over the lower country to the north-east. This -is undoubtedly the site of an early stronghold, which may -have played its part in the days of the Lady or in the -old time before her. But there is no sign that it entered -into the military reckoning of Roger of Montgomery or -of Robert of Bellême.</p> - -<p class="p2">The great engineering works at Bridgenorth seem to -have occupied the mind of Earl Robert during the whole -of the few remaining years of his English career. We -shall find that they were not fully finished four years -later. <span class="sni">Robert builds the castle of Careghova.</span> -At the same time, while he fenced in Bridgenorth -in the rear of the capital of his earldom, he raised -another stronghold in advance of it, within the later -<a name="Page_159" id="Page_159"></a><span class="pageno">159</span> -Welsh border, at Careghova, immediately on Offa’s -Dyke.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_417" id="fnanchor_417"></a><a href="#footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a></span> -And he was at the same time extending his -possessions in a more peaceful region, where no inroads -of Britons or Northmen were to be feared. <span class="sni">His Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire estates.</span> -On the -borders of Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire stood a -chief seat of one who, in the extent of his possessions, -ranked as one of the foremost men in England. This -was Roger of Bully, who took his name from a Norman -lordship in the land of Braye, lying west of what was to -be the New Castle of King Henry, on the high ground -which overlooks the forest of Saint-Saen, the home of -the faithful Helias. <span class="sni">Roger of Bully.</span> -The name of Roger of Bully—​the -spellings of the name are endless—​is less commonly mentioned -in our tale than we might have looked for. He -was a great land-owner in Yorkshire; he was one of the -greatest land-owners in Nottinghamshire, and he held -considerable estates in other parts of England. He had -supplanted two English earls in their special homes; he -sat by the hearth of Eadwine and by the hearth of -Waltheof; in another spot, the holdings of ten English -thegns had been rolled together into a single lordship -to enrich the fortunate stranger.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_418" id="fnanchor_418"></a><a href="#footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His Yorkshire estates.</span> -Among his Yorkshire -<a name="Page_160" id="Page_160"></a><span class="pageno">160</span> -estates he held the exceptionally favoured lands of -Sprotburgh and Barnburgh, which had remained untouched -in the general harrying of Northumberland.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_419" id="fnanchor_419"></a><a href="#footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a></span> -He seems to have won the special favour of the greatest -ladies of the Conqueror’s court; if he held the hall of -Hallam, the hall of Waltheof, it was by the gift of -Waltheof’s widow Judith;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_420" id="fnanchor_420"></a><a href="#footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a></span> -and an estate which he -held in distant Devonshire is set down as the gift of -Queen Matilda herself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_421" id="fnanchor_421"></a><a href="#footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a></span> -Yet this man, who holds so -great a place in the Survey, plays no visible part in -history; he lives only in the record of Domesday and in -his still abiding work in a minster and a castle of his -own rearing. Just within the borders of Yorkshire, at -no great distance from the shires both of Nottingham -and Lincoln, Roger had occupied an English dwelling-place, -entered in the Survey as Dadesley, but which -afterwards grew into greater note by the name of Tickhill.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_422" id="fnanchor_422"></a><a href="#footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Position of Tickhill.</span> -Like many other dwelling-places of English lords, -Dadesley or Tickhill must have been chosen simply as -a convenient centre for the estates of its owner. It is -no natural stronghold; the post seems to have no special -military advantages; it crowns no steep, it commands -no river, it bars the entrance to no valley. <span class="sni">The castle.</span> -A low hill -of sandstone was improved by art into one of the usual -mounds, and it had been in King Eadward’s day the -<a name="Page_161" id="Page_161"></a><span class="pageno">161</span> -possession of Ælfsige and Siward. The mound, as in -other places, was in after time taught to bear a polygonal -keep, and its sides were themselves strengthened by -masonry. The keep, of which the foundations only are -left, was of later date than the days with which we -are concerned. And we may fully believe that parts -at least of the circuit wall of the castle, and still more, -that the elder parts of the gatehouse, with a face of -ornaments and sculptures which almost remind us of -the work of the great Emperor’s day at Lorsch, are due -to the taste, such as it was, of the first Norman lord of -Tickhill.</p> - -<p>The nomenclature of the lands of Roger of Bully -has been singularly shifting. Dadesley gave way to -Tickhill. But Tickhill is not the only name borne by -Roger’s stronghold. It not uncommonly takes the name -of a more certain memorial of him which lies only a few -miles off, but within the bounds of another shire. <span class="sni">The priory of Blyth, founded 1088.</span> -In -the year of the first rebellion of the Red King’s reign, -Roger of Bully had founded a monastery dependent on -the abbey of the Holy Trinity at Rouen. It was reared on -a point of his possessions known as Blyth, lying within -the borders of Nottinghamshire, and near a river which -joins the old historic stream of the Idle.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_423" id="fnanchor_423"></a><a href="#footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a></span> -The nave of -Roger’s church still stands; there is no mistaking the -distinguishing marks of the earliest Norman style, even -in a building whose loftiness and narrowness have more -in common with later forms of art.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_424" id="fnanchor_424"></a><a href="#footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a></span> -Blyth became at -<a name="Page_162" id="Page_162"></a><span class="pageno">162</span> -least as famous as Tickhill. <span class="sni">Name of Blyth and Tickhill used indiscriminately.</span> -The castle, with the honour -of which it formed the head, is called by both names, -and we shall find as we go on that the same incident -in our story is placed by some of our authorities at -Blyth and by others at Tickhill.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_425" id="fnanchor_425"></a><a href="#footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Death of Roger of Bully.</span> -Roger, founder of -both castle and monastery, seems to have died about -the time when Robert of Bellême was strengthening -himself at Bridgenorth and Careghova. His lands went -at once to swell the possessions of the terrible Earl. On -some plea of kindred, Robert demanded them of the -King. <span class="sni">The lands of Roger of Bully granted to Robert of Bellême.</span> -William was as ready to grant him the lands -of Blyth and Hallam as he had been to grant him the -earldom of Shropshire and the other possessions of his -father. But he was no more inclined than he was then -to grant anything without a consideration. Earl Robert -was allowed to redeem the heritage of his kinsman, but -to redeem it only on payment of a great sum.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_426" id="fnanchor_426"></a><a href="#footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Impolicy of the grant.</span> -We -may again doubt whether William the Great would have -<a name="Page_163" id="Page_163"></a><span class="pageno">163</span> -allowed such a redemption, even in the days when he had -fallen into covetousness and greediness he loved withal. -With the Conqueror neither greediness nor anything else -ever came before policy. He whose policy it had been -to separate Norman and English estates in the second -generation, who had taken care that no son of his own -chosen friend should hold Breteuil and Hereford in a -single hand,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_427" id="fnanchor_427"></a><a href="#footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a></span> -would surely never have allowed any one -man to have reached the gigantic height of wealth and -power which was now reached by Robert of Bellême. -<span class="sni">Greatness of Robert of Bellême.</span> -The gathering together of such vast possessions in Normandy -and England in the hands of one who had some -pretensions to rank as a prince beyond the bounds of -Normandy and England almost amounted to a direct -challenge to their owner to dispute the great lesson of -Rochester, and to see whether there was not at least -one subject in England whom the King of England could -not control.</p> - -<p>That question had yet to be tried, and to be tried -in the person of the new lord of Tickhill. But it -was not raised during the short remnant of the days -of William the Red. The two powers of evil contrived -to pull together in friendly guise as long as the -days of unlaw and unright lasted. And the longer those -days lasted, the blacker and the bitterer they grew. -The greater the power and wealth which was gathered -together in the hands of Robert of Bellême, the greater, -we are told, was the pride and cruelty of that son of -Belial.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_428" id="fnanchor_428"></a><a href="#footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a></span> -He may by this time have grown weary of -oppression in the familiar scenes of his evil deeds on -both sides of the sea. The death of Robert of Bully -<a name="Page_164" id="Page_164"></a><span class="pageno">164</span> -opened to him a new and wide human hunting-ground -in Nottinghamshire and Yorkshire. But his hold on -all that he had within our island was fated to be short. -We are drawing near to the end of the reign and the life -of William Rufus, and, when the reign and life of William -Rufus were over, the English power of Robert of Bellême -did not last long.</p> - -<p class="p2">But before we come to the last days of the Red King -in his island kingdom, we must again cross the sea, to -follow the warlike campaigns of his latest days, to trace -out the wide-reaching schemes of dominion which filled -his restless soul, his fitful energy in beginning enterprises, -his strange waywardness in leaving them half -done. And now will come the living contrast between -unright, as embodied in William Rufus, and right, as -embodied this time, not in a man of the church and the -cloister, but in a man of his own order, a layman, a -prince, a soldier. We have had one chapter where the -main interest has gathered round Anselm of Aosta; we -are now coming to another in which the main interest -will gather round Helias of La Flèche.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="booktext"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165"></a><span class="pageno">165</span> - -<h3 class="p4 h3head">CHAPTER <abbr title="Six">VI.</abbr></h3> - -<h4 class="h4head">THE LAST WARS OF WILLIAM RUFUS.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_429" id="fnanchor_429"></a><a href="#footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a></span><br /> -1097–1099.</h4> - -<p class="p2 dropcap negindent">THE latter years of the reign of the Red King, -<span class="sni">Character of the last years of Rufus. 1097–1100.</span> beginning -from the departure of Anselm, are far richer -in foreign than in domestic events. Even within the isle -of Britain we have, as we have already seen, chiefly to -deal with the lands which lie beyond the actual English -kingdom. Scotland has received a king at the bidding -of the over-lord in England. A deep plan has been laid -for the better subjugation of the seemingly unconquerable -Welsh. A Norwegian king has slain an earl of -England in strife on the shore of a Welsh island. But -within England itself the greatest event which we have -had to record has been the immediate result of that -distant strife in the succession to an English earldom. -When Robert of Bellême became the most powerful -subject in England, it was undoubtedly an event of no -small importance both at the moment and in its results. -It added perceptibly to the evils even of the reign of -<a name="Page_166" id="Page_166"></a><span class="pageno">166</span> -unlaw. Still it was not in itself an event on the same -scale as the rebellion of Odo or the rebellion of Robert -of Mowbray, or as the beginning or the ending of the -dealings between Anselm and the King. <span class="sni">Little to record at home, and much abroad.</span> -And the same -character of the time goes on to the end. There is -in England itself nothing to record besides the great -architectural works of the King, a few ecclesiastical -deaths and appointments, and those natural portents and -phænomena which are characteristic of the whole time, -and which come thicker upon us as we draw nearer to -the end. Beyond sea, on the other hand, this time of -less than three years is the most stirring time of the -whole reign. King of England, over-lord of Scotland, -not in form Duke of the Normans, but master of Normandy -as his brother never was, the Red King goes on -to greater schemes. Rufus seems to have been always -puffed up by success, but never cast down by bad luck. -His personal failure in Wales was really a marked contrast -to the success of Eadgar in Scotland. <span class="sni">Temper and schemes of Rufus.</span> -But Rufus -seems to have had the happy gift of plucking out of all -states of things whatever tended to gratify his pride, and -of forgetting all that looked the other way. He, or others -in his name, had set up a king at Dunfermline. This -was enough to make him put out of sight all thought -that he had in his own person marched to Snowdon and -taken nothing by his march. He felt himself more -than ever Monarch of Britain, King of kings within his -own island. We can believe that it rankled in his soul -that, outside that island, he was less than a king. The -lord of Normandy had in any case a formal over-lord in -the French King, and William Rufus was lord of Normandy -only by an anomalous and temporary title. He -held the duchy only as a merchant holds a pledge. We -can well understand how such a man would chafe at the -thought that he had anywhere even a nominal superior. -<a name="Page_167" id="Page_167"></a><span class="pageno">167</span> -Such an one as William deemed himself was dishonoured -by being, even in the most nominal way, the man of -such an one as Philip. <span class="sni">His designs on France.</span> -And the noblest way of escaping -from the acknowledgement of a superior was by himself -taking that superior’s place. The Monarch of Britain -would be also Monarch of Gaul, of so much at least of -Gaul as in any sense admitted the over-lordship of Paris. -The lord of Winchester and Rouen would be lord of Paris -also. William wished for a war with France, and a war -with France could at any moment be had. The eternal -question of the Vexin stood always awaiting its solution.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Wars with France and Maine.</span> -But a war with France was not the only war which -William Rufus had now to wage on the Gaulish mainland. -He had to strive against a noble city, a valiant -people, ruled by a prince worthy of his city and his -people. Besides striving with France and Philip, he -had to strive against Maine, he had to strive against -Helias. The war with France was doubtless the object -with which he crossed the sea; but mischief had long -been brewing in the troublesome land to the south of -Normandy, and about the time when the French war -began, the standing Cenomannian difficulty grew into -open war also. William had thus two wars to wage at -once. These two wars, with France and with Maine, are -told in our narratives as if they were altogether distinct, -and had no bearing on one another. Yet the two were -going on at the same time at no great distance from one -another, and some of the chief actors on one side were -flitting to and fro between the two. <span class="sni">Beginning of war. 1097–1098.</span> It is hard to say in -which region the first actual fighting took place. In -both it must have begun in the winter after Anselm -had gone on one errand into Burgundy and Eadgar on -another into Scotland. <span class="sni">William crosses the sea.</span> -It was then that King William -crossed the sea also, with the object doubtless of making -war on France. The Cenomannian war was thrown in -<a name="Page_168" id="Page_168"></a><span class="pageno">168</span> -as something incidental. The war with Maine has in -itself, as a tale, by far the greater charm of the two. -But it is needless to say that far higher interests were, -or might have been, at stake in the war with France. -Of the wide-reaching schemes of William Rufus, and of -their remarkable position among those things which -might have been but which were not, I have spoken at -some length elsewhere.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_430" id="fnanchor_430"></a><a href="#footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a></span> -But it is only in its latest stage -that the war showed even any likelihood of growing -beyond the scale of a border struggle. It was, in profession -at least, a war for the Vexin, and it was in the -Vexin that it was mainly waged.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Comparison of the two wars.</span> -The result of the war was widely different in the two -cases. We may sum it up by saying that Maine was -subdued and that France was not. Maine was at least -held to be subdued. In the first Cenomannian war the -capital was taken; the prince was made a prisoner; so -much of the land as was really attacked was subdued. -In the second war the capital was taken and the prince -was driven out. But against France no real advantage -at all seems to have been gained. To modern ideas this -difference may seem no wonderful result of the difference -between the invasion of a county and the invasion of a -kingdom. <span class="sni">Comparative position of France and Maine.</span> -But in the eleventh century the resources of -Maine could not have been very greatly inferior to the -resources of France. In one sense indeed the resources -of Maine were by far the greater of the two, <span class="sni">Helias and Philip.</span> -inasmuch -as Helias reigned at Le Mans and Philip reigned at -Paris. But in truth the comparison between a county -and a kingdom is not a fair one. The France of those -days was not a kingdom; it was simply that small part -of a great kingdom which was held to obey—​which -under Philip certainly did not obey—​the nominal king -of the whole. The king was simply that one among the -<a name="Page_169" id="Page_169"></a><span class="pageno">169</span> -princes of the kingdom who always claimed, and who -sometimes received, the homage of the others. <span class="sni">Advantage of the kingly dignity.</span> -We must -never underrate the vast moral advantage which the -king drew from his kingly dignity;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_431" id="fnanchor_431"></a><a href="#footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a></span> -but, on the other -hand, we must not be thereby led to overrate the -material strength of the king’s actual dominion. Supposing -that the resources of Maine and of France had -been positively equal, if Helias had the advantage over -Philip that the one was Helias and that the other was -Philip, this advantage was far more than counterbalanced -by the fact that Philip was a king while Helias -was only a count. That he was a count of doubtful -title, always threatened by a neighbour more powerful -than himself, was of course a further incidental disadvantage; -but the essential difference is inherent in the -position of the two princes and their dominions. The -king, even though the king was Philip, was a king, and -men had scruples about personally attacking one who -was at once their own lord on earth and the anointed of -the Lord of Heaven. William Rufus doubtless had no -such scruples about that or about any matter; but such -scruples had been felt by his father; they were to be felt -in times to come by Henry of Le Mans and of Anjou, of -Normandy and of England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_432" id="fnanchor_432"></a><a href="#footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a></span> -Such scruples would not -be felt by Normans withstanding French aggression on -their own land; we may remember how a lance from -the Côtentin had laid Philip’s father on the ground -at Val-ès-dunes.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_433" id="fnanchor_433"></a><a href="#footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a></span> -They would not be felt by native -Englishmen, to whom Normandy, France, and Maine, -were all alike foreign and hostile lands. But we may -suspect that there was many a knight in William’s -host who, when he went forth to invade the lands of the -lord of his lord in an utterly unprovoked quarrel, did -<a name="Page_170" id="Page_170"></a><span class="pageno">170</span> -not go forth with quite so light a heart as that with -which he went forth to win back for his lord a land of -which his lord had some shadow of ground for professing -that he had been robbed by one of his own men.</p> - -<p>Maine then was, in a sense, conquered; France was not -conquered in any sense. Le Mans was taken; Paris was -hardly threatened. And this, we may believe, was at -least partly owing to the fact that Le Mans was only -the city of a count, while Paris was the city of a king. -Both lands had a champion in whom we may feel a personal -interest. <span class="sni">Lewis son of Philip.</span> -While we follow the steps of an old -acquaintance in Count Helias, we gladly watch the beginnings -of a new acquaintance, not indeed in King -Philip himself, but in his gallant son the Lord Lewis.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_434" id="fnanchor_434"></a><a href="#footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a></span> -He has his special biographer, and we only wish that -the minute detail in which we can read his actions in -dealing with the immediate vassals of the French duchy -had been extended to the greater though shorter strife -which he had to wage against the sovereign of Normandy -and England.</p> - -<p>It is not easy to tell the story of these two wars in -exact chronological order. <span class="sni">Beginning of the war of Maine. January, 1098.</span> -The early part of the French -war is told without any dates, while we know when -the actual fighting began in Maine. This was in the -January which followed William’s crossing to the continent, -the January of the year in which Earl Hugh -was killed in Anglesey. Whether there was any fighting -on the French border earlier than that we cannot tell. -For a later stage of the French war we have dates, and -its dated stage clearly follows the end of the first -Cenomannian war. If we go back to the causes of the -two struggles, it is equally hard to find the beginning. -In both cases there was a standing quarrel, which might -<a name="Page_171" id="Page_171"></a><span class="pageno">171</span> -have broken out into war at any time. But the French -war has a certain right to precedence, inasmuch as it -was doubtless rather to attack France than to attack -Maine that William Rufus crossed the sea. It may -therefore be our best course, first to trace out the earlier -undated part of the French war down to the point where -there is a clear break in the story. We may then follow -the fortunes of Le Mans and Maine, till we reach the -later dated part of the French war which followed their -first momentary conquest.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 1. <span class="title">The Beginnings of the French War.</span><br /> -1097–1098.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">King Philip;</span> -Of Philip King of the French, the fourth king of the -house of Paris, we have often heard already, and from -what we have heard we shall hardly expect him to take -any leading part either in war or in council. <span class="sni">his adulterous marriage with Bertrada of Montfort.</span> -He is -chiefly memorable for his adulterous marriage with -Bertrada of Montfort, the wife of Fulk Rechin of Anjou. -He had got rid of his first wife, the daughter of Count -Florence of Friesland and step-daughter of that Count -Robert of Flanders who bore the Frisian name. <span class="sni">He puts away his first wife.</span> -The -mother of his son Lewis and his daughter Constance was -put away by Philip on some plea of kindred, and was -shut up in the castle of Montreuil.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_435" id="fnanchor_435"></a><a href="#footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a></span> -Some years later -<a name="Page_172" id="Page_172"></a><span class="pageno">172</span> -Bertrada became her successor. Of her and Fulk we -shall hear again in our Cenomannian story; she was in -some sort given to Fulk as the price of Cenomannian -bondage. But, as Fulk had at least one wife living, -the validity of the marriage might have been fairly -called in question. <span class="sni">Philip and Bertrada;</span> -If the scandal of the time may be -trusted, Bertrada, wearying of Fulk, and fearing that he -might deal by her as he had dealt by others, offered -herself to King Philip to supply the place which he had -made vacant.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_436" id="fnanchor_436"></a><a href="#footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a></span> -She won his heart, so far as he had any, -and she seems to have been the only thing that he really -cared for. But she who had been a countess at Angers -would not be less than queen at Paris, and a ceremony -of marriage was gone through. More than one prelate -was charged with the uncanonical deed. <span class="sni">their alleged marriage by Odo. 1092.</span> -The version -which most concerns us is that which tells how, when no -prelate in France would thus profane the sacraments of -the Church, the King looked beyond the border, and -found one less scrupulous in the person of the Bishop of -Bayeux. The churches of Mantes, it is said, were Odo’s -reward for his thus pandering to the misdeeds of his -royal neighbour.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_437" id="fnanchor_437"></a><a href="#footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173"></a><span class="pageno">173</span> -<span class="sni">Scandal occasioned by the marriage.</span> -Much scandal and searching of heart followed on the -pretended marriage, scandal which spread throughout all -France, throughout all Gaul, throughout all Christendom. -<span class="sni">Opposition of Ivo and Hugh of Lyons.</span> -The famous Bishop Ivo of Chartres protested in -many letters to the King and others.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_438" id="fnanchor_438"></a><a href="#footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a></span> -If a council -of the prelates of France, gathered by the King’s authority -at Rheims, was inclined to deal gently with the -royal sinner, there were higher ecclesiastical powers -who were more unbending. Archbishop Hugh of Lyons, -Primate of all the Gauls, no subject of Parisian dukes -or kings, but a prince of that Imperial Burgundy which -knew no king but Cæsar, gathered an assembly which -spoke in another voice. The friend of Anselm, the friend -of Urban, called together the bishops of the Gauls at -Autun, and their voice denounced the offence which the -bishops of France alone had been inclined to pass over.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_439" id="fnanchor_439"></a><a href="#footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a></span> -Higher powers still spoke at Piacenza and at Clermont. -<span class="sni">Excommunication of Philip and Bertrada.</span> -Philip and Bertrada were excommunicated often and -absolved now and then. None would eat at their table; -the dogs were said to refuse the morsels which fell from -it. Wherever they went, the public exercise of Christian -worship stopped, though, by a somewhat inconsistent -<a name="Page_174" id="Page_174"></a><span class="pageno">174</span> -indulgence, they were allowed to have a low mass said -before them in a private chapel.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_440" id="fnanchor_440"></a><a href="#footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a></span> -It would seem as -though, in spiritual as well as in temporal things, -subjects were to suffer <a name="line174_4" id="line174_4"></a>from the crimes of kings, while -the kings themselves went unscathed. But when Philip -and Bertrada left any town, the bells at once struck out. -Then, with allusion no doubt to the supposed power of -the bells to chase away thunder and pestilence, the King -would say to his companion, “Do you hear, my beauty, -how they drive us away?”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_441" id="fnanchor_441"></a><a href="#footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a></span> -For fifteen years, allowing -perhaps for occasional times of reconciliation, the King -of the French never wore his crown or his kingly robes -or appeared in royal state at any public ceremony.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_442" id="fnanchor_442"></a><a href="#footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Sons of Philip and Bertrada.</span> -By this second marriage or adultery, which was held -to be in no way done away by the death of the lawful -Queen in prison,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_443" id="fnanchor_443"></a><a href="#footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a></span> -Philip had two sons, Philip and Florus. -<span class="sni">Bertrada’s schemes against Lewis.</span> -Bertrada wished to be the mother of a king, and in after -times the lawful heir Lewis was said to have been the -object of not a few plots on the part of his step-mother, -if even step-mother she is to be called. But at this stage -Philip seems to have kept sense enough to see the merits -of his son, and to place full trust in him. By the consent -<a name="Page_175" id="Page_175"></a><span class="pageno">175</span> -of his realm, he made Lewis the immediate ruler and -defender of the exposed frontier of the royal dominions. -<a name="line175_3" id="line175_3"></a>He granted him in fief the towns of Mantes and Pontoise, -and the whole French Vexin.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_444" id="fnanchor_444"></a><a href="#footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Philip invests Lewis with the Vexin. 1092.</span> -But Lewis was made more -than this. Practically, whether by any formal act or not, -Lewis became the ruler of France, so far as France just -then had any ruler. Philip, scorned and loathed of all -men, with the curses of the Church hurled over and over -again against him, withdrew from ruling, fighting, or -anything else but his own pleasures, and threw the whole -burthen of the government and defence of his kingdom -on the shoulders of his young and gallant son.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Question of the Vexin.</span> -We are not told at what exact moment the old question -of the Vexin was again first stirred. Philip was not -likely to stir it, neither was Robert; William Rufus -might not care to stir it while he was lord only of part -of Normandy, and not of the whole. But when all -Normandy became his, the old dispute naturally came -up again in his mind. He would not have been William -Rufus if he had not sought to win all that his father -had held, all that his father had claimed, and among the -rest the place where his father found his death-wound. -<span class="sni">Grounds of offence on the part of Rufus.</span> -The special acts of authority exercised by Philip in the -Vexin, the grant of the land as his son’s fief, the grant -of the churches of Mantes, the churches which were rebuilding -out of his father’s dying gifts, to his own -rebellious uncle Odo, would be likely to stir him up -still more to put forward his old claim. <span class="sni">William demands the French Vexin. 1097.</span> -At last, after -reflecting, we are told, on the wars and the fate of his -father in that region, he sent, in the year of the departure -of Anselm, solemnly to demand the cession of the whole -<a name="Page_176" id="Page_176"></a><span class="pageno">176</span> -Vexin, specially naming the towns and fortresses of -Pontoise, Chaumont, and Mantes.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_445" id="fnanchor_445"></a><a href="#footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a></span> -Of these Mantes and -Chaumont were in the strictest sense border fortresses; -Pontoise—​the bridge on the Oise, as its name implies—​lies -far nearer the heart of the King’s territory; Pontoise -in an enemy’s hand would indeed be a standing -menace to Paris. The demands of the Red King almost -amounted to a demand for the surrender of the independence -of the French kingdom.</p> - - -<div class="figcenter img100"> - <img src="images/i_176.jpg" - alt="French Campaign" - /> - <p class="captionbottom">Edwᵈ. Weller</p> - <p class="captioncenter">For the Delegates of the Clarendon Press.</p> - <p class="caption">Map -illustrating the<br /> -FRENCH CAMPAIGN.<br /> -A.D. 1098.</p> -</div><!--end illustration--> -<!--Blank Page--> - -<p><span class="sni">The demand is refused.</span> -It is needless to say that the demand was refused. -Lewis and his counsellors declined to give up the -Vexin or any of its fortresses.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_446" id="fnanchor_446"></a><a href="#footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a></span> -King William accordingly -crossed the sea to assert his rights, and the -French campaign possibly began before the end of the -year. It is wonderful, when we remember that it is -chiefly from our own writers that we get the details of -William Rufus’ Norman campaigns, how little they tell -us about his French campaigns. Of the war of Maine to -which we shall presently come they tell us little enough. -Still the name of Maine does appear in their pages, while -the name of France at this stage does not. <span class="sni">William crosses to Normandy. November 11–30, 1097.</span> -We learn -indeed that in the November of this year the King -crossed into Normandy, but with what object we are not -told.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_447" id="fnanchor_447"></a><a href="#footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a></span> -What we are told is eminently characteristic of -the Red King and his reign. <span class="sni">Excesses of the King’s followers.</span> -As so often happened, his -crossing was delayed by the weather; meanwhile his -immediate followers carried out to the full that licence -<a name="Page_177" id="Page_177"></a><span class="pageno">177</span> -which the King’s immediate followers were wont to -allow themselves till Henry and Anselm found sharp -means to check them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_448" id="fnanchor_448"></a><a href="#footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a></span> - “His <dfn>hired</dfn> in the shires there -they lay the most harm did that ever <dfn>hired</dfn> or <dfn>here</dfn> in -<span class="place">frithland</span> should do.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_449" id="fnanchor_449"></a><a href="#footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a></span> -If the army at large is meant, -the expression is a strange one. The <dfn>hired</dfn> is the King’s -household, taking in doubtless household troops in personal -attendance on the King, like the old housecarls, -but not surely the whole force, national or mercenary. -But it was the King’s household whose excesses were -specially complained of; and this casual outburst of -bitterness is a speaking comment on the general pictures -of their misdoings which we have already come across.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_450" id="fnanchor_450"></a><a href="#footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a></span> -But it is only of damage done in England by the King’s -household that our Chronicler tells us anything. <span class="sni">Silence of English writers as to the French war.</span> -Of -warlike exploits on the other side of the Channel neither -he nor any other English writer tells us at this stage a -single word.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_451" id="fnanchor_451"></a><a href="#footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a></span></p> - -<p>If from the silence of our own writers we turn to our -chief authority on the French side, we shall find a -vivid general picture of the war, but hardly any account -of particular events. We get indeed one of the most -striking of personal contrasts. Though the war which was -now waged by Rufus was in every sense a war waged -against France, yet it could hardly be called a war personally -waged against the nominal ruler of France. It -was a war for the Vexin, waged against the lord of the -Vexin, and, in its first stages at least, mainly confined to -<a name="Page_178" id="Page_178"></a><span class="pageno">178</span> -the Vexin. <span class="sni">William and Lewis.</span> -The struggle between William and Lewis, as -it is set forth by the biographer of the French prince, -was an unequal one. William had his old weapons at -command—​the wealth of England, the traitors whom -that wealth could bribe, the mercenaries whom that -wealth could hire.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_452" id="fnanchor_452"></a><a href="#footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a></span> -He had his own experience in war; -he had his veteran troops and their veteran commanders. -<span class="sni">Chief men on William’s side.</span> -Next under the King, comparatively young in years, but -first of all in daring as in wickedness, was Robert of -Bellême. Then came the King’s brother Henry, and the -well-known names of Count William of Evreux, Earl -Hugh of Chester, and the old Earl Walter of Buckingham.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_453" id="fnanchor_453"></a><a href="#footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a></span> -These were formidable foes for an untried youth -like Lewis; the aged warrior who was old on the day of -Senlac must have been a strange contrast indeed to the -gallant lad on whom the fortune of France now rested. -<span class="sni">Difficulties of Lewis.</span> -Lewis had, we are told, neither men nor money nor -allies; he had to pick up all where and how he could. -Whenever, often by running to and fro as far as the -borders of Berry or Auvergne or Burgundy, he had got -together three hundred, or perhaps five hundred, knights, -he met King William of England marching against him -with ten thousand.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_454" id="fnanchor_454"></a><a href="#footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a></span> -Here was little room for pitched -<a name="Page_179" id="Page_179"></a><span class="pageno">179</span> -battles; Lewis could not risk a meeting with such an -enemy in the open field. He had often to retire, sometimes -openly to fly.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_455" id="fnanchor_455"></a><a href="#footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a></span> -And the different state of the -hoards of the two princes showed itself in an effect on -their military operations which is characteristic of the -time. <span class="sni">Fate of the captives on each side.</span> -When warriors on the English side—​we must use -the language of our French informant—​fell into French -hands, the price of their ransom was speedily paid. -When French warriors were made prisoners by the forces -of Rufus, there was no money to ransom them. They -had to languish in bonds with only one hope of deliverance. -Those only were set free who were willing to -become the men of the King of England and to bind -themselves by oath to fight against their own natural -lord.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_456" id="fnanchor_456"></a><a href="#footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a></span></p> - -<p>Some then at least of the native subjects of the French -crown, who had no conflicting engagements to plead, did -not scruple, in the extremities in which they found themselves, -to take service on behalf of the invader against -their own lord. It is therefore the less wonderful if -another class of men, whose interests and whose duties -were more doubtful, deemed, when they had to choose -between two lords, that Rufus was the lord to be chosen. -<span class="sni">French traitors.</span> -Others again were found of baser mould, who simply took -the money of the Red King, and for its sake turned -against their own people on behalf of strangers. Among -<a name="Page_180" id="Page_180"></a><span class="pageno">180</span> -these one is specially marked, one who by his geographical -position was called on to be among the foremost champions -of France against Norman invasion. This was one -of the lords who commanded the fortresses on the Seine, -a man whose possessions lay close to the Norman border, -<span class="sni">Guy of the Rock.</span> -Guy of the Rock, the Rock which has taken its name from -him and which still is known as <span class="place">La Roche Guyon</span>.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_457" id="fnanchor_457"></a><a href="#footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a></span> -The -position of his chief stronghold made his adhesion of no -small importance. <span class="sni">Norman possessions beyond the Epte.</span> -The stream of Epte, flowing during -a great part of its course through a deep valley, seems -designed by nature to part Normandy and France; but, -as we have seen, the frontier was ever disputed, and here -and there the Norman held small portions of territory on -the left bank of the river. One of these Norman holdings -on the French side lies by the small village of Gasny, -where the boundary, surviving in that of the modern department, -is still marked at some distance up the opposite -hill. A slight further ascent brings the traveller in sight -of one of the noblest bends of the Seine, where the great -river, with all its islands, runs immediately below a long -line of chalk hills, with their white spurs jutting out in -endless fantastic shapes. The windings of the Seine have -in fact left at this point little more than a narrow isthmus -between itself and its lowlier tributary. <span class="sni">Roche Guyon.</span> -Just within the -French territory at this point, and commanding this -important sweep of the great French river, lay the -domains of the lord of the Rock. The ridge on which -<a name="Page_181" id="Page_181"></a><span class="pageno">181</span> -the traveller stands ends in a bluff to the south-east. -There, where the hills open for another tributary of the -Seine, close by the island of Lavancourt, stood Guy’s -now vanished fortress of Vetheuil. But, as we now gaze, -by far the most prominent object in the whole curved line -of the hill, placed like the imperial seat in the centre of -an ancient amphitheatre, rising over the church, the more -modern castle, the town, and the airy bridge which -modern art has thrown across the river, soar the relics of -the fortress which still bears Guy’s name. A spur of the -hill is crowned by a small keep, with a round tower -attached to a square mass within its compass. But in -the days of the Red King, the Guy’s Cliff of the Vexin, -now the site of a castle so preeminently visible, was -specially known as the site of the stronghold that was -invisible. <span class="sni">The castle bored in the rock.</span> -The lords of the rock had, like the Kenite -of old, literally made their nest in the rock itself. -The chalk is to this day habitually bored to make -houses, churches,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_458" id="fnanchor_458"></a><a href="#footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a></span> -any kind of excavation that may -be needed. In days before our time this custom had -been applied to a more dangerous use; the plundering -chiefs of the rock had scooped themselves out a castle in -its side. More than one of the chambers remain—​comfortless -to our eyes, but perhaps not more comfortless -than the chambers within many a tower of timber or -masonry—​whence these troglodyte barons looked out to -mark the craft upon the Seine, and to exact, by a custom -which lingered on till late times, a toll from every passer -by. <span class="sni">Guy submits to Rufus.</span> -Guy of the Rock now submitted to the island king, -and his submission supplied a new fetter to pen up the -king of the mainland within his havenless realm. At -the very entrance of the French territory on this side, -Guy’s Rock, Vetheuil, and all that is implied in the -<a name="Page_182" id="Page_182"></a><span class="pageno">182</span> -possession of Vetheuil and of the Rock, passed from the -obedience of the lord of Paris to the obedience of the lord -of Winchester and Rouen.</p> - -<p>While Guy thus sold to the invader the very entrance-gate -of the French kingdom, the Red King found another -ally in a far more famous man who held a position of at -least equal importance higher up the Seine. <span class="sni">Policy of Robert of Meulan.</span> -At the head -of the nobles who held lands of both kings stood the -acknowledged master of all subtle policy, Count Robert -of Meulan. We have been so long familiar with his -name, whether as the youthful warrior of Senlac or as -the experienced counsellor of the Red King, that we may -have almost forgotten that the title by which we call -him is French, and that he was as great a lord in France -as he was in England or in Normandy. We find it -hard to think of him as one of those who had thus -to choose between two lords, and that he might conceiveably -have chosen the cause of Philip—​or rather of -Lewis—​against William. We cannot fancy that he took -long to decide. He may have argued that William, lord -both of Normandy and of England, had two parts in -him, while Philip of France had only one. <span class="sni">He receives William’s troops.</span> -He received -the troops of the Red King into his castles, and his -adhesion was held to have been of special help to his -undertaking. He opened, we are told, a clear path for -the English into France.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_459" id="fnanchor_459"></a><a href="#footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a></span> -The words sound as if they -belonged to the fourteenth, fifteenth, or sixteenth century -rather than to the last years of the eleventh. And -they are clothed with a strange significance when we -remember that the man who now opened a way into -France for the combined host of Normandy and England -<a name="Page_183" id="Page_183"></a><span class="pageno">183</span> -was the same man who, two-and-thirty years before, had -opened a way into the very heart of England for the -combined host of Normandy and France.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_460" id="fnanchor_460"></a><a href="#footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a></span> -But in a -geographical point of view the expression is fully justified. -<span class="sni">Importance of the position of Meulan.</span> -In a war between the lord of Rouen and the lord of -Paris, no man’s friendship could be more valuable to -either side than the friendship of the Count of Meulan. -A man weaker in fight and less wary in council than the -Achitophel of his day might, if he kept the Seine barred -as the lord of Meulan could bar it, have gone far to hold -the balance between the contending kings. As at Mantes, -as at Rouen, as at Paris itself, the islands so characteristic -of the Seine are at Meulan also brought into play for -purposes of habitation and defence. <span class="sni">Description of Meulan.</span> -Meulan indeed is, -what neither Paris nor Rouen is, at once a hill-fortress -and a river-fortress. At a point of the river lying between -Mantes, the seat of the Conqueror’s death-wound, -and Poissy, the spot where he went to crave help of his -lord before the day of Val-ès-dunes, a hill which the surrounding -valleys gird as with a natural fosse rises from -the right bank of the river. A group of islands is -formed at this spot by the branches of the winding -stream, fit places for the landing of the forefathers of the -Normans in their pirate days. The spot was seized on -for defence. A castle arose on the side of the hill, with -a town at its foot sloping swiftly down to the river. -There a bridge of some antiquity joins the right bank to -a central island, which is joined again to the left bank -by another bridge. The island, once strongly fortified, -still keeps the significant name of the Fort. The bridge -which joins the island to the left bank of the river, where -lies the suburb known as <span class="place" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les Mureaux</span>, was, at least in -later times, defended by a tower bearing the name of <span class="place" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La -Sangle</span>. A considerable extent of the outer walls of the -<a name="Page_184" id="Page_184"></a><span class="pageno">184</span> -castle may be traced, and a specially diligent inquirer -may thread his way to a small fragment of the castle -itself, and may there mark work of a somewhat later date -than the time with which we have to do. It is more -easy to trace out a large part of the defences of the Fort, -and to mark the churches, surviving and desecrated, one -of which, high on the hill side, also belongs, like so many -others, to the age next following. As in so many other -places, so at Meulan, we cannot lay our hand on anything -which we can positively affirm to be the work of its -most famous lord. But we can well see that the strength -of the spot, a spot which in later times played no small -part in the wars of the League, was well understood -in the days of our story, and that so important a position -was strengthened by all the art of the time. When -Count Robert received the forces of Normandy and England -on the height and in the island of Meulan, he did -indeed open a way for those forces into the heart of -France. It was a way which might have been expected -to lead them straight to the city which then, as ever, -might be deemed to be more than the heart of France, -to be France itself.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">William’s prospects.</span> -Count Robert was doubtless guided, then and always, -by policy. Many of his neighbours who found themselves -in the like case followed his lead. They could -not serve two masters; so they made up their minds to -serve the master who was strongest either to reward or -to punish, him whose purse was the deeper and whose -spirit was the fiercer.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_461" id="fnanchor_461"></a><a href="#footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a></span> -Altogether the odds seemed -frightfully against the French side. Rufus might indeed -have small chances of carrying out his grand scheme of -<a name="Page_185" id="Page_185"></a><span class="pageno">185</span> -uniting Paris—​perhaps Poitiers and Bourdeaux—​under -the same lord as Winchester and Rouen; but things at -least looked as if the conquest of the disputed lands was -about to advance the Norman frontier most dangerously -near to the French capital. Above all, when the Seine -was barred both at Roche Guyon and at Meulan, we ask -how things stood in the border town which lay between -them, the town which was one of the special subjects of -William’s demands on Philip. How fared it at Mantes -when the stream both above and below was in the hands -of the enemy? To this question we get no answer; but -we see that, in any case, the King of the French was -more closely shut up than ever in the central prison-house -of his nominal realm.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Failure of William’s plans.</span> -But, small as seemed young Lewis’s means of defence, -weakened as he further was by treason among his own -or his father’s vassals, the resistance made by the French -to the Norman or English invasion was valiant, stubborn, -and, we may add, successful. William Rufus was much -further from conquering France than Henry the Fifth, -or even than Edward the Third, was in after times. With -all his wealth, all his forces, he could not conquer the -land; he could not even take the fortresses to which he -specially laid claim. He could not conquer the Vexin; -he could not take either Pontoise or Chaumont. <span class="sni">Pontoise and Chaumont not taken.</span> -While -we hear nothing of Mantes, we know that both these two -last-named fortresses successfully withstood his attacks. -Of the three fortresses which were the special objects of -the war, one, that of Chaumont, became in some sort its -centre. <span class="sni">Castle of Chaumont.</span> -The Chaumont with which we have to deal is -still distinguished from other places of the same name -as Chaumont-<em>en-Vexin</em>. It stands about five miles east -of the Epte, at the point where the frontier stream of -Rolf is joined by the smaller stream of the Troesne, and -makes a marked turn in its course from nearly due south -<a name="Page_186" id="Page_186"></a><span class="pageno">186</span> -to south-west. The region is a hilly one, though it contains -no heights of any remarkable elevation. The Bald -Mount itself, which—​unluckily for the inquirer—​is bald -no longer, is a wide-spreading hill crowned with a mound -which stands out prominently to the eye on every side. -The line of the wall which it supported may still be -easily traced, and in a few places it is actually standing. -On the steep north-eastern side of the hill the small -town of Chaumont nestles at its foot, while the stately -church of the later days of French architecture soars -above the town as the castle again soars above the church. -Of the part played in the war by this stronghold we -shall hear a little later.</p> - -<p>The height of Chaumont commands a vast prospect on -all sides; the eye stretches far away over the friendly -land to the south, towards the hills bordering on the -Seine; but the special rival of Chaumont, the fortress -at the junction of the Epte and Troesne, is shut out -from sight by a near range of hills which follow the -line of the smaller stream. Where the two rivers join, -the Epte, like the greater Seine, divides to form a group -of islands at the foot of a low hill on the right, the -Norman, bank. <span class="sni">The castle of Gisors.</span> -Here stands the town and fortress of -Gisors, the chief bulwark of Normandy towards the -north-eastern corner of the Vexin. Once a dependency -of the neighbouring Neauflé, whose mound and square -tower form a prominent object in the landscape, Gisors -had now become a stronghold indeed. <span class="sni">Its first defences. 1096.</span> -It had been -first fenced in about two years before by Pagan of -Gisors, a man of whom we shall hear in the course of -the war.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_462" id="fnanchor_462"></a><a href="#footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a></span> -Somewhat later William gave orders that -<a name="Page_187" id="Page_187"></a><span class="pageno">187</span> -the border post should be made into a fortress of the -greatest possible strength, and he committed the work -to the most skilful engineer at his command. <span class="sni">Strengthened by Robert of Bellême.</span> -All the -craft and subtlety of the Devil of Bellême were employed -to make Gisors a stronghold which might shelter -the eastern frontier of Normandy against all enemies. -As far as one can see, the islands in the Epte and the -hill which rises above them near to the right bank of -the main river were united in one common plan of -defence. The town itself, taking in the islands, was -walled, either now or at a later time, and defended with -a ditch throughout those parts of its circuit which were -neither sheltered by the river nor by the castle hill. In -the great defences of this last we see the fruit of the -engineering skill of Robert of Bellême, and we better -learn what in those days was deemed a specially strong -fortress. On all sides save that where town and castle -join, the hill is girded by a deep ditch, and on the north, -the side which lies away from both town and river, the -ditch is doubled, and the chief entrance on this side is -defended by an outpost between the two. The ditch -fences in a vast walled space, in the middle of which art -has improved nature by piling up a vast artificial mound -crowned by a shell keep. The earthworks are most likely -older than either Robert of Bellême or Pagan of Gisors. -The outer wall and the shell keep may well be part of -Robert’s design, if they are not actually his work; but the -towers which now rise so proudly over Gisors, not only -the round tower, precious in local legend, but the vast -octagon on one side of the keep which bears the name -of the martyr of Canterbury, must all be of later date -than our time. A graceful chapel within the keep, -where the visitor is told with special emphasis that -<a name="Page_188" id="Page_188"></a><span class="pageno">188</span> -Saint Thomas once said mass, has thus much to show -in favour of the legend that it is clearly a work of -Henry the Second’s days. <span class="sni">Gisors under Henry the Second.</span> -His days were stirring days -at Gisors as well as the days of Rufus, and a hundred -years of sieges had brought new improvements into the -art of fortification. -All in short that strikes the eye -as the traveller draws near to Gisors, <span class="sni">Present appearance of Gisors.</span> -the castle towers, -no less than the strange and striking outline of one of -the stateliest of those churches which boasted no bishop -or abbot at their head, belongs to later days than those -of the Red King’s campaign of Chaumont. Of the defences -of the town below little can now be traced, and -that part of the defences of the castle on which the -historian looks with the deepest interest is carefully -hidden from distant view. The tower of Saint Thomas -and its lower fellow both seem to rise from the midst of -a wood—​a wood artificially planted, seemingly for the -express purpose of robbing Gisors of its characteristic -feature, of shutting out from sight the mighty <dfn>motte</dfn> and -keep which Robert of Bellême made ready at the Red -King’s bidding to be the strongest bulwark of the Norman -land.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Castle of Trye.</span> -Near as Gisors stands to Chaumont, another fortress -barred the way between them. The road between the -two towns passes through Trye—​distinguished from its -neighbour Trye-<em>la-Ville</em> as Trye-<em>Château</em>—which appears -in our story along with Chaumont as one of the French -fortresses which Gisors was specially meant to keep in -check. Yet Trye must have been itself specially meant -as an outpost against Gisors. Close by Gisors is one -of the points where the Norman frontier overlaps -the Epte; so that Trye, lying between two and three -miles from Gisors, is yet nearer than Gisors to the actual -frontier. Trye does not lie, like Chaumont, hidden behind -the hills; it stands boldly in the teeth of the enemy, -<a name="Page_189" id="Page_189"></a><span class="pageno">189</span> -clearly seen from the hill of Gisors, and barring the main -road between Gisors and Chaumont, a road which led -over level ground and neither over hill nor swamp. -Otherwise the site has not, like Gisors and Chaumont, -any marked advantages of ground, nor, at present at -least, are any earthworks visible. In our time, though a -gate and a tower of later date than our story recall the -days of the military importance of Trye, the attractions -of the spot are chiefly of other kinds. <span class="sni">Primæval and later antiquities.</span> -Between -Trye and Chaumont a cromlech, known as the Three -Stones, calls up the thought of days and men which -were as mysterious in the time of Rufus as they are -now. More than one fragment of mediæval architecture -may be lighted on by the way, and Trye itself stands -conspicuous for the singular and beautiful Romanesque -work—​again too late for our immediate time—​to be -found both in its ecclesiastical and its secular buildings.</p> - -<p>Chaumont and Trye may practically be looked on as -one piece of defence. <span class="sni">Castle of Boury.</span> -A third fortress, that of Boury,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_463" id="fnanchor_463"></a><a href="#footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a></span> -lay further apart to the south-west, hidden from Gisors, -like Chaumont, by another line of hills. All three -castles seem to have remained unsubdued through the -whole war. The valour of the French resistance is -dwelled on with pleasure by our Norman or English -guide. Did the monk of Saint Evroul, the young -scholar of the Severn side, remember that, after all, -his father belonged neither to the land of his birth nor -to the land of his adoption, but was in truth a Frenchman -from Orleans?<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_464" id="fnanchor_464"></a><a href="#footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a></span> -<span class="sni">National feeling in the French Vexin.</span> -The French Vexin was inhabited by -a valiant race, in whom, if we are not pressing too far the -words of our story, a distinct feeling of French nationality -<a name="Page_190" id="Page_190"></a><span class="pageno">190</span> -was strong. They were ready to run all risks—​it is -not said for their King, but for the defence of their -country, for the glory of their nation, for the honour of -the French name.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_465" id="fnanchor_465"></a><a href="#footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a></span> -Valiant men, mercenaries it would -seem—​but who was to pay them?--from all parts of -Gaul, or at least of France, pressed to their help, and a -brave and successful defence was made. <span class="sni">Prisoners on both sides.</span> -Prisoners on -both sides underwent the two different fates which were -already spoken of. The name on the Norman side -which is best known to us is that of the fierce Gilbert -of Laigle; <span class="sni">Gilbert of Laigle.</span> -with him we hear of the former lord and -fortifier of Gisors.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_466" id="fnanchor_466"></a><a href="#footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a></span> -Among the captives on the French -side the national historian records one who bore a far -loftier name, but one which at that moment was hardly -a name of honour. <span class="sni">Simon of Montfort.</span> -Two of the long line of Simons of -the French Montfort are heard of in the course of our -story, father and son, father and brother of her who in -<a name="line190_9" id="line190_9"></a>our authorities appears commonly as the woman from -Anjou, but who on the Strong Mount of her fathers may -have been deemed a Queen of the French. One Simon -is now spoken of as a prisoner; both are found somewhat -later fighting stoutly in the cause of France. We -have heard that the Red King let none free who would -not undertake to fight on his side. Are we to infer that -a forefather of our own deliverer had learned the lesson -of Harold, that an extorted oath is of no strength?</p> - -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191"></a><span class="pageno">191</span> -§ 2. <span class="title">The First War of Maine.</span><br /> -1098.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Dates of the French war. November, 1097–September, 1098.</span> -These events on the French side, of which thus far we -have but a vague account, would seem to have happened -during the first half of the year with which we are -dealing. But all that we can say for certain is that -they happened between the November of one year and -the September of the next. -Of the struggle which was -going on at the same time in Maine, the dates are far -more clear. <span class="sni">War of Maine. January—​August, 1098.</span> It began in January and it was deemed to -be over in August. But its immediate occasion arose -the year before, and its general causes go much further -back. Fully to understand the war of William and -Helias, more truly the war of Helias and Robert of -Bellême, we must trace out the events of several years. -<span class="sni">History of Maine. 1089–1098.</span> -While we have been following the fates of England, -Normandy, Scotland, and Wales, much of high interest -has been going on in Maine which had no connexion -with the affairs of any part of Britain, and which had -but little influence on Norman affairs either. But now -that England and Normandy have again a common -ruler, the affairs of England, or at least the affairs of -her King, have again a close connexion with the affairs -of Maine. We have now therefore to take up the tale -of that noble city and county from the days when we -had to tell of Duke Robert’s campaign before Ballon -and Saint Cenery.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_467" id="fnanchor_467"></a><a href="#footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Robert suspects the loyalty of Maine. 1089.</span> -The submission of Maine to the Norman Duke which -then took place lasted only till the next favourable -opportunity for asserting the old independence of the -city and county. No great time after he had taken -<a name="Page_192" id="Page_192"></a><span class="pageno">192</span> -possession, Robert began to suspect the loyalty of his -Cenomannian subjects. A strange story follows, which -connects itself in a way yet stranger with the tale of the -royal household of France which we have lately been -telling. Robert, it seems, was sick at the moment when -he, or some one else for him, thought it needful to take -action against impending revolt in Maine. <span class="sni">He asks help of Fulk of Anjou.</span> -He sent -messengers and gifts to Count Fulk of Anjou, the famous -<span class="title">Rechin</span>, praying him to come to him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_468" id="fnanchor_468"></a><a href="#footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a></span> -Fulk, it will -be remembered, claimed the over-lordship of Maine, -and Robert himself had, long before, at the peace of -Blanchelande, done a formal homage to Fulk for the -county.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_469" id="fnanchor_469"></a><a href="#footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a></span> -The Angevin Count was supposed to have influence -with the people of Maine, influence which might -be enough to hinder them from revolting. That influence -Robert now prayed Fulk to use. The Angevin -agreed on one condition, namely that the Norman would -use his own influence in quite another quarter, for quite -another purpose. <span class="sni">Fulk asks for Bertrada of Montfort.</span> -Fulk wanted a wife. As the story is -told us, he is said to have had two living wives already; -but that seems not to have been the case.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_470" id="fnanchor_470"></a><a href="#footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a></span> -His first wife, -the daughter of a lord of Beaugency, died, leaving a -daughter. He then married Ermengarde of Bourbon—​a -description not to become royal for some ages—​the -mother of his son Geoffrey Martel. Her he put away -on the usual plea of kindred, and now it was that he -appeared as the wooer of that Bertrada of whom we -<a name="Page_193" id="Page_193"></a><span class="pageno">193</span> -have already spoken of in her later character. The -daughter of Simon of Montfort was the niece of Count -William of Evreux, through her mother Agnes, Count -William’s sister. <span class="sni">Bertrada brought up by Heloise.</span> -Her mother would seem to have been -dead, and she was brought up in her uncle’s house, -under the schooling of Countess Heloise.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_471" id="fnanchor_471"></a><a href="#footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a></span> -The Count of -Anjou, no longer young, driven to strange devices as to his -shoes,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_472" id="fnanchor_472"></a><a href="#footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a></span> -and burthened with a former wife whose divorce -might be called in question, felt that he was hardly -likely to win favour as a lover in the eyes either of -Bertrada herself or of her guardians. But the <span class="title">Rechin</span> was -skilful at a bargain. He would engage to keep Maine -in the Duke’s obedience, if the Duke would get him the -damsel of Montfort to wife.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_473" id="fnanchor_473"></a><a href="#footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a></span> -Robert set off for Evreux -in person, and pleaded Fulk’s cause with Count William. -The Count of Evreux was duly shocked, and set forth -the obvious objections to the marriage. <span class="sni">William of Evreux’s bargain about his niece.</span> -But he too was -open to a bargain; he would get over his scruples if the -Duke would restore to him certain lordships to which he -asserted a right, and would grant certain others to his -nephew William of Breteuil. These lands had been the -possession of his uncle Ralph of Wacey, guardian of -the Great William in his early days, who it seems was -sportively known as Ralph with the Ass’s Head.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_474" id="fnanchor_474"></a><a href="#footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a></span> -Let -<a name="Page_194" id="Page_194"></a><span class="pageno">194</span> -the Duke give him and his nephew back their own, -and Bertrada should be, as far as the Count of Evreux -was concerned, Countess of Anjou.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Robert consents.</span> -The Duke did not venture to answer without the -advice of his counsellors. <span class="sni">His counsellors.</span> -But the combined wisdom of -Robert of Bellême, lately a rebel but now again in -favour,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_475" id="fnanchor_475"></a><a href="#footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a></span> -of the Ætheling Eadgar, and of that monastic -William of Arques of whom we have already heard,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_476" id="fnanchor_476"></a><a href="#footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a></span> -advised the acceptance of Count William’s terms. The -whole county of Maine was of more value than the -lordships which the Count of Evreux demanded as the -price of his niece.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_477" id="fnanchor_477"></a><a href="#footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a></span> -The power and the will of Fulk to -do what he promised about Le Mans and Maine seems -not to have been doubted. The double bargain was -struck, and it was carried out for a season. Count -William and his nephew got all that they asked, except -that one lordship passed to Gerard of Gournay. <span class="sni">Fulk marries Bertrada.</span> -Fulk -too got what he asked, namely Bertrada, till such time -as King Philip took her away. She had time to quarrel -with her stepson Geoffrey, and to become the mother of -Fulk, afterwards Count of Anjou and King of Jerusalem, -and grandfather of the first Angevin King of England. -<span class="sni">Maine kept quiet for a year.</span> -And Count Fulk was able, by whatever means, to keep -the Cenomannian city and county in a formal allegiance -to the Norman Duke, till such time as the temptations -to revolt became too strong to be withstood.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Movements in Maine.</span> -Our story however seems to imply that the submission -of Maine to Robert was wholly on the surface, and that -all this while schemes were going on for shaking off the -hated Norman yoke. The present movement took the -<a name="Page_195" id="Page_195"></a><span class="pageno">195</span> -same form which had been taken by the movement in the -Conqueror’s day.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_478" id="fnanchor_478"></a><a href="#footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a></span> -The avowed object of Cenomannian -patriotism was now, as then, the restoration of the ancient -dynasty. The valour and energy of the citizens of Le -Mans are constantly spoken of; but we hear nothing this -time of the <dfn>commune</dfn>. The rule of some prince seems to -be assumed on all hands, and for a while all seem to have -agreed in seeking that prince in the same quarter in -which they had sought a prince already. <span class="sni">Hugh son of Azo sent for. 1090.</span> -Little indeed -of good for Le Mans or Maine had come of the former -application to Azo and Gersendis; but their son Hugh -had now reached greater years and experience, and the -men of Maine again sent into Italy to ask for him to -reign over them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_479" id="fnanchor_479"></a><a href="#footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Union of Geoffrey and Helias.</span> -The application was supported both -by Geoffrey of Mayenne, of whom we have so often heard -during the last thirty years, and by Helias of La Flèche, -who might well have asserted his own claims against -those of the distant house of Este.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_480" id="fnanchor_480"></a><a href="#footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Helias of La Flèche.</span> -Helias now becomes the hero of the Cenomannian -tale. He is one of the men of his time of whom we can -get the clearest idea. We see him alike in his recorded -acts and in his elaborately drawn portrait; and by the -light of the two we can hail in him the very noblest type -of the age and class to which he belonged. We see in -him a no less worthy defender of the freedom of Maine -than Harold was of the freedom of England. <span class="sni">His character</span> -He stands -<a name="Page_196" id="Page_196"></a><span class="pageno">196</span> -before us with his tall stature, his strong, thin, and well-proportioned -frame, his swarthy complexion, his thick -hair cropped close after Norman or priestly fashion.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_481" id="fnanchor_481"></a><a href="#footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a></span> -Brave and skilful in war, wise and just in his rule in -peace, ready and pleasant in speech, gentle to the good -and stern to the evil, faithful to his word, and corrupted -neither by good nor evil fortune, a man withal of prayer -and fasting, the bountiful friend of the Church and the -poor, Helias stands forth within the narrow range of a -single county of Gaul as one who, on a wider field, might -have won for himself a place among the foremost of mankind.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_482" id="fnanchor_482"></a><a href="#footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a></span> -With the house of the old Counts of Maine he had -a twofold connexion. <span class="sni">and descent.</span> -The male line of Herbert Wake-dog -had come to an end; but in the female line Helias came -of it in two descents, while Hugh came in one only. Not -only was his mother Paula one of the sisters of the -younger Herbert, but his father John of La Flèche was -son of a daughter of Wake-dog himself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_483" id="fnanchor_483"></a><a href="#footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His castles.</span> -To his father’s -Angevin fief of La Flèche, among the islands of the Loir, -his marriage with Matilda, a grand-niece of Archbishop -Gervase of Rheims, known to us better as Bishop of -Le Mans,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_484" id="fnanchor_484"></a><a href="#footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a></span> -had added a string of castles in the south of -Maine. Two of these, Mayet and the one which is -specially called the Castle of the Loir, fill a prominent -<a name="Page_197" id="Page_197"></a><span class="pageno">197</span> -place in our story.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_485" id="fnanchor_485"></a><a href="#footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a></span> -Helias was plainly the greatest lord -of eastern Maine, the modern department of Sarthe, as -Geoffrey of Mayenne was the greatest in western Maine, -the modern department which still bears the name of his -own fortress.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_486" id="fnanchor_486"></a><a href="#footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His possible claim on the county.</span> -One might have thought that the position -of Helias as a great local chief might, when the -elders of Maine were called on to choose a prince, have -outweighed any slight genealogical precedence on the -part of the stranger Hugh. But the great men of the -county may not have been disposed to place one of themselves -over their own heads. <span class="sni">He accepts the succession of Hugh.</span> -Anyhow Helias, like his -father before him,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_487" id="fnanchor_487"></a><a href="#footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a></span> -waived his own claim to the succession. -Along with the lord of Mayenne and the great mass of -the people of the city and county, he welcomed the Ligurian -prince—​such is the geography of our chief guide—​when -he came to take possession of the dominion to -which the voice of the Cenomannian people had called -him a second time.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_488" id="fnanchor_488"></a><a href="#footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Negotiations with Hugh.</span> -We are to suppose that the negotiations with the -house of Este were going on during the year when Count -Fulk contrived to keep Maine outwardly quiet. But -when the quarrel between William and Robert broke -out, when Normandy was divided and dismembered, the -Angevin over-lord’s influence gave way. The time for -action was clearly come. <span class="sni">Revolt of Maine. 1090.</span> -Le Mans and all Maine now -openly rose against the Norman dominion. Duke -Robert’s garrisons were driven out;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_489" id="fnanchor_489"></a><a href="#footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a></span> -the Cenomannian -<a name="Page_198" id="Page_198"></a><span class="pageno">198</span> -land was again free. <span class="sni">Invitation to Hugh.</span> -But the first act of restored freedom -was to invite Hugh of Este, descendant of the ancient -counts, to come at once to take possession, and to rule in -the palace on the Roman wall which fences in the Cenomannian -hill.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Opposition of Bishop Howel.</span> -The chief opponent of the movement for independence -was, as before, the Bishop. The throne of Saint Julian -was still filled by the Breton Howel, the nominee of -the Conqueror, and he stood firm in his loyalty to -his patron’s eldest son.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_490" id="fnanchor_490"></a><a href="#footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a></span> -He withstood the revolt by -every means in his power, and scattered interdicts and -anathemas against the supporters of the newly-elected -Count.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_491" id="fnanchor_491"></a><a href="#footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a></span> -Hugh had not yet come, and the opposition of -the Bishop was felt to be dangerous. <span class="sni">Howel imprisoned by Helias.</span> -Helias therefore, -whose piety did not lead him to any superstitious reverence -for ecclesiastical privileges, dealt with Howel as an -enemy, or at least as one whom it was well to keep out -of the way for a season. As the Bishop was going -through his diocese with a train of clergy, in the discharge -of some episcopal duty, Helias seized him, carried -him off, and put him in ward at La Flèche.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_492" id="fnanchor_492"></a><a href="#footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a></span> -The great -<a name="Page_199" id="Page_199"></a><span class="pageno">199</span> -grievance seems to have been that Howel was denied -the company of his attendant clergy, and was allowed -the services only of one unlettered rustic priest. The -fear was lest the Bishop and his more learned companions -would, in their Latin talk, plot something which -their keepers would not understand.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_493" id="fnanchor_493"></a><a href="#footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a></span> -This very complaint -shows that the Bishop’s imprisonment was -not of a very harsh kind. But the cause of the captive -prelate was zealously taken up by his clergy. <span class="sni">Interdict of Le Mans.</span> -Le -Mans and its suburbs were put under a practical interdict; -divine worship ceased; the bells were silent; the -doors of the churches were stopped up with thorns.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_494" id="fnanchor_494"></a><a href="#footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a></span> -Great, it is said, was the joy when the Bishop was set -free and came back to his city. <span class="sni">Liberation of Howel on Hugh’s coming.</span> -We are told by a writer -in the episcopal interest that Helias set him free in a fit -of penitence, in answer to many intercessions from -nobles, clergy, and neighbouring bishops. Howel was -gracious and forgiving, and let his wrongs be forgotten -<a name="Page_200" id="Page_200"></a><span class="pageno">200</span> -on the restoration of whatever had been taken from -him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_495" id="fnanchor_495"></a><a href="#footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a></span> -All this is possible; but the more definite statement -that Howel was kept in ward till Hugh came -shows that his captivity was a matter of policy, and that -he was set free as soon as it seemed that no object could -be gained by prolonging it.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Hugh reaches Le Mans.</span> -Meanwhile Hugh was on the road. At the border -fortress of La Chartre he was met by the magistrates of -Le Mans—​the city seems, as often in Cenomannian history, -to act for the whole county—​who swore oaths to -him, counting, it is added, their former oaths to Duke Robert -for nought.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_496" id="fnanchor_496"></a><a href="#footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Howel flees to Robert.</span> -The Bishop, determined not to acknowledge -the revolution, fled to the court of the prince -whom he did acknowledge. But he found little help -there. <span class="sni">Robert’s carelessness as to his loss.</span> -The idle and luxurious Robert seemed not to -care, he seemed almost to rejoice, that so noble a part -of his dominions had fallen away from him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_497" id="fnanchor_497"></a><a href="#footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a></span> -One thing -only he would not give up; he would at all hazards cleave -to his rights over the Cenomannian bishopric.<span class="sni">He cleaves to his rights over the bishopric.</span> -Robert -bade Howel to go back to Le Mans, but to do nothing -which could be taken as an admission of Hugh as temporal -lord of the bishopric.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_498" id="fnanchor_498"></a><a href="#footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a></span> -Howel went home, and -found the new Count, for whatever reason, quartered in -the episcopal palace. He had himself to live in the -<a name="Page_201" id="Page_201"></a><span class="pageno">201</span> -abbey of Saint Vincent, just outside the city. <span class="sni">Dispute between Hugh and Howel.</span> -A long -dispute followed between the Breton Bishop and the -Italian Count, and then came a still fiercer dispute between -the Bishop and a party in his own Chapter. One -or two points are of constitutional interest, and remind -us of questions which we have just before heard of in -our own land. <span class="sni">Howel refuses to acknowledge Hugh as <span class="title">advocatus</span>.</span> -The Count called on Howel to acknowledge -himself as his feudal superior for the temporalities -of the bishopric.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_499" id="fnanchor_499"></a><a href="#footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a></span> -He refused and left the city, on -which Hugh seized the temporalities of the bishopric. -<span class="sni">Howel and his Chapter.</span> -Worse even than the Count were the Bishop’s clerical -enemies, one Hilgot at their head. By a cruel subtlety -they had persuaded him to appoint as Dean a mere boy -from his own land, Geoffrey by name, of the age of -twelve years only—​so it is said. <span class="sni">Disputes about the deanery.</span> -Now they turned about, -found fault with the appointment, and set up an anti-dean -of their own.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_500" id="fnanchor_500"></a><a href="#footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a></span> -The Bishop crossed over to England -for help, and, strange to say, he found a friend in the -King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_501" id="fnanchor_501"></a><a href="#footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Howel comes to England.</span> -But meanwhile all kinds of wrongs were done to -<a name="Page_202" id="Page_202"></a><span class="pageno">202</span> -his people, even to branding an innocent boy in the -face.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_502" id="fnanchor_502"></a><a href="#footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a></span> -At last a reconciliation between the Count and -the Bishop was brought about, partly because of the -turn taken by public feeling. Saint Julian’s, in the -absence of its chief pastor, was forsaken, while crowds -flocked to keep the feasts of the Church at the Bishop’s -monastic retreat. This was at the priory of Solêmes, -near Sablé, lying south-west of the city, towards the -Angevin border.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_503" id="fnanchor_503"></a><a href="#footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Return of Howel. June 28, 1090.</span> -At last the prelate came back amidst -universal joy, and the Count made good all wrongs and -losses that he had undergone.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_504" id="fnanchor_504"></a><a href="#footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Unpopularity of Hugh.</span> -But happier days were to come for the Bishop and the -people of Maine. It was not only to Howel and his -clergy that the Italian Count had made himself hateful. -He had none of the qualities which were needed in the -ruler of a high-spirited people in a time of danger. Idle, -timid, weak of purpose, he had no power among the -men over whom he was set; and he had not, as seems -to have been hoped for, brought with him any store of -money from the south.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_505" id="fnanchor_505"></a><a href="#footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a></span> -His wife, a daughter of Robert -Wiscard, a woman of a lofty spirit, was too much for him. -He put her away, and was excommunicated by Pope -Urban for so doing.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_506" id="fnanchor_506"></a><a href="#footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a></span> -Despised of all men, he was thinking -of flight.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_507" id="fnanchor_507"></a><a href="#footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a></span> -<span class="sni">February, 1091.</span> -It was now moreover the moment when -<a name="Page_203" id="Page_203"></a><span class="pageno">203</span> -the Norman power had again become specially dangerous -to Maine. <span class="sni">Danger of Maine.</span> -The sons of the great William, lately at -variance, were now reconciled, and the subjugation of -Maine was one of the terms of their agreement.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_508" id="fnanchor_508"></a><a href="#footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a></span> -Helias -saw his opportunity. He set forth the dangers of the -land to his cousin. Hugh said that he wished to sell -his county and be off.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_509" id="fnanchor_509"></a><a href="#footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a></span> -Helias argued that, in that -case, he ought to sell it to no one but himself. He set -forth his right by birth; he said that it was no easy -place that he was seeking. But his just rights and a -love for the freedom of the land called him to it, and he -trusted that God would help him in his post of danger.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_510" id="fnanchor_510"></a><a href="#footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a></span> -A bargain was soon struck. <span class="sni">Helias buys the county.</span> -For a sum of ten thousand -Cenomannian shillings Hugh agreed to abdicate in -favour of his cousin. The coronet of Maine passed from -the son of Gersendis to the son of Paula. Hugh went -back into Italy with his money, and Helias was received -without opposition as Count of Maine.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_511" id="fnanchor_511"></a><a href="#footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">First reign of Helias. 1091–1098.</span> -The reign of Helias over Le Mans and Maine lasted -for about twenty years, with a break of three years -of warfare of which we shall presently have to speak. -First came a time of seven or eight years, during which -the Cenomannian people might indeed be objects of envy -to the people either of Normandy or of England. The new -<a name="Page_204" id="Page_204"></a><span class="pageno">204</span> -prince, by every account of his actions, showed himself -the model of a ruler of those times. <span class="sni">His strong and just rule.</span> -He did justice and -made peace; as far as a prince of those days could do -so, he sheltered the weak from the oppressions of the -strong.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_512" id="fnanchor_512"></a><a href="#footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a></span> -His personal piety was not lessened, nor was his -devotion to the Church less zealous, now that the ecclesiastical -power was no longer a political enemy. <span class="sni">His friendship for Howel.</span> -Strong -in the friendship of his late gaoler, Bishop Howel could -rule his diocese in peace, and could carry on his works -of building, both in the city itself and in his neighbouring -lordship of Coulaines.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_513" id="fnanchor_513"></a><a href="#footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Peace of the land.</span> -And these happy years were -years of peace without as well as within. The rule of -Helias was undisputed; Maine saw neither revolt within -her own borders nor invasion from any power beyond -them. Whatever designs either Robert or William may -have cherished against the independence of Maine, those -designs did not for the present take the shape of -any overt act. Robert seems to have done absolutely -nothing; the first signs of impending evil showed themselves -soon after William’s acquisition of Normandy; <span class="sni">1096.</span> -but -there was no open warfare for two years longer.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Translation of Saint Julian. October 17, 1093.</span> -In these times of exceptional quiet there is little to -record beyond ecclesiastical ceremonies. It was a bright -day at Le Mans when Bishop Howel was able to translate -the body of the venerated patron of the city to the -place of honour in his new building.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_514" id="fnanchor_514"></a><a href="#footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a></span> -That was the -time when Anselm, already enthroned, was waiting for -consecration, and when Malcolm had turned away from -Gloucester to plan his last invasion of Northumberland.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_515" id="fnanchor_515"></a><a href="#footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a></span> -<a name="Page_205" id="Page_205"></a><span class="pageno">205</span> -In these years too Howel must have finished the two -stately towers of Saint Julian’s minster, of which we shall -before long have a tale to tell. But Le Mans presently -saw a greater day than all, as it seemed at least in -the eyes of the biographer of her bishops. <span class="sni">Visit of Pope Urban to Le Mans. November or December, 1095.</span> -After the -days of Piacenza and Clermont, Pope Urban honoured -the Cenomannian city with his presence. For three -days the sovereign Pontiff was the guest of Howel, and -we are told that, though it was a year of scarceness, -yet the Bishop of Le Mans was able to entertain the -Pope and his following right bountifully.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_516" id="fnanchor_516"></a><a href="#footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a></span> -Howel, it is -said, appeared among his fellow-bishops conspicuous -for the gifts of both mind and body. Men rejoiced with -him on the happiness of receiving such a guest, and -deemed from his health and vigour that he might long -enjoy his honours.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_517" id="fnanchor_517"></a><a href="#footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Sickness of Howel. 1095–1097.</span> -Before long he fell sick, and his -sickness was unto death, although his end did not come -till nearly two years after the preaching at Clermont. -The visit of Urban, the death of Howel, led to important -events in the history of Maine.</p> - -<p>The preaching of the crusade, above all the presence, -and doubtless the preaching, of the crusading Pope in -his own city, stirred up the same impulse in the heart -of Helias which was stirred up in the hearts of so many -other men of his day. <span class="sni">Helias takes the cross. 1095–1096.</span> -Young and strong, devout and -valiant, he would go and fight to win back the sepulchre -of his Lord from the misbelievers and to deliver his -Christian brethren in other lands from their cruel bondage. -By the counsel of the Pope, the Count of Maine -<a name="Page_206" id="Page_206"></a><span class="pageno">206</span> -took the cross, and made ready to go on the armed -pilgrimage along with his neighbours, with Robert -of Normandy and Stephen of Chartres.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_518" id="fnanchor_518"></a><a href="#footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Estimate of his action.</span> -Our feeling -perhaps is that Helias, like Saint Lewis, had a stronger -call to stay at home than to go on the crusade. A certain -part of mankind, a small part certainly, but that -part among which his immediate duty lay, was peaceful -and happy under his rule as they were not likely to be -under the rule of any other. Could it be right, we might -argue, for him to leave a work which none could do but -himself, a work which he had taken on his shoulders of -his own free will, for another work, however noble, -which others could do as well as himself? Let Robert -go and win honour abroad instead of dishonour at home. -Normandy was in such a case that the coming even of -Rufus was a happy change. Let Stephen of Chartres -go; he left his royal-hearted Adela behind him. Let -King Philip go, if he could go; his son Lewis would rule -his realm far better than he. But let Helias stay, and -keep for his land and city that well-being which he -had given and which another might take away. <span class="sni">Sigurd and Eystein.</span> -An -argument nearly the same as this was actually pressed -on the crusading Sigurd by his stay-at-home brother -Eystein. While Sigurd was warring far away, Eystein -had done a great deal of good to his own people in -Norway.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_519" id="fnanchor_519"></a><a href="#footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a></span> -But there are moments in the world’s history, -moments when all has to be sacrificed to a great -cause, when arguments like these, so sound against -ordinary warfare, sound above all against the utterly -purposeless warfare of those days, cannot be listened -to. <span class="sni">Argument in favour of the Crusade.</span> -If Western Christendom was to arm for a crusade, -<a name="Page_207" id="Page_207"></a><span class="pageno">207</span> -it was well that that crusade should be headed by the -noblest men in Western Christendom. The work would -not be done, if it were only left to lower souls. If -Godfrey was to march, it was fit that Helias should march -beside him. Godfrey went; Helias did not go. He had -now a neighbour who made it vain for him to think of -leaving his own land in jeopardy, even to carry out his -promise to Pope Urban and to go on the holy war.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">William in Normandy. August (?), 1096.</span> -The bargain between William and Robert had just been -struck. The two brothers were together at Rouen. Robert -was about to set out for Jerusalem; William had come to -take possession of Normandy. It would have been the -height of rashness for Helias to join in the enterprise of -Robert, unless he could make his county safe during his -absence against any aggression on the part of William. -<span class="sni">Danger to Maine.</span> -According to Norman doctrines, Maine was simply a rebellious -province. Robert had done nothing to stop the -rebellion, but he had never acknowledged either Hugh or -Helias as lawful Prince of the Cenomannians. Where -Robert had done nothing, William would be likely to act -with vigour. The claims which Robert had simply not -acknowledged William might be inclined to dispute -with the sword. <span class="sni">Importance of Norman neutrality.</span> -It was therefore of the utmost moment -for the Count of Maine to secure the friendship, -or at least the neutrality, of the new ruler of Normandy. -Helias doubtless knew that, if William bound himself -by his knightly promise, that promise would be faithfully -kept, and he perhaps hoped that towards one who -was bound on a holy errand, an errand during which he -would be harmless and powerless as far as Maine and -Normandy were concerned, the chivalrous king might be -disposed to pledge such a promise. He therefore went to -Rouen, and sought interviews with both brothers. <span class="sni">Helias and Robert.</span> -He -first took counsel with the Duke.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_520" id="fnanchor_520"></a><a href="#footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Helias and William.</span> -Robert, we know, could -<a name="Page_208" id="Page_208"></a><span class="pageno">208</span> -give counsel to others,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_521" id="fnanchor_521"></a><a href="#footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a></span> -and he had no temptation at -this moment to give unfriendly counsel to Helias. By -his advice, the Count of Maine went to the King; <span class="sni">He professes himself William’s vassal.</span> -he -addressed him reverently, and, if his words be rightly -reported, acknowledged himself his vassal. So to do -was no degradation, and the acknowledgement might -turn the King’s heart towards him. He set forth his -purpose of going to the crusade; he said that he wished -to go as the King’s friend and in his peace.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_522" id="fnanchor_522"></a><a href="#footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Answer of Rufus; he demands the cession of Maine.</span> -Then -Rufus burst forth in a characteristic strain. Helias -may go whither he thinks good; but let him give -up the city and county of Maine; whatever his father -held it was William’s will to hold also.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_523" id="fnanchor_523"></a><a href="#footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a></span> -Helias -answers that he holds his county by lawful inheritance -from his forefathers, and that he hopes by God’s help -to hand it on to his children. But if the King has a -mind to try the question in a peaceful pleading, he is -ready to maintain his right before kings, counts, and -bishops, and to abide by their judgement.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_524" id="fnanchor_524"></a><a href="#footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a></span> -Rufus tells -him that he will plead against him with swords and -spears and countless arrows.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_525" id="fnanchor_525"></a><a href="#footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Challenge of Helias.</span> -Then Helias spoke his -<a name="Page_209" id="Page_209"></a><span class="pageno">209</span> -solemn challenge. He had wished to fight against the -heathen in the name of the Lord, but he had found the -enemies of Christ nearer to his own doors. The county -which he held was his by the gift of God;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_526" id="fnanchor_526"></a><a href="#footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a></span> -he would -not lightly give it up, nor leave his people to the wolves -as sheep without a shepherd. Let the King and all his -nobles hear. He bore the cross of a pilgrim; that cross -he would not lay aside; he would bear it on his shield, -on his helmet, on the saddle and bridle of his horse. -Under the protection of that sign he would go forth to -defend himself against all who might attack him, that -all might know that those who were fighting against him -were fighting against a warrior of the cross. He trusted -in Him who ruled the world and who knew the secrets -of his heart, that a day would come when he would be -able to discharge his vow according to the letter.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_527" id="fnanchor_527"></a><a href="#footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Rufus lets Helias go with a defiance.</span> -The -Red King bade him go whither he would and do -what he would; he had no mind to fight against crusaders, -but he would have the city which his father -had once won.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_528" id="fnanchor_528"></a><a href="#footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a></span> -Let Helias get together workmen to -repair his broken walls.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_529" id="fnanchor_529"></a><a href="#footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a></span> -He would presently visit the -citizens of Le Mans, and would show himself before their -gates with a hundred thousand pennoned lances.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_530" id="fnanchor_530"></a><a href="#footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a></span> -He -would send cars drawn by oxen, and laden with arrows -and javelins. But before the oxen could reach Le -<a name="Page_210" id="Page_210"></a><span class="pageno">210</span> -Mans, he would be there with many legions of armed -men.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_531" id="fnanchor_531"></a><a href="#footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such was the threatening message which Helias was -bidden to receive as the most certain truth and to go -back and tell his accomplices—​that is, we may understand, -his faithful subjects. <span class="sni">Helias makes ready for defence.</span> -He went back to his -capital, and began to put his dominions into a state fit -to withstand an attack. But as yet no attack came; -for a year or more neither king nor legions nor oxen -were seen before the gates of Le Mans. <span class="sni">William delays his attack. 1096–1097.</span> -William was -busy with many matters, with the dispute with Anselm, -with the Welsh war, with the affairs of Scotland. We -are told, characteristically enough, that in the midst of -all these affairs he forgot Maine altogether. Helias -meanwhile remained in actual possession of the county, -not attacked or disturbed by Rufus, but in no way -acknowledged by him, with the King’s threats hanging -over him, and knowing that an attack might come at -any moment. At last this armed neutrality came to -an end. An event happened which called the King’s -mind back to Cenomannian affairs in a manner specially -characteristic of Cenomannian history.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Affairs of the bishopric.</span> -Again, as so often in our story, the bishopric of -Le Mans becomes the centre of the drama and the -subject of dispute among the princes of the world. <span class="sni">Death of Howel July 29, 1097.</span> -In -the middle of the summer, shortly before the council -of Winchester, Bishop Howel died, seemingly of the -same sickness which had come upon him soon after the -visit of Pope Urban. Helias, like Hugh, deemed himself, -as the reigning Count, to be the temporal lord of -<a name="Page_211" id="Page_211"></a><span class="pageno">211</span> -the bishopric, and he at once nominated to the vacant -see. <span class="sni">Helias nominates Geoffrey.</span> -His choice was the Dean of Saint Julian’s, that -same Geoffrey who had been placed by Howel in the -deanery in his childhood, and who, if the dates be right, -must still have been wonderfully young for a bishop.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_532" id="fnanchor_532"></a><a href="#footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The canons choose Hildebert.</span> -But the canons of Saint Julian’s stood upon their right -of free election, and chose a man of greater name, their -Chancellor and Archdeacon, the famous Hildebert.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_533" id="fnanchor_533"></a><a href="#footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a></span> -They placed him at once, seemingly against his own -will, on the episcopal throne.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_534" id="fnanchor_534"></a><a href="#footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a></span> -At first Helias was wroth, -and was minded to set aside this direct slight to his -authority. <span class="sni">Helias accepts the election.</span> -But the rights of the Chapter were set before -him, and, unlike our own Confessor under less provocation, -he yielded, and accepted the election.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_535" id="fnanchor_535"></a><a href="#footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a></span> -The -Dean, deeming himself sure of the bishopric, had made -ready a great feast; but his dainties were spread and -eaten to no purpose.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_536" id="fnanchor_536"></a><a href="#footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Geoffrey Archbishop of Rouen. 1111.</span> His time of promotion was only -deferred. -Fourteen years later, Geoffrey succeeded William -the Good Soul in the archbishopric of Rouen. So -<a name="Page_212" id="Page_212"></a><span class="pageno">212</span> -his now more successful competitor was not fated -always to remain in the second rank of prelacy. <span class="sni">Hildebert Bishop of Le Mans. 1097–1126.</span> -One -of the great scholars of his day, renowned for his -writings both in prose and verse, a diligent writer of -letters and thereby one of the authorities for our history, -a builder, a reformer, an enemy of heresy who -could yet deal gently with the heretic,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_537" id="fnanchor_537"></a><a href="#footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a></span> -a model in -short, we are told, of every episcopal virtue, Hildebert -ruled the church of Le Mans for more than twenty-nine -years, <span class="sni">Archbishop of Tours. 1126–1134.</span> -and then for the last nine years of his long life -was removed to the metropolitan throne of Tours.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_538" id="fnanchor_538"></a><a href="#footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a></span></p> - -<p>All the elements of the Cenomannian state, prince, -clergy, and people, had joined in the elevation of Hildebert. -But there was one to whom any free election or -nomination by any of the local powers was in its own -nature distasteful. <span class="sni">Claims of the Norman Dukes over the bishopric.</span> -It was perhaps because their claim -was very doubtful that the princes of the Norman house -clave with such special obstinacy to their rights over -the temporalities of the see of Le Mans. The bishopric -was the one thing in Maine which even the careless -Robert cared about.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_539" id="fnanchor_539"></a><a href="#footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a></span> -And to William Rufus, who so -deeply cherished his father’s memory, it would seem a -crowning indignity that a bishop appointed by his father, -a special and loyal friend of his father, should be succeeded -by any one, whether the choice of count, chapter, -<a name="Page_213" id="Page_213"></a><span class="pageno">213</span> -or <dfn>commune</dfn>, in whose election he himself had no share. -<span class="sni">Anger of Rufus at the election of Hildebert.</span> -When the King heard of the election of Hildebert, he -was very wroth. He forbade his consecration, seemingly -under threats of open war.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_540" id="fnanchor_540"></a><a href="#footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a></span> -Hildebert was consecrated -none the less, and the war which Rufus had hitherto -planned in his heart, broke out in action.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_541" id="fnanchor_541"></a><a href="#footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">William in Normandy. November, 1097.</span> -When William crossed the sea in the November -following the election of Hildebert, we may believe that -the wrong which he held to have been done to him -in the matter of that election was in his mind as a -secondary cause of action, along with his demand of the -Vexin from the King of the French. <span class="sni">His designs on Maine.</span> -He came for war -with France; he was ready for war with Maine also. -But we do not hear of any actual military operations -till the next year had begun. And, when warfare -began, it was at first warfare carried on, just as often -happened in Wales and even in Scotland, by the King’s -licence indeed, but not by the King himself. <span class="sni">Robert of Bellême attacks Maine.</span> The immediate -danger lay on the side of the county which was -threatened by the constant enemy of Maine and of Helias, -Robert of Bellême. -From him came the first acts -of warfare. It was against him that Helias now found -it needful to strengthen his castle of Dangeul.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_542" id="fnanchor_542"></a><a href="#footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Helias strengthens the castle of Dangeul. Its position.</span> -This point lies to the north-east of Ballon, at only a few miles’ -distance. The castle stands on a height nearly equal to -that of Ballon, though Dangeul does not take the same -<a name="Page_214" id="Page_214"></a><span class="pageno">214</span> -marked form of a promontory, but rather stands on the -edge of a wide expanse of high ground sinking by stages -down to the plain below. The fortress has wholly -vanished; but its site may be traced within the grounds -of the modern <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">château</i> which has taken its place, and -which represents, in a figure, the stronghold of Helias. -The view which the spot commands shows how well the -site was chosen. The eye ranges as far as the height of -Sillé-le-Guillaume on one side, as far as the Norman -Chaumont on the other. Dangeul stood right in the -way of an advance of the arch-enemy, whether from his -own home at Bellême or from any of his Norman or -Cenomannian fortresses.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Geographical character of the war; waged chiefly with Robert of Bellême.</span> -The war of Maine is largely a war between Helias and -Robert of Bellême. This gives the war its special geographical -character. The immediate possessions of Helias -lay in the south-eastern part of the county; the -fortresses of the enemy threatened him from the north-east. -The capital lay between them. The result is that -the seat of war is confined to the eastern part of Maine, -the modern department of Sarthe, and that Le Mans -itself is its special centre. Of western Maine, the modern -department of Mayenne, we hear nothing. There is no -news from the old battle-field of Domfront, Ambrières, -and Mayenne itself, though of the lord of Mayenne we -still continue to hear. There is nothing this time to tell -of Sainte-Susanne or of Sillé-le-Guillaume.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_543" id="fnanchor_543"></a><a href="#footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a></span> -The war -takes up such an area as is natural when the strife is -waged mainly for the city of Le Mans, when it is waged -between the lord of La Flèche and the lord of Bellême. -The enemy advances from Alençon and Mamers; he is -checked by the fortification of Dangeul.</p> - - -<div class="figcenter img100"> - <img src="images/i_214.jpg" - alt="Campaign of Maine" - /> - <p class="captionbottom">Edwᵈ. Weller</p> - <p class="captioncenter">For the Delegates of the Clarendon Press.</p> - <p class="caption">Map -illustrating the<br /> -CAMPAIGN <span class="muchsmaller">OF</span> MAINE<br /> -<span class="small">A.D. 1098.</span></p> -</div><!--end illustration--> -<!--Blank Page--> - -<p><span class="sni">Effects of the occupation of Dangeul.</span> -The occupation of this last strong post by Helias was -not without effect. He did not indeed win back any of -<a name="Page_215" id="Page_215"></a><span class="pageno">215</span> -the castles which were held by Robert of Bellême; but -the garrison of Dangeul kept the invader in check, and -hindered him from carrying his accustomed ravages -through the whole country. This move of Helias seems -even to have convinced Robert that the conquest of -Maine was an undertaking too great for his own unassisted -power. <span class="sni">Robert of Bellême invites the King. January, 1098.</span> -In January he went to the King, and -stirred him up to a direct attack on Helias. With a -lover of warfare like Robert winter went for nothing; it -would be just the time to take the enemy by surprise, -while they were not expecting any attack. The King, -we are told, was unwilling. It is hard to understand -why this should be, unless he was too busily occupied -with the war in the Vexin. He was ashamed however—​the -chivalrous feeling again comes in—​to shrink from -any warlike enterprise which was proposed to him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_544" id="fnanchor_544"></a><a href="#footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a></span> -<span class="sni">William and Robert against Helias.</span> -The King and the Count of Bellême set forth; but they -found the Count of Maine fully their match. He knew -how war was to be carried on in his own land against -an enemy stronger than himself. <span class="sni"><em>Guerrilla</em> warfare of Helias.</span> -He planted detachments -at every convenient post; he lined the hedges and -defences of every kind with men; he guarded the passages -of the streams, and the difficult approaches of the -woods. Against this kind of skirmishing warfare the -mighty Rufus and all his knights were able to do as -little as they were able to do against the light-armed -Welsh.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_545" id="fnanchor_545"></a><a href="#footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a></span> -The King waxed fiercer than ever against the -<a name="Page_216" id="Page_216"></a><span class="pageno">216</span> -men of Maine and their Count; <span class="sni">William leaves Maine.</span> -but he withdrew his -own personal presence, betaking himself doubtless to -the other seat of war.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Robert of Bellême continues the war.</span> -Meanwhile Robert of Bellême was left to carry on the -struggle with Helias. He was ordered by Rufus to -bring together as large a force as he could in his own -fortresses, nor did the King forget to supply him with -abundance of money for that purpose.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_546" id="fnanchor_546"></a><a href="#footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a></span> -On such a -bidding as this, Robert of Bellême, Robert the Devil on -Cenomannian lips, set to work with a will which fully -bore out his surname. He built new fortresses, he -strengthened the old ones with deep ditches.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_547" id="fnanchor_547"></a><a href="#footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a></span> -He had -already occupied nine castles, besides fortified houses, -on Cenomannian ground.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_548" id="fnanchor_548"></a><a href="#footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Castles held by him in Maine.</span> -The list is given as Blèves, -Perray, Mont-de-la-Nue, Saônes, Saint Remy-du-plain, -Lurçon, Allières, Motte de Gauthier-le-Clincamp, and -Mamers. All these lie in the north-eastern part of the -county, the part immediately threatened from Alençon -and Bellême. They occupy nearly the whole of the land -between the Cenomannian Orne and the upper course of -the Sarthe above Alençon, lying on each side, north and -south, of the great forest of Perseigne. The line of the -Sarthe from Alençon to Le Mans remained untouched, -while Ballon stood as the advanced guard of the capital, -and Dangeul was a yet further outpost of Helias, in the -very teeth of the invader from Bellême. Perray, alone -<a name="Page_217" id="Page_217"></a><span class="pageno">217</span> -among the points held by Robert, stands as far south -as the lower course of the Orne.</p> - -<p>Several of the castles on this list occupied marked -sites, and have left considerable traces. Mamers and -Blèves were strictly border fortresses, points which -Robert had seized just within the Cenomannian border; -the others were more advanced points in the heart of -the Cenomannian land. <span class="sni">Mamers.</span> -Mamers, with its streets sloping -down to the young Orne, is the only one of the places on -our list which is now at all a considerable town. But -the only signs of its fortifications which are to be seen -are found in the names of its streets, which suggest the -former presence of a fort by the river and of a castle on -somewhat higher ground. Mamers, due west from Bellême, -may well have been Robert’s first conquest, and its -occupation may have marked his first advance into the -dominions of his neighbour. But he must also, early in -his career, have made himself master of Blèves. <span class="sni">Blèves.</span> -This is -a point which has no natural advantages of height, but -which, standing in the very north-east corner of Maine, -separated from Perche by a small tributary of the Sarthe, -is important from its border position and as commanding -a bridge. A mound which once stood there has been -levelled; a graceful <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Renaissance</i> house near its site is -the present representative of the castle; but parts of -the ditches may still be seen; the church, near but not -within the enclosure, contains work which may have -been looked on by Hildebert and Helias, and ancient -masonry still remains at the manorial mill. Blèves -lies north of the forest of Perseigne; <span class="sni">Allières.</span> -at Allières, on -its eastern verge, all actual traces of the castle have -vanished; but the church again contains some small -parts which seem contemporary with our story, and the -site of the fortress may well be marked by the modern -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">château</i> on the hill-side commanding a wide view to -<a name="Page_218" id="Page_218"></a><span class="pageno">218</span> -the south. But more speaking witnesses of this war -may be seen at two points lying south of the forest and -directly west of Mamers. <span class="sni">Saint Remy-du-plain.</span> -Saint Remy, distinguished as -Saint Remy <em>du Plain</em> from a namesake to the south-east -known as Saint Remy <em>du Mont</em>, stands, not indeed in -the plain, but on the edge of the high ground. It commands -an extensive view, reaching to the point which -bounds most of the views in northern Maine, the <dfn>butte</dfn> -of Chaumont. <span class="sni">Saônes.</span> -A site of the like kind, but with a less -wide prospect, is held by Saônes at a short distance to -the south, hard by that unusual feature in these lands, -a small lake. Saônes is now a small village, but it -was once of importance enough to give its name to the -surrounding district of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Saosnois</i> or <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Sonnois</i>. In both -these cases the castle-mound rises immediately to the -west of the church, the latter at Saint Remy being a -late building of more pretension than is usual in the -neighbourhood. Each mound has its surrounding ditch, -which at Saint Remy is of most striking depth; each has -its encircling wall; each has its inner tower, that at -Saônes of an irregular four-sided shape, that of Saint -Remy octagonal without and round within. Here are two -unmistakeable and most striking sites of the fortresses -which the invader from Perche rent away from the -Cenomannian county. But, with such small remains of -walls as are still left, it is hard to say in each case how -much may be the work of Robert of Bellême himself. -The mounds—​natural hills improved by art—​and their -ditches are doubtless far older than his day; the walls -must often be far later. <span class="sni">Small architectural remains of the eleventh century.</span> -There is little architectural -detail left to decide such points; we are left to the less -certain evidence of masonry. Some of the masonry in -the inner building at Saônes certainly has the air of -work of the eleventh century. In any case, whatever -may be the exact amount of his work among the -<a name="Page_219" id="Page_219"></a><span class="pageno">219</span> -existing remains, everything bears witness to the impression -which Robert’s invasion made on the district -and to the reputation which he left behind him. Not -far from Saônes, some remains of dykes, of the age or -object of which it would be rash to speak with certainty, -still keep the name of Robert the Devil.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Nature of the country and of the war.</span> -A visit to the scene of this war, a look-out from any -of the chief fortified points, brings forcibly home to us -the nature of that kind of struggle with which we are -dealing. Nothing but an actual sight of Italy and -Greece fully brings home to the mind the state of things -when each city was a sovereign commonwealth, armed -with all the powers of war and peace. Till we take in -the fact with our own eyes, we do not thoroughly understand -how men felt and acted when they constantly lived -with rivals, rivals who might at any moment become -enemies, within sight of their own territory. <span class="sni">Teaching of the landscapes in Maine.</span> -The out-look -from any of the Cenomannian heights, the out-look -from the home and centre of mischief on the hill of -Bellême, brings home to us another state of things with -equal force. Had the <em>commune</em> of Le Mans lived on, -had other neighbouring cities followed its example, the -older Greek, the later Italian, model might have been -seen in all its fulness on the soil of northern Gaul. -And warfare between Le Mans and Tours, between Le -Mans and Alençon, carried on with that mixture of lofty -and petty motives which is characteristic of warfare -between rival cities, would have been ennobling compared -with the state of things which actually was. <span class="sni">The castles.</span> -For -here we see every available point seized on to make -what, at least in the hands of Robert of Bellême, was a -mere den of robbers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_549" id="fnanchor_549"></a><a href="#footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a></span> -From his own scarped mound at -<a name="Page_220" id="Page_220"></a><span class="pageno">220</span> -Bellême the destroyer could see far enough into the -Cenomannian land to give a keen whet to his appetite -for havoc. Within the land which thus lay open to -his attack, we see from every height the sites, not of -one or two only, but of a whole crowd of strongholds -which have passed away. A very few only of these -strongholds could ever have been needed for the protection -of any town or for the general defence of the -country. <span class="sni">Their object private war.</span> -They were strongholds which had been first -raised for the purpose of private war, and which, in the -hands of their present master, were turned to the purpose -of general oppression. One wonders how, in such -a state of things, when almost every village was overshadowed -by its robber’s nest, a single husbandman -could till his field, or a single merchant carry his wares -from town to town. <span class="sni">Contrast with England.</span> -And we must remember that, -unless during the nineteen years of anarchy, this state -of things never existed in England. Our forefathers -raised their wail over the building of the castles and over -the evil deeds which were wrought by those who built -them. <span class="sni">Comparative rarity of castles in England.</span> -But at no time in England, save on the borders -which were exposed to the foreign enemies of the -kingdom, did castles stand so thick on the ground as -they did in the land on which we now look. The eye -which has been used to track out the scenes of the Cenomannian -war comes back to an English landscape of the -same kind, to mark the steep bluff or the isolated mount, -which seems designed to be girt with a ditch and crowned -with a donjon, and almost to wonder that no ditch or -donjon ever was there. And, as we gaze on the land where -they crowned every tempting site, we better understand -<a name="Page_221" id="Page_221"></a><span class="pageno">221</span> -the joy and thankfulness with which men hailed the reign -of any prince who put some curb on the pride and power -of the knightly disturbers of the peace and gave to smaller -men some chance of possessing their own in safety. We -can understand how in such a prince this overwhelming -merit was held to outweigh not a few vices and crimes -in his own person. We can understand how, at the beginning -of every period of restored order, a general -sweeping away of castles was as it were the symbolic -act of its inauguration. <span class="sni">State of the Cenomannian castles.</span> -And perhaps the thought comes -all the more home to the mind, because the Cenomannian -castles are, to so great an extent, a memory and not a -presence. They are not like those castles by the Rhine -which have come to take their place as parts of a picturesque -landscape. As a rule, it is not the castles -themselves, but the sites where we know that they once -stood, which catch the eye as it ranges from Mamers to -Sillé, from Ballon to Alençon. But when we see how -many spots within that region had been made the sites -of these dens of havoc—​when we think how many of -them had, in the hands of Robert of Bellême, become -dens of havoc more fearful than ever—​we shall better -understand how men cherished the names of William -the Great and of his youngest son; we shall better -understand the work which had now to be done in the -Cenomannian land by one nobler than either the son or -the father.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Wrong and sacrilege of Robert of Bellême.</span> -In the minds of Helias and his contemporaries the -occupation of so large a part of their country was yet -more keenly embittered by the despite done to holy -places and the wrong wrought on men who enjoyed exceptional -respect even in the fiercest times. Some of the -strongholds of Robert the Devil were planted on lands -belonging to the Church, especially to the abbeys of -<a name="Page_222" id="Page_222"></a><span class="pageno">222</span> -Saint Vincent and La Couture without the walls of Le -Mans. The peaceful tenants of these religious houses, -accustomed to a milder rule than their neighbours, -groaned under the oppressions of their new masters.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_550" id="fnanchor_550"></a><a href="#footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a></span> -Stirred up by this wrong and sacrilege, the Count of -Maine marched forth to protect his people. Now that -the King was gone, he even ventured on something like -a pitched battle. <span class="sni">Helias defeats Robert at Saônes.</span> -He met Robert of Bellême at the head -of a superior force near the lake and castle of Saônes, -not far, it may be, from the dyke which specially bears -the tyrant’s name. The pious Count and his followers, -calling on God and Saint Julian, attacked the sacrilegious -invaders and put them to flight.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_551" id="fnanchor_551"></a><a href="#footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a></span> -Several of the -nobles of Normandy were wounded or taken prisoners. -Robert of Courcy, a name not new to us,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_552" id="fnanchor_552"></a><a href="#footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a></span> -lost his right -eye. William of Wacey and several others were taken, -and were released on the payment of heavy ransoms.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_553" id="fnanchor_553"></a><a href="#footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a></span> -Helias, in short, carried on a defensive warfare in the -spirit of a Christian knight. Not so his enemy. <span class="sni">Cruelty of Robert.</span> -Robert -of Bellême carried on a war of aggression in the spirit -of a murdering savage. All the worst horrors of war -were let loose upon the land. Robert’s treatment of -prisoners was not that which the captive Normans met -with at the hands of Helias. In the holy season of -Lent, when other sinners, we are told, forsook their sins -for a while, the son of Mabel only did worse than ever. -Three hundred prisoners perished in his dungeons. Large -<a name="Page_223" id="Page_223"></a><span class="pageno">223</span> -ransoms were offered for their release; but Robert would -not forego for money the pleasure of letting them die of -cold, hunger, and wretchedness.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_554" id="fnanchor_554"></a><a href="#footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">April, 1098.</span> -The war thus went on till the end of April. On the -Wednesday in the last week of that month Helias made -an expedition against Robert. <span class="sni">Second victory of Helias. April 28, 1098.</span> -The exact point of attack -is not told us; but doubtless it was some of the fortresses -held by the enemy. It was perhaps Perray, the -hostile point furthest to the south, perhaps Saônes, the -scene of his own former victory over the invaders. The -starting-points of the Count’s operations were the two -points which he held as outposts of the city against -attacks from the north, Ballon and his own immediate -dwelling-place at Dangeul. From these castles Helias -led forth his forces. The day’s skirmish was successful; -the pride of Robert the Devil received another check.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_555" id="fnanchor_555"></a><a href="#footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a></span> -But fortune soon turned from the better to the worse -cause. <span class="sni">Helias taken prisoner near Dangeul.</span> -The Count bade the main body of his followers -march on to Ballon, while he himself, with seven knights -only, was minded to halt at his own castle of Dangeul. -As he drew near to the fortress, he saw a few men lurking -among the trees and bushes.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_556" id="fnanchor_556"></a><a href="#footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a></span> -Trees and bushes are -still there in abundance, surrounding the modern house -which in a figure represents the castle of Helias. The -<a name="Page_224" id="Page_224"></a><span class="pageno">224</span> -presence of liers-in-wait so near his own home was -threatening. Helias rode against them and scattered -them; in so doing he also scattered his own small party. -But the few men in the thickets were only the advanced -guard of a larger body. The arch-fiend Robert -was himself near in ambush. At the lucky moment he -sprang forth; his comrades seized the Count, along with -his standard-bearer Hervey of the Cenomannian Montfort,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_557" id="fnanchor_557"></a><a href="#footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a></span> -and the more part of his small following. The -few who escaped made their way to Ballon, to turn the -joy of their comrades into sorrow at the news that -Count Helias was a prisoner.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_558" id="fnanchor_558"></a><a href="#footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Contrast between Robert of Bellême and William Rufus.</span> -The noblest man in Gaul was now at the mercy of the -vilest. Helias was helpless in the hands of Robert of -Bellême. The tale which follows is picturesque in itself, -and it is specially valuable as throwing light on the -mixed character of the Red King. With all his evil -deeds, he was at least not the worst man with whom -we have to do. We now see what mere chivalry could -do and what it could not do. It could not raise a man -<a name="Page_225" id="Page_225"></a><span class="pageno">225</span> -to the level of Helias; but it kept him from sinking to -the level of Robert of Bellême. <span class="sni">Helias surrendered to the King.</span> -Helias was far too important -a captive to be left to die a lingering death in -the dungeons of Robert. He was taken to Rouen, and -handed over to the King; and in the King’s hands he at -least ran no risk as to life or limb. William Rufus -might perhaps not understand a patriot fighting for his -city and country. He could perhaps understand a -prince fighting for the inheritance of his fathers. He -could most fully understand and admire a gallant and -honourable knight fighting manfully in any cause, even -though his gallantry was directed against himself. <span class="sni">William and Helias.</span> -In -one or other of those characters, Helias extorted a kind -of respect from the King who was so bitterly enraged -against him. <span class="sni">Helias kept at Rouen.</span> -The fortune of war had gone against -the defender of Maine, but William was not disposed -to press his advantage harshly. Helias was kept in -the castle of Rouen, a prisoner, but a prisoner whose -durance was, by the King’s express order, relieved by -honourable treatment.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_559" id="fnanchor_559"></a><a href="#footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">State of things at Le Mans; the new municipality.</span> -One element of the Cenomannian state, and that the -highest, was thus lost to it. But at Le Mans the prince -<a name="Page_226" id="Page_226"></a><span class="pageno">226</span> -was only one element in the state; the ecclesiastical and -the civic powers appear alongside of him at every stage. -As soon as the Count was in the hands of the enemy, another -power, perhaps not the old <em>commune</em>, yet some form -of republican or municipal government, at once sprang -up. <span class="sni">Bishop Hildebert and the Council.</span> -Bishop Hildebert appears at the head of a council -or assembly of some kind which devised measures daily -for the safety of the commonwealth.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_560" id="fnanchor_560"></a><a href="#footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a></span> -We must not build -too much on the expressions of rhetorical writers who -loved to bring in classical allusions; still, considering -what Le Mans had been, a momentary burst of the old -freedom is no more than we might reasonably look for. -If so, the restored commonwealth had, at its first birth, -to brave the full might of the younger William, as the -former commonwealth had had to brave the full might -of the elder. We can only tell the tale as we have it, -and we have no means of connecting what was going on -in Maine with what was going on at the same time in -the Vexin. <span class="sni">William’s council at Rouen.</span> -Yet one is a little surprised to find William, -at this stage of the year, sitting quietly at Rouen, holding -a council, and presently sending forth orders for the -levying of a great army, as if two wars were not already -waging. <span class="sni">His speech.</span> -In his council of the Norman barons the Red -King is made to express himself in a humane and devout -strain. Hitherto he had been careless about winning -back the heritage of his father; he had been unwilling, -for the mere sake of enlarging his dominions, to -trouble a peaceful population or to cause the death of -human beings.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_561" id="fnanchor_561"></a><a href="#footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a></span> -Now however God, who knew his -right, had, without any knowledge of his, delivered his -<a name="Page_227" id="Page_227"></a><span class="pageno">227</span> -enemy into his hands; what should he do further?<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_562" id="fnanchor_562"></a><a href="#footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a></span> -The writers of these times do indeed allow themselves -strange liberties in putting speeches, and sometimes very -inappropriate speeches, into the mouths of the actors in -their story. But surely to put words like these into -the mouth of William Rufus, as something uttered in -seriousness, would be going beyond any conceivable -licence of this kind. Considering his better authenticated -speeches, one is tempted to believe that we -have here the memory of some mocking gibe. He, -King William, had not laid waste the fields of Maine -nor caused men to die of hunger in prison. It was only -Robert of Bellême who had done such things. It would -be quite in character with Rufus, as with Jehu, to ask, -Who slew all these?<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_563" id="fnanchor_563"></a><a href="#footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a></span> -Nor is such brutal mockery in -any way inconsistent with the display of chivalrous -generosity whenever any appeal is made personally to -himself in his knightly character. <span class="sni">A great levy ordered.</span> -Anyhow we are told -that the barons advised that a summons should go forth -bidding the whole force of Normandy to come together -for an expedition to win back the land of Maine. They -themselves would come, willingly and with all daring, in -their own persons.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_564" id="fnanchor_564"></a><a href="#footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a></span></p> - -<p>All this reads strangely in a narrative which, a page -or two before, had told us of the warfare around Gisors -which, one would think, must have been going on at -this very moment. But we read that the messengers went -forth, and that the host came together. Not only from -<a name="Page_228" id="Page_228"></a><span class="pageno">228</span> -Normandy, but from Britanny and Flanders, from Burgundy -and France—​not a word as to the treason implied -in this last name—​men flocked to the banners -of the prince who was so bountiful a paymaster.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_565" id="fnanchor_565"></a><a href="#footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a></span> -At -some stage of their march, an aged French warrior, a -survivor of the wars of King Henry—​one therefore who -could remember the ambush of Varaville and the flames of -Mortemer, perhaps even the clashing of lances at Val-es-dunes—​Gilo -de Soleio by name, beheld the host from the -top of a high hill. <span class="sni">Numbers of the army.</span> -He had seen many and great gatherings -of men, but never on this side the Alps—​had he -fought then in Apulia or at Dyrrhachion?--had he seen -so vast an army. He told the number of the men at -fifty thousand.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_566" id="fnanchor_566"></a><a href="#footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a></span> -Be the figures trustworthy or not as to -this particular army, this is one of several hints which -help to show us what passed in those days for an army -of unusual numbers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_567" id="fnanchor_567"></a><a href="#footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">The army meets at Alençon. June, 1098.</span> -The trysting-place of this great host was at Alençon, -the border town and fortress of Normandy, where the -Sarthe divides the Norman and Cenomannian lands.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_568" id="fnanchor_568"></a><a href="#footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a></span> -Once famous as the town whose people had felt so stern -a vengeance for their insults to the great William, it was -now a stronghold of Normandy against Maine, at all -events a stronghold of Robert of Bellême against those -who still maintained the cause of the captive Helias. -<a name="Page_229" id="Page_229"></a><span class="pageno">229</span> -There the army met in June.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_569" id="fnanchor_569"></a><a href="#footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a></span> -Rufus, in invading -Maine, was repeating an exploit of his father. He -entered by the same road, and began by threatening the -same fortress. The words of our authorities may lead -us to think that he himself tarried at Alençon, while his -army, or the bulk of it, marched to Fresnay.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_570" id="fnanchor_570"></a><a href="#footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The army at Fresnay.</span> -Fresnay-le-Vicomte, -Fresnay-on-Sarthe, was the first castle in -Maine to which the Conqueror had laid siege, and under -its walls Robert of Bellême had been girt with the belt -of knighthood.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_571" id="fnanchor_571"></a><a href="#footnote_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a></span> -At that time Fresnay, along with Beaumont -lower down the river, had dared to withstand the -invader. Both fortresses stand on heights overlooking -the Sarthe; Fresnay, seated on a limestone rock rising -sheer from the stream, might seem well able to defy any -enemy. <span class="sni">The castle and church of Fresnay.</span> -Of the ancient part of the castle nothing is left -but shattered walls and a stern gateway of a later age. -The church, a gem of the art of an age nearly a hundred -years later, contains only a small part which can have -been standing in the days of Rufus. <span class="sni">Beaumont-le-Vicomte.</span> -Beaumont is not -mentioned in our present story. But its square keep -must have already looked down on the Sarthe and its -islands, while a mound on each side of the town, one -seemingly artificial, one by the river-side only improved -by art, may perhaps mark the sites of besieging towers -raised by the Conqueror to bring town and castle into -subjection.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_572" id="fnanchor_572"></a><a href="#footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a></span> -The then lord of Fresnay and Beaumont, -<a name="Page_230" id="Page_230"></a><span class="pageno">230</span> -the Viscount Hubert, had at a later stage forsaken both -his castles on the Sarthe, to defy, and that successfully, -the whole might of William the Great from his -more inaccessible donjon on the rock of Sainte-Susanne.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_573" id="fnanchor_573"></a><a href="#footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a></span> -His successor, the Viscount Ralph, felt no call to run -any such risks. <span class="sni">The Viscount Ralph asks for a truce.</span> -When the army drew near to Fresnay, -when no hostilities beyond a little skirmishing had as -yet taken place, Ralph went to the King at Alençon and -asked for a truce. He pleaded that he was but one -member of a body; he could not take on himself the -duties of the head of that body; he could not without -dishonour be the first man in Maine to yield his castle -without fighting. The council of Maine was sitting in -the city; he, Ralph, was bound by their resolves; let -the King go on to Le Mans and negotiate; as he should -find peace or war at Le Mans, he should find peace or -war at Fresnay.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_574" id="fnanchor_574"></a><a href="#footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Rufus grants it.</span> -Rufus, always ready to answer any -appeal to his personal generosity, praised the proposal -of Ralph, and granted him the truce which he asked for.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_575" id="fnanchor_575"></a><a href="#footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a></span> -He did the like to others whose lands lay on his line of -march. <span class="sni">Action of Geoffrey of Mayenne.</span> -Among these we hear of Rotrou of the Cenomannian -Montfort, and of one whose name has for so -many years been sure to meet us the first moment <a name="line230_1" id="line230_1"></a>he set -<a name="Page_231" id="Page_231"></a><span class="pageno">231</span> -foot on Cenomannian soil, the now surely aged Geoffrey -of Mayenne.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_576" id="fnanchor_576"></a><a href="#footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Estimate of their conduct.</span> -The conduct of these lords seems to show lukewarmness, -to say the least, in the cause of Cenomannian independence. -We are again reminded of the days of the -<em>commune</em>, of the unwillingness of the nobles to accept -the republican government, of the special treason of -Geoffrey himself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_577" id="fnanchor_577"></a><a href="#footnote_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a></span> -We can understand that many of -the lords of castles throughout Maine, though they -might prefer their own count to the king who came -against them, might yet prefer the king to any form of -commonwealth. The local historian does not scruple to -use strong language on the subject. For we can hardly -doubt that Geoffrey, Ralph, Rotrou, and others in the -like case, are the persons who are referred to as the -faithless men by whose consent Rufus was led to hasten -to the city.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_578" id="fnanchor_578"></a><a href="#footnote_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a></span> -But the King had another motive to call -him thither. <span class="sni">Fulk Rechin at Le Mans.</span> -By this time there was no longer a commonwealth -to be dealt with; Le Mans had again a -prince, though no longer her native prince. <span class="sni">May 5, 1098.</span> -In the very -week after Helias was taken prisoner, Fulk of Anjou -came to Le Mans, and brought with him his son Geoffrey. -He himself came in his character of superior lord,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_579" id="fnanchor_579"></a><a href="#footnote_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a></span> -<a name="Page_232" id="Page_232"></a><span class="pageno">232</span> -while Geoffrey, to whom Eremburga, the only child of -Helias, was betrothed, might pass in some sort for the -heir of the county.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_580" id="fnanchor_580"></a><a href="#footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He is received.</span> -The citizens, we are told, received -the Angevin count willingly; any master was better than -the Norman. <span class="sni">Fulk’s son Geoffrey left at Le Mans.</span> -Fulk put garrisons in the fortresses of -La Mans, with his son in command. He then left the -city, seemingly for operations in other parts of Maine.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_581" id="fnanchor_581"></a><a href="#footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a></span></p> -<!--Blank Page--> - - -<div class="figcenter img100"> - <img src="images/i_233.jpg" - alt="Le Mans" - /> - <p class="captionbottom">E. Weller</p> - <p class="captioncenter">For the Delegates of the Clarendon Press.</p> - <p class="caption">LE MANS</p> -</div><!--end illustration--> - -<p><span class="sni">March of Rufus.</span> -Against this new enemy William Rufus set out from -Alençon. He had to overtake the host which was -already at Fresnay. He crossed the Sarthe; he continued -his course along its left bank, and stopped for the -first time at Rouessée-les-fontaines.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_582" id="fnanchor_582"></a><a href="#footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a></span> -This point is no -great distance from Alençon, and it is still some way -north of Fresnay. The present village of Rouessée contains -no signs of any castle or mansion fitted for a -king’s reception. <span class="sni">Castle of Bourg-le-roi.</span> -One suspects that the exact spot -meant must be the neighbouring castle of Bourg-le-roi, a -castle said to take its name from Rufus himself. Here a -ruined round tower, with walls of amazing thickness -and girded by a deep ditch, looks down from a small -hill on what seems to be the preparation for a large -town which has never been built. A small village and -church are sheltered within walls of vast compass, -pierced by gates of later date than the days of Rufus -and Helias. His next stage is distinctly spoken of as -an encampment. The King had now joined his army. -<span class="sni">Rufus at Montbizot</span> -That night his camp was pitched at Montbizot, in the -<a name="Page_233" id="Page_233"></a><span class="pageno">233</span> -peninsula between the Sarthe and the Cenomannian -Orne.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_583" id="fnanchor_583"></a><a href="#footnote_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a></span> -<span class="sni">and Coulaines.</span> -On the third day he encamped in the meadows, -by the Sarthe, hard by the village of Coulaines.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_584" id="fnanchor_584"></a><a href="#footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a></span> -He -was still on the left bank of the river, the same bank as -the city itself, though the bend which the stream makes -immediately under the hill of Le Mans gives the city -almost the look of standing on the other side. Wide -meadows spread from the village of Coulaines to the -foot of the hill; they were now covered by the tents of -Rufus. <span class="sni">View of Le Mans.</span> -Right before the eyes of the army, high on its -hill, rose the city which they were come to attack, and -it rose so as to bring at once before their leader’s eyes -the objects which would specially stir up his wrath. As -Le Mans is seen from the meadows of Coulaines, the -city and its hill lie almost out of sight to the south-west. -The prominent objects are those which stand in -the north-east corner of the city and in the adjoining -suburb. Highest of all, rising above the city itself, -soared the abbey of Saint Vincent without the walls, -the house whose tenants had been so cruelly oppressed -by Robert of Bellême.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_585" id="fnanchor_585"></a><a href="#footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a></span> -Saint Julian’s, on its lower -ground, almost closes in the view on the other -side. When Rufus drew nigh, the twin towers of -Howel rose high in all the freshness of their newly-finished -masonry, to remind the King that the chair -of the prelate whom his father had appointed was now -filled by a successor in whose choice no regard had been -paid to his own pleasure. Between the two minsters -rose the royal tower, the tower of his father, the fortress -which had passed away from him and from his father’s -house, held no longer even by a rebellious vassal, as he -<a name="Page_234" id="Page_234"></a><span class="pageno">234</span> -might deem Helias, but by the invading stranger from -Anjou. How deeply one at least of these feelings -rankled in the mind of Rufus is shown by his dealings -with the immediate neighbourhood of his encampment. -The village of Coulaines was an episcopal lordship. <span class="sni">Rufus ravages Coulaines.</span> -For -the churl chivalry taught no mercy; in his wrath -against Hildebert, the King burned the church and the -whole village, and cruelly laid waste the neighbouring -lands.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_586" id="fnanchor_586"></a><a href="#footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a></span></p> - -<p>But however fiercely Rufus might wreak his spite on -the unlucky lands and tenants of the bishopric without -the walls, the flock of Hildebert within the city was safe -for a while. Le Mans was not to pass into the King’s -hands just yet, and Ralph of Beaumont and Geoffrey of -Mayenne might still keep their bat-like nature for some -while longer. <span class="sni">Sally from the city.</span> -For it is at this stage that the local -historian places an exploit of the citizens of Le Mans -which reminds us of the way in which our own Godwine -was said to have won the special favour of Cnut -for himself and his fellow-Englishmen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_587" id="fnanchor_587"></a><a href="#footnote_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a></span> -The men of the -city marched forth—​whether under Angevin leadership -we are not told—​to attack the King’s camp at Coulaines. -<span class="sni">Rufus goes away.</span> -Rufus, deeming that some treachery was on -foot, marched off in the night with his army. In the -morning the citizens occupied the camp and found no -one there.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_588" id="fnanchor_588"></a><a href="#footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a></span> -It is hard to say what we are to make of -<a name="Page_235" id="Page_235"></a><span class="pageno">235</span> -this story, which has a somewhat mythical sound. But -it has at least thus much of truth in it, that Rufus was -obliged to break up the siege of Le Mans for a while. -<span class="sni">Ballon betrayed to Rufus and occupied by Robert of Bellême.</span> -The castle of Ballon, of which we have already so -often heard, was betrayed to Rufus by its lord Pagan -of Mont-Doubleau, and it was held that this strong -position, nearly due north of the city, almost put the -city itself into the King’s power. Robert of Bellême -was put in command at Ballon, with three hundred -knights. At his bidding the land was ravaged in every -way; the vines were rooted up and the crops were -trampled down. But at last the invaders began to feel -the effects of the damage they themselves had done. A -failure of provisions, especially of oats for the horses, -hindered the Red King from keeping on the siege.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_589" id="fnanchor_589"></a><a href="#footnote_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The siege of Le Mans raised.</span> -He -went away into Normandy, bidding his men go home -and see to their harvests, and come again when the crops -were reaped.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_590" id="fnanchor_590"></a><a href="#footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a></span> -Nothing is more natural in the case of -the native Normans, who would feel in such a case very -much as Englishmen felt; but one can hardly believe -that William allowed his great mercenary force to be -wholly broken up. And again, the question keeps always -presenting itself, What was going on in the Vexin? -<a name="Page_236" id="Page_236"></a><span class="pageno">236</span> -Was there any moment when so eager a warrior, with -two wars on his hands at once, left both of them to take -care of themselves? Throughout this story the relations -between the French and the Cenomannian wars form a -never-ceasing puzzle. But we presently come to an -incident of the campaign which is the most characteristic -in the whole history of William Rufus.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Fulk attacks Ballon.</span> -While William was away, Count Fulk, at the head of -a mixed host, Angevin and Cenomannian, laid siege to -the newly-betrayed castle of Ballon. The attack went -on for some days; a message was sent to the King -for help. To meet this fresh danger, the nobles of -Maine and Anjou pressed in greater numbers to help the -Count and his force. <span class="sni">Successful sally of the besieged.</span> -The defenders of the castle -planned a sally. Beggars went out as spies, and brought -in news that the besiegers were busy dining at the -hour of tierce. The sally was made; the besiegers were -surprised in the midst of their meal;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_591" id="fnanchor_591"></a><a href="#footnote_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a></span> -a hundred and -forty knights and a crowd of foot-soldiers were taken -prisoners. The rest took to flight and left a rich spoil -of arms, clothes, and furniture as a prey to the Normans. -Many of the captives were men of high rank and -great possessions. The story almost reads as if Robert -of Bellême condemned them to die of hunger; if so, -Rufus came before hunger had done its work; cold -would no longer be a means of torture. <span class="sni">William at Ballon, c. July 20, 1098.</span> -It was now -not Lent, but the third week in July, when King -William with a great force came to Ballon. A cry -presently reached him from the prisoners, “Noble King -William, set us free.” The chivalrous King, who had -<a name="Page_237" id="Page_237"></a><span class="pageno">237</span> -no mercy for the peasants of Coulaines, felt his heart -stirred towards the captive knights of Anjou. <span class="sni">His treatment of the captive knights.</span> -He -ordered that a meal should be made ready for them -along with his own followers, and he set them free on -their parole till the meal was ready. Some of his companions -suggested to him that, in the crowd and confusion, -they might easily escape. Rufus cast aside -such a suggestion with scorn. He would never believe -that a good knight would break his word; he who -should do so would have punishment enough in the -scorn of all mankind that would follow him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_592" id="fnanchor_592"></a><a href="#footnote_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Illustration of the chivalrous spirit.</span> -Here we -see the chivalrous character in all its fulness. Justice -and mercy go for nothing; the law of God and the law -of man go for nothing; the oath of the crowned king, -the promise of a prince and a brother, go for nothing; -but the class tie of knighthood is sacred; the promise -made under its guaranty is sacred. As a good knight, -William Rufus is faithful to his own word pledged as -such to others; as a good knight, he will not believe -that a brother of his order can be other than faithful to -his word pledged as such to him.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Fulk goes back to Le Mans.</span> -The siege of Ballon was at an end. Fulk, we are -told, betook himself to the city, and there stayed in -some of the monasteries, waiting to see what would -happen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_593" id="fnanchor_593"></a><a href="#footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a></span> -But the defenders of Le Mans, both native -and Angevin, had now made up their minds that resistance -to the power of Rufus was hopeless; their -<a name="Page_238" id="Page_238"></a><span class="pageno">238</span> -object was to treat for peace. <span class="sni">Negotiations for peace.</span> -The captive Helias was -allowed a share in the negotiations; he was specially -fearful that Fulk might make some agreement by which -he himself might be cut off from Maine for ever.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_594" id="fnanchor_594"></a><a href="#footnote_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Share of Helias.</span> -By -the King’s leave, Bishop Hildebert and some of the chief -men of the city visited Helias, and they agreed on terms -which were put into the form of an agreement between -Rufus and Fulk. <span class="sni">Convention between William and Fulk. August, 1098.</span> -It was rather a military convention -than a treaty of peace, and it left all the disputed questions -unsettled. Nothing was said either as to the -general question about the bishopric or as to the particular -election of Hildebert. Nor was it at all ruled -who was to be looked on as lawful Count of Maine. It -was not even agreed that hostilities were to cease. The -actual terms are conceived in words which seem to -come from Rufus himself. The memory of his father is -put prominently forward. <span class="sni">Le Mans to be surrendered.</span> -Le Mans and all the fortresses -which had been held by the late King William -were to be surrendered to King William his son. <span class="sni">Helias to be set free.</span> -Helias -and all other prisoners on both sides were to be set free.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_595" id="fnanchor_595"></a><a href="#footnote_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a></span> -All sides, we are told, rejoiced at this agreement. To -William and his followers it was a great immediate -triumph. To the people of Le Mans it was at least -immediate deliverance from a wasting struggle. And -wary men may have seen that the liberation of Helias -was not too dearly bought even by the surrender of his -capital. If the valiant Count were set free, free alike -from fetters and from promises, he would win back his -lost city and dominion before long.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Submission of Le Mans.</span> -But for the present all went according to the pleasure -of the Red King. Rufus, as his father had twice done, -entered Le Mans without bloodshed, amidst at least the -outward welcome of its inhabitants. And it may well -be that, if Helias was not to be had, they may have -<a name="Page_239" id="Page_239"></a><span class="pageno">239</span> -looked on William as a more promising master than -Fulk. The convention was formally accepted, and it -was immediately carried out. <span class="sni">The castles occupied by the King’s troops.</span> -Robert the son of Hugh -of Montfort, that Hugh whom we have already heard of -on Senlac and at Dover,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_596" id="fnanchor_596"></a><a href="#footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a></span> -was sent at the head of seven -hundred chosen knights, full armed in their helmets and -coats of mail, to occupy the fortresses of Le Mans.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_597" id="fnanchor_597"></a><a href="#footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a></span> -They met with no opposition; the garrisons, native or -Angevin, marched out; the Normans took possession. -All the strong places of the city—​the ancient palace of -the counts on the Roman wall—​the donjon of William -the Great, the royal tower, standing so dangerously near -to the north wall of Saint Julian’s minster—​the other -fortress of the Conqueror, the tower of Mont Barbet on -its height, overlooking the city from the side of Saint -Vincent’s abbey—​all that the father had either subdued -or called into being—​now passed without a blow into -the hands of the son. The King’s banner—​what was -the ensign wrought upon it?--was hoisted amid shouts of -victory on the highest point of the royal tower. King -William the Red had achieved the object which in his -thoughts came nearest to the nature of a duty. He had -brought under his hand all that had ever been under the -hand of his father.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_598" id="fnanchor_598"></a><a href="#footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240"></a><span class="pageno">240</span> -<span class="sni">William’s entry into Le Mans.</span> -On the day of the military occupation followed the -day of the joyous entry. The Red King entered, doubtless -by the northern gate, the gate between Saint Vincent’s -abbey and the royal tower. His new subjects -welcomed him with shouts and songs, and were received -by him to his full peace.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_599" id="fnanchor_599"></a><a href="#footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His reception by Hildebert.</span> -Bishop Hildebert, seemingly -now admitted to favour, with his clergy and people, met -the King with psalms and processions. They led him -by the royal tower, with his own banner floating on its -battlements, to the cathedral church, now a vaster and -more splendid pile than when the first Conqueror had -been led to it with the same pomp.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_600" id="fnanchor_600"></a><a href="#footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The church of Saint Julian.</span> -The twin towers of -Howel soared in their freshness; the aisles which we -still see, with their abiding Roman masonry, had risen at -his bidding; it may well have been by the mighty -portal of his rearing that Rufus entered within the hallowed -walls. Within, the sight was different in every -stone, in every adornment, from that on which we now -gaze. The columns and arches of Saint Julian’s nave -were still the columns and arches of the basilica which -Aldric had raised when Le Mans was a city of the Empire -of the pious Lewis.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_601" id="fnanchor_601"></a><a href="#footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a></span> -It may be that of those -columns we can here and there spell out some faint -traces amid the finer masonry and gorgeous foliage of -the next age. But of the works to the east, still new -when Rufus came, the splendid reconstructions of later -times have left us no signs. The choir of Arnold still -blazed in all its freshness with the rich decorations -which had been added by the skill and bounty of -<a name="Page_241" id="Page_241"></a><span class="pageno">241</span> -Howel. The first bloom had not passed away from the -painted ceiling, from the rich pavement, from the narrow -windows glowing with the deep richness of colour which -no later age could surpass. Through all these new-born -splendours of the holy place the scoffer and blasphemer -was solemnly guided to the shrines of Saint Julian and -of all the saints of Le Mans. And there were moments -when the heart of Rufus was not wholly shut against -better thoughts. As at Saint Martin of the Place of -Battle, so at Saint Julian in newly-won Le Mans, we -may deem that some dash of thankfulness was mingled -with his swelling pride, as he felt that he had finished -his father’s work.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">William leaves Le Mans.</span> -The stay of William at Le Mans does not seem to -have been long. The government of the city was put -into the hands of Count William of Evreux and of -Gilbert of Laigle. The royal tower, well provisioned, -stocked with arms and with all needful things, was -placed under the immediate command of Walter the son -of Ansgar of Rouen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_602" id="fnanchor_602"></a><a href="#footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a></span> -<span class="sni">General submission of Maine.</span> -The nobles of Maine now came in -to make their submission and to receive the King’s -garrisons into their castles. Among them were Count -Geoffrey of Mayenne and the Viscount Ralph of Beaumont. -The terms of their engagement were fulfilled. -Their castles were to follow the fortune of Le Mans, -and Le Mans now was King William’s.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_603" id="fnanchor_603"></a><a href="#footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2">But he who had lately been the lord of them all -<a name="Page_242" id="Page_242"></a><span class="pageno">242</span> -was waiting for the benefits of the convention to be -extended to himself. We are a little surprised when we -presently find the King at Rouen, and when we further -find that Helias, who had been lately in ward in the -castle there, had now to be brought hither from a prison -at Bayeux.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_604" id="fnanchor_604"></a><a href="#footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Meeting of William and Helias.</span> -The King and his captive met face to face. -The contrast between the outward look of the two men -was as striking as the difference in their inward souls. -Before the victorious King, short, bulky, ruddy, fierce of -countenance, hasty and stammering in speech, stood the -captive Count, tall, thin, swarthy, master of eloquent -and winning words. Something of bodily neglect -marked, perhaps not so much the rigour of his confinement -as a captive’s carelessness of wonted niceties. -His hair, usually neatly trimmed, was now rough and -shaggy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_605" id="fnanchor_605"></a><a href="#footnote_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a></span> -The King seems to have begun the dialogue;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_606" id="fnanchor_606"></a><a href="#footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a></span> -“I have you, Sir.” Helias answered with dignity and -respect, as a man of fallen fortunes speaking to a -superior in rank, and yet not stooping to any unworthy -submission. <span class="sni">Proposals of Helias.</span> -He called on the King, in the name of his -might and his renown, to help him. He had once, he -said, been a count, lord of a noble county. Fortune -had now turned against him, and he had lost all. He -asked leave to enter the King’s service, to be allowed to -keep his rank and title of count, but pledging himself -not to make any claim to the Cenomannian county or -city, till by some signal exploit on the King’s behalf he -should be deemed worthy to receive them as a grant from -the King’s free will. Till then it would be enough for -him to have his place in the royal following and to -enjoy the royal friendship.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">William disposed to accept Helias’ proposal.</span> -Such an appeal as this went straight to the better -<a name="Page_243" id="Page_243"></a><span class="pageno">243</span> -part of William’s nature, and he was at once disposed -to agree to the proposal of Helias. But then stepped in -the selfish prudence of Robert of Meulan, who measured -other men by himself. <span class="sni">He is hindered by Robert of Meulan.</span> -He was now the King’s chief -adviser, and he jealously grudged all influence which -might fall to the lot of any one else.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_607" id="fnanchor_607"></a><a href="#footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a></span> -The admission of -Helias to the King’s friendship and councils would of all -things be the least suited for Robert’s purposes. He -could not bear that any man, least of all a man of a -spirit so much higher than his own, should be so near -the throne as Helias threatened to be. The men of -Maine, said the Count of Meulan, were a cunning and -faithless race. All that the captive Helias sought by -his offers was to insinuate himself into the King’s -favour, to learn his secrets, that he might be able, -when a fitting moment came, to rise up against him -with more advantage and join himself to his enemies -with greater power. The purpose of Rufus was -changed by the malignant counsel of Count Robert. -The petition of Helias was refused; it was again made; -it was again refused. <span class="sni">Defiance of Helias.</span> -Then the Count of Maine spoke -his defiance. “Willingly, Sir King, would I have served -you, if it had been your pleasure; willingly would I -have earned favour in your sight. But now, I pray you, -blame me not, if I take another course. I cannot bear -with patience to see mine inheritance taken from me. -All right is denied to me by overwhelming violence; -wherefore let no man wonder if I again renew my claim, -if I strive with all my might to win back the honour of -my fathers.” Rufus was beside himself with wrath at -words like these; but it was in words only that his -wrath spent itself. He stammered out, “Scoundrel, what -<a name="Page_244" id="Page_244"></a><span class="pageno">244</span> -can you do? Be off, march, take to flight; <span class="sni">Answer of Rufus.</span> -I give you -leave to do all you can, and, by the face of Lucca, if -you ever conquer me, I will not ask you for any grace -in return for my favour of to-day.” Even after this outburst, -the Count had self-command enough to ask for a -safe-conduct, and the King had self-command enough to -grant it. <span class="sni">Helias set free.</span> -Helias was guided safely through the Norman -duchy, and made his way, to the delight of his friends, -to his own immediate possessions on the borders of -Maine and Anjou.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_608" id="fnanchor_608"></a><a href="#footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Illustration of the King’s character.</span> -Of all the stories of the Red King there is none more -characteristic than this. His first impulse is to accept -a generous and confiding offer in the spirit in which it -was made. For a moment he seems to rise to the level -of the man who stood before him. Even when his -better impulse is checked by an evil counsellor, he does -not sink so low as many would have sunk in the like -case. In the wildest wrath of his insulted pride, he does -not forget that his word as a good knight is pledged -to the man who has defied him. Rufus was bound by all -the laws of chivalry to let Helias go this time, whatever -he might do if he caught him again. And the laws -of chivalry Rufus obeyed in the teeth of temptations of -opposite kinds. A meaner tyrant might have sent -Helias at once to death or blinding. A calmer or more -wary prince, even though not a tyrant, might have -argued that it was unsafe for him and his dominions to -let the man go free who had uttered such a challenge. -He might further have argued that a speech which was -so like an open declaration of war at once set aside -the conditions of peace. But William Rufus, when -once on his point of honour, was not led away from -<a name="Page_245" id="Page_245"></a><span class="pageno">245</span> -it either by the impulse of vengeance or by the calculations -of prudence. His knightly word was pledged that -Helias should go free. Free therefore he went, after -his defiance had been answered by a counter defiance, -each alike emphatically characteristic of the man who -uttered it.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 3. <span class="title">The End of the French War</span>.<br /> -<i>September-December</i>, 1098.</p> - -<p>The war of Maine was, or seemed to be, over. And, -just at this point we get a chronology clear enough to -enable us to fix the connexion of the two works which -were going on at once. We have seen William in his -Norman capital at a time when we should rather have -looked for him on one or other of his Norman frontiers. -<span class="sni">William on the continent. 1097–1099.</span> -But it seems plain that he spent the whole year on the -mainland, and that he did not cross to England at any -time between the two Christmas feasts which he is -specially said to have kept in Normandy. Helias was -set free in August, and we are led to believe that Rufus -now deemed that the war of Maine was over, or at least -that he could afford to despise it in its present stage. -<span class="sni">Extent of William’s conquests in Maine.</span> -We shall presently see that the war of Maine was by no -means over, and that William’s Cenomannian conquests -hardly reached beyond the capital and the lands north -of the capital. <span class="sni">He begins, but does not finish.</span> -We are inclined to wonder that a warlike -prince like Rufus took no further heed to a campaign -which was manifestly unfinished, while an active enemy -was again at liberty and was still in possession of a -strong line of castles. But this is neither the first nor -the last time in which we find William the Red much -more vigorous in beginning a campaign than in ending -it. And in this case he may, with two wars on his -<a name="Page_246" id="Page_246"></a><span class="pageno">246</span> -hands, have not unreasonably thought that, after so -great a conquest as that of the capital of Maine, he could -afford to turn his thoughts to the other seat of warfare. -In the month after Helias was set free, he made up his -mind for a special effort against the stubborn border-land -of France.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">William sets forth. September 27, 1098.</span> -Two days before Michaelmas, William set forth, from -what head-quarters we are not told, at the head of a -great army. On his way to the seat of war he enjoyed -the hospitality of Ralph of Toesny on the hill of Conches. -That night there was a sign in the heavens; <span class="sni">The sign in the sky.</span> the whole -sky blazed and seemed as red as blood. At other times -such a portent in the heavens might not have seemed too -great to betoken some great victory or defeat on the part -of one or other of the contending kings of the West. -But, while Christendom was on its march to the eastern -land, the heavens could tell of nothing meaner than -the ups and downs of the strifes between two continents -and two creeds. <span class="sni">Its meaning.</span> -If the sky was red over -Conches and Evreux and the whole western world, it -was because at that moment Christians and heathens -met in battle in the eastern lands, and by God’s help the -Christians had the victory.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_609" id="fnanchor_609"></a><a href="#footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a></span> -But William Rufus cared -little for signs and wonders, even when he himself was -deemed to be the subject of their warning. His heart -was not in Palestine, but on the French border; and his -present business was a march against the most distant -of the three fortresses to which he laid claim. Chaumont -and Trie still held out; but their garrisons could -not hinder him from carrying a destructive raid into -<a name="Page_247" id="Page_247"></a><span class="pageno">247</span> -districts far more distant from his head-quarters at -Gisors. <span class="sni">He marches to Pontoise.</span> -He marched to the south-east, burning, plundering, -and carrying off prisoners from the whole French -territory as far as Pontoise.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_610" id="fnanchor_610"></a><a href="#footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a></span></p> - -<p>The invading King had now reached a point of -French soil nearer to Paris than the spot where Count -Robert kept the Seine barred at Meulan. At Pontoise, -as the name implies, was the bridge spanning the Oise, -the tributary which joins its waters with those of the -Seine at Conflans—​the Gaulish <em>Confluentes</em>—between -Paris and Meulan. <span class="sni">Castle and town of Pontoise.</span> -Here a precipitous rock rises above -the stream, a rock which, strengthened and defended by -art in every way, was crowned by the vast circuit of the -castle of Pontoise. Here is no town sloping down from -the castle to the river. The castle rock rises sheer—​it -rose most likely from the water itself, till the Oise, like -the Seine at Rouen, was curbed by a quay. In the view -from the bridge, the castle, shorn as it is of its towers -and of all that can give stateliness to such a building, -still lords it over everything. The town of Pontoise -seems to crouch by the side of the rock; the great -church of Saint Maclou, with its lofty tower of late -architecture, is wholly hidden from sight. It is only at -some distance beyond the river, in the suburb known as -that of Saint Ouen <em>l’Aumône</em>, that we begin to see that -the church stands on ground not much lower than -the site of the castle. <span class="sni">Strong position of the town.</span> -We then learn that the town of -Pontoise, standing on a height separate from the castle-rock, -well walled, and with streets as steep as those of Le -Mans or Lincoln, was in itself no contemptible fortress. -As usual, there is little or nothing in town or church or -castle that we can positively assign to the period of our -<a name="Page_248" id="Page_248"></a><span class="pageno">248</span> -story. But the main features of the spot must be the -same now as they were when the Red King led his -plundering host as far as the bridge of the Oise. <span class="sni">Pontoise the furthest point of the raid.</span> -It is -plain that this was the end of his course on this side; -it is plain that Pontoise was not added to the list of -fortresses which were taken by him or betrayed to him. -But we have nothing to explain why he turned back at -this point, whether he met with any repulse in an -attack on Pontoise or whether he attacked Pontoise at -all. We only know that Pontoise marks in one sense -the furthest point of the French campaigns of William -Rufus. We shall presently find him on another side -at a greater distance from his own dominions; but -Pontoise marks his nearest approach to the capital of -France. Had Pontoise been William’s as well as Meulan, -Paris would indeed have been threatened. But this south-eastern -journey was clearly, in its effect at least, a -mere plundering raid, from which Rufus came back to -attempt a more regular attack on the nearer enemy at -Chaumont.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Siege of Chaumont.</span> -The siege of Chaumont is described to us in greater -detail than the march on Pontoise, but we do not, -any more than at Pontoise, get a really intelligible -account. It is plain that the siege was a considerable -enterprise, one to which Rufus led his whole army. It -is also plain from the result that its issue must have -an important effect on the turn of affairs. But of -the siege itself all that we hear is one of those -strange stories by which we are sometimes met, stories -which must have some meaning, which must be -grounded on some fact, and which yet, as they stand, -pass all belief. We are told that the defenders of Chaumont -were valiant men, strong to defend the battlements -of their own castle. But to defend their own castle was -all that they could do; their numbers were not enough -<a name="Page_249" id="Page_249"></a><span class="pageno">249</span> -to enable them either to meet William’s great army in -open battle, or even to hinder his plunderers from laying -waste the neighbouring lands. But the defence of -Chaumont itself was stout, and, as it turned out, successful. -<span class="sni">The archers of Chaumont shoot the horses only.</span> -Yet we are told that the garrison of Chaumont, -out of the fear of God and out of tenderness towards -men, stood strictly on the defensive, or took the offensive -only towards brute beasts. In taking aim at the besiegers, -they avoided the persons of the riders, and -aimed all their blows at the horses. Seven hundred -horses of great price fell under the arrows and darts of -the men of Chaumont, and their carcases made a rich -feast for the dogs and birds of prey of the Vexin.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_611" id="fnanchor_611"></a><a href="#footnote_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Chaumont not taken.</span> -The -virtue of these scrupulous warriors did not go unrewarded. -Our story breaks off somewhat suddenly; but -we see that at all events Chaumont was not taken.</p> - -<p class="p2">The war now takes a turn of special interest, which -makes us specially regret the very unsatisfactory nature -of our materials. The field of our story is suddenly enlarged; -but events do not crowd it at all in proportion -to its enlargement. <span class="sni">Rare notices of southern Gaul.</span> -It is but seldom that our tale brings -us into any direct dealing with the lands and the princes -south of the Loire. We have seen the tongue of <dfn>oil</dfn> -supplant the Danish tongue in Normandy, and we have -seen it appear as a rival to our own speech in our own -island. But we have been seldom called on to listen to -the accents of the tongue of <dfn>oc</dfn>. But at this moment the -chief potentate of that tongue suddenly appears on the -<a name="Page_250" id="Page_250"></a><span class="pageno">250</span> -field of our story, an appearance from which we naturally -look for great events. The young lord of the Vexin and -heir of France had to meet a new enemy, almost as -powerful, and quite as reckless and godless, as the old -one. <span class="sni">Coming of William of Poitiers.</span> -Another William, William of Poitiers and Aquitaine, -came to the help of William of Normandy and -England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_612" id="fnanchor_612"></a><a href="#footnote_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a></span> -<a name="line250_8" id="line250_8"></a>He was in the end to go to the crusade—​to -go not exactly in the guise of Godfrey or Helias.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_613" id="fnanchor_613"></a><a href="#footnote_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a></span> -But -he had not yet set out; and, before he went, he came to -strike a blow on behalf of the prince to whom he was said -to have sold the reversion of his dominions. <span class="sni">Alliance of Normandy and Aquitaine.</span> -The mighty -dukes of the North and the South might seem to have -utterly hemmed in the smaller realm of the king whose -men they were or should have been.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_614" id="fnanchor_614"></a><a href="#footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a></span> -The final results of -their alliance were not memorable, but the coming of the -southern duke had the immediate effect of carrying the -war into districts little used to the presence of English -or even of Norman warriors.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Campaign to the west of Paris.</span> -It can hardly fail to have been the march of William -of Aquitaine which led to a campaign carried on in the -lands west and south-west of Paris, within the triangle -which may be drawn between the three points of -Mantes, Paris, and Chartres. One side of this triangle -is formed by the Seine itself, and here the adhesion of -the Count of Meulan must have effectually guarded the -seat of war from the north. Somewhat to the west of -Meulan, between that fortress and Mantes, the small -<a name="Page_251" id="Page_251"></a><span class="pageno">251</span> -stream of the Maudre empties itself into the Seine. -<span class="sni">Valley of the Maudre.</span> -The course of this stream and the valley through -which it flows formed the chief seat of warfare at this -stage, seemingly after the attacks on Chaumont had -proved fruitless. Small as the Maudre is, its course -makes a clearly marked valley, running nearly north -and south. <span class="sni">Maule.</span> -About the middle of it lies Maule, the -fortress of Peter of Maule, the benefactor of the house -of Saint Evroul, and therefore high in favour with its -historian. Further to the south, where the stream is -a mere brook, the valley widens into a plain between -hills, and here some of the strongest points are occupied -by the strongholds of the French house of Montfort, -numbering among them the spot which gave that house -its ever-memorable name. <span class="sni">Montfort-l’Amaury.</span> -Here rose the hill which -above all others glories in the name of the Strong -Mount, the home of the Simons and the Amalrics. -Under the name of Montfort-l’Amaury it still keeps the -less illustrious of the two names, one or other of -which was always borne by its successive counts. <span class="sni">Neauphlé-le-Château.</span> -To -the north-east of the cradle of their race, on the other -side of the Maudre, the Counts of Montfort had planted -another stronghold on a height, which, though all traces -of a fortress have passed away, still keeps the name of -Neauphlé-<em>le-Château</em>, as distinguished from another -place of the same name, Neauphlé-<em>le-Vieux</em>. <span class="sni">Epernon.</span> -Much -further to the south-west, on the upper course of the -Drouelle, a tributary of the Eure, stood Epernon, another -fortress of the house of Montfort, a border fortress of -the strictly French territory towards the lands of the -Counts of Chartres. <span class="sni">The two Williams march against the Montfort castles.</span> -On this district now fell the heavy -wrath of the two Williams, who led a mighty multitude -against Montfort and Epernon and laid waste the whole -surrounding land. They had traitors in their service; -they came under the guidance of Almaric the Young and -<a name="Page_252" id="Page_252"></a><span class="pageno">252</span> -of Nivard of Septeuil.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_615" id="fnanchor_615"></a><a href="#footnote_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a></span> -This last place lies in the valley -of the Vaucouleurs, a stream running almost parallel -with the Maudre and joining the Seine at Mantes. Such -a position, lying nearly due west from Maule, and at -a greater distance north-east from Montfort, marks a -dangerous outpost thrown out from the Norman side -into the heart of the French territory. <span class="sni">Seat of war affected by the coming of William of Poitiers.</span> -Of the line of -march of the Poitevin duke we have no account; but it -must have been his coming which caused the seat of war -to be changed from the north-west of the threatened -capital of France to the south-west, a region so much -better suited for an invader from the south.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">No special mention of Lewis.</span> -It is somewhat singular that, while we have so striking -a general picture of the courage and conduct of the -young Lewis during this struggle, we hear nothing of -any particular exploit of his, we hear nothing of any -help given by him to any of the threatened fortresses. -It is their own lords, each for himself, who withstand, -and successfully withstand, the attacks of the powers of -North and South. Our chief informant—​English, Norman, -and French, all at once—​enlarges on the failure of -Philip to give any help to his vassals; but we should -never learn from him that his place was supplied by his -son.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_616" id="fnanchor_616"></a><a href="#footnote_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The castles resist singly.</span> -Every man, it would seem, fought for his own -hand. We are told this of a crowd of unnamed lords -defending unnamed fortresses. <span class="sni">Peter of Maule.</span> -But we are not left to -guess at the name of the friend of Saint Evroul, Peter of -Maule, who, with his sons Ansold and Theobald, successfully -<a name="Page_253" id="Page_253"></a><span class="pageno">253</span> -defended his fortress in the valley of the Maudre.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_617" id="fnanchor_617"></a><a href="#footnote_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a></span> -We must suppose that the forces of the two Williams -were scattered and frittered away in a series of desultory -attacks against strongholds scattered all over -the country. <span class="sni">The two Simons of Montfort.</span> -But to us at least the main interest of -the campaign gathers round the dwellings of the house -of Montfort. We should be well pleased to have even -such details of a warfare which affected them as we have -had of the sieges of Chaumont and as we shall presently -have of the siege of Mayet. But we hear only of the -result, how the arms of the two Simons, elder and -younger, <span class="sni">The elder Simon defends Neauphlé.</span> defended all the possessions which looked up to -the Strong Mount as their head. -The elder guarded the -height of Neauphlé, where a curve in the hills, theatre-shape, -awakens some faint remembrance of the kingly -mount of Laon.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_618" id="fnanchor_618"></a><a href="#footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The castle of Montfort.</span> -But the <em>Mons fortis</em> itself, the hill from -whence, in after times, Simon the father went to work -the bondage of Toulouse and Simon the son to work the -freedom of England, must have been among the strongholds -which were saved by the energy of the younger -bearer of the name which was to be so fearfully and -so gloriously renowned. High on its peninsular hill, -still keeping some small traces of elder towers along -with one graceful fragment of far later days, the castle -of Montfort looks down over church and town, over -hills and plains, bidding defiance to foes on every side, -but bidding the most direct defiance of all to any -<a name="Page_254" id="Page_254"></a><span class="pageno">254</span> -foe who should advance by the path which must -have been trodden by the Aquitanian duke. For of -all the outlooks from the height of Montfort the -widest and the most striking is that by which the eye -looks out towards those southern lands which came so -near to forming a South-Gaulish realm for its own -lords. <span class="sni">The church.</span> -The church stands beneath on a lower point of -the steep. The works of later times, which have filled -its windows with the painted forms of the basest of the -later Valois, have spared one side of the more ancient -central tower, preserving to us forms which were looked -on, not indeed by the Simons of our own immediate story, -but by the Simon of Muret and the Simon of Evesham. -A gate at the base of the castle mound, though the -actual building must be of later date, still keeps the -name of that Hugh Bardolf, himself joined by a tie of -affinity to the house of Montfort, of whom we have -heard elsewhere as one of the most abiding of the enemies -of Normandy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_619" id="fnanchor_619"></a><a href="#footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Defence of the younger Simon.</span> -Here, while the father defended -Neauphlé, the son defended the cradle of their race, and -their other outlying possessions. Not a detail is given -us; but our historian emphatically tells us that it was -by the help of God that the lords of Montfort kept their -fortresses safe from the twofold enemy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_620" id="fnanchor_620"></a><a href="#footnote_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Interest of the defence.</span> -And, though -a King of the English marched against them, though -doubtless there was no lack of native English warriors -in his train, yet we may join in the pious thankfulness -of our guide at Saint Evroul. It was not good for -English interests in any wide or lasting sense that the -sovereign of England should even hold his ancestral -Normandy, much less that he should inherit Aquitaine -and conquer France. When the lords of Montfort in the -eleventh century beat back from their strongholds all -the efforts of England and Normandy, of Poitiers and -<a name="Page_255" id="Page_255"></a><span class="pageno">255</span> -Aquitaine, they were in truth working in the same -cause as their glorious descendant in the thirteenth. -Unknowingly and indirectly, they were, no less than he, -fighting for the freedom and the greatness of what in their -eyes seemed hostile England.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The war lingers on. Christmas, 1098.</span> -The war seems to have lingered on through another -winter, the second of those when King William kept his -Christmas feast in Normandy. But no successes are -recorded either of William of England or of William of -Aquitaine. <span class="sni">No successes of the two Williams.</span> -The Red King had really done nothing, -either alone or in company with his Poitevin ally. The -gallant resistance of the men of the French borderland -had beaten him back at every point. -He was now glad -to conclude a truce, <span class="sni">A truce agreed to.</span> which the events which followed -made practically a peace.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_621" id="fnanchor_621"></a><a href="#footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Survey of the French war. Its ill-success.</span> -It is not at first easy to understand why so very little -came of such great preparations as those which William -Rufus made for the French war. The strength of two -great states, during the later stages of the war the -strength of three great states, was broken by efforts -which, even allowing as much as we can for the energy -of young Lewis, were mainly those of the nobles and -people of a single district. England, Normandy, and -Aquitaine, were baffled by the men of the French Vexin. -It is true indeed that the war of Maine was far from -being really ended, but Rufus seems at this stage to have -thought little of the efforts of the man whom he had -bidden to do his worst against him. Nor was there anything -this year in England, as there was the year before, -to draw off the King’s attention from continental affairs. -Scotland was quiet under a king of his own naming; -Magnus did not really threaten England; the Welsh border -<a name="Page_256" id="Page_256"></a><span class="pageno">256</span> -might be left to Robert of Bellême or those whom he -had left in charge. All that we can do is to record this -singular break-down of a great force, without being able -fully to explain it. One remark may be made. <span class="sni">Illustration of William’s character.</span> -Men of -the temper of Rufus often get simply weary of undertakings -which bring little success, and in which there is -nothing to call forth any special point of personal vengeance -or personal honour. Rufus claimed the Vexin; -but his heart does not seem to have been set on its -possession, as it clearly was set on the possession of -Le Mans. There was no one on the French border who -had stung him personally to the quick as Helias had -done. The want of success in the joint undertaking of -the two Williams is certainly hard to understand; but -we can quite understand how William of England and -Normandy might, in sheer disgust, throw up an undertaking -in which he did not at once succeed. When -he was once more wounded in the most sensitive -part, he was, as we shall presently see, all himself -again.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 4. <span class="title">The Gemót of 1099.</span></p> - -<p>William, master of Le Mans, but hardly to be called -master of Maine, and assuredly not master of the Vexin, -stayed in Normandy during the winter which followed -the double war in those regions. The time of his absence -is spoken of as a time of special oppression in -England, a time when the exactions of Flambard and -his fellows grew worse and worse, on account of the -great sums which had to be sent over the sea for the -King’s wars.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_622" id="fnanchor_622"></a><a href="#footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a></span> -<span class="sni">William keeps Christmas in Normandy. 1098–1099.</span> -The Christmas feast was again kept in -<a name="Page_257" id="Page_257"></a><span class="pageno">257</span> -Normandy, in what city or castle we are not told, but -such incidental notices as we have seem to point to -Rouen as his usual head-quarters when he was in the -duchy. He came back to England in time for the Easter -feast; the feast implies the assembly; <span class="sni">Easter Gemót. April 10, 1099.</span> -but we have no -account of its doings; there was no longer in England -either an Anselm to afford subjects for discussion or an -Eadmer to report the debates. <span class="sni">Whitsun Gemót in the new hall at Westminster. May 10, 1099.</span> -The next festival was of -greater importance, if only on account of the place -where it was held, a place ever-memorable in the history -of England from that day to this. -“At Pentecost the King William held his court for the first time in the -new building at Westminster.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_623" id="fnanchor_623"></a><a href="#footnote_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Buildings of William Rufus.</span> -The architectural works of William Rufus form a -marked feature in his reign; but the place which they -hold in the national annals is singular. -They are set -down among the grievances of that unhappy time. <span class="sni">They are reckoned among national grievances.</span> Besides -the bad weather, which was not the Red King’s -<a name="Page_258" id="Page_258"></a><span class="pageno">258</span> -fault, and the bad harvests which were deemed to be -in some measure his fault, -there were the unrighteous -taxes and the other forms of unlaw which were directly -his fault; <span class="sni">Various grievances.</span> lastly there were the great buildings which -are set down as not the least among his ways of oppressing -the people. <span class="sni">Complaints in 1096,</span> -We have heard some of the wails -which the Chronicler sends up year by year. The year -of the purchase of Normandy was a year when the land -was pressed down by manifold gelds and by a heavy -time of hunger.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_624" id="fnanchor_624"></a><a href="#footnote_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a></span> -<span class="sni">in 1097.</span> -The next year, the year of Anselm’s -going, was a year of signs in the heavens, and of <em>ungelds</em> -and <em>unweather</em> below.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_625" id="fnanchor_625"></a><a href="#footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Signs and wonders in 1098.</span> -The next year, the year of -Maine, the year of the Vexin, the year of Anglesey, had -also its physical wonders. In the summer a pool at -Finchampstead in Berkshire was said to have welled up -blood.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_626" id="fnanchor_626"></a><a href="#footnote_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a></span> -At Michaelmas the heaven seemed well-nigh all -night as if it were burning.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_627" id="fnanchor_627"></a><a href="#footnote_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Bad weather of 1098.</span> -That was a very grievous -year, through manifold <em>ungeld</em> and through mickle rains -that all the year never stopped; and—​what came home -to those who could look back to the bright days of the -Golden Borough—​well-nigh all tilth in the marsh-land -died out.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_628" id="fnanchor_628"></a><a href="#footnote_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The great buildings in London. 1097.</span> -Such are the mournful voices to which we -listen year by year; but in the central year of the three -another grievance is added. “Eke many shires that -with work to London belonged were sorely harassed -<a name="Page_259" id="Page_259"></a><span class="pageno">259</span> -through the wall that they wrought around the Tower, -and through the bridge that well nigh all flooded -away was, and through the King’s hall-work that -man in Westminster wrought, and many men therewith -harassed.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_629" id="fnanchor_629"></a><a href="#footnote_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a></span></p> - -<p>This was the light in which three great works of -building on which Englishmen of later days learned to -look with national pride were looked on by the men -of the time when they were wrought. We hear the -cry of the Hebrew in the brick-field toiling to rear up -the treasure-cities of the Pharaohs. <span class="sni">Earlier parallels.</span> -We hear the cry of -the Roman plebeian, as the proud Tarquin constrained -him to give the sweat of his brow to fence in the seven -hills with walls or to burrow beneath the ground to lay -the foundations and turn the arches of the great sewer.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_630" id="fnanchor_630"></a><a href="#footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a></span> -So it was in the days of the Red King with the Tower of -London, the bridge of London, the hall of Westminster. -<span class="sni">Abuse of the old law.</span> -We may believe that, as so often happened, the old -law of England was turned to purposes of oppression. -The repair of bridges and fortresses was the universal -<a name="Page_260" id="Page_260"></a><span class="pageno">260</span> -burthen on the Englishman’s <em>eðel</em>, the duty which he -owed, not to a personal lord, but to the commonwealth -of which he was a member.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_631" id="fnanchor_631"></a><a href="#footnote_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a></span> -In one case at -least we know that the defences of the local capital -were laid by local law upon the people of the whole -shire.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_632" id="fnanchor_632"></a><a href="#footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a></span> -What was law at Chester would seem from the -words of the Chronicler to have been law in London -also. There were certain “shires that with work to -London belonged.” William Rufus may therefore have -been quite within the letter of the ancient law in calling -on the people of certain shires to contribute in money or -labour to any works which were needed for either the -Tower or the bridge of London. But it is clear that -this is the kind of law which opens the way to a great -amount of oppression in detail, and that the law itself -supplies temptations to extort more than the law gives. -<span class="sni">The bridge and the Tower.</span> -The bridge at least was an useful work, and if the men -of London thought that the Tower stood by their walls -rather to overawe them than to defend them, that was -an argument which could not be openly brought forward. -<span class="sni">Question as to the hall.</span> -But it is by no means clear whether the ancient -law about bridges and fortresses could be stretched so as -to take in works at the King’s palace. Anyhow the -burthen laid on the people was frightfully oppressive, and -those who felt the burthen bitterly complained. And, if -we rightly understand the Chronicler, the grievance of -building the bridge was doubled by a flood which swept -away the unfinished work, and made it needful to build -it over again.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_633" id="fnanchor_633"></a><a href="#footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a></span></p> - -<p>Thus, amid the toils and groans of the people, three -mighty works arose, to hand down the name of William -Rufus to after ages as a great builder. While Rufus -<a name="Page_261" id="Page_261"></a><span class="pageno">261</span> -was harrying the land of Maine, a land which but for -him might have remained peaceful and happy under a -righteous ruler, while he was striving in vain to bring -the heights of Chaumont and Montfort under his power, -the people of a large part of England were giving their -strength and their money to make London put on a -new face, to make all things ready for the time when -the King should again come to his island kingdom to -wear his crown in or hard by its greatest city. <span class="sni">Growth of the greatness of London.</span> -All -these works point, among other things, to the steady -growth of the greatness of London. The city had -grown fast in importance during the whole century -which was now drawing to an end, and at no time -faster than during Harold’s nine months of little stillness.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_634" id="fnanchor_634"></a><a href="#footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Relations of London and Winchester.</span> -London had become the city of the King; Winchester -was left to be the city of the Old Lady.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_635" id="fnanchor_635"></a><a href="#footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a></span> -The -attractions of the New Forest drew the Conqueror, -specially after the death of Eadgyth, back again to the -old West-Saxon capital; but this preference of Winchester -as the head-quarters of sport in no way checked -the advance of London as the real head of the kingdom. -Harsh as may have been the means by which the Red -King raised his great buildings, richly as he and they -may have earned the curses of his subjects at the time, -we can say nothing against either the taste or the policy -which led him to the defence and the adornment of -the great city and of the palace which lay under its -shadow.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The wall round the Tower.</span> -Notwithstanding any momentary checks, the works -went on and prospered. The great tower of Gundulf—​strange -work for the meek follower of Anselm—​was -fenced in with a surrounding wall. <span class="sni">London Bridge.</span> -The river was -spanned by its first stone bridge, that long range of -<a name="Page_262" id="Page_262"></a><span class="pageno">262</span> -narrow arches, itself a thickly-peopled city over the -stream, of which the last traces vanished in our own -early days. <span class="sni">Westminster Hall.</span> -But above all there now arose that famous -hall of Westminster whose name has come to be another -name for the law of England. Strange founder for -such a pile might seem the prince whose reign was before -all others the reign of unlaw. <span class="sni">Its two founders.</span> -And yet it was not -wholly unfitting that the Prytaneion of England should -first arise at the bidding of William the Red, and -should take a new form at the bidding of a later -king in whose days unlaw was again mighty. <span class="sni">Its architecture.</span> -The -great hall arose at the bidding of Rufus, in the stern -and solemn form of the art of his day—​the day, be it -remembered, of William of Saint-Calais and the choir -of Durham—​with its low massive walls, its two ranges -of pillars and arches, far removed, we may be sure, from -the graceful forms which had been at Spalato and which -were to be again at Oakham, but standing firm in their -strength, bearing the full impress of the style whose -leading feature is that of simple, changeless, abiding, -rest.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_636" id="fnanchor_636"></a><a href="#footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Recasting by Richard the Second.</span> -At the bidding of Richard of Bourdeaux the walls -were cased, and pierced with windows of forms unknown -in the days of the Red King; his pillars and -arches were swept away; the central space and its aisles -were thrown into a single body; the timber roof of -wondrous span and wondrous workmanship leaped -boldly from wall to wall, with a daring which might -have pleased the swelling pride of Rufus himself. Thus, -at the word of two despotic kings, arose the pile which -may claim, no less than its neighbours, Saint Peter’s -chapter-house and Saint Stephen’s chapel, to be the chosen -home of English freedom. For in England law has ever -grown out of unlaw. The despotism of Normans and of -Tudors only paved the way for the outbursts of freedom in -<a name="Page_263" id="Page_263"></a><span class="pageno">263</span> -the thirteenth century and in the seventeenth; a reforming -Henry dogged the steps alike of Rufus and of Richard. -<span class="sni">Legal position of the reign of Rufus.</span> -And if from one side the reign of Rufus was a reign of -unlaw, from another side it was a reign of overmuch -law. It saw the beginning of those legal subtleties, that -web woven by the wicked skill of Flambard, which -makes the Red King’s day a marked epoch in legal -history. His reign bridges the space between the days -when we had laws but when we had no lawyers, and -the days when lawyers had grown so many and so -subtle that the true ends of law were sometimes forgotten -among them. <span class="sni">History of the hall.</span> -If from one side the hall of Westminster -has been one of the cradles of English freedom, -from another side it has been the special home of that -form of unlaw by which men have been sent to a wrongful -doom under the outward forms of justice. Of all -that is good and bad in the history of the law of -England the hall of Rufus is the material embodying. -Within no other building reared by the hand of man -has so great a share of English history been wrought.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Object of the hall.</span> -But it was not directly as the dwelling-place either of -law or of its opposite that Rufus first reared his hall. -It was built rather as a trophy of his own swelling pride. -<span class="sni">Personal pride of Rufus.</span> -The home of the Confessor, the home of the Conqueror, -was not stately enough for the Red King. He would be -lodged, at least in that special home of kingship, as -better became the idea which he had formed of his own -greatness. It was the hall of the king, rather than the -hall of the kingdom, the centre and crown of his own -house, the place for the display of his own splendour, -which Rufus sought to call into being. <span class="sni">Legends of the hall.</span> -When the -work was done, other men deemed that it was as great, -perhaps greater, than even so great a king could need. -But its founder was not satisfied. Nero, when he had -finished his Golden House, allowed that he was at last -<a name="Page_264" id="Page_264"></a><span class="pageno">264</span> -lodged like a man. Rufus, when he had outdone the -works of all that had gone before him, hardly deemed -that he was lodged like a man in his palace of Westminster. -<span class="sni">Alleged sayings of Rufus.</span> -The new hall, when it was done, was not half -so great as he had meant it to be.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_637" id="fnanchor_637"></a><a href="#footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a></span> -Some add a wilder -saying, that he would build a house on such a scale that -the great hall should be but one of its bed-chambers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_638" id="fnanchor_638"></a><a href="#footnote_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a></span> -But the hall, such as it was, vast in the eyes of other -men, small in the eyes of its master, was ready for use -by the day of the Pentecostal feast. <span class="sni">The Whitsun feast.</span> -Then the assembly -came together; then the accustomed rites were gone -through in the West Minster; then the banquet and -the council were held, as was wont, under its shadow, -in the accustomed place, but within new walls and under -a new roof. Within those walls, beneath that roof, men -for the first time saw King William of England, lord, as -he deemed, of Scotland, Normandy, and Maine, in all his -own greatness and glory, in all the greatness and glory -of his new work. One feature in that great gathering -might indeed have helped to swell his heart even higher -than it had ever before been swollen. The crown was, -as usual, placed on his head in the minster and worn in -the hall. And on that day at least he must have felt -that the crown which was placed on his head was in -truth an imperial diadem. William the Red was not -indeed rowed on the Thames by vassal kings, like -Eadgar the Giver-of-peace. But in the pomps of that -<a name="Page_265" id="Page_265"></a><span class="pageno">265</span> -day he saw a king march before him as his vassal, -a king who had received his crown at his own bidding. -<span class="sni">The sword borne by the King of Scots.</span> -When King William of England wore his <em>cynehelm</em> in -church and hall, King Eadgar of Scotland, first of his -men in rank and honour, bore the sword of state before -his lord.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_639" id="fnanchor_639"></a><a href="#footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a></span> -Was that day of pride and pomp merely a -day of pride and pomp, or were any of the great affairs -of William’s kingdom and empire dealt with in the joint -presence of the Monarch of Britain and his kingly -vassal? One thing only we know; one act alone of -that gathering is recorded. But that act is one which -has no small fitness as the one act which we know that -the Red King did in his new building.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Deaths of bishops and abbots.</span> -The hands of Randolf Flambard must have been just -then full of work, and the coffers of King William must -have been just then well filled with wealth flowing in -from the usual sources. Bishops and abbots had for some -time been dying most conveniently for the King and his -minister. <span class="sni">Walkelin of Winchester. January 3, 1098.</span> -Within the first few days of the year of Le Mans -and Chaumont died the friend, some said the kinsman, of -the Conqueror, the Norman Walkelin, the successor of -English Stigand in the see of Winchester.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_640" id="fnanchor_640"></a><a href="#footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Character and acts of Walkelin.</span> -Though he had -<a name="Page_266" id="Page_266"></a><span class="pageno">266</span> -appeared as an adversary of Anselm,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_641" id="fnanchor_641"></a><a href="#footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a></span> -though he had once -designed to supplant the monks of the Old Minster by -secular canons,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_642" id="fnanchor_642"></a><a href="#footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a></span> -though he was said to have lessened the -revenues of the monks to increase those of the bishopric,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_643" id="fnanchor_643"></a><a href="#footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a></span> -he still left behind him a good name in the monastic -annals of his church, both for the austerity of his own -life and for the affection which he afterwards learned to -show to the brethren.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_644" id="fnanchor_644"></a><a href="#footnote_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a></span> -Winchester tradition loved to -tell of the pious fraud by which he had cajoled the Conqueror -out of the whole timber of a great wood towards -the rebuilding of his church.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_645" id="fnanchor_645"></a><a href="#footnote_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The monks take possession of Walkelin’s church. April 8, 1093.</span> -It told how, in the year -of the King’s temporary penitence, the monks had, in -the presence of well-nigh all the prelacy of England, -taken possession of the church of Walkelin’s building, -and how they had presently gone on to rase to the ground -the church of Æthelwald which had been deemed so -stately a pile not much more than a hundred years -before.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_646" id="fnanchor_646"></a><a href="#footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Walkelin joint-regent with Flambard. 1097.</span> -It told how, when the King set forth for the -French war, the Bishop of Winchester was left as joint-ruler -of the realm with the mighty chaplain and Justiciar.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_647" id="fnanchor_647"></a><a href="#footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a></span> -<a name="Page_267" id="Page_267"></a><span class="pageno">267</span> -And it told the last tale, how, when he had barely -entered on his new office, on the very Christmas -morning, while the holiest rite of Christian worship was -going on, <span class="sni">The King’s demand for money. Christmas, 1097–1098.</span> -the King’s messenger came to demand two -hundred pounds without delay. The Bishop, like -Anselm, knew that he could raise no such sum without -robbery of the Church and oppression of the poor. He -prayed that he might be set free from a world of -which he was weary. Two days later his prayer was -answered; while the Red King warred at Chaumont -and Mayet, Randolf Flambard remained sole ruler of -England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_648" id="fnanchor_648"></a><a href="#footnote_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a></span></p> - -<p>On the death of Bishop Walkelin presently followed -the deaths of two other heads of great monastic bodies. -<span class="sni">Death of Turold of Peterborough, and of Robert of New Minster.</span> -One was Turold, the martial abbot of Peterborough, of -whom we heard in the days of Hereward;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_649" id="fnanchor_649"></a><a href="#footnote_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a></span> -the other -was Robert of New Minster, he whose staff had been -bought for him by his too dutiful son the Bishop of -Norwich.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_650" id="fnanchor_650"></a><a href="#footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a></span> -And, a few days before the death of Walkelin, -another great abbot passed away who was, in a -way in which none of those three was, a link with -earlier days. <span class="sni">Death of Baldwin of Saint Eadmund’s. December 29, 1097.</span> -Abbot Baldwin of Saint Eadmund’s, the -skilful leech of King Eadward, if not himself of English -birth, had at least received his staff from an English -King. His house had been growing in wealth and fame -ever since the penitent devotion of Cnut had changed -the secular canons of Beadricsworth into the monks of -Saint Eadmund’s. We have already heard of Baldwin’s -medical skill and of his strivings for the privileges -<a name="Page_268" id="Page_268"></a><span class="pageno">268</span> -of his church against the East-Anglian bishopric.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_651" id="fnanchor_651"></a><a href="#footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Acts of Baldwin. Rebuilding of the Church.</span> -He won fame also, like other abbots of his day, as -the rebuilder of his church, the church which, besides -his royal patron, sheltered the relics of the holy abbot -Botolf and the valiant ætheling Jurwine.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_652" id="fnanchor_652"></a><a href="#footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a></span> -The latest -research has added largely to our knowledge of Baldwin -and his house, and has brought to light several details -which illustrate the reign of the Red King and the -characters of some of the chief actors in it. -<span class="sni">Miracles of Saint Eadmund.</span> -Saint Eadmund had long ago begun to work signs and wonders. -In King Eadward’s day he had avenged himself -on our old friend Osgod Clapa, <span class="sni">Osgod Clapa.</span> -reverenced at Waltham -but not reverenced at Saint Eadmund’s, because he had -thrust himself into the holy place with his Danish axe -in warlike guise on his shoulder.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_653" id="fnanchor_653"></a><a href="#footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Bishop Herfast.</span> -In the days of the -elder William, when the dispute was going on between -the abbey and the bishopric, the saint had directly interfered -to bring Bishop Herfast to a better mind by a -bodily chastisement.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_654" id="fnanchor_654"></a><a href="#footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a></span> -He had even appeared, as he had -<a name="Page_269" id="Page_269"></a><span class="pageno">269</span> -done to the tyrant Swegen,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_655" id="fnanchor_655"></a><a href="#footnote_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a></span> -mounted and lance in hand, -to smite, and in smiting to reform, a courtier of the Conqueror’s, -Randolf by name.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_656" id="fnanchor_656"></a><a href="#footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a></span> -But we are more concerned -with stories which directly bear on our own history. -<span class="sni">Robert of Curzon.</span> -When Roger Bigod did so much evil in eastern England -in the days of the general rebellion, Saint Eadmund -did not fail to defend his own lands, and to smite with -madness a certain Robert of Curzon to whom the rebel -had presumed to grant a manor belonging to the abbey.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_657" id="fnanchor_657"></a><a href="#footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Completion of the Church. 1094. -The King forbids the dedication.</span> -We read too how, when the new church was finished, -King William, seemingly in the assembly at Hastings, -by what caprice is not explained, gave permission for -the translation of the martyr, but forbade the dedication -of the church.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_658" id="fnanchor_658"></a><a href="#footnote_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a></span> -Meanwhile, a rumour, of which we have -heard the like more than once, is spread abroad that the -body of Saint Eadmund is not really there, and that the -<a name="Page_270" id="Page_270"></a><span class="pageno">270</span> -precious things which adorned the empty shrine might -well be applied to the objects of the King’s warfare. -<span class="sni">Translation of Saint Eadmund. April 30, 1095.</span> -The danger passed away, and, notwithstanding some -opposition from Bishop Herbert, a solemn translation, in -the presence of Bishop Walkelin of Winchester and of -Randolf the chaplain, removed all doubts.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_659" id="fnanchor_659"></a><a href="#footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a></span> -Abbot Baldwin -survived this triumph two years and a half. His -career had been a long and a busy one. In the course of -his warfare with the East-Anglian bishops, he had found -it needful to visit Rome, and he too, like others, found -how great was the strength of gold and silver at the -threshold of the Apostles.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_660" id="fnanchor_660"></a><a href="#footnote_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Baldwin’s relation to the English.</span> -He had gone on that journey -with English companions, and when he died, during the -Christmas feast which followed the departure of Anselm, -he was mourned by men of both races.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_661" id="fnanchor_661"></a><a href="#footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a></span></p> - -<p>We cannot, as these stories alone show, go very far in -the reign of Rufus without coming across the name of -Randolf Flambard, chaplain and Justiciar. We are now -about to hear of him in a new character. The churches -of the prelates who so opportunely died, remained unfilled; -their temporalities passed into the King’s hands; -their revenues were to be gathered in, their tenants were -to be squeezed as might be needful, by the zealous care -of the faithful Randolf. <span class="sni">Vacancy of Durham.</span> -But one church, of higher dignity -than all these, which had stood vacant longer than -<a name="Page_271" id="Page_271"></a><span class="pageno">271</span> -all these, was at last to have a shepherd. The careful -guardian of them all was at last to have his reward. -The reward was a great one, but in the course of his -long service he had doubtless gathered enough into his -private hoard to pay the price even for such a gift. <span class="sni">The bishopric granted to Flambard.</span> -The -hall was built; the Witan were assembled in it; and, as -the one recorded act of the assembly, the King gave the -bishopric of Durham to Randolf his chaplain, that ere -drave all his gemóts over all England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_662" id="fnanchor_662"></a><a href="#footnote_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a></span> -In the new hall -of Westminster, the hall of justice, often the hall of injustice, -the man who had wrought so much of real injustice, -but who had raised the name of justice, in its -official meaning, to the high place which it has ever after -kept—​the Justiciar Randolf Flambard, the founder of -the greatness of his office, the creator of the feudal law -of England—​received one of the greatest of the prizes to -which men of his class could look forward. The driver -of gemóts, the <dfn>exactor</dfn> of the moneys of rich and poor, -became, not only lord of strong castles and of barons -and knights not a few, but also shepherd of souls in a -great diocese, abbot of monks in a monastery too young -as yet to have wholly lost its first love. <span class="sni">Consecration of Flambard. June 5, 1099.</span> -The new successor -of Saint Cuthberht, Randolf Bishop of Durham, -was presently consecrated in Saint Paul’s minster by his -metropolitan Archbishop Thomas. But the local patriotism -of Durham takes care to put on record that, as -his predecessor William of Saint-Calais had made no -profession, so neither did he.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_663" id="fnanchor_663"></a><a href="#footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Character of the appointment.</span> -The appointment of Randolf Flambard to a great -<a name="Page_272" id="Page_272"></a><span class="pageno">272</span> -bishopric, as it is the last recorded kingly act of Rufus -in England, was the crowning act of that abuse of the -royal power in ecclesiastical matters, that bringing low -of the Church and her ministers, which is so marked a -feature of his reign.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_664" id="fnanchor_664"></a><a href="#footnote_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a></span> -To place the bishop’s staff in the -hands of Randolf Flambard was going a step further than -to place it in the hands of Robert Bloet. <span class="sni">Flambard’s episcopate. 1099–1128. His works at Durham.</span> -Yet Flambard -showed himself in some ways, in all temporal ways, as a -great prelate. A mighty builder, he joined his efforts with -those of his monks to carry on Saint Cuthberht’s abbey -on a plan as noble as that on which William of Saint-Calais -had begun it, and with greater richness of detail.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_665" id="fnanchor_665"></a><a href="#footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a></span> -He strengthened the fortifications of his castle and city; -he laid out the green between the castle and the abbey. -<span class="sni">The castle of Norham. 1121.</span> -At the extreme border of what was now the English -kingdom, not on the extreme border of his own diocese, -he founded the famous castle of Norham. It was built, -we are told, as a defence alike against border thieves -and against attacks of invading Scots.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_666" id="fnanchor_666"></a><a href="#footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a></span> -But this last -<a name="Page_273" id="Page_273"></a><span class="pageno">273</span> -motive was hardly needed in the days of Eadgar, Alexander, -and David. Every temporal right of his church -he defended to the uttermost.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_667" id="fnanchor_667"></a><a href="#footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His personal character.</span> -Still eager to be first, -pretending with voice and gesture more of wrath than -he really felt, we see in the mighty Bishop of Durham -essentially the same man as the royal officer who made -sad the enthronization day of Anselm.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_668" id="fnanchor_668"></a><a href="#footnote_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a></span> -As to his life -and conversation strange tales are told. The Bishop is -said to have wantonly exposed his monks to temptations -most contrary to monastic rule, to have entertained them -in the episcopal hall along with guests most unbecoming -for an episcopal castle, and to have marked as hypocrites -all who refused to join in his unseemly revelries.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_669" id="fnanchor_669"></a><a href="#footnote_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a></span> -But -the mass of Flambard’s doings as bishop, good or bad, -belong to the reign of Henry, to his own second episcopate. -<span class="sni">1106?-1128.</span> -Our own story will show him, after a short -occupation of his see, an exile, an exile after the type -of William of Saint-Calais rather than after the type of -Anselm. From that exile he came back, as his predecessor -<a name="Page_274" id="Page_274"></a><span class="pageno">274</span> -came back, to go on with his great work, to rule, with -unabated strength of mind and body, to extreme old -age, and to die with every sign of penitence.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_670" id="fnanchor_670"></a><a href="#footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a></span></p> - -<p>The appointment of Flambard is the last recorded act -of the Red King on English ground. We take leave of -him, as far as the affairs of our own country are concerned, -in the new hall of Westminster, placing the bishop’s staff -in a hand which doubtless grasped it more readily than -the hand of Anselm. <span class="sni">Later events of the year. 1099.</span> -But we have still to see somewhat -of him in two other characters, in either of which he was -more at home than in that of the civil ruler. We have -to look at him as the hunter and as the warrior. From -the great ceremony at Westminster he seems to have -straightway taken himself to enjoy the sports of the -woods in Wiltshire. The prince who ruled on both -sides of the channel had come back to his island realm -to busy himself both with English affairs and with English -pleasures. While thus engaged, his thoughts were -once more suddenly called to matters beyond the sea.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 5. <span class="title">The Second War of Maine.</span><br /> -<i>April-September 1099.</i></p> - -<p>In the August of the last year William had given -Helias of Maine his full leave to do what he could -against him, reserving doubtless to himself the like -power to do what he could against Helias. <span class="sni">Action of Helias. August, 1098-April 1099.</span> -In the -months which had since passed the Count of Maine had -shown that he could do a good deal; but it seemingly -was not till he had shown the full range of his powers -of doing that the King felt himself called on once more -<a name="Page_275" id="Page_275"></a><span class="pageno">275</span> -to try his own powers against him. William did not -stir himself till the news came that Helias was again in -Le Mans, and then he stirred himself indeed. <span class="sni">August, 1098.</span> -Helias, -when he was set free in August, went at once to his -own immediate possessions on the border of Maine and -Anjou. <span class="sni">Helias withdraws to La Flèche.</span> -If he was no longer Count of Maine, he was -still lord of La Flèche. If he could no longer reign on -the Cenomannian height, in the palace on the Roman -wall or in the tower before whose rising strength the -Roman wall itself had given way, he could at least keep -his own native town and castle. <span class="sni">He strengthens the castles on the Loir.</span> -At La Flèche, and -in the whole southern part of the county, Helias still -reigned, undisputed and unthreatened. He was still -lord of the whole line of fortresses which guarded the -course of the Loir, the tributary of the greater stream -with which its name is so easily confounded. The -castles along that river, reared doubtless to guard the -Cenomannian border against attacks from the south, -served, now that things had so strangely turned about, -to protect the southern districts of Maine against attacks -from its own capital. In front of the land to be guarded -stood the castles of Mayet and Outillé. Along the Loir -itself stood a formidable line of defences; La Chartre -guarded one end, La Flèche the other; between them lay -La Lude and the fortress which is still specially known as -the Castle of the Loir. <span class="sni">La Chartre.</span> -The stream flows below the hill-fort -of La Chartre, once held by Geoffrey of Mayenne,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_671" id="fnanchor_671"></a><a href="#footnote_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a></span> -but the name of this castle is not mentioned in our -present story. The omission is singular, as La Chartre -must always have been a post of special importance, -guarding Maine towards the land of Chartres as well as -towards the now Angevin land of Tours. It rises, like -Bellême and Saint Cenery, on the bluff of a promontory -where two mounds with their fosses mark the site of the -<a name="Page_276" id="Page_276"></a><span class="pageno">276</span> -fortress, and where the rocky sides of the hill are -pierced, like the hill of Nottingham, like so many hills -along the greater Loire, with the dwelling-places of man. -<span class="sni">La Flèche.</span> -Much lower down the Loir is Helias’ own special home -of La Flèche, where all traces of his day have vanished, -but where the castle of John and Paula must have stood, -on a site most unlike that of La Chartre, on one of the -rich and grassy islands which are there formed by the -branching of the stream. <span class="sni">Château-du-Loir.</span> -Château-du-Loir lies between -the two, and the river from which it takes its name is a -far less prominent feature there than at either La Flèche -or La Chartre. The fortress which is specially called the -Castle of the Loir stands at a greater distance from its -waters than either of the other two. But of the stronghold -itself it has more to show than either. The castle stands -half-hidden in the midst of the small modern town, and -the approaches to it have been carefully defaced and -levelled. But the stump of a tower of irregular shape -still remains, which may well be a fragment of the -stronghold of Helias; the neighbouring church too -still keeps under its choir a crypt which must be far -older than his day. Still in possession of a considerable -part of his dominions, master of a district so strongly -guarded, the undisputed lord of La Flèche began to -make everything ready for a campaign which might -make him once more Count of Le Mans. <span class="sni">Preparations of Helias. August 1098-April 1099.</span> -From August -till April, Helias kept within his own lands—​like a bull -in the hiding-places of the woods, says the local writer<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_672" id="fnanchor_672"></a><a href="#footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a></span>—​strengthening -his own fortresses and making alliances -wherever he could. <span class="sni">April 10, 1099.</span> -The whole line of castles, together -with the fortified villages in the neighbourhood, had by -Easter-tide been made ready for defence against the -attacks of any enemy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_673" id="fnanchor_673"></a><a href="#footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277"></a><span class="pageno">277</span> -Helias now deemed that the time was come for offensive -operations against the invaders of Maine. <span class="sni">Helias begins operations.</span> -He began to -attack the posts which were occupied by the King’s -forces, and to lay waste the lands in their possession. -In this work he was secretly favoured by the people of -the country,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_674" id="fnanchor_674"></a><a href="#footnote_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a></span> -and before long a large body of his friends -and neighbours had openly joined his banner. <span class="sni">He marches against Le Mans. June, 1099.</span> -In June -he set forth at the head of a great force for an enterprise -against the city itself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_675" id="fnanchor_675"></a><a href="#footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a></span> -We should like to know what, -in such a case, was deemed a great force; but we may -suspect that the following of Helias would largely consist -of irregular levies, not well fitted, unless with the advantage -of very superior numbers, to measure themselves -with the picked and tried mercenaries of Rufus. The -army marched northwards towards Le Mans. <span class="sni">Junction of Sarthe and Huisne.</span> -A little -to the south-west of the city the Sarthe is joined by the -Huisne, the stream which, with its tributaries, waters -the whole north-eastern part of Maine. The river is at -this point shallow and weedy, with woody banks and -small islands in its bed. Two old lines of road lead -from the south towards the lower course of the Huisne. -One leads towards the bridge of Pontlieue, a bridge -<a name="Page_278" id="Page_278"></a><span class="pageno">278</span> -which has a history in modern times.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_676" id="fnanchor_676"></a><a href="#footnote_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a></span> -The other leads -to a ford less than a mile lower down the stream, now -known as the ford of Mauny. One of our accounts distinctly -makes Helias cross by a ford; the other seems -less distinctly to imply that he crossed by a bridge.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_677" id="fnanchor_677"></a><a href="#footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a></span> -At -any rate he crossed in this quarter, immediately south -of Le Mans. <span class="sni">Battle at Pontlieue.</span> -He challenged the King’s troops in the -city to come forth. The challenge was accepted, and a -battle followed on the ground between the Huisne and -the city. Pontlieue may now pass as a suburb of Le -Mans, and not its least busy suburb. In those days the -flat ground was doubtless all open; the hospital reared -by Henry the Second in the neighbourhood of his native -city must have been placed there as in a rural retreat. -<span class="sni">Victory of Helias; he recovers Le Mans.</span> -The fight was stout; the King’s troops fought valiantly; -but they were put to flight by the greater numbers of -the liberating host. The beaten garrison sought shelter -in the city; fliers and pursuers streamed in together; -the gates could not be shut; Count Helias was again in -Le Mans at the head of a conquering army.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_678" id="fnanchor_678"></a><a href="#footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279"></a><span class="pageno">279</span> -<span class="sni">Joy of the citizens.</span> -The joy of the citizens of Le Mans was indeed great -at his coming.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_679" id="fnanchor_679"></a><a href="#footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a></span> -Their own lord, their native count, the -happiness of whose former reign they remembered in its -fair contrast with the Norman dominion, was again -amongst his faithful people. The formal welcome which -had greeted the coming of Rufus was exchanged for heartfelt -delight at the coming of Helias. <span class="sni">The castles still held for Rufus.</span> -But there was still -work to be done. Helias was in Le Mans; but the -garrison of Rufus was in Le Mans also. The garrison -had not been able to hinder the Count’s followers from -entering the city; but the Count’s followers had not -been able to hinder the garrison from securing themselves -in the fortresses of the city, in the King’s tower -and in Mont-Barbet.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_680" id="fnanchor_680"></a><a href="#footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Comparison with the deliverance of York in 1069.</span> -And now the story reads almost -word for word like a famous scene in our own history -just thirty years before.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_681" id="fnanchor_681"></a><a href="#footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a></span> -Helias entered Le Mans as -Eadgar and Waltheof entered York. And at Le Mans, -<a name="Page_280" id="Page_280"></a><span class="pageno">280</span> -as at York, the native deliverers occupied the city while -the foreign garrison still held the castles. The Normans -at Le Mans betook themselves to the same means of -defence as the Normans at York, the familiar means of -defence of their nation. Whether he would or not, the -joyous entry of Helias was to be celebrated with the -same kind of offerings as the crowning and the churching -of the Conqueror. Westminster, York, Mantes, had felt -the Norman power of destruction; the turn of Le Mans -was now come. <span class="sni">The Normans set fire to the city.</span> -Walter the son of Ansgar set his engineers -to work, and, when the evening came, flaming -brands and hot cinders were hurled from their engines -upon the houses of the city. It was summer; all things -were dry; a strong east wind was blowing, and all Le -Mans was presently in a blaze.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_682" id="fnanchor_682"></a><a href="#footnote_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a></span> -How the great minster, -so near to the King’s tower, escaped without damage -does not appear. But, as the church stands between the -castle and the main part of the city, we may conceive -that the fiery bolts launched by the engines from the -tower might fly over the roof of its nave without -doing harm. In any case, before the end of the day on -which Helias entered, a large part of the city and suburbs -was burned. The true prince was again in his own -city; but he had nothing there to reign over, except -smoking ruins commanded by a hostile fortress. <span class="sni">Discouragement of the citizens.</span> -And -we are told that the love of the citizens for their count -was somewhat lessened by this mischance of warfare, -<a name="Page_281" id="Page_281"></a><span class="pageno">281</span> -which was surely no fault of his. We are significantly -told that they were less eager to fight for him in the -evening than they had been in the morning.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_683" id="fnanchor_683"></a><a href="#footnote_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a></span> -Wooden -houses indeed could easily be rebuilt; it may even be -that that day’s fire cleared the space for those noble -domestic buildings of a little later date, some of which -the official barbarism of our own day has deigned to -spare, and of which those that still remain count among -the choicest treasures of Le Mans.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_684" id="fnanchor_684"></a><a href="#footnote_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a></span> -But at the moment -the effect must have been disheartening, and the change -in the feelings of the people is in no way wonderful.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Operation against the castles.</span> -At Le Mans, as at York in the like case, the business -of the moment was the assault of the castles; but at Le -Mans the enterprise of the deliverers was less fortunate -than it had been at York. The citizens of Le Mans -were not, like the citizens of York, to have the pleasure -of breaking down the stronghold of the stranger. Helias -himself, after all, was a French prince of the eleventh -century, and he would hardly have been so ready as -Waltheof was to encourage such a work. He had never, -during his earlier reign, thought of playing Timoleôn -in that special fashion. But in any case the fortresses -were first to be taken. Walter the son of Ansgar seems -to have been a more wary captain than William Malet -<a name="Page_282" id="Page_282"></a><span class="pageno">282</span> -and Gilbert of Ghent. He did not risk a sally, and -Helias had not the same opportunity as Waltheof of -showing his personal prowess by cutting off Norman -heads in the gate.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_685" id="fnanchor_685"></a><a href="#footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The castles besieged in vain.</span> -He was driven to a formal siege of -the castle. Amid the ashes of the burned city he planted -his engines to play upon the royal tower. <span class="sni">Question of the church towers.</span> -We may -almost suspect, from a story which we shall come to -presently, that the new towers of Saint Julian’s were -profaned to warlike uses, and were made, as they well -might be, to play a part in the attack. But in any case -the attack was in vain. The strength of the fortresses, -the skill with which their defenders brought engines to -answer engines, were too great for all the battering-works -of Helias.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_686" id="fnanchor_686"></a><a href="#footnote_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Robert of Bellême strengthens Ballon.</span> -The King’s tower and Mont Barbet -both held out, and Robert of Bellême took the further -precaution of strengthening the defences of Ballon.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_687" id="fnanchor_687"></a><a href="#footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">The news sent to the King.</span> -But it was not enough for the garrisons to hold out. -They served a master beyond the sea; and that master -had yet to learn either that they were holding out or -that there was any enemy for them to hold out against. -We are in this story doubtless dealing with the work of -a very few days. The fight by the ford, the entry of -Helias, and the fire, all took place on the same day. The -siege of the castles would begin at the first moment that -any engines could be brought up. Whether Helias had -brought them with him, or whether he had to send for -<a name="Page_283" id="Page_283"></a><span class="pageno">283</span> -them, we are not told. We may be sure that there -was no great delay in sending the news to the -King; but the messenger did not start till he had -something more to tell than that Le Mans, or what -was left of it, was in the hands of its own count. -A Norman Pheidippidês, Amalchis by name, the special -courier of Robert of Bellême, was sent with the -news.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_688" id="fnanchor_688"></a><a href="#footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The news brought to him in the New Forest.</span> -He crossed the sea; he hastened to the King’s -hunting-seat of Clarendon, and met William and a party -of his favourite companions going forth to hunt in the -New Forest. The King asked the messenger what the -news was. The news was speedily told; Le Mans was -taken by treason. But Amalchis could add some words -of comfort, how his own lord held Ballon, how the King’s -troops in the city, though besieged and attacked by the -enemy, still held out in the fortresses, how they were -longing for the King to come in person to their help.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_689" id="fnanchor_689"></a><a href="#footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a></span> -We can hardly believe that Rufus had heard nothing -of the general movements of Helias in southern Maine; -but all that had happened since the Count set forth for -Pontlieue came to his ears in a single message.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">William rides to the coast.</span> -At the hearing of such a tale as this William the Red -did not tarry. He waited for no counsellors. His words -were only, “Let us go beyond the sea and help our friends.” -When those around him bade him wait till a force could -be made ready, he answered, “I will see who will follow -me. Do you think that I shall be left without men? -I know well the youth of my lands, they will hasten to -<a name="Page_284" id="Page_284"></a><span class="pageno">284</span> -come to me, even at the risk of shipwreck.” So saying, -without following, without preparation, he loosened his -bridle, he put spurs to his horse, he rode straight to the -sea-shore at Southampton, and at once trusted himself -all alone to an old crazy ship which he found there. -<span class="sni">He crosses to Touques.</span> -The sky was cloudy; the wind was contrary; the blasts -tossed up huge waves; the sailors prayed him to wait -till the winds and the waves should be more inclined to -peace and mercy. “I never heard of a king being -drowned,” cried Rufus; “make haste, loose your cables; -you will see the elements join to obey me.” He set sail, -and the next morning he reached the haven of Touques, -God, we are told by the monk of Saint Evroul, being his -guide.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_690" id="fnanchor_690"></a><a href="#footnote_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a></span></p> - -<p>The spot where William landed must, especially at the -moment of William’s landing, have had a widely different -look from that which it bears in our own day. <span class="sni">Touques in Rufus’ time.</span> -The river -from which the town of Touques takes its name, flowing -down from Lisieux to its mouth by the modern pleasure-town -of Trouville, has had its course shifted by modern -improvements; but it has perhaps not greatly changed -in width or bulk of stream since the time of our story. -Touques lies a few miles inland; but a high tide would -easily bring up the small vessels of that day to the point -which was once a busy haven, but which now affords at -the most a landing-place for barges. The single long -street, full of picturesque wooden buildings of later times, -and containing a striking disused church of the days of -Rufus or his father, now turns away from the stream, as if -to show that the days of Touques as a haven have passed -away. In those days the inland port, placed in the rich -vale of the stream, under the shadow of the hills, those -to the right forming the forest-land of Touques, was a -frequented spot; and at the moment when the ship came -<a name="Page_285" id="Page_285"></a><span class="pageno">285</span> -which bore Rufus and his fortunes, it presented a busy -scene. <span class="sni">Landing of the King.</span> -As was usual in the summer-tide, a crowd of -persons, both clerical and lay, was gathered at the riverside.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_691" id="fnanchor_691"></a><a href="#footnote_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a></span> -When they saw a ship coming from England, -they pressed to ask what the news might be. Specially -they asked how the King fared. And lo, the King was -there as his own messenger to answer them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_692" id="fnanchor_692"></a><a href="#footnote_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a></span> -He returned -their greetings in merry mood, and all wondered -and were glad.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_693" id="fnanchor_693"></a><a href="#footnote_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a></span> -We must remember that Normandy had -better reason to be glad at the presence of Rufus than -either England or Maine. <span class="sni">His ride to Bonneville.</span> -The King landed; he sprang -on the first beast that he could find, a mare belonging -to a priest, and so took the road which led towards -the south-east to the castle of Bonneville, on the slope -of the hills which overlook and guard the haven. The -distance is short, and most of it is uphill, and the speed -of the priest’s mare was most likely not equal to the -speed of the King’s own horse which had borne him -from Clarendon to Southampton. A loyal crowd, clerks -and peasants, were thus able to follow him on foot, -cheering their sovereign as he rode up the hill-side to -the castle.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_694" id="fnanchor_694"></a><a href="#footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">The castle of Bonneville.</span> -The headlong rush by land and sea was now over, and -the Red King again found himself in one of the chief -strongholds of Normandy. The castle of Bonneville, -placed, not on the top of the hill, but on a small spur -projecting from its side, was in fact the citadel of -<a name="Page_286" id="Page_286"></a><span class="pageno">286</span> -Touques. It specially guarded the inland haven; otherwise -one might rather have looked for the site of such -a fortress on the hills which overlook the sea and guard -the actual mouth of the stream. Yet from the towers of -Bonneville we look out on a wide and a goodly prospect. -Almost at the foot of the hill lies Touques itself. The -river stretches away to its mouth at Deauville; on the -right the valley is fenced in by the high ground of the -forest, on the left by the hill crowned by the castle of -Lassay, famous in later times, with the small priory of -Saint Arnold, still keeping work of the Conqueror’s day, -nestling on the hill-side. But at Bonneville itself no -strictly architectural work remains which can have served -the Red King as a resting-place after his fierce journey. -The existing castle, a shell-keep strengthened by round -towers, seems to be in all parts later than the days of -Rufus, later than the days of Norman independence. A -single gateway only could possibly be placed even within -the latter years of the twelfth century. But the site is an -ancient one; the castle is girded by a ditch, and the ditch -is in some parts further strengthened by an embankment, -which seem more likely to have been taken advantage -of by the Norman dukes than to be their original -work. <span class="sni">Early history and legends of Bonneville.</span> -Bonneville had been one of the dwelling-places -of William the Great, and it is one of the many towns -and castles which claim to have been the scene of the -oath of Harold.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_695" id="fnanchor_695"></a><a href="#footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a></span> -Though the existing buildings are -later, the hill itself and its earthworks are there, as when -Rufus drew breath among them. He there rested for a -moment, after being borne with the swiftest speed of his -own age from the sports of the West-Saxon forest to the -<a name="Page_287" id="Page_287"></a><span class="pageno">287</span> -serious business which pressed on a ruler of Normandy -when Le Mans was again held by a hostile power.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">William at Bonneville.</span> -The castle which Rufus had now reached, the nearest -fortress in Normandy to the spot in England from which -he had so wildly rushed, now became the starting-point -of a campaign which, in its beginning, was not unskilfully -planned. At Bonneville the King began to make -his preparations for the recovery of Le Mans. <span class="sni">His levy.</span> -He sent -his messengers to and fro, and soon gathered a large force. -<span class="sni">He marches towards Le Mans.</span> -He then began his march southward; he crossed the -frontier, and pressed on towards Le Mans, harrying the -land as he went.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_696" id="fnanchor_696"></a><a href="#footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a></span> -The effect of his coming was immediate. -When the news came that the King was on his -way, the forces of Helias began to fail him; he no longer -dared to go on with the siege of the castles; he no longer -dared even to hold the city.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_697" id="fnanchor_697"></a><a href="#footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Helias flees to Château-du-Loir.</span> -He fled from Le Mans, and -hastened to the defence of his immediate possessions in -the southern part of the county. Here he took up his -head-quarters in his own fortress specially known as the -Castle of the Loir. Within its walls the Count of Maine -again waited for better days, while the hosts of Normandy -drew near to his capital.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_698" id="fnanchor_698"></a><a href="#footnote_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Flight of the citizens.</span> -Meanwhile despair reigned in Le Mans. A crowd of -the citizens, with their wives and children and all that -<a name="Page_288" id="Page_288"></a><span class="pageno">288</span> -they had, followed their prince.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_699" id="fnanchor_699"></a><a href="#footnote_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a></span> -When Rufus heard of -the flight of Helias, he was still north of Le Mans.<span class="sni">William passes through Le Mans.</span> -He -pressed on to overtake his enemy; he reached the city; -but, like Harold on the march to Stamfordbridge, he did -not deem it a time to tarry even a single night within -its walls. And in the mind of Rufus there was doubtless -another motive at work besides either military precaution -or even simple military ardour. With him it -would be a point of honour to occupy, at the first moment -that he could, the ground on which his choice -troops had been put to flight by the hasty levies of -Helias. <span class="sni">His camp beyond the Huisne.</span> -He marched through the city, over the battleground -of Pontlieue; he crossed the bridge of the -Huisne, and pitched his camp on the broad plain<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_700" id="fnanchor_700"></a><a href="#footnote_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a></span> -to the -south of the stream. He had thus passed into what -might seem the immediate dominions of his rival, as his -rival had passed at the same point to attack the city -which he claimed as specially his own.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">He harries southern Maine. Helias burns the castles.</span> -From his camp on the left back of the Huisne Rufus -began a deliberate and fearful harrying of the whole -southern part of Maine. But before his troops could -reach the strongholds of the enemy, they found the land -laid waste before them. Even two castles, those of -Outillé and Vaux-en-Belin,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_701" id="fnanchor_701"></a><a href="#footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a></span> -were set fire to by the -<a name="Page_289" id="Page_289"></a><span class="pageno">289</span> -Count’s own partisans. Robert of Montfort—​the Norman -Montfort—​pressed on with five hundred knights, -put out the fire at Vaux, repaired the fortress, and held -it for the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_702" id="fnanchor_702"></a><a href="#footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a></span> -Helias meanwhile was biding his time -in the Castle of the Loir. <span class="sni">Helias keeps on the defensive.</span> -His force was still strong; -but he deemed it no time for any attack on his part. -Perhaps he knew Rufus well enough to feel sure that -against him the tactics of Fabius were the tactics which -were most likely to prevail.</p> - -<p>For in this campaign, exactly as in the earlier campaign -in Maine and in the campaign in the Vexin, the -thing which most strikes us is the way in which it -ends, or, more truly, the way in which it comes to no -end at all. <span class="sni">William besieges Mayet.</span> -While Helias held out at Château-du-Loir, -William, instead of attacking him, laid siege to Mayet. -At this last point, lying some way north of Château-du-Loir, -we find the scene of some of the most remarkable -anecdotes in our whole story, and it is here that the last -serious warfare of the Red King seems to have taken -place.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_703" id="fnanchor_703"></a><a href="#footnote_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a></span> -The siege was not a long one, and its result -was strange and unexpected; but the few days which it -took are crowded with incident, and they set William -Rufus before us in more than one character. He first -appears in a mood which may be thought wholly unexpected; -perhaps as touched by devotion himself, at all -<a name="Page_290" id="Page_290"></a><span class="pageno">290</span> -events as hearkening readily to the devotional scruples -of others. The King’s host appeared before Mayet on a -Friday, and he gave orders for a general attack on the -castle on the next day.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_704" id="fnanchor_704"></a><a href="#footnote_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Observance of the Truce of God.</span> -The sabbath morning dawns; -the warriors are vying with one another in girding on -their weapons and making ready for the attack.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_705" id="fnanchor_705"></a><a href="#footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a></span> -Then -a pious scruple, a scruple which seems to have occurred to -no man on the day of Senlac, touched the hearts of some -of the elders of the host. Certain unrecorded wise men -crave of the King that, out of reverence for the Lord’s -burial and resurrection, he will spare the besieged both -that day and the next, and will grant them a truce till -Monday. In other words, they demand the observance -of the Truce of God.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_706" id="fnanchor_706"></a><a href="#footnote_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a></span> -The King gives glory to God, -and gives orders that it shall be as they wish; nothing -shall be done against the castle on either Saturday or -Sunday; on Monday the attack shall be made.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_707" id="fnanchor_707"></a><a href="#footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a></span></p> - -<p>We now get a glimpse within the walls. The defenders -of Mayet, we are told, were men of proved -valour and endurance, faithful to their lord and ready -to fight for him to the death.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_708" id="fnanchor_708"></a><a href="#footnote_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a></span> -It is worth notice that, -through the whole story, the Red King’s favourite arms -are never heard of within the bounds of Maine. <span class="sni">No bribery in Maine.</span> -The -wealth of England, which carried such weight within -Normandy and France, which proved such an unanswerable -<a name="line290_2" id="line290_2"></a>argument in the mind of King Philip, goes for nothing -on the banks of the Sarthe and the Loir. It seems -<a name="Page_291" id="Page_291"></a><span class="pageno">291</span> -never to enter into any man’s mind that it was worth -trying to buy over any man who owned Helias as his -lord. So now in the Red King’s camp steel lies idle -on the holy days of the older and the newer law; and -gold seems to lie idle no less. <span class="sni">Preparations of the besieged.</span> -But those days were -not days of idleness within the bulwarks of Mayet. -The gallant defenders of the castle were making ready -for the attack. One special means of defence was to place -wicker crates along the walls in order to break the force -of the stones hurled by the King’s artillery.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_709" id="fnanchor_709"></a><a href="#footnote_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The castle attacked on Monday.</span> -At last -Monday came, and the assault began. The deep and wide -ditch of the castle was found to be no small hindrance to -the besiegers. -A wild story is told that the King ordered -the ditch to be filled up with horses and mules, the beasts -seemingly of draught and burthen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_710" id="fnanchor_710"></a><a href="#footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a></span> - <span class="sni">Story of Robert of Bellême.</span> For them, as the -villains of the brute world, there was no mercy; the -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">destrier</i> of the knight was, in knightly hearts, entitled to -some share of the respect due to his rider. But the tale -adds that Robert of Bellême, the man so hateful in Cenomannian -memory, improved on the King’s order, and -bade the ditch be filled, not only with horses, but with -human villains also.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_711" id="fnanchor_711"></a><a href="#footnote_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a></span> -Such an order would really be -<a name="Page_292" id="Page_292"></a><span class="pageno">292</span> -thoroughly in the spirit of chivalry. <span class="sni">Illustrations of chivalry.</span> -It would have come -well from the mouths of those French gentlemen who -called at Crecy for the slaughter of the so-called peasants -whom they had hired from Genoa.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_712" id="fnanchor_712"></a><a href="#footnote_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a></span> -But William the Red -had learned beneath the walls of Rochester what the -churls of one land at least could do, and he was not -likely to carry his knightly ideal quite so far as this. -The tale, we may suspect, is a bit of local Cenomannian -romance, part of the popular tale of the devil of Mamers. -Those who tell it add that the effect of the order was to -cause the immediate flight of all the members of the -despised class who were within hearing.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_713" id="fnanchor_713"></a><a href="#footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The besiegers fill the ditch with wood.</span> -But the most -trustworthy narrative of the siege of Mayet tells us nothing -of any of these strange ways of filling up a ditch. -There we read only of vast piles of wood which were -hurled into it, and of a path raised on piles which the -besiegers strove to make level with the palisade of the -castle.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The besieged burn the wood.</span> -But the devices of the garrison of Mayet were at least -equal to the devices of their enemies. They hurled down -masses of burning charcoal, and so, by the help of the -summer heat, they burned up the piles of wood with -which the besiegers were filling up the ditch.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_714" id="fnanchor_714"></a><a href="#footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a></span> -All -<a name="Page_293" id="Page_293"></a><span class="pageno">293</span> -Monday both sides strove with all their might against -one another, and the King began to be grieved and -angry that all his efforts had availed nothing.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_715" id="fnanchor_715"></a><a href="#footnote_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Narrow escape of William.</span> -While -he was thus troubled in mind, a stone was aimed at -him from a lofty turret. It missed William himself, -but a warrior who stood by him was crushed to pieces -by the falling mass.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_716" id="fnanchor_716"></a><a href="#footnote_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a></span> -Then there rose a loud shout of -mockery from the wall; “Lo, the King now has fresh -meat; let it be taken to the kitchen and made ready for -his supper.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_717" id="fnanchor_717"></a><a href="#footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a></span> -We might have looked to hear that for -such scorn as this the Red King vowed a vengeance like -his father’s vengeance at Alençon. But either Rufus and -his counsellors were strangely cowed, or else they were -glad of any excuse to throw up an enterprise one day of -which seems to have been enough to weary them. <span class="sni">William’s captains advise a retreat.</span> -The -lords and high captains of the King’s host impressed -on their master’s mind that the defences of Mayet were -very strong, that its defenders were very brave, that, -sheltered as they were behind their strong walls, they -had a great advantage over besiegers encamped in the -open air.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_718" id="fnanchor_718"></a><a href="#footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a></span> -These sound strange arguments in an age when -warfare chiefly consisted in attacking and defending -strong places. They sound strangest of all when they -<a name="Page_294" id="Page_294"></a><span class="pageno">294</span> -are addressed to a king who, so short a time before, had -taken it for granted that not only men and walls, but -the winds and the waves, would yield to his will. But -the reasoning of these prudent warriors is said to have -carried conviction to the King’s mind. Rufus saw that -the best thing that he could do was to march off while he -was still safe. There were other ways besides besieging -castles by which more damage could be done to the -enemy with less risk to his own followers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_719" id="fnanchor_719"></a><a href="#footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The siege raised on Tuesday.</span> -Orders were -given to march to Lucé with the first light of Tuesday. -The host arose early, and went on, making a fearful -harrying as they went.<span class="sni">The land ravaged.</span> Vines were rooted up, fruit-trees -cut down, walls and houses overthrown. The whole of -that fertile land was utterly laid waste with fire and -sword.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_720" id="fnanchor_720"></a><a href="#footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">No real success on the King’s part.</span> -This seems a somewhat paltry ending for a campaign -which began with the King’s breathless rush from the -New Forest to Bonneville. Not very much had come -of the headlong ride or of the sail in the crazy ship. -William Rufus had gained no real success, military or -political. He was as far as ever from the real possession -of the whole land of Maine. He had rooted up a great -many vines and cut down a great many fruit trees; but -he had neither won a battle nor taken a fortress. His -garrisons at Le Mans and at Ballon had held out; -Helias had left Le Mans open to him; at Vaux Robert -of Montfort had overcome, not Helias, but the flames. -On the other hand, Helias himself was safe, in full command -of most of his southern castles; from the only one -<a name="Page_295" id="Page_295"></a><span class="pageno">295</span> -of them which the King had actually attacked, he had -turned away baffled after one day’s fighting. <span class="sni">Illustration of Rufus’ character.</span> -In all -these cases it would seem as if the fiery impulses of -Rufus soon spent themselves, as if all depended on the -first rush. If that failed, he never had perseverance to -go on. In his strangely mingled nature, he could be -either a ruler or a captain when the fit to be either took -him. He had not steadiness to be either for any long -time together. <span class="sni">The campaign unfinished.</span> -Certain it is that he left all his continental -campaigns unfinished; and this one, which was -begun with such a special blaze of energy, was left more -utterly unfinished than any of the others. And yet perhaps, -after all, William Rufus had succeeded in the chief -wish of his heart. <span class="sni">William satisfied by the recovery of Le Mans.</span> -Le Mans was the special prize of his -father; its castles were the work of his father. But -his father had had no special dealings with Mayet or -Château-du-Loir. He might be satisfied to do without -such small and distant possessions, he might be satisfied -even to undergo defeat before them, as long as the city -which his father had twice won, as long as the royal -tower which his father had reared, were his beyond -dispute.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">William’s good treatment of Le Mans.</span> -But it is at least to William’s honour that, in his last -entry at Le Mans, he showed himself a benefactor to the -city which had suffered so much. Rufus had, as we -have seen in the case of Robert of Bellême, men about -him who were worse than himself. Or rather, putting -aside such exceptional sinners as Robert of Bellême, he -had men about him who simply did, as a matter of -course, according to the fashion of the time, without -either rising or sinking to those parts of the character -of Rufus which are special to himself. So now the -citizens of Le Mans found in the Red King himself -a deliverer from the oppressions done by his officers. -<a name="Page_296" id="Page_296"></a><span class="pageno">296</span> -Those among the inhabitants who had stayed in the -city and had not followed their Count in his flight, had -suffered every kind of wrong-doing at the hands of the -King’s garrisons. <span class="sni">He enters the city.</span> -The tale, according to the local historian, -was too long and sad to tell in full.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_721" id="fnanchor_721"></a><a href="#footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a></span> -But matters -grew better when the King came himself. William again -entered Le Mans in triumph, a triumph won chiefly over -vines and apple-trees, certainly not over the garrison of -Mayet.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_722" id="fnanchor_722"></a><a href="#footnote_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He stops the oppressions of his garrison.</span> -Anyhow he came in a merciful mood. He -checked the excesses of his soldiers; it was owing to his -bounty only that the city was saved from utter ruin.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_723" id="fnanchor_723"></a><a href="#footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a></span> -But on one class of its inhabitants his hand was harder -than on the rest. <span class="sni">He drives out the canons.</span> -The canons of Saint Julian’s, or so -many of them as had agreed to the election of Hildebert, -were driven out by the King’s order.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_724" id="fnanchor_724"></a><a href="#footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He leaves garrisons and returns to England. September, 1099.</span> -William then -disbanded his army,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_725" id="fnanchor_725"></a><a href="#footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a></span> -leaving garrisons in the castles of -Le Mans, and doubtless in that of Ballon also. He then -left the mainland for the last time, and, after an absence -of three months, came back to England about the time -of the feast of Michaelmas.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_726" id="fnanchor_726"></a><a href="#footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">William and Hildebert.</span> -But, if William Rufus, on his last visit to Le Mans, -<a name="Page_297" id="Page_297"></a><span class="pageno">297</span> -saved the inhabitants of the city from ruin, he presently -deprived the city itself of one of its chief material ornaments. -It was the election of Hildebert which had first -stirred up his wrath, and he had picked out the lands of -the bishopric, as the lands of a personal enemy, for special -havoc.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_727" id="fnanchor_727"></a><a href="#footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Hildebert reconciled to the King.</span> -Yet we read that, at some very early stage of -his march, before he had yet crossed the frontier of Normandy -and Maine, Hildebert met the King, and was received -as a friend, on showing that he had had no hand -in bringing about the occupation of the city by Helias.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_728" id="fnanchor_728"></a><a href="#footnote_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Charges brought against him.</span> -But, after William had again entered Le Mans, the charge -was once more brought against the Bishop by some of -the clergy of Saint Julian’s who had opposed his election -from the beginning. It was by Hildebert’s counsel, they -said, that Helias had been received, and that the King’s -castles had been besieged; nay, the towers of the minster -itself, the twin towers of Howel, had been used, as they -well might be, for the attack on the royal tower. <span class="sni">William bids Hildebert pull down the towers of Saint Julian’s.</span> -William -hearkened to the enemies of Hildebert, and gave him his -choice, either to pull down the towers which were so liable -to abuse, or else to follow him at once into England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_729" id="fnanchor_729"></a><a href="#footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a></span> -To -the Bishop of Le Mans the sea-voyage itself seemed frightful;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_730" id="fnanchor_730"></a><a href="#footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a></span> -and when its dangers were passed, when Hildebert -<a name="Page_298" id="Page_298"></a><span class="pageno">298</span> -had reached the shores of our island, his enemies, who -seem to have crossed also, again began to accuse him -to the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_731" id="fnanchor_731"></a><a href="#footnote_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Dialogue between William and Hildebert.</span> -A strange dialogue followed between -the two. William, in his craft, offered to purchase the -destruction of the towers at a price which would have -greatly increased the internal splendour of the church. -Let the Bishop agree to pull down the towers, and he, -King William, will give him a vast mass of gold and -silver for the adornment of the new shrine of Saint -Julian.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_732" id="fnanchor_732"></a><a href="#footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a></span> -But the Bishop had his craft also. He was in -the land so famous for gold and silver work, the land -where Otto and Theodoric were doubtless still plying -their craft. They had no such goldsmiths at Le Mans; -let the King keep his precious ingots for works within -his own kingdom.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_733" id="fnanchor_733"></a><a href="#footnote_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a></span> -Still the destruction of the towers -is pressed upon him; all that he can gain, and that with -difficulty, is a little delay. Hildebert at last went back -to Le Mans, taking with him, not indeed the King’s great -ingots, but some lesser ornaments for his church.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_734" id="fnanchor_734"></a><a href="#footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a></span> -The -burning of the city, the dispersion of his canons, the havoc -wrought in his own lands, all weighed him down. He -poured forth the full bitterness of his soul in his extant -<a name="Page_299" id="Page_299"></a><span class="pageno">299</span> -letters. The unrepealed order for the pulling down of -the two towers still hung over him. Was it ever carried -out? Our author does not say distinctly. We might -rather infer from his story that the death of Rufus and the -return of Helias saved the Bishop from his difficulties.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_735" id="fnanchor_735"></a><a href="#footnote_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a></span> -Yet the appearance of the building itself looks the other -way. <span class="sni">The southern tower.</span> -As the church of Saint Julian now stands, the -southern tower of Howel has its existing representative. -It is slender, and, if it stood against a building of -ordinary height, it would be tall. Its upper part belongs -to the late rebuilding of the transepts, but the -lowest stage belongs to the latest and richest style of -Romanesque, contemporary with the great recasting of -the nave. It is no work of Howel or even of Hildebert; -but it is the work of one who wished to reproduce, with -the richer detail of his own day, the general likeness of -what Howel’s tower had been. <span class="sni">Appearance on the north side.</span> -On the north side this -tower has no fellow; the space at the end of the transept -which answers to it is occupied by a ruined building of -earlier Romanesque, which may well be the stump of -the original tower of Howel.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_736" id="fnanchor_736"></a><a href="#footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a></span> -Are we to infer that the -bidding of Rufus was carried out—​that the towers, or -their upper stages, were actually destroyed—​that every -later ruler of Le Mans, the devout Helias among them, -deemed the northern tower too near to the royal fortress -to allow of its rebuilding, but that the rebuilding of the -more distant tower on the southern side was begun in -the earlier and finished in the later recasting of the -church? May we look on the shattered building which -joins hard to the northern transept of Saint Julian’s as -being truly the remnant of a tower which Howel reared -with the good will of William the Great, and which -Hildebert, with a heavy heart, pulled down at the bidding -of William the Red? If it be so, I know of no -<a name="Page_300" id="Page_300"></a><span class="pageno">300</span> -spot where architectural evidence speaks more strongly -to the mind, where walls and columns and arches -bring us more directly into the presence of the men -who made and who unmade them. Among all the wonders -of Saint Julian’s minster—​beside the nave which is -inseparably bound up with so many living pages of our -story—​beside the choir which in itself concerns not the -historian of Norman kings and Cenomannian counts, -but on which we gaze in breathless wonder as one of the -noblest of the works of man—​no spot comes more truly -home to us than that where we see the small remnants -of what once was there and is there no longer. Alongside -of the soaring apse to the east, of the wide portal -to the west, the northern tower of Howel is indeed -conspicuous by its absence.</p> - -<p class="p2">The second war with Maine is the only event beyond -the bounds of England which our own annalists record -under this year, except indeed those œcumenical events -besides which the affairs of Maine, and even the affairs -of England, seem for the moment but as trifles. <span class="sni">Robert at Jerusalem. July, 1099.</span> -In the -same month of July in which William made his way -into Le Mans, his brother Robert, in quite another warfare, -made his way into Jerusalem.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_737" id="fnanchor_737"></a><a href="#footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a></span> -Presently, before -he could have heard of his own work, the great preacher -of the crusade, <span class="sni">Death of Pope Urban. July 29.</span> -Pope Urban the Second, passed away.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_738" id="fnanchor_738"></a><a href="#footnote_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a></span> -With the affairs of Maine these events have a direct -connexion. It was not the fault of Count Helias -that he did not obey the teaching of Urban, that he -did not enter the Holy City alongside of Robert and -Godfrey. <span class="sni">Revolt in Anglesey. 1099.</span> -But it needs an effort to turn away either -from Jerusalem or from Le Mans to record the last -counter-revolution in Anglesey. Yet it is not amiss to -remember that two lands were at the same moment -striving for freedom against the Red King, and that the -<a name="Page_301" id="Page_301"></a><span class="pageno">301</span> -Briton and the Cenomannian had to hold their own -against the same enemy. He who ruled at once at Bellême -and at Shrewsbury was terrible to both alike. We -may believe that the Britons marked their time while -the fierce Earl had his hands full beyond the Channel, -to strike another blow to win back their land, and -specially to win back the island which had been the -scene of the warfare of the last year. <span class="sni">Return of Cadwgan and Gruffydd.</span> But it would -seem that, in some parts at least of the land, there -was little need for blows. -The two princes who had -fled to Ireland, Cadwgan son of Bleddyn and Gruffydd -son of Cynan, now came back. Cadwgan obtained a -peaceful settlement in Ceredigion; <span class="sni">Recovery of Anglesey and Ceredigion by the Welsh.</span> -Gruffydd got possession -of Anglesey, perhaps as the price of warfare. -A son of Cadwgan, Llywelyn, was presently killed by -the men of Brecheiniog, that is doubtless by the followers -of Bernard of Newmarch.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_739" id="fnanchor_739"></a><a href="#footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a></span> -Another Welsh -prince, Howel by name, had to flee to Ireland.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_740" id="fnanchor_740"></a><a href="#footnote_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a></span> -We -may infer that the central border-land was still firmly -held by the conquerors, but that, though the French had -constrained the Britons of Anglesey to become Saxons,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_741" id="fnanchor_741"></a><a href="#footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a></span> -French and Saxons alike had to yield to the returning -Britons both in Anglesey and in Ceredigion. Gruffydd -and Cadwgan, names which are by this time familiar -to us, are again established in Britain. Both of them -play a part in the later history of their own land, and -Cadwgan at least will appear again within the range of -our own story.</p> - -<p class="p2">These Welsh matters find no place in the English -<a name="Page_302" id="Page_302"></a><span class="pageno">302</span> -Chronicles, which find so little space even for the deeds -of Helias. Most likely they made no great impression -on the mind of Rufus, now that, not Maine indeed, but -at least Le Mans, was again his. He came back to -England, a conqueror doubtless in his own eyes, about -the feast of Saint Michael. <span class="sni">Natural phænomenon.</span> -The year did not end -without one of those natural phenomena in which the -reign is so rich. <span class="sni">The great tide. November 3, 1099.</span> -This time it was the wonderful flood-tide -which, in the beginning of November, on a day of -new moon, came up the Thames, flooded the land, overwhelmed -houses and villages, and swept away men, oxen, -and sheep.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_742" id="fnanchor_742"></a><a href="#footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a></span> -A month later a new source of revenue -began to flow into the Red King’s coffers. <span class="sni">Death of Bishop Osmund of Salisbury. December 3, 1099.</span> -Bishop -Osmund of Salisbury, the founder alike of the elder -church and of the abiding ritual of his diocese, died -early in December.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_743" id="fnanchor_743"></a><a href="#footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a></span> -His temporalities passed, like -those of Canterbury and Winchester, into the King’s -hands. The Bishop of Durham had doubtless bade farewell -to such duties; but the race of <em>exactores</em>, of clerical -<em>exactores</em>, had not died out. There were still plenty of -men in the Red King’s court who were ready to help -in wringing the last penny out of the lands of bishops -till they had wrung enough to buy bishoprics for themselves. -The end is now drawing nigh; but till the end -came, the groans of the Church, of the tenants of the -Church, and of the whole people of the land, went up -with a voice ever louder and louder.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="booktext"> -<a name="Page_303" id="Page_303"></a><span class="pageno">303</span> -<h3 class="p4 h3head">CHAPTER <abbr title="Seven">VII</abbr>.</h3> - -<h4 class="h4head">THE LAST DAYS OF WILLIAM RUFUS AND THE -ACCESSION OF HENRY. <br/>1100–1102.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_744" id="fnanchor_744"></a><a href="#footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a></span></h4> - -<p class="p2 dropcap negindent">The last year of the eleventh century had now come. <span class="sni">End of the eleventh century.</span> -The course of those hundred years had wrought -many changes in the world. To our eyes the changes -which it had wrought in the isle of Britain seem great -and wonderful, and great and wonderful they were. <span class="sni">Changes in Britain. 1000–1100.</span> At -the beginning of the century Englishmen were struggling -for their country and their homes against the invading -Dane. The Dane had won the land; he had given us -one foreign ruler who became one of ourselves. The -days of foreign rule had passed away, only, as the event -proved, to pave the way for a foreign rule which was to -be far more abiding. A foreign rule which, by adopting -national feelings, in some sort deadened them paved the -way for a foreign rule which, by seeming for a moment -to crush the old life of the nation, really called it up -again in new shapes. But the rule of the Norman could -<a name="Page_304" id="Page_304"></a><span class="pageno">304</span> -not, like the rule of Cnut, itself become national during -the life-time of the Conqueror or of his first successor. -<span class="sni">Internal changes.</span> -There was indeed a change between the England of -Æthelred and the England of William Rufus. The outward -aspect of the land itself must have changed, now -that well-nigh every English mound was crowned by its -Norman castle, now that well-nigh every English minster -was giving way to a successor built after Norman patterns. -But, if things had changed, men had changed -also. Compare the signatures to a charter of Æthelred -and the signatures to a charter of William. The -change which had come over the land is marked by the -difference between the list of English names among -which it may be that some follower of the Norman -Lady has crept in, and the list of Norman names -among which it may be that some unusually lucky -Englishman has contrived to hold his place. <span class="sni">Changes in foreign relations.</span> -England -had thus changed indeed in her internal state; she -had changed no less in her relations to other lands. -Within her own island she had made what it is no -contradiction to speak of as a peaceful conquest made -at the sword’s point. <span class="sni">Scotland.</span> -The elder Eadgar had placed the -younger on the Scottish throne as the work of warfare. -So far as Eadgar’s work was the political submission of -Scotland, its results were but for a moment. So far as -it led to the peaceful change of Scotland into a second -and separate English kingdom, its results have been -indeed abiding. <span class="sni">Wales.</span> -Towards Wales, amidst much of seeming -ill-success, the work of conquest had in truth begun; -the Red King had found out the true way to curb those -bold spirits which he could not overcome in the field. -<span class="sni">Fusion of elements in Britain begins.</span> -Much indeed had the eleventh century done, in different -ways, towards welding the three elements of the isle -of Britain into one political whole. Ages had to pass -before the work was finished; but it was in the eleventh -<a name="Page_305" id="Page_305"></a><span class="pageno">305</span> -century, above all, in the reign of Rufus, that it really -began. <span class="sni">Ireland.</span> -Towards the impossible work, forbidden by -geography and history, of welding another great island -into the same whole, whatever either William may have -dreamed—​yet to the Conqueror we may not dare to -ascribe mere dreams—​neither had done anything. So -far as the two great islands of the Ocean had begun to -draw near to one another, it was as yet wholly through -the advances which the princes and people of Ireland -had made in spiritual things to the Pontiff of the other -world, the Patriarch of all the nations beyond the sea.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Britain ceases to be another world.</span> -But one great work of the times over which we are -casting our eyes was that Britain was now fast ceasing -to deserve its ancient name of another world. -The earliest and the latest years of the century are each -marked by a marriage, by a change of name on the part -of the bride, which puts the change before us in a living -way. <span class="sni">Marriages of Ælfgifu-Emma and Eadgyth-Matilda.</span> A new epoch of intercourse with other lands had -begun when, on her marriage with a King of the -English of her day, Norman Emma had to become -English Ælfgifu. How greatly things had turned the -other way was shown when, on her marriage with a -King of the English of her day, English Eadgyth had -to become Norman Matilda. <span class="sni">England becomes part of the Latin world.</span> -The land which was to -be the realm of Henry and Matilda was, through the -chain of events which began with Emma’s marriage, fast -changing from the separate world of Æthelred’s day into -a part of the larger world of Western Europe, the world of -<em>Latinitas</em>, of Latin speech and of learning, the world -which, amidst all the struggles of rival Popes and Emperors, -still deemed itself the world of Rome. <span class="sni">Advance of the Latin world in the eleventh century.</span> -And in -few ages had that world done more to extend itself -than in the age which began with Æthelred and ended -with Henry. At the beginning of the century northern -Europe was still largely heathen; England was fighting -<a name="Page_306" id="Page_306"></a><span class="pageno">306</span> -the battle of Christendom against the Danish -renegade. <span class="sni">Conversion of the North. The Crusade.</span> -Now the kingdoms of the North had passed -into the Christian fold. The change between the beginning -of the century and the end is best marked -by saying that before its end the crusades had begun, -that the first crusade had been crowned with the greatest -of crusading victories. But, in looking at the crusades -of the East, the abiding crusade of the West must not -be forgotten. <span class="sni">The struggle in Spain.</span> -Our own Chronicler has not failed to tell -us somewhat of the great strife of Christian and Saracen -in the south-western peninsula,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_745" id="fnanchor_745"></a><a href="#footnote_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a></span> -and if the taking of -Toledo was followed by reverses of the Christian arms, -it was only by dint of help from Africa. Here is a sign -that the tide was turned, and that it was only by such -help from beyond the straits, by a new passage of Africa -into Europe, that Islam could maintain itself in the once -Roman and Gothic land. In the Eastern world, the -crusade should not make us forget the causes of the -crusade. <span class="sni">Decline of the Eastern Empire.</span> -At the beginning of the century we saw the -Eastern Rome in her full might, the might of Saracenic -victories which were already won, of Bulgarian victories -which were winning. But now, as the Western Mussulman -has to call in help from Africa, so the Eastern -Christian has to call in help from Western Europe. -<span class="sni">Renewed advance.</span> -The Christian frontier in Asia has indeed frightfully -gone back since the beginning of the century; but it -has again begun to advance; Nikaia, Antioch, Jerusalem -itself, are restored to the Christian world, and -Nikaia is restored, not only to the Christian world but -to the obedience of the Eastern Augustus. <span class="sni">Sicily.</span> -And, by not -least memorable change among so many, the great Mediterranean -island, the battle-field of Greek and Saracen, -has passed away from the rule of either, while remaining -the flourishing dwelling-place of both. Sicily has entered -<a name="Page_307" id="Page_307"></a><span class="pageno">307</span> -within the range of Western Christendom, and Palermo, -like Winchester, has entered within the range of Norman -dominion. When Æthelred reigned at Winchester and -Richard at Rouen, a bishop of Evreux could not have -performed the funeral rites of a bishop of Bayeux within -the walls and between the havens of the Happy City.</p> - -<p>Changes then had been great in east and west and -north and south during the century which carries us -from Otto the Wonder of the World and Basil the Slayer -of the Bulgarians to what at first sight seems the lower -level of Henry the Fourth and Alexios Komnênos. <span class="sni">Change from Æthelred to William Rufus.</span> -And -when in our own land the same space carries us from -Æthelred to William Rufus, the gap seems wider still. -And it was at least not the fault of William Rufus that -the changes wrought by the eleventh century were not -greater still. Æthelred, the man without rede, was not -likely to change the face of the world, unless by passively -supplying the means for Swegen and Cnut to -change it. But William Rufus had no lack of rede of -one kind, though it was perhaps of a kind which better -deserved to be called <em>unrede</em>. But it was <em>unrede</em> of a -more active kind than the <em>unrede</em> of Æthelred. <span class="sni">Schemes of Rufus.</span> -William -was eager enough to change the face of the world for -his own behoof. To win, after a sort, the submission of -Scotland and Maine, to plan the conquest of Ireland and -France, to negotiate for the purchase of Aquitaine—​here -alone are far-reaching plans enough, plans which could -not have been carried out without some large result on -the history of mankind. That result could never have -been the lasting establishment of that Empire of Gaul and -Britain of which Rufus seems to have dreamed. But had -his continental plans been successful, they might have led, -as the marriage of Lewis and Eleanor in the next century -might have led, to the formation of a kingdom of France -in the modern sense some ages before its time.</p> - -<p><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308"></a><span class="pageno">308</span> -<span class="sni">Contradiction in William’s position.</span> -The strange thing is that a man who schemed so much, -who filled so great a place in the eyes of his own generation, -after all did so little. Almost more strange is the -way in which he sees all his great plans utterly shattered, -and yet seems to feel no shame, no discouragement, no -shock to his belief in his own greatness. He comes back -really defeated; he has twice won Le Mans, and that is all; -but if he has won Le Mans, he cannot win Mayet. So -far from winning Paris, he cannot win Chaumont. So far -from reigning on the Garonne, he cannot keep even the -frontier of the Loir. <span class="sni">His defeats not counted defeats.</span> -But what would have been counted -defeat in any one else does not seem to have been counted -defeat in William Rufus. Beaten at all points but one, -he still keeps the air of a conqueror; he still seems -to be looked on as a conqueror by others. From the -beginning to the end, there is a kind of glamour about -the Red King and all that he does. He has a kind of -sleight of hand which imposes on men’s minds; like the -Athenian orator, when he is thrown in the wrestling-match, -he makes those who saw his fall believe that he -has never fallen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_746" id="fnanchor_746"></a><a href="#footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a></span> -We might even borrow a word from -the piebald jargon of modern diplomacy; we might say -that the reign of the Red King was the highest recorded -effort of <em>prestige</em>.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">The year 1100.</span> -And now we have entered on the last year of the reign -and of the century. <span class="sni">Lack of events in its earlier months.</span> -It is a year whose earlier months -are, within our own range at least, singularly barren of -events, while its latter months are full of matter to record. -It is a kind of tribute to the importance of William -Rufus that there is at once so much to record the -moment he is out of the way. When he is gone, a large -part of the world feels relief. But about the lack of events -earlier in the year there is something strange and solemn. -<a name="Page_309" id="Page_309"></a><span class="pageno">309</span> -<span class="sni">Contrast with the year 1000.</span> -The last year of the eleventh century was not marked -by that general feeling of awe and wonder and looking -forward to judgement which marked the last year of the -tenth century. <span class="sni">Vague expectations afloat.</span> -But, at least within the range of the -Red King’s influence, that year seems to have been -marked by that vague kind of feeling of a coming something -which some of us have felt before the great events -of our own times. Whatever may be the cause, it is -certain that, as the news of events which have happened -sometimes travels with a speed which ordinary means -cannot account for,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_747" id="fnanchor_747"></a><a href="#footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a></span> -so the approach of events which -have not yet happened is sometimes felt in a way which -we can account for as little. Coming events do cast -their shadows before them, in a fashion which, whether -philosophy can explain it or not, history must accept as -a fact. And coming events did preeminently cast their -shadows before them in the first half of the year 1100. -<span class="sni">Portents and prophecies.</span> -In that age the feeling which weighed on men’s minds -naturally took the form of portent and prophecy, of -strange sights seen and strange sounds listened to. -There is not the slightest ground for thinking that all -these tales are mere inventions after the fact, though -they were likely enough to be improved in the telling -after the fact. The frightful state of things in the -land, unparalleled even in those evil times, joined with -the feeling of expectation which always attends any -marked note of time, be it a fresh week or a fresh -millennium—​all worked together to bring about a looking -for something to come, partly perhaps in fear, but -far more largely in hope. Things could hardly get worse; -they might get better. Men’s minds were charged with -expectation; every sight, every sound, became an omen; -if some men risked prophecies, if some of their prophecies -were fulfilled, it was not wonderful. The first half of -<a name="Page_310" id="Page_310"></a><span class="pageno">310</span> -the year, blank in events, was rich in auguries; in the -second half the auguries had largely become facts. In -its first months men were saying with hope, “Non diu -dominabuntur effeminati.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_748" id="fnanchor_748"></a><a href="#footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a></span> -Before the twelvemonth was -out, they were beginning to say with joy, “Hic rex -Henricus destruxit impios regni.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_749" id="fnanchor_749"></a><a href="#footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 1. <span class="title">The Last Days of William Rufus.</span><br /> -<i>January—​August, 1100.</i></p> - -<p><span class="sni">The three assemblies of 1099–1100. Christmas at Gloucester. 1099–1000.</span> -This year the King, occupied by no warfare beyond -his realm, was able to hold all the assemblies of the -year at their wonted times and in their wonted -places.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_750" id="fnanchor_750"></a><a href="#footnote_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a></span> -At Christmas William Rufus wore his crown -at Gloucester, the place of his momentary repentance -and of his wildest insolence. He had there given the -staff to Anselm; he had there sent away Malcolm -from his court without a hearing. <span class="sni">Easter at Winchester. April 1, 1100.</span> -At Easter he wore -his crown at Winchester, the city which had first received -him after the death of his father, where he had -first unlocked his father’s treasures, and had put in -bonds those whom his father had set free. <span class="sni">Pentecost at Westminster. May 20, 1100.</span> -At Whitsuntide -he wore his crown at Westminster, and again -held the assembly and the banquet in the mighty hall of -his own rearing. <span class="sni">No record of these assemblies.</span> -We have no record of the acts of any -of these three assemblies. The two former at least may -well have been gatherings which came together more -for the display of kingly magnificence than for the -transaction of any real business of the realm. All -things seemed to be as glorious as ever for the defeated -of Mayet and Chaumont. In the death of Urban -<a name="Page_311" id="Page_311"></a><span class="pageno">311</span> -Rufus saw the removal of an enemy, at least of a -hindrance in his way. <span class="sni">Death of Urban.</span> -He had indeed found that Urban -could be won to his will by a bribe. Still he was a -Pope, a Pope whom he had himself acknowledged, a -Pope whom it might be needful to bribe. Better far was -it to come back to the happy days before he had been -cajoled by Cardinal Walter, before he had been frightened -into naming Anselm, the happy days when he was -troubled by no archbishop in the land and no pope out -of it. Those days were come again. Anselm was far -away; Urban was dead; Paschal he had not acknowledged. -The last recorded words of Rufus before the -day of Lammas and its morrow were those in which -he set forth his fixed purpose to use as he would the -freedom which was his once more.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_751" id="fnanchor_751"></a><a href="#footnote_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a></span></p> - -<p>But if we have no record of the three assemblies of -the year, if we have no traditional sayings of the King, -if we have no record of anything that really happened -during these months, we can see that great schemes -were planned; great preparations were making, which -must have been the matter of deep debates at the Pentecostal -assembly. Our own Chroniclers are silent; our -tidings come from our familiar teacher at Saint Evroul. -<span class="sni">Continental schemes of Rufus.</span> -Though the Red King kept himself so close in his island -kingdom, he was planning greater things than ever beyond -the sea. He had Normandy to keep and he had -Aquitaine to win. For such objects he had need of both -gold and steel, and we cannot doubt that in the assembly -held at Whitsuntide within the new hall of Westminster -King William demanded no small store of both to enable -him to carry out the schemes of his overweening pride.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Robert’s return from the crusade.</span> -Normandy was to be kept. Duke Robert, the bold -crusader, was coming back from the lands where his -name, once so despised in his own duchy, had been -<a name="Page_312" id="Page_312"></a><span class="pageno">312</span> -crowned with unlooked-for glory. He was coming back -by the path by which he had gone, through the Norman -lands of southern Italy. <span class="sni">His marriage with Sibyl of Conversana.</span> And he was coming with a -companion whose presence promised something in the -way of amendment alike of his private life and of his -public government. He brought with him a wife, Sibyl -of Conversana, daughter of Geoffrey lord of Brindisi, -and grand-niece of Robert Wiscard. <span class="sni">His reception in south Italy.</span> -He had been welcomed -by his southern countrymen with all honours -and with precious gifts; <a name="line312_10" id="line312_10"></a>both Rogers, the Duke of -Apulia and the young Count of Sicily, to be one day -the first and all but the most famous of Sicilian kings, -were zealous in showing their regard. <span class="sni">Character of the Duchess Sibyl.</span> -But from the house -of the Count of Conversana he took away the most precious -gift of all in a woman who is described as uniting -all merits and beauties within and without, and who was -certainly far better fitted to rule the duchy of Normandy -than he was.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_752" id="fnanchor_752"></a><a href="#footnote_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His funds for buying back the duchy.</span> -His father-in-law and his other friends -gave him great gifts in money and precious things -towards redeeming his dominions from his brother.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_753" id="fnanchor_753"></a><a href="#footnote_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a></span> -<a name="Page_313" id="Page_313"></a><span class="pageno">313</span> -But William Rufus had no thought of restoring the -pledge; he had Normandy in his grasp, and he had no -mind to let it go.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">William of Aquitaine; his crusade;</span> -But besides this, Aquitaine was to be won. It was -indeed to be won in a peaceful sort, as far as the engagements -of its sovereign went. Duke William of -Poitiers, the ally of William of England in his French -campaign, was at last ready for his crusade. Strange -warrior of the cross, strange comrade for Godfrey or even -for Robert, was he who, after his return from the Sepulchre, -spared the life of a holy bishop who rebuked him -on the ground that he hated him too much to send him -to paradise, who brought together the monastic harem at -Niort, and who marched to battle with the form of his -adulterous mistress painted on his shield.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_754" id="fnanchor_754"></a><a href="#footnote_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a></span> -But now he -was setting forth for the holy war. Thirty thousand -warriors—​the conventional number everywhere—​from -Aquitaine, Gascony, and other lands of southern Gaul, -were ready, we are told, to follow in his train.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_755" id="fnanchor_755"></a><a href="#footnote_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He proposes to pledge his duchy to Rufus.</span> -But -Duke William, like Duke Robert, lacked money. He -sent therefore to the master of the hoard which seemed -open to all comers, seeking to pledge his duchy, as -Robert had pledged his.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_756" id="fnanchor_756"></a><a href="#footnote_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a></span> -We cannot help suspecting -that some such arrangement had been made at an earlier -time, when the two Williams joined their forces together -against France; but, if not made then, it was made now. -King William readily agreed to an offer which would -practically make him master of the greater part of Gaul. -<a name="Page_314" id="Page_314"></a><span class="pageno">314</span> -He was lord of Normandy; he held himself to be master of -Maine; he was about to become lord of Aquitaine. <span class="sni">Preparations for occupation of Aquitaine.</span> -Maine -and Poitou indeed did not march on each other; but Anjou -might be won by some means. Fulk could not hold out -against a prince who hemmed him in on either side. -Either gold or steel would surely open the way to Angers, -as well as to Rouen and to Bourdeaux. Prepared for all -chances, William was gathering money, gathering ships, -gathering men, for a greater work than fruitless attacks -on Mayet and Chaumont, for the great task of enlarging -his dominion,--our guide says to the Garonne; he should -rather have said to the Pyrenees. Robert was to be kept -out of Normandy; to restore to the debtor his pledge was -the dull virtue of the merchant or the Jew; such duties -touched not the honour of the good knight. No man -could perform all his promises, and the restoration of -Normandy was a promise of the class which needed not -to be performed. Aquitaine was to be peacefully bought; -but possibly arms might be needed there also. All who -should dare to withstand the extension of William’s dominion -to the most southern borders of Gaul were to be -brought to obedience at the sword’s point.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">His alleged designs on the Empire.</span> -I have said “dominion;” but the word in the writer -whom I follow is <em>Empire</em>.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_757" id="fnanchor_757"></a><a href="#footnote_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a></span> -That name, one not unknown -to us in the history of Rufus, may have been -dropped at random; but it may have been meant to -show that mightier schemes still were at work in the -restless brain of the Red King. We may couple the -phrase with vague hints dropped elsewhere, which show -<a name="Page_315" id="Page_315"></a><span class="pageno">315</span> -that, whether Rufus really thought of it or not, men gave -him credit for dreams of dominion greater even than the -supplanting of Fulk of Angers, of William of Poitiers, -and of Philip of Paris all at once. The doctrine that -Britain was a land fruitful in tyrants was to be carried -out on a greater scale than it had been in the days of -Carausius or Maximus or the later Constantine. The -father had once been looked for at kingly Aachen;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_758" id="fnanchor_758"></a><a href="#footnote_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a></span> -the -son, so men believed, hoped to march in the steps of -Brennus to imperial Rome.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_759" id="fnanchor_759"></a><a href="#footnote_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a></span> -He would outdo the glory -of all crusaders, of princes of Antioch and kings of -Jerusalem. Geoffrey, Bohemund, his own brother, had -knelt as vassals in the New Rome; he would sit as an -Emperor in the Old. Then he would have no question -about acknowledging or not acknowledging popes; -he would make them or refuse to make them as he -thought good. The patrimony of Saint Peter might -be let to farm, along with the estates of Canterbury -and Winchester and Salisbury. Whether such thoughts -really passed through the mind of William Rufus we can -neither affirm nor deny. That men could believe that -they were passing through his mind shows that they -believed, and rightly, that he was capable of dreaming, -of planning, of attempting, anything.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Portents.</span> -But while the preparations were making, the portents -were gathering. First came a stroke which reads like a -rehearsal of his own end. While Robert was coming -back with his Sibyl to found a new and legitimate -dynasty in the Norman duchy, a blow fell on one of the -children of his earlier wanderings.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_760" id="fnanchor_760"></a><a href="#footnote_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Death of young Richard. May, 1100.</span> -One Richard had -already fallen in the haunted shades of the New Forest,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_761" id="fnanchor_761"></a><a href="#footnote_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a></span> -and his death opened the path for his younger -brother to reign at Winchester and Rouen and Le Mans, -<a name="Page_316" id="Page_316"></a><span class="pageno">316</span> -and to dream of reigning at Dublin, Paris, Poitiers, and -Rome. Another Richard, the natural son of Duke -Robert, who must have been enrolled in the service of -his uncle, was cut off on the same fatal ground early in -May, shortly before the Westminster assembly. The -King’s knights were hunting the deer in the forest; one -of them drew his bow to bring down a stag; the arrow -missed the intended victim, and pierced Richard with a -stroke which brought him dead to the ground.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_762" id="fnanchor_762"></a><a href="#footnote_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a></span> -Great -grief followed his fall; his unwitting slayer, to escape -from vengeance, fled and became a monk.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_763" id="fnanchor_763"></a><a href="#footnote_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a></span> -Young -Richard thus died while his uncle was making ready to -keep his father out of the dominions which he was -pledged to restore. <span class="sni">William, natural son of Robert.</span> -His brother William, the other son -of Robert’s vagrant days, seems to have followed the -fortunes of his father, till, after Tinchebrai, he went to -Jerusalem and died fighting in the Holy War.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_764" id="fnanchor_764"></a><a href="#footnote_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2">The death of Richard might be a warning. It might -be taken as a sign that some special power of destiny -hovered over the spot where the dwellings of man and -the houses of God had been swept away to make clearer -ground for sports where joy is sought for in the wanton -infliction of death and suffering. Still it was no portent -out of the ordinary course of nature. But portents of -this kind too were not lacking. <span class="sni">Wonders and apparitions.</span> -The pool of blood in -Berkshire welled again;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_765" id="fnanchor_765"></a><a href="#footnote_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a></span> -the devil was seen openly in -many places, showing himself, it would seem, to Normans -<a name="Page_317" id="Page_317"></a><span class="pageno">317</span> -only, and talking to them of their countrymen the -King and the Bishop of Durham.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_766" id="fnanchor_766"></a><a href="#footnote_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a></span> -Strange births, -stranger unbirths, were told as the news of the day to a -visitor from another land.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_767" id="fnanchor_767"></a><a href="#footnote_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a></span> -As the day approaches, a -crowd of vivid pictures seems to pass before us. <span class="sni">Warlike preparations. June-July, 1100.</span> -June -and July passed amidst preparations for war, but July -saw also one great ecclesiastical ceremony. Abbot -Serlo’s minster of Gloucester was now near enough to -perfection for its consecration to be sought for. Whether -all the lofty pillars of the nave were as yet reared or not, -at least that massive eastern limb with its surrounding -chapels, which may still be seen through the lace-work -of later times, was already finished. <span class="sni">Consecration of Gloucester Abbey. July 15, 1100.</span> -The rite of its -hallowing was done by the diocesan Samson and three -other bishops, Gundulf of Rochester, Gerard of Hereford, -and Hervey the shepherd of the stormy diocese of -Bangor. The zeal of the monks and their visitors was -stirred up by the ceremony, and the house of Saint -Peter at Gloucester became a special seat of vision and -prophecy. <span class="sni">Vision and prophecies.</span> -One godly brother<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_768" id="fnanchor_768"></a><a href="#footnote_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a></span> -saw in the dreams of -the night the Lord sitting on his throne, with the -hosts of heaven and the choirs of the saints around -<a name="Page_318" id="Page_318"></a><span class="pageno">318</span> -him. A fair and stately virgin stood forth and knelt -before the Lord. She prayed him to have pity on his -people who were ground down beneath the yoke of King -William of England. The dreamer trembled, and understood -that the suppliant was the holy Church of -Christ, calling on her Lord and Saviour to look down on -all that her children bore from the lusts and robberies -and other evil deeds of the King and his followers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_769" id="fnanchor_769"></a><a href="#footnote_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a></span> -Serlo, filled with holy zeal, set down the vision in -writing, and sent the message of warning to the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_770" id="fnanchor_770"></a><a href="#footnote_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Abbot Fulchered’s sermon at Gloucester. August 1, 1100.</span> -But the visions of the night were not all. A more -open voice of prophecy, so men deemed, was not lacking. -A few days after the monk’s vision, on the day of -Lammas, a crowd of all classes was gathered in Saint -Peter’s church at Gloucester to keep the feast of Saint -Peter-in-Chains.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_771" id="fnanchor_771"></a><a href="#footnote_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a></span> -Fulchered, Abbot of Earl Roger’s -house at Shrewsbury, once a monk of Earl Roger’s house -at Seez, an eloquent preacher of the divine word, was -chosen from a crowd of elders<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_772" id="fnanchor_772"></a><a href="#footnote_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a></span> -to make his discourse to -the people. A near neighbour of the terrible son of his -own founder, none could know better than he under -what woes the land was groaning. Fulchered mounted -the pulpit of the newly-hallowed minster, and the spirit -of the old prophets came upon him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_773" id="fnanchor_773"></a><a href="#footnote_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a></span> -In glowing words -<a name="Page_319" id="Page_319"></a><span class="pageno">319</span> -he set forth the sins and sorrows of the time, how England -was given as an heritage to be trodden under foot of -the ungodly. Lust, greediness, pride, all were rampant, -pride which would, if it were possible, trample under -foot the very stars of heaven.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_774" id="fnanchor_774"></a><a href="#footnote_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a></span> -The words have the -ring of the words of Eadward on his deathbed; but -Eadward had to tell of coming sorrow, and of only distant -deliverance. Fulchered could tell of a deliverance which -was nigh, even at the doors. A sudden change was at -hand; the men who had ceased to be men should rule no -longer.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_775" id="fnanchor_775"></a><a href="#footnote_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a></span> -And then in a strain which seems to carry us on -to the days of Naseby and Dunbar, he told how the Lord -God was coming to judge the open enemies of his spouse. -He told how the Almighty would smite Moab and Edom -with the sword of vengeance, and overthrow the mountains -of Gilboa with a fearful shaking. “Lo,” he went -on, “the bow of wrath from on high is bent against the -wicked, and the arrow swift to wound is drawn from -the quiver. It shall soon smite, and that suddenly; let -every man that is wise amend his ways and avoid its -stroke.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_776" id="fnanchor_776"></a><a href="#footnote_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a></span></p> - -<p>Such is the report of Abbot Fulchered’s sermon, as it -is told us by one who no doubt set down with a special -interest the words of the first prelate of the minster into -which the humble church of his own father had grown.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_777" id="fnanchor_777"></a><a href="#footnote_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The alleged dream of the King.</span> -Other stories tell us how on the night of that same -Wednesday a more fearful dream than that of the monk -<a name="Page_320" id="Page_320"></a><span class="pageno">320</span> -of Gloucester disturbed the slumbers of some one. In -the earlier version the seer is a monk from beyond sea; -in its later form the terrible warning is vouchsafed to -the King himself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_778" id="fnanchor_778"></a><a href="#footnote_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a></span> -The story, as usual, puts on fresh -details as it grows; but its essential features are the -same in its simplest and in its most elaborate shape. -The King, with his proud and swelling air, scorning all -around him, enters a church. In one version it is a -chapel in a forest; in another it is a minster gorgeously -adorned. Its walls were robed with velvet and purple, -stuffs wrought by the skill of the Greek, and with tapestry -where the deeds of past times lived in stitch-work, -like the tale of Brihtnoth at Ely and the newer tale of -William at Bayeux.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_779" id="fnanchor_779"></a><a href="#footnote_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a></span> -Here were goodly books, here were -the shrines of saints, gleaming with gold and gems and -ivory, a sight such as the eyes of the master and spoiler -of so many churches had never rested on. At a second -glance all this bravery passed away; the walls and the -altar itself stood bare. At a third glance he saw the -form of a man lying bare upon the altar. A cannibal -desire came on him; he ate, or strove to eat, of the -body that lay before him. His victim endured for a -while in patience; then his face, hitherto goodly and -gentle as of an angel, became stern beyond words, and -he spoke—“Is it not enough that thou hast thus far -grieved me with so many wrongs? Wilt thou gnaw my -very flesh and bones?” One version gives the words -another turn; the stern voice answers simply, “Henceforth -thou shalt eat of me no more.” <span class="sni">Exhortation of Gundulf.</span> -In those accounts -which make the King the dreamer, Rufus tells the vision -to a bishop—​one tale names Gundulf—​who explains -the easy parable. The exhortation follows, to mend his -<a name="Page_321" id="Page_321"></a><span class="pageno">321</span> -ways, to hold a synod and to restore Anselm. The -King, in one account, in a momentary fit of penitence, -promises to do so. But his better feelings pass away; in -defiance of all warnings, he goes forth to hunt on the -fatal ground, the scene of the wrong and sacrilege of his -father—​in some of these versions the scene of further -wrong and sacrilege of his own.</p> - -<p class="p2">The details of some of these stories I shall discuss -elsewhere. If they prove nothing else, they prove at -least the deep impression which the Red King’s life and -the Red King’s end made on the men of his own days -and of the days which followed them. <span class="sni">William at Brockenhurst. August 1, 1100.</span> -One thing is -certain; on the first day of August, while Fulchered was -preaching at Gloucester, King William was in the New -Forest, with his head-quarters seemingly at Brockenhurst.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_780" id="fnanchor_780"></a><a href="#footnote_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His companions.</span> -He had with him several men whose names are -known to us, as Gilbert of Laigle, once so fierce against -William’s cause at Rouen, Gilbert and Roger of Clare, -the former of whom had won his forgiveness by his -timely revelations on the march to Bamburgh.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_781" id="fnanchor_781"></a><a href="#footnote_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Henry.</span> -Henry, -Ætheling and Count, if not one of the party, was not far -off; he too had, if not his visions, at least his omens.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_782" id="fnanchor_782"></a><a href="#footnote_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Walter Tirel.</span> -But chief among the company, nearest, it would seem, -to the King in sportive intercourse, was one who was -perhaps his subject in Normandy by birth, perhaps his -subject in England by tenure, but whose chief possessions, -as well as his feelings, belonged to another -land.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_783" id="fnanchor_783"></a><a href="#footnote_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a></span> -This was a baron of France, whom we once -<a name="Page_322" id="Page_322"></a><span class="pageno">322</span> -before heard of in better company, but whom the fame -of the Red King’s boundless liberality had led into his -service. <span class="sni">His father the Dean of Evreux.</span> -In days before the stern laws of Hildebrand -were strictly enforced, a churchman of high rank, Fulk, -Dean of Evreux, was, seemingly by a lawful marriage, -the father of a large family. Walter, one of his sons, -bore the personal surname of <span class="title">Tirel</span>, <span class="title">Tyrell</span>, in many -spellings, pointing perhaps to his skill in drawing the -bow. <span class="sni">His lordships and marriage.</span> -He became, by whatever means, lord of Poix in -Ponthieu, and of Achères by the Seine between Pontoise -and Poissy; at the former of these lordships, it would -seem, he had once been the host of Anselm.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_784" id="fnanchor_784"></a><a href="#footnote_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a></span> -He was -not, in the days of the Survey at least, a land-owner of -much account in England. A small lordship in Essex, -held under Richard of Clare, is the only entry under any -name by which he can be conceived to be meant. He -had married a wife, Adelaide by name, of the great line -of Giffard, who seems to have lived till the latter days -of King Henry. He was now a near friend of the Red -King’s, a special sharer with him in the sports of the -forest, so much so that, when legend came to attribute -the laying waste of Hampshire to the younger instead -of the elder William, Walter Tirel was charged with -having been the adviser of the deed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_785" id="fnanchor_785"></a><a href="#footnote_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni"><dfn>Gab</dfn> of the King and Walter Tirel.</span> -On the Wednesday of Fulchered’s sermon, the King -and his chosen comrade were talking familiarly. Walter -fell into that kind of discourse which is called in the -Old-French tongue by the expressive words <dfn>gaber</dfn> and -<dfn>gab</dfn>.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_786" id="fnanchor_786"></a><a href="#footnote_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a></span> -He began to talk big, to jeer at the King for the -small results of his own big talk. But the matter of -<a name="Page_323" id="Page_323"></a><span class="pageno">323</span> -the discourse sounds a little strange, if it was really -uttered at a moment when such great preparations were -making for the defence of Normandy, for the purchase -of Aquitaine, perhaps for the conquest of Anjou, to say -nothing of schemes greater and further off. <span class="sni">Walter jeers at the king.</span> -The lord of -Poix asked the King why he did nothing; with his vast -power, why did he not attack some neighbour? Great -as the Red King’s power was, Walter is made to speak -of it as a good deal greater than the truth, so much so -indeed that we can read the speech only as mockery. -<span class="sni">William’s alleged subjects and allies.</span> -All William’s men were ready at his call, the men of -Britanny, of Maine,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_787" id="fnanchor_787"></a><a href="#footnote_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a></span> -he adds of Anjou. The Flemings held -of him—​we have heard of his dealings with their Count;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_788" id="fnanchor_788"></a><a href="#footnote_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a></span> -the Burgundians held him for their king; Eustace of -Boulogne would do anything at his bidding.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_789" id="fnanchor_789"></a><a href="#footnote_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a></span> -Why did -he not make war on somebody? Why did he not go forth -and conquer some land or other? <span class="sni">The King’s answer; he will keep Christmas at Poitiers.</span> -The King answers -that he means to lead his host as far as the mountains—​the -Alps, we may suppose, are meant. He will thence -turn back to the West, and will keep his next Christmas -feast at Poitiers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_790" id="fnanchor_790"></a><a href="#footnote_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Angry words of Walter.</span> -The mocking vein of Walter Tirel -now turns to anger; he bursts forth in wrathful words. -It would be a great matter indeed to go to the mountains -and thence back to Poitiers in time for Christmas. -<a name="Page_324" id="Page_324"></a><span class="pageno">324</span> -Burgundians and French would indeed deserve to die -by the worst of deaths, if they became subjects to the -English.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_791" id="fnanchor_791"></a><a href="#footnote_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Illustrative value of the story.</span> -This talk, put into the mouth of the King and his -chosen comrade by a writer of the next generation, is in -every way remarkable. The King’s boast that he would -keep Christmas at Poitiers is found also in an earlier -writer, and it is almost implied in his preparations for -taking possession of Aquitaine.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_792" id="fnanchor_792"></a><a href="#footnote_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a></span> -The words about -French and Burgundians becoming subject to the English -might sound more in harmony with the next generation; -but we have already seen examples which show -that, even so soon after the Norman Conquest of England, -the English name was beginning to be applied on -continental lips to all the subjects of the English crown. -The armies of William Rufus were English in the same -sense in which the armies of Justinian were Roman. -The threat of a King of England, speaking on English -ground, to overrun all the provinces of Gaul is conceived -as calling forth a feeling of patriotic anger in the -lord of Poix and Achères. Yet, while we might have -expected such an one to fight valiantly for Ponthieu -or the Vexin against a Norman invader, we might also -have expected him to be quite indifferent to the fate -of Poitiers, indifferent at all events to its transfer from -the Aquitanian to the Norman William. The speech -<a name="Page_325" id="Page_325"></a><span class="pageno">325</span> -is followed by words which imply that the King’s -boast was taken more seriously than it was meant, -and which almost suggest a plot on Walter’s part for -the King’s destruction.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_793" id="fnanchor_793"></a><a href="#footnote_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a></span> -In the crowd of conflicting -tales with which we are now dealing, we must not insist -on any one as a trustworthy statement of undoubted -facts; but the dialogue which is put into the -mouths of William Rufus and Walter Tirel is almost -as remarkable if we look on it as the invention of the -rimer himself as if we deem it to have been, in its -substance, really spoken by those into whose mouths -it is put.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Last day of William Rufus. August 2, 1100.</span> -Of the events of the next day we may say thus much -with certainty; “Thereafter on the morrow after Lammas -day was the King William in hunting from his own men -with an arrow offshot, and then to Winchester brought -and in the bishopric buried.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_794" id="fnanchor_794"></a><a href="#footnote_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Statement of the Chronicle.</span> -These words of our own -Chronicler state the fact of the King’s death and its -manner; they suggest treason, but they do not directly -assert it; they name no one man as the doer. <span class="sni">Other versions; Walter Tirel mentioned in most.</span> -Nearly -all the other writers agree in naming Walter Tirel as -the man who drew the bow; but they agree also in -making his act chance-medley and not wilful murder. -Yet it is clear that there were other tales afloat of which -we hear merely the echoes. <span class="sni">Ralph of Aix.</span> -One tradition attributed the -blow, not to Walter Tirel, but to a certain Ralph of Aix.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_795" id="fnanchor_795"></a><a href="#footnote_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a></span> -<a name="Page_326" id="Page_326"></a><span class="pageno">326</span> -As the tale is commonly told, the details of the King’s -death could have been known from no mouth but that of -Walter himself; <span class="sni">The charge denied by Walter.</span> -yet it is certain that Walter himself, -long after, when he had nothing to hope or fear one -way or the other, denied in the most solemn way that -he had any share in the deed or any knowledge of it.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_796" id="fnanchor_796"></a><a href="#footnote_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a></span> -The words of the Chronicler, though they suggest treason, -do not shut out chance-medley; they leave the actor perfectly -open. <span class="sni">Estimate of the received tale.</span> -There is nothing in the received tale which -is in the least unlikely; but it is the kind of tale which, -even if untrue, might easily grow up. William may -have died by accident by the hand of Walter Tirel or of -any other. He may also have died by treason by the -hand of Walter Tirel or of any other. In this last case -there were many reasons why no inquiries should have -been made, many reasons why the received tale should -be invented or adopted. It was just such a story as was -wanted in such a case. It satisfied curiosity by naming a -particular actor, while it named an actor who was out of -reach, and did not charge even him with any real guilt. -In favour of the same story is the statement, which can -hardly be an invention, that Walter Tirel fled after the -King’s death. But this was a case in which a man who -was innocent even of chance-medley might well flee from -the fear of a suspicion of treason. And Walter’s own -solemn denial may surely go for as much as any mere -suspicion against him. Guesses in such a case are easy; -the slayer may have been a friend of Henry, a friend of -Anselm, a man goaded to despair by oppression—​all -such guesses are likely enough in themselves; there is -no evidence for any of them. All that can be said is -that the words of the Chronicle certainly seem to point -<a name="Page_327" id="Page_327"></a><span class="pageno">327</span> -out the actor, whether guilty or only unlucky, as belonging -to the King’s immediate following. <span class="sni">The statement of the Chronicle the only safe one.</span> -“The King -William was in hunting from his own men by an arrow -offshot.” Beyond that we cannot go with certainty. -But the number of men of every class who must have -felt that they would be the better, if an arrow or any -other means of death could be brought to light on the -Red King, must have been great indeed. <span class="sni">Wonder that he was not killed sooner.</span> -The real -wonder is, not that the shaft struck him in the thirteenth -year of his reign, but that no hand had stricken -him long before.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Accounts of the King’s last day.</span> -Of the last day of the Red King, Thursday, the second -day of August, we have two somewhat minute pictures -which belong to different hours of the day. There is no -contradiction between the two; the two may be read as -an unbroken story; but we have that slight feeling of -distrust which cannot fail to arise when it is clear that -he who records the events of the afternoon knew nothing -of the events of the morning. The details of such a -day would be sure to be remembered; for the same -reason they ran a special chance of being coloured and -embellished. We shall therefore do well to go through -the details of the earlier hours of that memorable day -as we find them written, not forgetting the needful -cautions, but at the same time not forgetting that the -tale has much direct evidence for it and has no direct -evidence against it.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_797" id="fnanchor_797"></a><a href="#footnote_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Morning of August 2.</span> -The King then, even according to those who do not -assign the specially fearful vision to himself, passed a -restless night, disturbed by dreams which, on this milder -showing, were ugly enough. <span class="sni">William’s dreams.</span> -He dreamed that he was -bled—​a process which in those days seems to have passed -<a name="Page_328" id="Page_328"></a><span class="pageno">328</span> -for a kind of amusement—​and that the blood gushed up -towards heaven, so as to shut out the light of day.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_798" id="fnanchor_798"></a><a href="#footnote_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a></span> -He -woke suddenly with the name of our Lady on his lips; -he bade a light to be brought, and bade his chamberlains -not to leave him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_799" id="fnanchor_799"></a><a href="#footnote_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a></span> -He remained awake till daybreak. -<span class="sni">Robert Fitz-hamon tells the monk’s dream.</span> -Then, according to this version, came Robert Fitz-hamon, -entitled to do so as being in his closest confidence,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_800" id="fnanchor_800"></a><a href="#footnote_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a></span> -and told him the dream of the monk from beyond sea. -William was moved; but he tried to hide his real feelings -under the usual guise of mockery; <span class="sni">William’s mocking answer.</span> -“He is a monk,” he -said with his rude laugh, “he is a monk; monklike he -dreams for the sake of money; give him a hundred shillings.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_801" id="fnanchor_801"></a><a href="#footnote_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a></span> -Here we see the boasted liberality which recklessly -squandered with one hand what was wrung from -the groaning people with the other. <span class="sni">His disturbance of mind.</span> -Seriously disturbed -in mind, William doubted whether he should go hunting -that morning; his friends urged him to run no risk, lest -the dream should come true. <span class="sni">His morning.</span> -He therefore, to occupy his -restless mind, gave the forenoon to serious business;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_802" id="fnanchor_802"></a><a href="#footnote_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a></span> -there -was enough of it on hand, if he was planning a march -to Rome or even a march to Poitiers. The early dinner -<a name="Page_329" id="Page_329"></a><span class="pageno">329</span> -of those days presently came; he ate and drank more -than usual, hoping thus to stifle and drown the thoughts -that pressed upon him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_803" id="fnanchor_803"></a><a href="#footnote_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a></span> -In this attempt he seems to -have succeeded; after his meal he went forth on his -hunting.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">He sets forth to hunt.</span> -At this point we take up the thread of the other story. -The King, after his meal, has regained his spirits, and, -surrounded by his followers and flatterers, he is making -ready for the chase. <span class="sni">The new arrows.</span> -He was putting on his boots—​boots -doubtless of no small price—​when a smith drew -near, offering him six new <em>catapults</em>, arrows, it would -seem, designed, not for the long bow, but for the more -deadly arbalest or cross-bow.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_804" id="fnanchor_804"></a><a href="#footnote_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a></span> -The King joyfully took -them; he praised the work of the craftsman; he kept -four for himself, and gave two to Walter Tirel. <span class="sni">He gives two of them to Walter Tirel.</span> -“Tis -right,” he said, “that the sharpest arrows should be -given to him who knows how to deal deadly strokes -with them.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_805" id="fnanchor_805"></a><a href="#footnote_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a></span> -The two went on talking and jesting; the -flatterers of the King joined in admiringly. <span class="sni">Abbot Serlo’s letter.</span> -Suddenly -there came a monk from Gloucester charged with a letter -from Abbot Serlo. The letter told the dream of the monk, -in which the Holy Church had been seen calling on her -Lord for vengeance on the evil deeds of the King of the -English. The letter was read to the King<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_806" id="fnanchor_806"></a><a href="#footnote_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a></span>—​there was -a future king not far off who could read letters for himself. -<span class="sni">William’s mockery.</span> -William burst into his bitter laugh; he turned to his -favourite comrade; “Walter, do thou do justice, according -<a name="Page_330" id="Page_330"></a><span class="pageno">330</span> -to these things which thou hast heard.” “So I will, my -lord,” answered Walter.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_807" id="fnanchor_807"></a><a href="#footnote_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a></span> -Then the King talks more at -length about the Abbot’s letter. “I wonder at my lord -Serlo’s fancy for writing all this; I always thought him -a good old abbot. ’Tis very simple of him, when I have -so much business about, to take the trouble to put the -dreams of his snoring monks into writing and to send -them to me all this way. <span class="sni">His sneers at English regard for omens.</span> -Does he think I am like the -English, who throw up their journey or their business -because of the snoring or the dreams of an old woman?”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_808" id="fnanchor_808"></a><a href="#footnote_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a></span> -This speech has a genuine sound; it should be noticed -as being the only speech put into the mouth of William -Rufus which can be construed as expressing any dislike -or scorn for his English subjects as such. Yet the words -are rather words of good-humoured raillery than expressive -of any deeper feeling. The Red King oppressed -and despised all men, except his own immediate following. -Practically his oppression and scorn must have -fallen most heavily on men of native English birth; but -there is no sign that he purposely picked them out as -objects of any special persecution.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">William and his companions go to the hunt.</span> -In the version which records this speech the sneer -at the English regard for omens are the Red King’s -last recorded words. He now mounted his horse and -rode into a wooded part of the forest to seek his -sport, the sport of those to whom the sufferings of -the wearied, wounded, weeping, beast are a source -of joy. Count Henry the King’s brother,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_809" id="fnanchor_809"></a><a href="#footnote_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a></span> -William of -Breteuil, and other nobles, went forth to the hunt, and -<a name="Page_331" id="Page_331"></a><span class="pageno">331</span> -were scattered about towards different points. <span class="sni">The King and Walter Tirel.</span> -The King -and the lord of Poix kept together, with a few companions, -some say; others say that they two only kept -together.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_810" id="fnanchor_810"></a><a href="#footnote_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The King shot by an arrow.</span> -The sun was sinking towards the west when -an arrow struck the King; he fell, and his reign and life -were ended. This is all that we can say with positive -certainty. That the arrow came from the bow of Walter -Tirel is a feature common to nearly every account; but -all the details differ. <span class="sni">Various versions.</span> -In one highly picturesque version, -not only the King and Walter Tirel,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_811" id="fnanchor_811"></a><a href="#footnote_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a></span> -but a company of -barons are in a thickly wooded part of the forest near a -marsh. The herd of deer comes near; the King gets -down from his horse to take better aim; the barons get -down also, Walter Tirel among them. Walter places himself -near an elder-tree, behind an aspen. A great stag -passes by; an arrow badly aimed pierces the King; by -whose hand it was sent the teller of the tale knew not; -but the archers who were there said that the shaft came -from the bow of Walter Tirel. Walter fled at once; the -King fell. He thrice cried for the Lord’s body. <span class="sni">Alleged devotion of the King at the last moment.</span> -But -there was none to give it to him; the place was a wilderness -far from any church. But a hunter took herbs and -flowers and made the King eat, deeming this to be a -communion. Such a strange kind of figure of the most -solemn act of Christian worship was not unknown.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_812" id="fnanchor_812"></a><a href="#footnote_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a></span> -Our author charitably hopes that it might be accepted in -the case of the Red King, especially as he had received -holy bread—​itself a substitute of the same kind—​the -Sunday before.</p> - -<p>In this version there is no mention of the warning -<a name="Page_332" id="Page_332"></a><span class="pageno">332</span> -dreams either of the King or of any other person. The -scene in the wood follows at once on the boasting discourse -with Walter Tirel. <span class="sni">Another version;</span> -In another version the King -has the frightful dream; he receives, and receives in a -good spirit, the warning interpretation of the Bishop.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_813" id="fnanchor_813"></a><a href="#footnote_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a></span> -His companions, knights and valets, make ready for the -chase; they are mounted on their horses; the bows are -ready; the dogs are following; the dogs bark; the -horns blow; all is ready that could stir up the soul of the -hunter. <span class="sni">William unwilling to go to the hunt.</span> -The King is unwilling to stir; his companions -tempt him, entreat him, jeer at him; it is time to set -out; he is afraid. He tells them solemnly that he is -sick and sad a hundredfold more than they wot of. The -end is come; he will not go to the forest. They think -that he is mocking, and at last constrain him to come. -The chase is described; the King seems to be alone -with one unnamed companion. <span class="sni">He is shot by accident by a knight unnamed.</span> -The King calls on his -comrade to shoot; he is frightened as being too near -the King. He shoots; the devil guides the barbed arrow -so that it glances from a bough, and pierces the King -near the heart. <span class="sni">He dies penitent.</span> -He has just strength enough to bid the -knight to flee for his own life, and to pray to God for -him who has lost his life by his own folly, and who has -been so great a sinner against God. The knight rides -off in bitter grief, wishing a hundred times that he had -himself been killed instead of the King.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Tenderness towards Rufus in these two versions.</span> -In these versions, both written in the Red King’s own -tongue, the details are very remarkable. They seem to -come from a kind of wish, like the feeling which strewed -flowers on the grave of Nero, to make the end of the -oppressor and blasphemer one degree less frightful. -Other versions know nothing of this conversion at the -last moment. In one of them, the two, the King and -Walter, are alone; the King shoots at a stag; he hits -<a name="Page_333" id="Page_333"></a><span class="pageno">333</span> -the beast, but only with a slight wound. <span class="sni">Other versions mention Walter Tirel.</span> -The stag flies; -the King follows him with his eyes, sheltering them with -his hand from the sun’s rays. Walter Tirel meanwhile -aims at another stag, misses him, and strikes the King. -Rufus utters no word; like Harold, he breaks off the shaft -of the arrow; he falls on the ground, and dies. Walter -comes up, finds him lifeless, and takes to flight.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_814" id="fnanchor_814"></a><a href="#footnote_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a></span> -Or again, -the stag comes between his two enemies; Walter shoots; -the King at the same moment shifts his place; Walter’s -arrow flies over the stag’s back, and pierces the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_815" id="fnanchor_815"></a><a href="#footnote_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a></span> -In another version the arrow, as we have already heard, -glances from a tree;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_816" id="fnanchor_816"></a><a href="#footnote_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a></span> -in another the King stumbles and -falls upon it.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_817" id="fnanchor_817"></a><a href="#footnote_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a></span> -In later but not less graphic accounts -the string of the King’s bow breaks; the stag stands -still in amazement; the King calls to Walter, “Shoot, -you devil,” “Shoot, in the devil’s name; shoot, or it will -be the worse for you.” Walter shoots; his arrow, perhaps -by a straight course, perhaps by glancing against a -tree, strikes the King to the heart.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_818" id="fnanchor_818"></a><a href="#footnote_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a></span></p> - -<p>In all these versions the arrow comes from the bow of -a known companion, and in all but one that companion is -said to be Walter Tirel. In another form of the story the -general outline is the same, but the persons are different. -<span class="sni">Dunstable version.</span> -The vision which in the other version is seen at Gloucester -is moved to Dunstable, and is seen there by the prior of -that house. The change of place is unlucky, as the -<a name="Page_334" id="Page_334"></a><span class="pageno">334</span> -priory of Dunstable was not yet founded.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_819" id="fnanchor_819"></a><a href="#footnote_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The dream with new details.</span> -The Prince -on his throne, and the fair woman complaining of the -deeds of William Rufus, are seen, with some differences of -detail, but quite a new element is brought in. A man all -black and hairy offers five arrows to the Prince on the -throne, who gives them back again to him, saying that -on the morrow the wrongs of the suppliant woman shall -be avenged by one of them. The Prior has the vision -explained to him much as in the other versions of the -story, but with the addition that, unless the King repented, -the woman—​the Church—​would be avenged by -one of the arrows on the morrow. <span class="sni">The prior of Dunstable warns the King.</span> -The Prior starts -from his sleep, and midnight as it was, he sets out at -once on a journey to the New Forest, as swift and headlong -as the King’s own ride to Southampton the year -before. He reaches the place at one in the afternoon, -and finds the King going forth to hunt. As soon as -William sees him, he says that he knows why he is -come, and orders forty marks to be given to him. For, -it is added, the King, who destroyed other churches -throughout all England, had a love for the church of -Dunstable and its prior, and had even built the minster -there at his own cost. The Prior says that he has come -on much greater and weightier matters; he takes the -King aside; he tells him his dream, and warns him on -no account to go into the forest, but at once to begin to -repent and amend his ways. The Prior has hardly -ended his discourse when a man, like the man whom he -had seen in his dream, comes and offers the King five -arrows, like the arrows of the dream. <span class="sni">The King shot by Ralph of Aix.</span> -The King gives -them—​not to Walter Tirol, who is not mentioned, but to -Ralph of Aix, to take with him into the forest. The -Prior meanwhile prays him not to go, but in vain. He -goes into the wood, and is presently shot with one of -<a name="Page_335" id="Page_335"></a><span class="pageno">335</span> -those arrows by the hand of Ralph. No details are -given, nor is it implied whether the King’s death was an -act of murder or of chance-medley.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Impression made at the time by the death of Rufus.</span> -These varying tales, whose very variety shows the -impression which the event made upon men’s minds, may -make us glad to come back to the safe statement of the -Chronicler, that the Red King was shot from his own -men. The place and circumstances of the death of -Rufus were such as could not fail to stamp themselves -upon men’s minds. We see the proud and godless King, -in the height of his pride and godlessness, with his heart -puffed up with wilder plans and more swelling boasts -than any of his plans and boasts in former years. He -goes forth, in defiance of all warning—​for some kernel -of truth there must surely be in so many tales of -warning—​to take his pleasure in the place which men -had already learned to look on as fatal to his house, the -place where his brother had died by a mysterious death, -where his nephew had died only a few weeks before his -own end. He goes forth, after striving first to quiet -his restless soul with business, and then to quench all -thoughts and all warnings in the wine-cup. In the -midst of his sport, he falls, by what hand no man knows -for certain. One writer rejoices to tell us how the -oppressor of the Church died on the site of one of the -churches which had been uprooted to make way for his -pleasures.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_820" id="fnanchor_820"></a><a href="#footnote_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a></span> -Others rejoice to tell how the King whose -life and reign had been that of a wild beast, perished -<a name="Page_336" id="Page_336"></a><span class="pageno">336</span> -like a beast among the beasts.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_821" id="fnanchor_821"></a><a href="#footnote_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Its abiding memory.</span> -And the impression was -not only at the time; it has been abiding. The death of -William Rufus is one of those events in English history -which are familiar to every memory and come readily to -every mouth. His death lives in the thoughts of not a -few who have no clear knowledge of his life. The arrow -in the New Forest is well known to many who know -nothing of the real position of the Red King’s reign in -English history. The name of Walter Tirel springs -readily to the lips of many on whose ears the names of -Randolf Flambard and Robert of Bellême, of Helias of -Maine and Malcolm of Scotland, nay the name of -Anselm himself, would fall like unwonted sounds. <span class="sni">Local traditions.</span> -No -keener local remembrance can be found than that which -binds together the name of Rufus and the name of the -New Forest. At the scenes of the great events of his -reign, at Rochester and Bamburgh and Le Mans, local -memory has passed away, and the presence of the Red -King has to be called up by book-learning only. In a -word, in popular remembrance William Rufus lives, not -in his life but in his death. Nor is this wonderful. <span class="sni">Impressive character of the death of Rufus.</span> -In -the widest survey of his reign, we can only say that his -death was the fitting ending of his life; in a life full of -striking incident, it is not amazing that the last and -<a name="Page_337" id="Page_337"></a><span class="pageno">337</span> -most striking incident of all should be the best remembered. -<span class="sni">Rufus and Charles the First.</span> -Of all the endings of kings in our long history, -the two most impressive are surely the two that are most -opposite. There is the death of the king who fell suddenly -in the height of his power, by an unknown hand in -the thickest depths of the forest; and there is the death -of the king who, fallen from his power, was brought -forth to die by the stroke of the headsman, before the -windows of his own palace, in the sight of his people and -of the sun. The striking nature of the tale is worthy -of its long remembrance; but one could almost wish -that the name of the supposed actor in the death of -Rufus had never attached itself to the story. <span class="sni">The words of the Chronicle.</span> -The dark -words of the Chronicle are in truth more impressive -than the tale, true or false, of Walter Tirel. Rufus was -shot in his hunting from his own men. That is enough; -his day was over. <span class="sni">End and character of Rufus.</span> -A life was ended, stained with deeds -which, in our history at least, stand out without fellow -before or after, but a life in which we may here and there -see signs of great powers wasted, even of momentary -feelings which might have been trained into something -nobler. As it is, the career of William the Red is one of -which the kindest words that we can say are that he -always kept his word when it was plighted in a certain -form, and that he was less cruel in his own person than -many men of his time, than some better men than himself. -<span class="sni">Judgement on the reign of Rufus.</span> -But, however we judge of the man, there is but one -judgement to be passed on the reign. The arrow, by -whomsoever shot, set England free from oppression such -as she never felt before or after at the hand of a -single man.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Alleged final penitence of Rufus.</span> -One tale of the death of Rufus, it will be remembered, -charitably describes him as seeking at the last for the -mercy of the God whom he had so often defied. Others -<a name="Page_338" id="Page_338"></a><span class="pageno">338</span> -paint him as stubborn to the end, and put the name of -the fiend in his mouth as his last words. <span class="sni">The other version prevails.</span> -The latter -version is the one which left its abiding remembrance; -it is the one which all men accepted at the time as the -true picture of the oppressor whose yoke was broken at -that memorable Lammas-tide. <span class="sni">Accounts of William’s burial.</span> -But the versions which -try to assert a repentance for William Rufus at the last -moment try also to claim for him a solemn and honourable -burial amid the tears of mourning friends. One -story goes so far as to place at the head of the assembly -the late Bishop of the diocese, Walkelin of Winchester, -whose body was already resting in the Old Minster, -while the revenues of his see were in the hands of the -King. This version gives us a vivid picture of the scene -which followed the King’s death.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_822" id="fnanchor_822"></a><a href="#footnote_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a></span> -A company of barons -gather round the corpse. There were the sons of Richard -of Bienfaite, pointedly distinguished, the one as <em>Earl</em>, the -other only as <em>Lord</em>.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_823" id="fnanchor_823"></a><a href="#footnote_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a></span> -There were Gilbert of Laigle and -Robert Fitz-hamon, names familiar to us, and William -of Montfichet, a name afterwards well known, but -which is not enrolled in Domesday. These lords weep -and rend their hair; they beat themselves and wish they -were dead; they could never have such another lord. -Gilbert of Laigle at last bids them turn from vainly -lamenting the lord who could not come back to them to -paying the last honours to what was left of him. The -huntsmen make a bier; they strew it with flowers and -fern; they lay it on two palfreys; they place the corpse -on the bier and cover it with the new mantles of Robert -Fitz-hamon and William of Montfichet. Then they bear -him to the minster of Saint Swithhun, where bishops, -<a name="Page_339" id="Page_339"></a><span class="pageno">339</span> -abbots, clerks, and monks, a goodly company, are come -together. Bishop Walkelin, strange to say, watches by -the body of the King till the morning. Then it is -buried with such worship, such saying of masses, as no -man had ever heard before, such as no man would -hear again till the day of doom.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The genuine story.</span> -Such is the tale of those who would soften down the -story; but the version which bears on it the stamp of -truth gives us quite another picture. The King, forsaken -by his nobles and companions, lay dead in the -forest, as little cared for as his father had been when he -lay dead in his chamber at Saint Gervase. Those who -had been his comrades in sport hastened hither and -thither to their own homes, to guard them against -troubles that might arise, now that the land had no -longer a ruler. Only a few churls of the neighbourhood, -men of the race at whom Rufus had sneered for heeding -omens and warnings, were, now that omens and warnings -had proved too true, ready to do the last corporal -work of mercy to the oppressor. They laid the bleeding -body on a rustic wain; they covered it as they could, -with coarse cloths, and then took it, dripping blood as it -went, to the gates of Winchester. He who had so dearly -loved the sports of the woods was himself borne from -the woods to the city, like a savage boar pierced through -by the hunting-spear.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_824" id="fnanchor_824"></a><a href="#footnote_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a></span> -And now took place one of the -most wonderful scenes that our history records.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_825" id="fnanchor_825"></a><a href="#footnote_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Popular canonizations.</span> -That -history records not a few cases of popular canonization; -neither pope nor king could hinder Earl Waltheof and Earl -Simon from working signs and wonders on behalf of the -<a name="Page_340" id="Page_340"></a><span class="pageno">340</span> -folk for whom they had died.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_826" id="fnanchor_826"></a><a href="#footnote_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Popular excommunication of Rufus.</span> -But nowhere else do we -read of a popular excommunication. William Rufus, as -I have more than once remarked, had never been openly -cut off from the communion of the Church. He had -died indeed unshriven and unabsolved, but so had many -a better man in the endless struggles of those rough -days. There was no formal ground for refusing to his -corpse or to his soul the rites, the prayers, the offerings, -which were the portion of the meanest of the faithful. -But a common thought came on the minds of all men that -for William Rufus those charitable rites could be of none -avail. His foul life, his awful death, was taken as a sign -that he was smitten by a higher judgement than that of -Popes and Councils. A crowd of all orders, ranks, and -sexes, brought together by wonder or pity—​we will not -deem that they came in scorn or triumph—​met the humble -funeral procession, and followed the royal corpse to the -Old Minster. <span class="sni">He is buried in the Old Minster without religious rites.</span> -The dead man had been a king; the consecrating -oil had been poured on his head; his body was -therefore allowed to pass within the hallowed walls, and -was laid with all speed in a grave beneath the central -tower. But in those rites, at once sad and cheerful, which -accompany the burial of the lowliest of baptized men, -the lord of England and Normandy had no share. No -bell was rung; no mass was said; no offerings were -made for the soul which was deemed to have passed -beyond the reach even of eternal mercy. No man took -from the hoard which Rufus had filled by wrong to win the -prayers of the poor for him by almsgiving. Men deemed -that for him prayer was too late; no scattering abroad -of the treasure by the hands of others could atone for -the wrong by which the treasure had first been brought -together. Many looked on; but few mourned. None -wept for him but the mercenaries who received his pay, -<a name="Page_341" id="Page_341"></a><span class="pageno">341</span> -and the baser partners of his foul vices. They would -gladly have torn his slayer in pieces, but he was already -far away out of their reach. Thus unwept, unprayed -for, a byeword, an astonishment, and a hissing, the Red -King lay beneath the pavement of the minster of -<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Swithhun. <span class="sni">Fall of the tower. 1107.</span> -A few years later the tower under which -he lay crumbled and fell. Men said that it fell because -so foul a corpse lay beneath it.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_827" id="fnanchor_827"></a><a href="#footnote_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Portents at William’s death.</span> -But as portents had gone before the fall of the Red King, -so portents did not wait for the crumbling of Walkelin’s -tower to startle men in strange ways with the news -that he had fallen. That news, so say the legends of the -time, was known in strange ways in far-off places, long -before the tidings could have been brought by the utmost -speed of man; sooner, it would seem, than the moment -when the arrow hit its designed or unwitting mark. -<span class="sni">Dream of Abbot Hugh of Clugny. July 31, 1100.</span> -Already on the last day of July, the holy abbot Hugh -of Clugny was able to tell Anselm that he had seen in -a dream the King of the English brought before the -throne of God, accused, judged, and condemned to eternal -damnation.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_828" id="fnanchor_828"></a><a href="#footnote_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Vision of Anselm’s doorkeeper. August 1.</span> -The next day, the night of the kalends of -August, a bright youth stood before Anselm’s door-keeper -at Lyons, as he strove to sleep, and asked if he wished -to hear the news. The news was that the strife between -King William and Archbishop Anselm was over.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_829" id="fnanchor_829"></a><a href="#footnote_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a></span> -<span class="sni">News brought to Anselm’s clerk. August 2.</span> -The -next day, the day of the King’s death, one of the Archbishop’s -clerks was at the matin service, singing with his -<a name="Page_342" id="Page_342"></a><span class="pageno">342</span> -eyes shut. He felt a small paper put into his hand and -a voice bade him read. He looked up; the bearer of the -paper was gone; but he read the words, “King William -is dead.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_830" id="fnanchor_830"></a><a href="#footnote_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a></span> -Within our own island the news was said to -have been spread abroad in yet stranger ways. <span class="sni">Vision of Count William of Mortain. August 2.</span> -At the -same hour when King William went forth to hunt in the -New Forest, his cousin Count William of Mortain went -forth for his sport also in some of his hunting-grounds in -Cornwall. He too found himself by chance alone, apart -from any of his comrades. No archer from Poix crossed -his path, but a sight far more fearful. A huge goat, -shaggy and black, met him, bearing on his back a king—​how -was his kingship marked?--black and naked, and -wounded in the midst of his breast. The Count adjured -the beast in the holiest name to say what all this meant.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_831" id="fnanchor_831"></a><a href="#footnote_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a></span> -The power of speech was not lacking to the monster. “I -bear,” he answered, “your king, rather your tyrant, William -the Red, to his doom. For I am the evil spirit, I am -the avenger of the wickedness with which he raged against -the Church of Christ, and I brought about his death, -at the bidding of the blessed Alban, protomartyr of England, -who made his moan to the Lord, because this man -sinned beyond measure in the island which he had been -the first to hallow.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_832" id="fnanchor_832"></a><a href="#footnote_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a></span> -From what mint this wild tale -<a name="Page_343" id="Page_343"></a><span class="pageno">343</span> -comes it is needless to add. The house of Saint Alban -was only one of thirteen abbeys which the King had -kept vacant to receive their revenues.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_833" id="fnanchor_833"></a><a href="#footnote_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a></span> -But the other -twelve were less rich in that special growth both of -legend and of genuine history which adorns the house -of the protomartyr.</p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 2. <span class="title">The First Days of Henry.</span><br /> -<i>August 2--November 11, 1100.</i></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Vacancy of the throne.</span> -The throne was again vacant; and now came the -question which Englishmen knew so well whenever -the throne was vacant, Whom should they choose to -fill it? <span class="sni">Claims of Robert by the treaty of 1091.</span> -There was indeed an instrument in being, -dated nine years before, by which it had been agreed -that, if either Robert or William died without lawful -issue, the survivor should succeed to the dominions of -his brother.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_834" id="fnanchor_834"></a><a href="#footnote_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Such claims little regarded.</span> -But Englishmen had never allowed their -most precious birthright to be thus lightly signed away -beforehand. And many men of Norman birth must by -this time have put on the feelings of Englishmen on this -point as on many others. With the great mass of both -races there could have been no doubt at all as to the -right man to place upon the vacant throne. <span class="sni">Choice confined to the house of the Conqueror.</span> -By this -time, we may be sure, all thought had passed away of -choosing outside the line of the Conqueror; and if such -<a name="Page_344" id="Page_344"></a><span class="pageno">344</span> -a thought had come into the head of any man, there -was no candidate who could have been brought forward. -<span class="sni">No thought of either Eadgar.</span> -The elder Eadgar was far away on his crusade, and no -one was likely to think of sending to Scotland to offer -the crown to his nephew. His nieces were near at hand; -but the thought of a female ruler did not come into men’s -minds till the next generation. Within the house of -the Conqueror there were two claimants. <span class="sni">Choice between Robert and Henry.</span> -Robert had -whatever right the treaty could give him, a better right -undoubtedly than any which he could put forward as -the eldest son of his father. But a paper claim of this -kind went for little when the man who asserted it was -far away, and when, had he been at hand, everything -except the letter of the treaty was against him. It went -for naught when there, on the very spot, was the man -whom every sign marked out for kingship. <span class="sni">Claims of Henry; the only son of a king.</span> -There among -them was the only man—​unless indeed they had gone to -Norway to seek for the younger Harold—​who was the son -of a crowned King of the English. There was the one -man of the reigning house who, born on English soil of -the Norman stock, could be looked on as a countryman -by Normans and English alike. <span class="sni">His personal merits.</span> -There was the man -who, while his brothers had, in different ways, so deeply -misgoverned on their several sides of the sea, had shown, -by his wise rule of a small dominion, how far better -suited he was than either of them to be entrusted with -the rule of a mighty kingdom. The Count of the -Côtentin, Henry the Ætheling, Henry the Clerk, was -the man whose name spoke alike to English and to Norman -hearts. To the Normans he was the son of their -conquering Duke, the descendant of the dukes that had -been before him, the man who had made one spot of -Norman ground prosperous while anarchy tore the rest -in pieces. To the English he was their own Ætheling, -the one son of their king, their countryman, as they -<a name="Page_345" id="Page_345"></a><span class="pageno">345</span> -fondly deemed, speaking the tongue of Ælfred, sent to -renew the law of Eadward. With such a candidate at -their doors, the bit of diplomatic parchment was torn to -the winds. No time was to be lost; the land could not -go without a king. <span class="sni">Speedy election of Henry.</span> -The work was done speedily and -decisively. The record which tells how the late king -died in the midst of his unright, without shrift, without -atonement, goes on to say, “On the Thursday was he -slain and on the morrow was he buried; and, after that -he buried was, the Witan that nigh at hand were his -brother Henry to king chose.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_835" id="fnanchor_835"></a><a href="#footnote_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Story of Henry on the day of William’s death.</span> -On the day of the Red King’s fall Count Henry was -hunting in the New Forest, but not in the same immediate -part of it as his brother. The tale ran that the string -of his bow broke, that he went to the house of a churl to -get wherewithal to mend it. While the bowstring is -mending, an old woman of the house asks one of the -Count’s companions who his master was. He answers -that he is Henry, brother of the king of the land. She -tells them that she knows by augury that the King’s -brother shall soon be king himself, and bids them remember -her words.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_836" id="fnanchor_836"></a><a href="#footnote_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a></span> -Henry turns again to his sport, -but, as he draws near to the wood, men meet him, one, -<a name="Page_346" id="Page_346"></a><span class="pageno">346</span> -two, three, then nine and ten, telling him of the King’s -death.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_837" id="fnanchor_837"></a><a href="#footnote_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Henry hastes to Winchester.</span> -In this account, he goes in grief to the place -where the corpse lay;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_838" id="fnanchor_838"></a><a href="#footnote_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a></span> -a more likely version carries him -straight to the hoard at Winchester, where, as lawful -heir of the kingdom, he demands the keys at the hands -of the guard.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_839" id="fnanchor_839"></a><a href="#footnote_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a></span> -The tale reminds us of Cæsar and Metellus.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_840" id="fnanchor_840"></a><a href="#footnote_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a></span> -<span class="sni">William of Breteuil maintains the claim of Robert. Popular feeling for Henry.</span> -William of Breteuil withstands the demand. -He pleads the elder birth of Robert and the homage -which both Henry and himself had done to him. Robert -had waged wars far off for the love of God; he was now -on his way to take his crown and kingdom in peace.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_841" id="fnanchor_841"></a><a href="#footnote_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a></span> -A fierce strife arose; a crowd swiftly gathered, and it -was soon seen on which side the feelings of the people -lay. Men pressed together from all quarters to swell the -company of him who in their eyes was the lawful heir -claiming his right. The voice of England—​so much of -England as had heard the news—​rose high against the -stranger who dared to withstand the English Ætheling, -the son of a crowned king born in the land. Thus, four-and-thirty -years after the great battle, Englishmen still -looked on the son of William Fitz-Osbern, nay on the -<a name="Page_347" id="Page_347"></a><span class="pageno">347</span> -son of William the Great born to a duke in Normandy, -as outlandish men. But the son of William the Great, -born to a king in their own land, they claimed as -their own countryman. Strengthened by the favour of -the people, the Ætheling put his hand on his sword’s -hilt; he would endure no vain excuses to keep him out -of the inheritance of his father.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_842" id="fnanchor_842"></a><a href="#footnote_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a></span> -A stop seems to have -been put to this open strife, perhaps by night, perhaps -by the coming of the lowly funeral pomp of the fallen -king on the Friday morning. <span class="sni">Formal meeting for the election. August 3.</span> -The unhallowed ceremony -over, the Witan came together in a more regular -assembly for the formal choice of a king.</p> - -<p>The place of their meeting, whether in the minster or -in the king’s palace, is not recorded.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_843" id="fnanchor_843"></a><a href="#footnote_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Division of the assembly;</span> Wherever it was, -other voices were now to be heard besides those of the -Englishmen of Winchester and the coasts thereof. These -called with one voice for their own Ætheling; but the -voices of the Norman lords were by no means of one -accord. <span class="sni">English and Norman supporters of Henry;</span> -Some of the immediate companions of the late -king had hastened at once on his fall to pledge themselves -to the cause of Henry. <span class="sni">supporters of Robert.</span> -But in the assembly -which now came together a strong party, Normans we -may be sure to a man, supported the cause of Robert. -There are few assemblies of which we would more gladly -hear the details than of this, in which the claims of two -candidates for the crown were debated, not without -<a name="Page_348" id="Page_348"></a><span class="pageno">348</span> -fierce strife, but at least without bloodshed. <span class="sni">Comparison with the assembly after the death of Cnut. 1035.</span> -We are -reminded of the assembly which, sixty-five years before, -peaceably decided between the claims of Harthacnut -and the first Harold.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_844" id="fnanchor_844"></a><a href="#footnote_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a></span> -But then the question was settled by a division of the kingdom; now such a -thought is not breathed. The Conqueror had made -England a realm one and indivisible; it was doubtful -to which of his sons it was to pass, but, to whichever it -passed, it was to pass whole. <span class="sni">The divided kingdom now impossible.</span> Unluckily, when debates -concerned the kingdom only, without touching any -ecclesiastical question, no Eadmer or William Fitz-Stephen -was found to report them. We know only the -result. <span class="sni">Henry chosen;</span> -Henry was chosen, and he largely owed his -election to one special friend. <span class="sni">influence of Henry Earl of Warwick.</span> -This was his namesake -Henry, Earl of Warwick, the younger son of the old -Roger of Beaumont and brother of the more famous -Count of Meulan, soon to be Earl of Leicester. Earl -Henry and his wife Margaret of Mortagne bear a good -character among the writers of their time, and they seem -to have been designed for a more peaceful age than that -in which their lot was cast. Chiefly by the influence of -Henry of Warwick, Henry of Coutances and Domfront -was chosen to the English crown. The work was almost -as speedy as the burial of Eadward, the election and the -crowning of Harold. Quite as speedy it could not be, -when the Gemót of election was held at Winchester, -while the precedents of three reigns made it seem matter -of necessity that the unction and coronation should be -done at Westminster. Before the sun set on the day -after the death of Rufus, England had again, not indeed -a full king, but an undisputed king-elect.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The hoard opened to the king-elect.</span> -Against a king-elect the gates of the hoard could -no longer be shut. Not five thousand pounds only, -but the whole treasure of the kingdom was now -<a name="Page_349" id="Page_349"></a><span class="pageno">349</span> -Henry’s. His first act was to stop one of the many -sources by which the hoard was filled. One of them -was found in the revenues of the vacant bishopric -of the city in which they were met. Henry, still only -chosen and not crowned, took on him to do one act of -royal authority which all men would hail as a sign that -the new reign was not to be as the last. <span class="sni">He grants the bishopric of Winchester to William Giffard.</span> -As the uncrowned -Ætheling Eadgar had confirmed the election -of Abbot Brand by the monks of Peterborough,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_845" id="fnanchor_845"></a><a href="#footnote_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a></span> -so -the uncrowned Ætheling Henry bestowed the staff of -the see of Winchester on the late king’s Chancellor, -William Giffard, doubtless a kinsman of the aged Earl -of Buckingham. In his appointment we may perhaps -see a wish on the part of a king who was emphatically -the choice of the English people to conciliate -at once the Norman nobles and the royal officials.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_846" id="fnanchor_846"></a><a href="#footnote_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a></span> -But -seven years were to pass before the bishop-elect appointed -by the king-elect became a full bishop by the -rite of consecration. <span class="sni">Consecrated 1107; died 1129.</span> -And what we should hardly have -looked for in a minister of the Red King, some of -those years were years of confessorship and exile endured -by the new prelate on behalf of an ecclesiastical -principle.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_847" id="fnanchor_847"></a><a href="#footnote_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a></span></p> - -<p>But Henry, Ætheling and Count, was not long to -remain a mere king-elect. The interregnum ended on -<a name="Page_350" id="Page_350"></a><span class="pageno">350</span> -the fourth day. <span class="sni">Need for hastening the coronation.</span> -It was not a time to tarry; it was needful -that the land should have a full king at the first -moment that the rite of his hallowing could be gone -through. It was known that Robert was on his way back -from Apulia, and Henry and his counsellors feared lest, -if the Duke should show himself in England or even in -Normandy before the crown was safe on the new king’s -brow, the Norman nobles in England might repent of an -election in which it is clear that they had not very -heartily agreed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_848" id="fnanchor_848"></a><a href="#footnote_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a></span> -From Winchester therefore Henry -went to London with all speed, in company with Count -Robert of Meulan, who kept under the new reign the -same post of specially trusted counsellor which he had -held during the reign of Rufus.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_849" id="fnanchor_849"></a><a href="#footnote_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Henry crowned at Westminster. August 5, 1100.</span> -On the Sunday after -that memorable Thursday, Count Henry was admitted -to the kingly office in the West Minster. As the Primate -was far away, the rite of consecration was performed -by the highest suffragan of his province, Maurice -Bishop of London.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_850" id="fnanchor_850"></a><a href="#footnote_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Form of his oath.</span> -The form of Henry’s coronation -oath seems, like the oaths of his father and his brother,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_851" id="fnanchor_851"></a><a href="#footnote_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a></span> -to have had a special reference to the circumstances of -the time. It is the oath of a reformer, of a king who -has to bring back right after a season of wrong. As the -memory of Rufus had been branded in his burial as the -memory of no other king ever was, so it was branded no -less in the coronation rites of his successor. <span class="sni">He swears to undo the evils of his brother’s reign.</span> -The new -<a name="Page_351" id="Page_351"></a><span class="pageno">351</span> -king swore, as usual, to hold the best law that on any -king’s day before him stood; but he swore further to -God and to all folk to put aside the unright that in his -brother’s time was.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_852" id="fnanchor_852"></a><a href="#footnote_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a></span> -These weighty promises made, -Bishop Maurice of London hallowed Henry to king, and, -according to the great law of his father, all men in this -land bowed to him and sware oaths and became his -men.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_853" id="fnanchor_853"></a><a href="#footnote_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a></span> -The work was now done; the diplomatic meshes -of nine years before had been broken asunder by the -strong will of the English people. England had again a -king born on her own soil, a king of her own rearing, -her own choosing, King of the English in a truer sense -than those who went either before him or after him for -some generations. <span class="sni">Joy at Henry’s accession.</span> -Great was the gladness as the news -spread through the length and breadth of the land. -The long hopes of the English, the dark sayings of -the Britons, were fulfilled in the coming of the king -sworn before all things to undo the wrongs of the evil -time. The good state was brought back; the golden -age had come again; the days of unlaw had passed -away; the Lion of Justice reigned.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_854" id="fnanchor_854"></a><a href="#footnote_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352"></a><span class="pageno">352</span> -<span class="sni">He puts forth his Charter.</span> -Before the Sunday of his consecration had passed, -King Henry had put the solemn promises which he had -made before the altar into the shape of a legal document. -That very day he set forth in writing that -famous charter which formed the groundwork of the -yet more famous charter of John.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_855" id="fnanchor_855"></a><a href="#footnote_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Its provisions.</span> -I have commented -on its main provisions elsewhere, and I have tried to -show how it at once establishes the new doctrines as to -the tenure of land, and promises to reform the abuses to -which they had already led.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_856" id="fnanchor_856"></a><a href="#footnote_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a></span> -I will now go through -its main provisions in order. First, Henry, King of the -English, does his faithful people to wit that he has been -crowned king by the common counsel of the barons of -the whole realm of England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_857" id="fnanchor_857"></a><a href="#footnote_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a></span> -He had found the realm -ground down with unrighteous exactions. <span class="sni">The Church to be free;</span> -For the fear -of God and for the love which he has to his people, he -first of all makes the Church of God free. He will not -sell the Church nor put her to farm.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_858" id="fnanchor_858"></a><a href="#footnote_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a></span> -<span class="sni">ecclesiastical vacancies.</span> -When an archbishop, -<a name="Page_353" id="Page_353"></a><span class="pageno">353</span> -bishop, or abbot, dies, he will take nothing during -the vacancy from the demesne of his church or from its -tenants. And he will put away the evil customs with -which the realm of England was oppressed, which evil -customs he goes on to set down in order.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Reliefs.</span> -Secondly, he touches the question of reliefs. The heir -of lands held in chief of the crown shall no longer, as -was done in his brother’s time, be constrained to <em>redeem</em> -his land at an arbitrary price; he shall <em>relieve</em> it by a -just and lawful relief.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_859" id="fnanchor_859"></a><a href="#footnote_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a></span> -And as the King does by his -tenants-in-chief, he calls on his tenants-in-chief to do -in their turn by their under-tenants.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Marriage.</span> -Thirdly, he comes to the abuse of the lord’s rights in -the matter of marriage.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_860" id="fnanchor_860"></a><a href="#footnote_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a></span> -He will take nothing for -licence of marriage, nor will he meddle with the right of -his tenants to dispose of their daughters or other kinswomen, -unless the proposed bridegroom should be the -King’s enemy. The rights of the childless widow are -also secured.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Wardship.</span> -The fourth clause touches the case of the widow with -children. The mother herself or some fitting kinsman -shall have the wardship.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_861" id="fnanchor_861"></a><a href="#footnote_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a></span> -And as the King does by his -barons, so shall they do in the case of the daughters and -widows of their men.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The coinage.</span> -Fifthly, the coinage is to be brought back to the state -in which it was in the days of King Eadward, and -<em>justice</em> is denounced against false moneyers and other -retailers of false coin.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_862" id="fnanchor_862"></a><a href="#footnote_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a></span> -Sharp justice it was, as we know -from the annals of Henry’s reign.</p> - -<p><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354"></a><span class="pageno">354</span> -<span class="sni">Debts and suits.</span> -Sixthly, The King forgives all debts owing to his -brother, and stops all suits set on foot by him. This is -not the first time in which it is presumed that claims -made by the crown must be unjust. Henry excepts -debts arising out of the ordinary farming of the crown -lands; he excepts also anything that any man had agreed -to pay for the inheritances or other property of others.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_863" id="fnanchor_863"></a><a href="#footnote_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a></span> -Does this refer to property confiscated and sold by the -King? Payments which had been made in relief for a -man’s own inheritance are specially forgiven.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_864" id="fnanchor_864"></a><a href="#footnote_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Wills.</span> -Seventhly, he confirms the free right of bequest of -personal property. If a man, through warfare or sickness, -dies intestate, his wife, children, kinsfolk, and -lawful men, are to dispose of his money as they may -think best for his soul.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_865" id="fnanchor_865"></a><a href="#footnote_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Amercements.</span> -The eighth provision goes back a step further than -the others. It cancels the practice of both Williams, -and goes back in the most marked way to earlier times. -If one of the King’s barons or other men incurred forfeiture, -he should not bind himself to be at the King’s -mercy, as had been done in the time of his father and -brother; he should be fined a fixed amount according to -custom, as was done in the days of the kings before -his father.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_866" id="fnanchor_866"></a><a href="#footnote_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Murders.</span> -Ninthly, the King forgives all <em>murders</em> up to the day -of his coronation. That is to say, he forgives all payments -due from the hundreds according to the special -<a name="Page_355" id="Page_355"></a><span class="pageno">355</span> -law made by his father for the protection of his foreign -followers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_867" id="fnanchor_867"></a><a href="#footnote_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a></span> -For the future the payment shall be according -to the law of King Eadward.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_868" id="fnanchor_868"></a><a href="#footnote_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">The forests.</span> -Tenthly comes the one illiberal provision in the document. -“By the common consent of my barons, I have -kept the forests in my own hands, as my father held -them.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_869" id="fnanchor_869"></a><a href="#footnote_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a></span> -Here, where the King’s personal pleasure was -concerned, we hear nothing of the law of King Eadward -or of the practice of yet earlier kings.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Privilege of the knights.</span> -The eleventh clause is a remarkable one. It does not -speak, like the others, of reforming abuses or of going -back to the practice of some earlier time. The King, of -his own free will, bestows a certain privilege on one class -of his subjects. Knights who held their lands by military -service are to be free, as far as their demesne lands -are concerned, from all gelds and other burthens. This -the King grants to them as his own gift. In return for -so great a boon, he calls on them to stand ready with -horses and arms for his service and the defence of his -kingdom.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_870" id="fnanchor_870"></a><a href="#footnote_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a></span> -This boon seems meant for a class whom it -was very important for Henry to attach to his interest, -the men namely of both races who were of knightly -rank but not higher. Many of them were his tenants-in-chief; -those who held only of other lords were still -his men by virtue of the law of Salisbury. It was his -<a name="Page_356" id="Page_356"></a><span class="pageno">356</span> -policy to strengthen both classes in opposition to the -great nobles whom he knew to be disaffected to him. <span class="sni">Effect of the provision.</span> -It -may not be too much to see in this clause of Henry’s -charter an important stage in the developement of an -idea which is peculiar to England, the idea of the gentleman -who has no pretensions to be a nobleman. <span class="sni">Growth of the country gentry.</span> -The -knights of Henry’s charter are the representatives of the -thegns of Domesday, the forerunners of the country -gentlemen of later times. Holding a place between the -great barons and the mass of the people, and again between -the greatest and the smallest of the king’s -tenants-in-chief—​largely Norman by descent, but also -largely English—​they were well suited to become the -leaders of the people, as they worthily showed themselves -in our early parliaments. Their existence and -importance, as a class separate from the great barons, -did much to establish that distinctive and happy feature -of English political life, which spread freedom over the -whole land, instead of shutting it up within a few -favoured towns. The existence of the knight, as something -separate from the baron, secured, not only his -own freedom, but the freedom of land-owners smaller -than himself. It helped to hinder the growth of the -hard and fast line which in France divided the <dfn>gentilhomme</dfn> -from the <dfn>roturier</dfn>. <span class="sni">Policy of Henry towards the second order.</span> -It was part of the policy of -Henry to raise particular men of this second rank, -while he broke the power of the great barons of the -Conquest. This clause shows that it was also his -policy to strengthen and to win to his side this class -as a class.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The King’s Peace.</span> -Of the other three clauses of the charter, the first two -are general, the last is temporary. The twelfth clause -establishes firm peace through the whole kingdom. The -thirteenth expresses that mixture of old things and new -which marks the time. <span class="sni">The Law of Eadward.</span> -Henry lays down the great -<a name="Page_357" id="Page_357"></a><span class="pageno">357</span> -basis of all later English jurisprudence; “I restore to -you the law of King Eadward, with those amendments -which my father made with the consent of his barons.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_871" id="fnanchor_871"></a><a href="#footnote_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a></span> -The law of Henry was to be the old law of England, -traditionally called by the name of the king to whose -days men looked back as to the golden age, <span class="sni">The Conqueror’s amendments.</span> -but modified -by the changes, or rather additions, which were brought in -by the few genuine statutes of the Conqueror.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_872" id="fnanchor_872"></a><a href="#footnote_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a></span> -Here, as -throughout, Henry sets forth his full purpose to reign as -an English king, and he carefully puts forward the nature -of his kingship as a strict continuation of the kingship -of Eadward and of the kings before Eadward. <span class="sni">The alleged Laws of Henry.</span> -We -have seen that the collection which goes by the name of -the Laws of Henry is no real code of Henry’s issuing.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_873" id="fnanchor_873"></a><a href="#footnote_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a></span> -But it breathes the spirit of this clause and of the -other clauses of the charter. It shows how English, -in theory at least, the government of Henry was meant -to be.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Amnesty.</span> -The fifteenth and last clause is a kind of amnesty for -any irregularity which might have happened during the -short interregnum. Two days and parts of two other -days had passed after the peace of King William—​if -we may so speak of the days of unlaw—​had come -to an end, and before the peace of King Henry had -begun. If any man had during that time taken anything -which belonged to the King or to any one else, he -might restore it without any fine; if he kept it after the -proclamation, he was to be heavily fined.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_874" id="fnanchor_874"></a><a href="#footnote_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2">Such was the famous charter of Henry, the document -<a name="Page_358" id="Page_358"></a><span class="pageno">358</span> -to which Stephen Langton appealed as the birthright of -English freemen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_875" id="fnanchor_875"></a><a href="#footnote_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Witnesses to the charter.</span> -It was witnessed on the day of the -crowning by the bishop who had officiated, Maurice of -London, by Gundulf Bishop (of Rochester), William -Bishop-elect (of Winchester), Henry Earl (of Warwick), -Simon Earl (of Northampton), Walter Giffard, Robert -of Montfort, Roger Bigod, and Henry of Port.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_876" id="fnanchor_876"></a><a href="#footnote_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a></span> -Such -names look forward and backward. There is already a -Bigod, forefather of the Earl who would neither go nor -hang.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_877" id="fnanchor_877"></a><a href="#footnote_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a></span> -There is a Simon, and if the likeness of names -is merely accidental, the tradition is carried back in -another way when we remember that Earl Simon of -Northampton was the son-in-law of Waltheof.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_878" id="fnanchor_878"></a><a href="#footnote_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a></span> -The -fewness of the names may perhaps show that the coronation -of Henry, celebrated as it was amidst a burst of -popular joy, was but scantily attended by the great men -of the realm. The whole thing was almost as sudden -as the death of Eadward and the election of Harold, and -it did not, like those events, happen while the Witan -were actually in session. The summons, or even the -news, could have gone through a very small part only -of the kingdom. One would be glad to know how men -heard in distant shires, in Henry’s own Yorkshire for -<a name="Page_359" id="Page_359"></a><span class="pageno">359</span> -instance, not only that the oppressor was gone, but that -the new king was crowned, pledged by his oath and -his seal to give his land a new time of peace and -righteousness.</p> - -<p class="p2">The new King had taken upon himself to undo the -evils of his brother’s reign, to bring back the days -of Eadward, to reign as an English king. One step -towards the restoration of the good state was to fill the -churches which his brother had sacrilegiously kept vacant. -<span class="sni">Appointments to abbeys.</span> -The see of Winchester he had filled already; he now -began to fill the <a name="line359_11" id="line359_11"></a>thirteen abbeys which Rufus had held -in his hands on the day of his death. Several were filled -before the year was out; two at least were filled on the -very day of his coronation. <span class="sni">Saint Eadmund’s and Ely.</span> -These were the abbey of -Saint Eadmund, void by the death of its abbot Baldwin, -and that of Ely, which had stood void for seven years -since the death of the aged abbot Simeon.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_879" id="fnanchor_879"></a><a href="#footnote_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a></span> -The staff of -Saint Eadmund was now placed in the hand of Robert, a -young monk of Bec, who is described as a son, seemingly -a natural son, of Earl Hugh of Chester.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_880" id="fnanchor_880"></a><a href="#footnote_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a></span> -That of Ely -<a name="Page_360" id="Page_360"></a><span class="pageno">360</span> -was given to Richard, another monk of Bec, son of -Richard of Clare.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_881" id="fnanchor_881"></a><a href="#footnote_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a></span> -In these appointments and in some -others we again see the need in which Henry stood of -pleasing the great nobles, even at the cost of sinning -against ecclesiastical rule. In the case of the appointment -to Saint Eadmund’s we are distinctly told that the -King’s nomination was made against the will of the -monks, and a little later Anselm thought it his duty to -remove both Robert and Richard from their offices. Two -other prelates, appointed before any long time had passed, -are of greater personal fame. <span class="sni">Herlwin Abbot of Glastonbury. 1100–1120.</span> -The name of Herlwin of -Caen, who now received the staff of Glastonbury, lives in -local memory as a great builder.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_882" id="fnanchor_882"></a><a href="#footnote_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Faricius Abbot of Abingdon. 1100–1117.</span> -And the Italian Faricius, -now placed in the vacant stall of Abingdon, figures -among the most renowned abbots of his house, famous -amongst his other merits for his skill in the healing art. -Oddly enough, his skill in this way kept him back from -higher honour. Had Faricius been less cunning in leechcraft, -he might have been Archbishop of Canterbury.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_883" id="fnanchor_883"></a><a href="#footnote_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a></span></p> - -<p>But to undo the evils of the days of unlaw and to -<a name="Page_361" id="Page_361"></a><span class="pageno">361</span> -reign as an English king, something more was needed -than to put men of Norman, or even Italian, birth in -possession of English abbeys. Towards carrying out -the former of these objects, Henry had a criminal to -punish and a sufferer to restore. Towards carrying -out the second, he had a wife to marry. These three -events pretty well filled up the rest of the year. <span class="sni">Anselm and Flambard.</span> -Henry -had two bishops to deal with, who needed to be dealt -with in two very different ways. They were between -them the living representatives of the late rule of -unright. The one was the embodiment of what its -agents did, the other was the embodiment of what its -victims underwent. The King had promised to put -away the unrighteousnesses of his brother and of Randolf -Flambard; he began by putting away their surviving -author. <span class="sni">Flambard imprisoned in the Tower.</span> -By the advice of those about him, the Bishop of -Durham, the dregs of wickedness, as he is called in the -vigorous words of one of our writers, was sent as a prisoner -to the Tower of London.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_884" id="fnanchor_884"></a><a href="#footnote_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a></span> -This was most likely -not the first case, but it is the first recorded case, in -which the great fortress of the Conqueror was used as -a state-prison for great and notable offenders. Randolf -Flambard heads the long list of its unwilling inmates, -few of whom better deserved their place there than he -did. We hear nothing of any claim of ecclesiastical -privilege on behalf of the man who had brought God’s -Church low. Flambard was not allowed the advantage -<a name="Page_362" id="Page_362"></a><span class="pageno">362</span> -of any of the legal subtleties which his predecessor in -his see had known how to play off so skilfully, and -which, one would think, he could have played off more -skilfully still. We do not even hear whether the Bishop -of Durham was summoned before any court of any kind. -The accounts read rather as if his imprisonment was -simply a stretch of the royal power in answer to a -popular demand. The Tower may even have been the -best place for Flambard’s safety, as it was the best place -for the safety of Jeffreys, as understood by Jeffreys himself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_885" id="fnanchor_885"></a><a href="#footnote_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a></span> -The words which say that the act was done by the -advice of those about the King are also worthy of notice. -<span class="sni">The King’s inner council.</span> -The King’s inner council must certainly have contained -the two Beaumont brothers, the subtle Count of Meulan -and the upright Earl of Warwick. It contained Roger the -Bigod, more honoured in his descendants than in himself. -It contained too some of Henry’s old friends from his Norman -fief, Richard of Redvers and Earl Hugh of Chester. -We are told that as soon as the news of the death of Rufus -was known in Normandy, several of the great men who -were there, specially the Earls of Chester and Shrewsbury, -hastened to England to acknowledge Henry.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_886" id="fnanchor_886"></a><a href="#footnote_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a></span> -We -do not find Robert of Bellême among Henry’s inner -counsellors; we do find Hugh of Avranches. And to the -list we may also most likely add the bishop-elect of -Winchester, William Giffard, a tried court official, though -<a name="Page_363" id="Page_363"></a><span class="pageno">363</span> -one who afterwards showed that he could suffer for a -principle. <span class="sni">Roger, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury.</span> -And a man who was to be more famous than -all of them, the patriarch of the long line of English -Justiciars and Judges, the poor clerk who was to be -presently the all-powerful Bishop Roger of Salisbury, -may have already given his voice among men who were -as yet so far above him in worldly place.</p> - -<p class="p2">We are told that the imprisonment of the Bishop of -Durham was one of two acts which the new King did in -order that nothing might be wanting to the universal -joy at his accession.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_887" id="fnanchor_887"></a><a href="#footnote_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a></span> -The other was the recall of the -Archbishop of Canterbury. We have seen that, in legendary -belief at least, the death of Rufus was very -speedily made known, if not to Anselm himself, at least -to his friends.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_888" id="fnanchor_888"></a><a href="#footnote_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The news of the King’s death brought to Anselm.</span> -The news was presently brought to him -in a more ordinary way by two monks, one of Bec, one of -Canterbury. His head-quarters were now at Lyons, but -he was at the moment staying at a monastery called -God’s House.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_889" id="fnanchor_889"></a><a href="#footnote_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a></span> -There the messengers met him, and told -him that King William was dead. Anselm was overwhelmed -at the tidings, and burst forth into the bitterest -weeping. Those who stood by wondered; but he told -them with a voice broken with sobs that, by the truth -which a servant of God ought not to transgress, he -would far rather have died himself than that William -should die as he had died.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_890" id="fnanchor_890"></a><a href="#footnote_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">He is invited to come back by his own monks,</span> -Anselm now went back to Lyons, where another monk -of Canterbury met him, bringing with him a formal letter -from the convent of the metropolitan church, praying -<a name="Page_364" id="Page_364"></a><span class="pageno">364</span> -him, now that the tyrant was dead, to come back without -delay to comfort his children.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_891" id="fnanchor_891"></a><a href="#footnote_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a></span> -He took counsel with -his friend Archbishop Hugh, and by his advice began -his return to England, to the great grief, we are told, of -the whole city of Lyons and all the lands thereabouts.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_892" id="fnanchor_892"></a><a href="#footnote_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a></span> -<span class="sni">and by the King.</span> -He had not reached Clugny when he was met by -a still more important bearer of tidings. A messenger -came in the name of the new King of the English and -his lords, bearing a royal letter, calling on Anselm to -come back, and even blaming his delay in not coming -sooner.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_893" id="fnanchor_893"></a><a href="#footnote_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Importance of Henry’s letter.</span> -We have its text, every word of which deserves -to be studied, as showing how popular the constitution -of England still was in theory, and what was -the kind of language which had to be used by one who -was called on to play the part of a popular king. Henry, -in setting forth his right to the crown, uses more popular -language than is to be found in the charter itself. <span class="sni">Its popular language.</span> -There -he spoke of the choice of the barons; in the letter to -Anselm he tells the Archbishop that his brother King -William is dead, and that he is chosen king by the will -of God and by the clergy and people of England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_894" id="fnanchor_894"></a><a href="#footnote_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a></span> -He -excuses his hasty coronation in the Archbishop’s absence -on the ground of the urgency of the time. He would -more gladly have received the blessing at his crowning -from him than from any one else; but the necessity of -the moment forbade; enemies had arisen against him -<a name="Page_365" id="Page_365"></a><span class="pageno">365</span> -and against the people whom he had to rule; his barons -therefore and his whole people had thought that the -coronation could not be delayed. He had therefore, -against his will, received the rite from Anselm’s vicars, -and he trusted that Anselm himself would not be displeased.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_895" id="fnanchor_895"></a><a href="#footnote_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a></span> -Himself and the whole people of England, -all whose souls were entrusted to Anselm’s care, prayed -him to come back with all speed to give them the benefit -of his counsel.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_896" id="fnanchor_896"></a><a href="#footnote_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a></span> -He committed himself and the whole -people of England to the counsel of Anselm and of those -who ought to consult with Anselm for the common -good.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_897" id="fnanchor_897"></a><a href="#footnote_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a></span> -He would have sent messengers with money of -his own for Anselm’s use; only since the death of his -brother the whole world is so stirred against the kingdom -of England that he could not send any one with any -safety.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_898" id="fnanchor_898"></a><a href="#footnote_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a></span> -Anselm is earnestly prayed not to pass through -Normandy, but to sail from Whitsand and land at Dover. -There some of the King’s barons shall be ready to meet -him with money which will enable him to pay anything -that he may have borrowed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_899" id="fnanchor_899"></a><a href="#footnote_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a></span> -The letter ends in a pious -and imploring strain; “Hasten then, father, to come, -lest our mother the church of Canterbury, so long tossed -<a name="Page_366" id="Page_366"></a><span class="pageno">366</span> -and desolate for your sake, should any longer suffer the -loss of souls.” <span class="sni">Signatures to the letter.</span> -The signatures to the letter should be -noticed. It is said to be signed by other bishops and -barons as well, but the actual names are Gerard Bishop of -Hereford, William Bishop-elect of Winchester, William of -Warelwast, of whom we have heard so often, Henry Earl -of Warwick, in some sort a milder king-maker, Robert -Fitz-hamon, and his brother Hamon the <dfn>dapifer</dfn>.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_900" id="fnanchor_900"></a><a href="#footnote_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a></span> -It is -worth notice that the Achitophel of Meulan does not set -his name either to this letter or to the charter. Was it to -give as national a character as might be to both documents -that Robert, as yet only a French count and not -an English earl, abstained from putting his name to -them? One can fancy no other reason for its absence -from the earlier document. By the time the letter to -Anselm was sent, the Count of Meulan’s presence may -well have been needed in Normandy.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Dangers of the King and kingdom.</span> -The dangers which, according to King Henry’s letter, -beset the kingdom of England may have been somewhat -exaggerated in his picture of them; but they were perfectly -real. And no description of them could be better -than that which the King gave when he spoke of them -specially as dangers which beset the King and the people -whom he had to rule. <span class="sni">Intrigues of the Norman nobles with Duke Robert.</span> -It was most truly the King and the -people of England who were threatened by the intrigues -of the great Norman nobles with the restored ruler of -Normandy—​if ruler he may be called. The effects of -the Red King’s death were exactly opposite in Normandy -and in England. <span class="sni">Renewed anarchy in Normandy on William’s death.</span> -In England his reign of unright -was at once changed for a rule as strong and more -righteous. In Normandy, which had seen the better side -of him, where he had brought back peace of some kind -after the anarchy of Robert’s first reign, anarchy came -<a name="Page_367" id="Page_367"></a><span class="pageno">367</span> -back again the moment the news of his death came. -Within a week the forces of Evreux and Conches were -again in motion, this time indeed not in order to attack -one another, but for a joint raid against the lands of the -Norman Beaumont, the possessions of the Count of -Meulan. The Count, we are told, had abused his influence -with Rufus to do both of them some wrongs, which, -while Rufus lived, they were unable to avenge.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_901" id="fnanchor_901"></a><a href="#footnote_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a></span> -They -now took the law into their own hands; so did everybody -else. Normandy again became the same confused -field of battle, with every man’s hand against every -other man, which it had been before William the Red -at least did it the service of putting one tyrant in the -room of many.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_902" id="fnanchor_902"></a><a href="#footnote_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Return of Robert to Normandy. September, 1100.</span> -To this disturbed land Duke Robert came back in the -month of September, bringing with him his wise and -beautiful Duchess from Conversana. They went to -Saint Michael in-Peril-of-the-Sea to give thanks for -their safe return,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_903" id="fnanchor_903"></a><a href="#footnote_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a></span> -and Robert was held to have again -taken possession of his duchy. The English Chronicler -says that he was received blithely;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_904" id="fnanchor_904"></a><a href="#footnote_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a></span> -it was certainly -not the interest of those whom a ruler like Henry would -have checked in their evil ways to make any opposition -to his fresh acknowledgement. <span class="sni">His renewed no-government.</span> -As soon as Robert was -again in his native land, all the energy and conduct which -<a name="Page_368" id="Page_368"></a><span class="pageno">368</span> -he had shown in the East once more forsook him. The -old idleness, the old wastefulness, came back again. He -had already squandered all the money which he had received -from his father-in-law; luckily the death of Rufus -relieved him from the necessity of repaying the sum for -which the duchy had been temporarily pledged. It had -not been alienated for ever, and Henry had no claim to -it during Robert’s life. <span class="sni">Henry keeps his own fief.</span> -Robert therefore had no difficulty -in taking possession—​such possession as he could take—​of -all Normandy, except the districts which formed the -fief which Rufus had granted to Henry. There, in the -lands of Coutances, Avranches, and Bayeux, King Henry’s -men still kept the land for him, and withstood all Robert’s -attempts to dislodge them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_905" id="fnanchor_905"></a><a href="#footnote_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a></span> -<span class="sni">War between Henry and Robert.</span> -A border warfare thus -began between the brothers almost from the first moment -of the reign of Henry, the second reign of Robert. -And it would seem that, though there was no open outbreak -till the next year, the turbulent Norman nobles -in England were, from the very beginning, <span class="sni">Intrigues of the Normans in England with Robert.</span> -making Robert -the centre of their intrigues against a prince whose rule -was eminently inconvenient for them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_906" id="fnanchor_906"></a><a href="#footnote_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a></span> -The Lion of Justice -was exactly the kind of ruler for whom they did not -wish; Robert, who would put no check upon them, was -far more to their tastes. Could they only put him on -the throne, they might have their own way in all things -in England as well as in Normandy. The same schemes -which disturbed the second year of the reign of Rufus -disturbed the reign of Henry from the very beginning. -It was in the midst of all these disorders, directly after -Robert’s return, that Henry’s letter was sent to Anselm. -<a name="Page_369" id="Page_369"></a><span class="pageno">369</span> -It was therefore not without reason that the King warned -the Archbishop not to come back through Normandy, -but to make his way to Whitsand. <span class="sni">Return of Anselm. September 23, 1100.</span> -To Whitsand Anselm -accordingly came, and crossed safely to Dover a few days -before Michaelmas.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_907" id="fnanchor_907"></a><a href="#footnote_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a></span> -The whole land from which he had -been now nearly three years absent received him with a -burst of universal joy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_908" id="fnanchor_908"></a><a href="#footnote_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Connexion of Anselm with Norman history.</span> -The chief points in the primacy of Anselm had all -along had a singular connexion, by way of coincidence -at least, with the changes of things in the Norman -duchy. It was when William was making ready for his -second Norman expedition that Anselm had first drawn -on himself the Red King’s anger by the alleged smallness -of his gift towards its cost.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_909" id="fnanchor_909"></a><a href="#footnote_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a></span> -It was just before the -King set out that the Primate had given him his most -memorable rebuke.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_910" id="fnanchor_910"></a><a href="#footnote_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a></span> -The return of William was at once -followed by the interview at Gillingham<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_911" id="fnanchor_911"></a><a href="#footnote_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a></span> -and the great -assembly at Rockingham. The collection of money for -the final occupation of the duchy did not directly lead to -the second dispute;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_912" id="fnanchor_912"></a><a href="#footnote_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a></span> -but the connexion of time is still -marked. Rufus comes back from Normandy to find fault -with Anselm’s contingent of troops for the Welsh war;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_913" id="fnanchor_913"></a><a href="#footnote_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a></span> -and he does not go again to the mainland for the French -<a name="Page_370" id="Page_370"></a><span class="pageno">370</span> -and Cenomannian wars till after he has driven Anselm -from England. Now that the Red King is dead, everybody -seems to come back to his old place. Robert -comes back to Rouen; Anselm to Canterbury. And -along with them, a third actor in our story, whom, like -them, Rufus had dispossessed, came back also. Before -the year was out, Maine was again free; Helias had won -back city and castle without slash or blow.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Helias returns to Le Mans.</span> -As soon as the news of his enemy’s fall reached the -Count of Maine in some of those southern possessions -from which he had never been driven, he at once -gathered a force and marched to Le Mans. But no force -was needed; the loyal city received its banished prince -with all joy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_914" id="fnanchor_914"></a><a href="#footnote_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The King’s garrison holds out in the royal tower.</span> -But possession of the city did not give -Helias possession of the royal tower; that was still held -by the garrison which had been placed in it by the Red -King. One of their commanders was a man whom we -know already, Walter of Rouen, the son of Ansgar.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_915" id="fnanchor_915"></a><a href="#footnote_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a></span> -The -castle was well provided with arms and provisions, and -all that was needed for defence. <span class="sni">Helias calls in Fulk of Anjou.</span> -Helias, before undertaking -a siege, sought the alliance and help of Fulk of -Anjou, whom he acknowledged as over-lord of Maine.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_916" id="fnanchor_916"></a><a href="#footnote_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Siege of the tower;</span> -The two counts sat down before the castle of the -Conqueror; but no strictly warlike operations followed. -<span class="sni">courtesies between besieged and besiegers.</span> -Besieged and besiegers seem to have been on -the most friendly terms. They sometimes exchanged -threats, but more commonly jokes. It was agreed between -<a name="Page_371" id="Page_371"></a><span class="pageno">371</span> -the two parties that Count Helias should, whenever -he chose, put on a white tunic, and should, by the -name of the White Bachelor, be received within the -tower.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_917" id="fnanchor_917"></a><a href="#footnote_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a></span> -Such was the chivalrous confidence shown on -both sides that the Count of Maine went in and out -as he chose, and much that was sportive and little -that was hostile went on between the two parties. <span class="sni">Conference between Walter and Helias.</span> -At -last Walter and his colleague Haimeric<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_918" id="fnanchor_918"></a><a href="#footnote_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a></span> -opened their -minds to Helias. They were in exactly the opposite -case to the Confessor when he told the churl that he -would hurt him if he could.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_919" id="fnanchor_919"></a><a href="#footnote_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a></span> -They explained to their -supposed enemy that they could hurt him if they would, -but that they had no mind to do so. The ground and -the defences of the castle gave them the stronger position. -They were not afraid of his artillery, and they -could shower down stones and arrows upon him at -pleasure.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_920" id="fnanchor_920"></a><a href="#footnote_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a></span> -But they had no mind to fight against one -for whom they had a deep regard, especially as they did -not know for whom they were fighting. <span class="sni">The garrison know not whose men they are.</span> -They had been -the men of the late King William; they did not now -know whether they were the men of King Henry of -England or of Duke Robert of Normandy. They proposed -a truce, during which they might send messengers -to both their possible lords; when they got answers, -they might settle what to do.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_921" id="fnanchor_921"></a><a href="#footnote_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a></span> -<span class="sni">A truce is made; they apply to Robert,</span> The messenger came to -Robert, and asked him whether he wished to keep the -<a name="Page_372" id="Page_372"></a><span class="pageno">372</span> -royal tower of Le Mans or not. If he wished to keep -it, he must send a strong force to rescue it from its -Angevin and Cenomannian besiegers. The Duke, tired, -we are told, with his long journeyings and more anxious -for the repose of his bed than for the labours of war,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_922" id="fnanchor_922"></a><a href="#footnote_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a></span> -is -made to give two somewhat contradictory reasons for -leaving matters alone. On the one hand, he was satisfied -with the duchy of Normandy; on the other hand, the -nobles of England were inviting him to come and take -the crown of that kingdom. He told them that they -had better make an honourable peace with the besiegers. -<span class="sni">and to Henry.</span> -The messenger, without going back to Le Mans, crossed -to England, and told King Henry exactly how matters -stood. Henry was too busy at the moment to meddle -in affairs beyond the sea.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_923" id="fnanchor_923"></a><a href="#footnote_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a></span> -He rewarded the messenger, -he sent his thanks to the garrison, and left them to -their own discretion. When the answer came, a message -was sent to the White Bachelor, asking him to visit -the tower. The day was now come when he might -rejoice in the possession of that for which he had long -wished. If he had any money in his hoard, he might -now make a fine bargain. He asked what they meant. -They told him that he had not conquered them, that -they were quite able to withstand him, but that they -had no lord to serve and were quite willing to give up -the castle to him. They knew his worth and valour; -they chose him of their own free will, and made him -that day truly Count of Maine.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_924" id="fnanchor_924"></a><a href="#footnote_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Surrender of the castle.</span> -They gave up the -<a name="Page_373" id="Page_373"></a><span class="pageno">373</span> -castle and all that was in it; Helias of course treated -them with all honour, and gave them a strong guard to -shelter them from any attacks on the part of the citizens -whose houses they had burned the year before.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_925" id="fnanchor_925"></a><a href="#footnote_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Last reign of Helias. 1100–1110.</span> -Thus, after all struggles, Helias of La Flèche was at last -undisputed lord of the Cenomannian city and county. -He reigned, in all honour and seemingly in perfect -friendship with Bishop Hildebert,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_926" id="fnanchor_926"></a><a href="#footnote_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a></span> -for ten years longer. -<span class="sni">His friendship for Henry.</span> -He was the firm friend, and in some sort the vassal, of -King Henry of England, and did him good service at -Bayeux and at Tinchebrai.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_927" id="fnanchor_927"></a><a href="#footnote_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a></span> -Under his second reign -Maine seems to have been peaceful; but there must have -been some wars and fightings on its borders, as we find -Rotrou Count of Perche a prisoner in the Conqueror’s -tower.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_928" id="fnanchor_928"></a><a href="#footnote_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His second marriage. 1109.</span> -The year before his death Helias married -a second wife, Agnes, the daughter of Duke William of -<a name="Page_374" id="Page_374"></a><span class="pageno">374</span> -Aquitaine and widow of Alfonso King of Gallicia.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_929" id="fnanchor_929"></a><a href="#footnote_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a></span> -But -his only child was Eremberga, the daughter of his first -wife Matilda of Château du Loir. Helias, as he was the -worthiest, was also the last, of the counts who held -Maine as a separate sovereignty, and who had for some -generations filled no small place in their own quarter of -the world. <span class="sni">Later fortune of Maine.</span> -Maine became the heritage of his daughter, -and passed to her husband the younger Fulk, Count of -Anjou and King of Jerusalem,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_930" id="fnanchor_930"></a><a href="#footnote_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a></span> -and to her son Geoffrey -Plantagenet. Thus Maine became an appendage to Anjou, -to Normandy, to England. <span class="sni">Descent of the Angevin kings from Helias.</span> -And every sovereign of -England, from the first Angevin king onwards, could -boast that he had in his veins, besides the blood of -William and Cerdic, the blood, less famous it may be, -but assuredly not less worthy, of Helias of Le Mans.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Meeting of Anselm and Henry; beginning of fresh difficulties. Changes in Anselm.</span> -Anselm landed in England after Helias had been received -at Le Mans, but before he had won back the royal tower. -The King and the Primate soon met, and difficulties -at once arose between them. The truth is that -Anselm had come back, in some things, another man. -Or rather the man was the same; his gentleness, his -firmness, his perfect single-mindedness, had not changed -a whit. But he had learned doctrines at Rome and at -Bari which had never been revealed to him at Bec or at -Canterbury. <span class="sni">Comparison of the dispute between Anselm</span> -The tale of Anselm’s dispute with Henry, -his second banishment, his second return, goes beyond -the prescribed limits of our story, and I have pointed -<a name="Page_375" id="Page_375"></a><span class="pageno">375</span> -out its leading features elsewhere.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_931" id="fnanchor_931"></a><a href="#footnote_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a></span> -<span class="sni">and Rufus and the dispute between Anselm and Henry.</span> -There is hardly -anything in which the difference between William Rufus -and Henry the First stands out more strongly. But we -are here concerned only with the very earliest stage of -the dispute, if indeed it is to be called a stage of the dispute -at all. Henry and Anselm met at Salisbury. The -King received the Archbishop with joy; he again excused -himself by the necessities of the time for having received -the royal unction from another prelate. Anselm fully -admitted his excuses.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_932" id="fnanchor_932"></a><a href="#footnote_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a></span> -There was less agreement between -them on the next point which the King started. -<span class="sni">Henry calls on Anselm to do homage.</span> -Henry called on Anselm to do homage to him after the -manner of his predecessors, and, in the language of the -time, to receive again the archbishopric at his hands.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_933" id="fnanchor_933"></a><a href="#footnote_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Phrase of receiving the archbishopric.</span> -This last phrase has, I think, sometimes been misunderstood. -It has nothing in common with the fresh -commissions which the bishops of Edward the Sixth’s -day took out after the death of Henry the Eighth. It -has nothing whatever to do with the spiritual office; in -this phrase, as in so many others, by the “archbishopric” -is to be understood simply the temporalities of the see. -These were at this moment in the King’s hands through -their seizure in the days of Rufus. Since then a new -reign had begun; England had a new king; her inhabitants -had a new lord; for the archbishop, like any -other subject, to become the man of the new king was -simply according to the law of Salisbury. For him to -receive back his lands was his right; for him to receive -them as a fief was no more than he had already done at -the hands of the Red King. Anselm had then done -<a name="Page_376" id="Page_376"></a><span class="pageno">376</span> -without scruple all that he was now asked to do. <span class="sni">Effect of the new teaching on Anselm’s mind.</span> -But -since then the decrees of Piacenza and Clermont, above -all the decrees of Bari and Rome, where he had been himself -present, had been put forth. And by those decrees -the ancient customs of England were condemned, and the -censures of the Church were denounced against all who -should conform to them. Anselm deemed it his duty, -in all single-mindedness, to obey the bidding of Rome -rather than the law of England. We may regret, but -we can neither wonder nor blame. Anselm, after all, -was not an Englishman; he could not help looking at -things with œcumenical rather than with insular eyes. -He fairly told the king’s counsellors how matters stood; -he was bound by the new decrees. If Henry would accept -them, there might be perfect peace between them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_934" id="fnanchor_934"></a><a href="#footnote_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a></span> -If not, -he himself could be of no use in England; he would -have to refuse to communicate with any to whom the -King might give bishoprics or abbeys in the ancient -fashion; he could not stay in England on the terms of disobeying -the Pope. He asked of those to whom he spoke -that the King would consider the matter, and tell him his -decision, that he might know which way to turn himself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_935" id="fnanchor_935"></a><a href="#footnote_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Difficulties of Henry.</span> -Henry was now, at the very beginning of his reign, in -a great strait. He was naturally unwilling to give up -one of the chief flowers of his crown, one which had -been handed down from all the kings before him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_936" id="fnanchor_936"></a><a href="#footnote_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a></span> -To -<a name="Page_377" id="Page_377"></a><span class="pageno">377</span> -give up the investiture of the churches and the homage -of their prelates would be to give up the half of his -kingdom. On the other hand, he felt that it would not -do to quarrel with the Archbishop at the very moment of -his return to England, or to allow him to leave England -while he himself was not yet firm on his throne. He -feared—​doing Anselm, we may be sure, utter injustice—​that, -if Anselm left England, he might go to Robert, -and take up his cause. It would be perfectly easy, as -he knew very well, to persuade Robert to accept the -new decrees. And on those terms, Anselm might, so the -words run, make Robert King of England<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_937" id="fnanchor_937"></a><a href="#footnote_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a></span>—​that is, he -might bestow on him a consecration more regular than -that which Henry had himself received from the Bishop -of London. <span class="sni">A truce made till Easter; the Pope to be asked to allow the homage.</span> -It was therefore agreed on both sides to -make a truce or adjournment of all questions till the -next Easter. Meanwhile both King and Archbishop -should send messengers to the Pope, to pray him so to -change his decrees as to allow the ancient customs of -the kingdom to stand.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_938" id="fnanchor_938"></a><a href="#footnote_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a></span> -<span class="sni">No personal scruple on Anselm’s part.</span> -We here see, on the one hand, -that Anselm still had no kind of scruple of his own -about the homage and investiture; it was with him -simply a question of obedience to a superior. Let -Paschal withdraw the decrees of Urban, and Anselm -was perfectly ready to do by Henry as earlier archbishops -had done by earlier kings. <span class="sni">Effects of the reign of Rufus.</span> -On the other hand, -we see how the temporal power had been weakened -<a name="Page_378" id="Page_378"></a><span class="pageno">378</span> -and the spiritual power strengthened through the -late King’s abuse of the temporal power. Rufus had -given the foreign dominion a moral advantage, of which -Henry now felt the sting. Men had come to look on -the King as the embodiment of wrong, and on the Pope -as the only surviving embodiment of right. <span class="sni">Abasement of the kingly power.</span> -The King -of the English was driven to ask the Bishop of Rome to -allow the ancient laws of England to be obeyed. True -this was while the King’s hold on his crown was still -weak; when his position was more assured, he took a -higher tone; but it marks the change which had happened -that an English king, and such a king as Henry, should -be driven so to abase himself even for a moment.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The truce agreed to; provisional restoration of the Archbishop’s temporalities.</span> -By the terms of the truce, things were to remain as -they were for the present. Anselm was to be restored -to his temporalities without homage or other conditions; -but, if Paschal could not be brought to yield on the -matter of the decrees, they were to pass to the King -again.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_939" id="fnanchor_939"></a><a href="#footnote_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a></span> -Anselm looked on all this as useless; he knew -the temper of the papal court better than the King and -his friends did. But he agreed for the sake of peace; -he wished to avoid the slightest suspicion of any wish -to disturb the King in the possession of his kingdom.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_940" id="fnanchor_940"></a><a href="#footnote_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a></span> -The truce was therefore agreed to; the messengers were -sent, and Anselm, when the court broke up, went once -more in peace to his metropolitan city or to some other -of his many houses.</p> - -<p class="p2">But, besides settling the affairs of his Church and -<a name="Page_379" id="Page_379"></a><span class="pageno">379</span> -realm, Henry had other more distinctly domestic and -personal duties to discharge. <span class="sni">Reformation of the court.</span> -He had to reform the -household which he had inherited from his brother; he -had also—​so we are told that the bishops and others -strongly pressed upon him—​to reform his own life.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_941" id="fnanchor_941"></a><a href="#footnote_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Personal character of Henry.</span> -The vices of Henry were at least not the vices of -Rufus; inclination as well as duty led him to cleanse -the court of its foulest abuses, to make a clean sweep -of the works of darkness.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_942" id="fnanchor_942"></a><a href="#footnote_942" class="fnanchor">[942]</a></span> -But it was only in a wholly -abnormal state of things that Henry the First could -have been hailed as a moral reformer. <span class="sni">Henry’s mistresses and children.</span> His private life -was very unlike the life of his father. Unmarried, like -both of his brothers till the recent marriage of Robert, -he was already the father of several children by mothers -of various nations. <span class="sni">Robert Earl of Gloucester.</span> -Of his eldest and most famous son, -Robert, afterwards the renowned Earl of Gloucester, the -mother is unknown; but she appears to have been -French.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_943" id="fnanchor_943"></a><a href="#footnote_943" class="fnanchor">[943]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Henry son of Nest.</span> -The British Nest, of whom we have often -heard, the daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr, had, before her -marriage with Gerald of Windsor, borne a son to Henry -who bore his own name.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_944" id="fnanchor_944"></a><a href="#footnote_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Matilda Countess of Perche.</span> Two of his mistresses bore -the characteristic English name of Eadgyth. One was -the mother of Matilda Countess of Perche, who died -in the White Ship;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_945" id="fnanchor_945"></a><a href="#footnote_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a></span> -the other, who afterwards, like -Nest, obtained an honourable marriage with the younger -Robert of Ouilly, <span class="sni">Robert son of Eadgyth.</span> -was the mother of a Robert who plays -<a name="Page_380" id="Page_380"></a><span class="pageno">380</span> -a part in the civil wars forty years later.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_946" id="fnanchor_946"></a><a href="#footnote_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Henry’s daughter by Isabel of Meulan.</span> -His birth -therefore most likely came long after the times of which -we are speaking, as did the birth of the daughter whom -Henry is said to have had by a woman of a Norman -house of the loftiest rank, Isabel, daughter of his chief -counsellor, Robert Count of Meulan and Earl of Leicester.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_947" id="fnanchor_947"></a><a href="#footnote_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Richard son of Ansfrida.</span> -The list of Henry’s natural children is not yet -exhausted—​we have no account of the mother of the -valiant Juliana; but the birth of one who is second in -personal fame to Earl Robert of Gloucester had already -taken place, and it is connected with a characteristic -story which is worth telling. <span class="sni">Story of his mother and her husband Anskill.</span> -A wealthy man of Berkshire, -Anskill by name, was one of the chief tenants -of the church of Abingdon. As far as his name is -concerned, he might be Norman; he might be English -or rather Danish. His enemies brought a charge against -him to the Red King, who caused him to be kept in -so sharp a prison that before long he died of his hardships.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_948" id="fnanchor_948"></a><a href="#footnote_948" class="fnanchor">[948]</a></span> -He left a widow, whose name is given as Ansfrida, -and a son named William. The King then seized -on the manor of Sparsholt, which Anskill had held of -the abbey, and gave it—​or perhaps only its wardship—​to -one of his officers named Toustain, without reserving -any service to the Church.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_949" id="fnanchor_949"></a><a href="#footnote_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a></span> -By this grant both -<a name="Page_381" id="Page_381"></a><span class="pageno">381</span> -the young William and the church of Abingdon were -wronged. For the wardship of its tenant would even, -by Flambard’s own law, go to the abbey. The widow, -by what instinct we are not told, betook herself to -Henry to ask his intercession with his brother the -King. Young William did not get back his land, -which was recovered for the abbey at a later time. -<span class="sni">Henry’s son Richard.</span> -But his mother presently gave him a half-brother, -Richard, who afterwards distinguished himself in the -French wars, and died in the White Ship.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_950" id="fnanchor_950"></a><a href="#footnote_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a></span> -The interest -of Henry, if it did not get back Sparsholt for its -lawful tenant, was enough to secure for his new mistress -the safe possession of her dower, and to provide for her -legitimate son by an advantageous marriage.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_951" id="fnanchor_951"></a><a href="#footnote_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a></span> -Ansfrida -<a name="Page_382" id="Page_382"></a><span class="pageno">382</span> -herself was in the end buried in the minster of Abingdon -with honours of which Saint Hugh would hardly have -approved, and her lawful son did not fail to give gifts to -the place of his mother’s burial.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_952" id="fnanchor_952"></a><a href="#footnote_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Henry is exhorted to marry.</span> -Henry then, if he was fully entitled to reform the -worst abuses of his brother’s household, stood in some -need of reformation himself. His counsellors exhorted -him to mend matters by giving himself a wife and his -kingdom a queen. He had not far to look for one when -policy and inclination led him the same way. <span class="sni">He seeks for Eadgyth daughter of Malcolm.</span> -Notwithstanding -all his irregularities, we are told that he had -long loved Eadgyth or Matilda, the daughter of Malcolm, -and it is further implied that his love was returned -on her part.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_953" id="fnanchor_953"></a><a href="#footnote_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a></span> -It is not clear where she was at -this moment, but seemingly no longer with her aunt -Christina in her monastic shelter at Romsey.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_954" id="fnanchor_954"></a><a href="#footnote_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a></span> -She was -now about twenty years old, some say of remarkable -beauty, at all events of a pleasing face, and mistress of -an amount of learning which must have equalled or -exceeded that of her clerkly lover.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_955" id="fnanchor_955"></a><a href="#footnote_955" class="fnanchor">[955]</a></span> -She had no great -<a name="Page_383" id="Page_383"></a><span class="pageno">383</span> -worldly possessions;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_956" id="fnanchor_956"></a><a href="#footnote_956" class="fnanchor">[956]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Policy of the marriage.</span> -but she came of a stock which -made a marriage with her the most politic choice which -the King could make at the moment. <span class="sni">Eadgyth looked on as English.</span> -Eadgyth had -lived so long in England that men seem to have forgotten -that she was the daughter of Malcolm, and to -have remembered only that she was the daughter of -Margaret. As such she was held to be of the right -kingly kin of England,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_957" id="fnanchor_957"></a><a href="#footnote_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a></span> -marked out as the most fitting -bride for a king whose purpose was to reign as an -Englishman. True she came of the blood of Cerdic only -by the spindle-side, and by the spindle-side Henry came -of the blood of Cerdic himself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_958" id="fnanchor_958"></a><a href="#footnote_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Henry’s descent from Ælfred.</span> -But no one was likely -to remember that a daughter of Ælfred was a remote -ancestress of Henry’s mother, while everybody remembered -that Eadgyth was the daughter of Margaret, the -daughter of Eadward, the son of Eadmund, the son of -Æthelred, the son of Eadgar. It was for the English -King to take an English Lady, and to hand on the English -crown to kings born in the land and sprung of the -true blood of its ancient princes.</p> - -<p>So thought the people; so thought the King; so -<a name="Page_384" id="Page_384"></a><span class="pageno">384</span> -seemingly thought the daughter of Malcolm herself. -<span class="sni">Objections made to the marriage.</span> -But not a few mouths were opened to denounce the -marriage as contrary to the laws of the Church. Eadgyth, -they alleged, was a consecrated virgin, and a marriage -with her would be sacrilege. <span class="sni">Eadgyth said to have taken the veil.</span> -She had, they said, -taken the veil at Romsey, when she was dwelling there -with her aunt Christina.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_959" id="fnanchor_959"></a><a href="#footnote_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a></span> -She appealed to the Archbishop, -to whom all looked to decide the matter.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_960" id="fnanchor_960"></a><a href="#footnote_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a></span> -She -told her story, as we have already heard it, and called -on Anselm to judge her cause in his wisdom. <span class="sni">Anselm holds an assembly to settle the question.</span> -The -Archbishop called together at Lambeth—​the manor of -his friend the Bishop of Rochester—​an assembly of -bishops, abbots, nobles, and religious men, before whom -he laid the matter, and the evidence bearing on it.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_961" id="fnanchor_961"></a><a href="#footnote_961" class="fnanchor">[961]</a></span> -There was the evidence of the maiden herself; there was -the evidence of two archdeacons, William of Canterbury -and Humbald of Salisbury, whom Anselm had sent to -the monastery, and who, after inquiries among the -sisters, reported that there was no ground to think that -Eadgyth had ever been a veiled nun.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_962" id="fnanchor_962"></a><a href="#footnote_962" class="fnanchor">[962]</a></span> -The Archbishop -then left the assembly, and the rest, who are spoken of -as the Church of England gathered into one place,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_963" id="fnanchor_963"></a><a href="#footnote_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a></span> -debated the question in his absence. Much stress was -laid on the case of those women who, in the first days of -the Conquest, had sought shelter in the cloister from -<a name="Page_385" id="Page_385"></a><span class="pageno">385</span> -shame and violence, but who had not taken religion -upon themselves.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_964" id="fnanchor_964"></a><a href="#footnote_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Eadgyth declared free to marry.</span> -The late Archbishop had declared -them free to marry, and the judgement of the assembly -was that the same rule applied to the case of -the daughter of Malcolm.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_965" id="fnanchor_965"></a><a href="#footnote_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a></span> -Anselm came back, and the -debate and the decision were reported to him. He declared -that he assented to the judgement, strengthened -as it was by the great authority of Lanfranc.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_966" id="fnanchor_966"></a><a href="#footnote_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a></span> -Then -Eadgyth herself was brought in, and heard with a -pleased countenance all that had passed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_967" id="fnanchor_967"></a><a href="#footnote_967" class="fnanchor">[967]</a></span> -She then -offered to confirm all that she had said by any form of -oath that might be thought good. She did not fear that -any one would disbelieve her; but she wished that no -occasion should be left for any one to blaspheme.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_968" id="fnanchor_968"></a><a href="#footnote_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a></span> -Anselm told her that no oath was needed; if any man -out of the evil treasure of his heart should bring forth -evil things, he would not be able to withstand the -amount and strength of the evidence by which her case -was proved.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_969" id="fnanchor_969"></a><a href="#footnote_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a></span> -He gave her his blessing,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_970" id="fnanchor_970"></a><a href="#footnote_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a></span> -and she went -forth, we may say, Lady-elect of the English.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Other versions of the story.</span> -In another version, also contemporary but not resting -on the same high authority, things are made to take -<a name="Page_386" id="Page_386"></a><span class="pageno">386</span> -another turn. The King bids Anselm perform the marriage -rite between himself and the nameless daughter of -Malcolm, called in this version David.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_971" id="fnanchor_971"></a><a href="#footnote_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Anselm made to object.</span> -Anselm refuses -on the ground that, having worn the veil of a nun, she -belonged to a heavenly, not to an earthly bridegroom. -The King says that he has sworn to her father to marry -her, and that he cannot break his oath, unless it can be -shown by a canonical judgement that the marriage is -unlawful.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_972" id="fnanchor_972"></a><a href="#footnote_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a></span> -Anselm is therefore bidden to summon the -Archbishop of York, and the rest of the bishops, abbots, -and other ecclesiastical persons of all England, to come -together and examine the matter.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_973" id="fnanchor_973"></a><a href="#footnote_973" class="fnanchor">[973]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Story of Rufus and the Abbess.</span> -The Abbess is brought -before them, and she tells the story of the Red King’s -visit to her flowers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_974" id="fnanchor_974"></a><a href="#footnote_974" class="fnanchor">[974]</a></span> -The King bids Anselm call on the -synod for its judgement. <span class="sni">Decision in favour of the marriage.</span> -The assembled fathers debate; -canons are read, and it is judged that the maiden is free -to marry, chiefly on the ground that, if she was veiled, -it was while she was under age and without her father’s -consent.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_975" id="fnanchor_975"></a><a href="#footnote_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Anselm’s scruples and warning.</span> -The King asks Anselm whether he objects to -this decision; Anselm says that he has no fault to find -with it. Henry then asks Anselm to marry them at -<a name="Page_387" id="Page_387"></a><span class="pageno">387</span> -once. Anselm pleads that, though the judgement is right, -yet, as the maiden had somehow or other worn the veil, -it were better that she should not marry; there were -others, daughters of kings and counts, one of whom the -King might marry instead. Henry still insists; Anselm -performs the ceremony; but with a warning that England -would not rejoice in the offspring of the marriage.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_976" id="fnanchor_976"></a><a href="#footnote_976" class="fnanchor">[976]</a></span> -The fate of the White Ship and the wars of Stephen and -Matilda are quoted as a proof of Anselm’s prophetic power.</p> - -<p>The tone of this story is quite unlike that of the more -trustworthy version; yet there is perhaps no actual -contradiction between them. But the foreign writer -stumbles greatly in his names and pedigrees, and writes -by the light of forty years later. <span class="sni">Later fables.</span> -We may see in his -version the beginnings of the wild stories of later times, -where Eadgyth is pictured as forced into the marriage -against her will, and even as devoting her future offspring -to the fiend.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_977" id="fnanchor_977"></a><a href="#footnote_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Marriage of Henry and Eadgyth. November 11, 1100. She takes the name of Matilda.</span> -A few days later, on the feast of Saint Martin, the -marriage was celebrated by Anselm, and Matilda, as we -must now call her, was hallowed to Queen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_978" id="fnanchor_978"></a><a href="#footnote_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a></span> -It is only -<a name="Page_388" id="Page_388"></a><span class="pageno">388</span> -a guess that this was the time of her change of name. -One hardly sees its motive; it was Henry’s policy at -this moment to be as English as possible, and the name -of his bride was one of the few English names which the -Normans now and then adopted. Could it be Henry’s -abiding reverence for his mother which made him wish -to place another Matilda on his throne? Be this as it -may be, the new Queen bears no other name. <span class="sni">The wedding and coronation.</span> -All the -great men of the kingdom and a crowd of folk of lower -degree came together to her wedding and crowning. At -the door of the West Minster, as the multitude thronged -towards the King and his bride, the Archbishop stood -on high and harangued the people. <span class="sni">Anselm’s speech.</span> -He told them how -the whole matter had been settled, and on what grounds. -And he once again called on any one who had aught else -to say against the marriage to stand forth and say it.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_979" id="fnanchor_979"></a><a href="#footnote_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a></span> -The only answer was a general shout of assent to the -judgement and the marriage.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_980" id="fnanchor_980"></a><a href="#footnote_980" class="fnanchor">[980]</a></span> -The rite was done. <span class="sni">Objections not wholly silenced.</span> -But -there were still some who blamed Anselm for the course -that he had taken;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_981" id="fnanchor_981"></a><a href="#footnote_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a></span> -and years afterwards the validity -of Matilda’s marriage, and the consequent legitimacy of -her children, was called in question by those whose -political objects it suited to do so.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_982" id="fnanchor_982"></a><a href="#footnote_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a></span></p> - -<p>It is somewhat singular that Matilda practically -stepped into the place of the Lady whose name she -had forsaken. There had been no queen constantly -living in England since the elder Eadgyth. The -elder Matilda had been but little in England; William -Rufus had been pre-eminently the “bachelor king.” -<a name="Page_389" id="Page_389"></a><span class="pageno">389</span> -<span class="sni">Novelty of a queen.</span> -It must have been a wonderful change when the riot -and foul excess of the Red King’s court gave way -to a household presided over by a devout and virtuous -woman. <span class="sni">Regular life of the King and Queen.</span> -For a time at least Henry as well as his -wife lived a sober and regular life. As a generation -back the strict conduct of Henry’s father had called -forth the jeers of the profligate scoffers of his day, so -now the profligate scoffers of another generation jeered -at the decorous court of Henry and Matilda, <span class="sni">“Godric and Godgifu.”</span> -and -mocked the English King and his English Lady by the -characteristic English names of Godric and Godgifu.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_983" id="fnanchor_983"></a><a href="#footnote_983" class="fnanchor">[983]</a></span> -<span class="sni">1100–1118.</span> -The married life of Matilda reached over eighteen years -only; <span class="sni">Children of the marriage. William;</span> -of her two children, both born early in her wedlock, -she did not live to see her son, the Ætheling -William, cut off in the White Ship; she did live to see -her daughter of her own name raised to a place which -had never before been filled by a daughter of England,<a name="line389_18" id="line389_18"></a><span class="sni">the Empress Matilda.</span> -sitting as a crowned Augusta in the seat of Livia and -Placidia.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_984" id="fnanchor_984"></a><a href="#footnote_984" class="fnanchor">[984]</a></span> - -After a while Henry seems to have fallen -back into his old courses; <span class="sni">Later life of Henry and Matilda.</span> some at least of his natural -children must have been born after his marriage; and -the same kind of language which was used about his -first marriage was used about his second.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_985" id="fnanchor_985"></a><a href="#footnote_985" class="fnanchor">[985]</a></span> -The Queen, -for whatever reason, ceased to follow the endless wanderings -of the court; and lived in all royal pomp at -<a name="Page_390" id="Page_390"></a><span class="pageno">390</span> -Westminster.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_986" id="fnanchor_986"></a><a href="#footnote_986" class="fnanchor">[986]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Her character.</span> -Her piety rivalled that of her mother; -it was shown in all the usual forms of the time; and -her brother David, not an undevout prince, went so near -to a scoff as to ask his sister whether King Henry would -care to kiss the lips which had kissed the ulcers of the -lepers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_987" id="fnanchor_987"></a><a href="#footnote_987" class="fnanchor">[987]</a></span> -Her boundless liberality to the poor, to clerks, -scholars, and strangers of every kind, was perhaps not -the less amiable for a manifest touch of vanity.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_988" id="fnanchor_988"></a><a href="#footnote_988" class="fnanchor">[988]</a></span> -We -read that the means for her lavish bounty in this way -had to be found by harsh exactions from her tenants; -but, here as ever, the blame is laid upon the reeves -rather than on their mistress.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_989" id="fnanchor_989"></a><a href="#footnote_989" class="fnanchor">[989]</a></span> -<span class="sni">“Good Queen Mold.”</span> -The memory of “good -<a name="Page_391" id="Page_391"></a><span class="pageno">391</span> -Queen Mold” was long cherished, and we can hardly -doubt that her presence by Henry’s side did much to -help the fusion of Normans and English in her husband’s -kingdom.</p> - -<p class="p2">Two ecclesiastical events wind up the last year of the -eleventh century. <span class="sni">Guy of Vienne comes as Legate.</span> -One of them showed that there were -limits to Anselm’s submission to the see of Rome. Guy -Archbishop of Vienne came into England, professing to -be papal Legate throughout all Britain. Legates had -been seen in England before, but not with such a commission -as superseded the authority of an acknowledged -Primate. <span class="sni">Earlier Legates.</span> They had come both under Eadward and -under William the Great; but they came in the doubtful -days of Stigand, and the last time they came to set -Stigand finally aside.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_990" id="fnanchor_990"></a><a href="#footnote_990" class="fnanchor">[990]</a></span> -One Legate had come under -William the Red; but it was to bring the pallium to -Anselm.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_991" id="fnanchor_991"></a><a href="#footnote_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Guy’s pretensions not acknowledged.</span> -But now all men were amazed at a foreign -prelate claiming to exercise powers which had hitherto -been held to belong to none but the Patriarch of the -island world.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_992" id="fnanchor_992"></a><a href="#footnote_992" class="fnanchor">[992]</a></span> -Legates waxed mightier before Henry’s -reign was out;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_993" id="fnanchor_993"></a><a href="#footnote_993" class="fnanchor">[993]</a></span> -this time Guy went back as he came. -We get no details; but we read that no one acknowledged -him as Legate, and that he was not able to discharge -any legatine function.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_994" id="fnanchor_994"></a><a href="#footnote_994" class="fnanchor">[994]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Death of Archbishop Thomas. November 18, 1100.</span> -The other event was the death of Archbishop Thomas -of York, after an episcopate of thirty years. He died a -few days after the King’s marriage, leaving a good name -<a name="Page_392" id="Page_392"></a><span class="pageno">392</span> -behind him as the honoured rebuilder of his church and -legislator of its chapter.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_995" id="fnanchor_995"></a><a href="#footnote_995" class="fnanchor">[995]</a></span> -This was the first prelacy -which had fallen vacant since Henry’s accession. To -deal with the vacant see after his brother’s fashion -would have been in the teeth of all the new King’s promises. -He therefore soon gave the church of York -another shepherd. But his choice fell on a man of a -character widely different from either Thomas or Anselm. -The new archbishop was Gerard Bishop of Hereford, -of whom we have already heard a good deal, and -heard some things that are passing strange.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_996" id="fnanchor_996"></a><a href="#footnote_996" class="fnanchor">[996]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The see of York given to Gerard of Hereford. Archbishop 1100–1108.</span> -He held -the throne of the northern metropolis for eight years, -and, when he died, he had some difficulty in finding -a resting-place in his own minster.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_997" id="fnanchor_997"></a><a href="#footnote_997" class="fnanchor">[997]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 3. <span class="title">The Invasion of Robert.</span><br /> -<i>January-August, 1101.</i></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Likeness of the years 1088 and 1101.</span> -The first year of the twelfth century was a stirring -time for England, though it was not crowded with great -and striking events like the last year of the eleventh. -It reads like an earlier chapter of our story coming over -again. We have now again to tell well nigh the same -tale which we told at the beginning of the reign of -Rufus. Again we have a Norman rebellion on English -soil; again we have a Norman invasion; again the -<a name="Page_393" id="Page_393"></a><span class="pageno">393</span> -English people cleave steadily to the king whom they -have chosen; again the Primate and the bishops in -general take the side which was at once the side of the -King and of the people. <span class="sni">Action of the Bishop of Durham,</span> And, as if to make the likeness -square in the smallest details, a bishop set free from -bonds is the foremost stirrer up of mischief, and again -three sons of Earl Roger are the most active leaders of -the revolt. <span class="sni">of the sons of Earl Roger.</span> The part of Bishop Odo of Bayeux in the -former rebellion is in the present played to some extent -by Bishop Randolf of Durham; the part of Robert of -Bellême is played again in more than all its fulness by -Robert of Bellême himself. <span class="sni">Plots to give the crown to Duke Robert.</span> -There is again a party -eager to place the Duke of the Normans on the throne -of England; but this time that party is balanced by -another which in the other tale does not appear till -later, <span class="sni">A party in Normandy for Henry.</span> -a party eager to place the King of the English in -the ducal chair of Normandy.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Character of Robert and Eadgar.</span> -Robert, like his chosen companion Eadgar, could play -an active and honourable part anywhere save in his -own country. Both alike show to far greater advantage -in Palestine and in Scotland than in Normandy or -in England. The seeming inconsistency is not hard -to understand. Neither of them perhaps lacked mere -capacity—​Robert certainly did not. And Robert most -certainly did not lack generous feeling. But both lacked -that moral strength without which mere feeling and -mere capacity can do very little. Such men can act -well and vigorously now and then, by fits and starts, -when some special motive is brought to bear upon -them. They can act better on behalf of others than -they can on behalf of themselves, because, when they -act for others, a special motive is brought to bear upon -them. Their own cause they may, if they like, neglect -or betray—​forgetting that, when a prince betrays his -own cause, he commonly betrays the cause of many -<a name="Page_394" id="Page_394"></a><span class="pageno">394</span> -others; but it is a point of honour not to betray or to -neglect the cause of another which is entrusted to them. -Thus it was that both Robert and Eadgar, who could do -nothing for themselves, could do a good deal for others, -whether as counsellors, as negotiators, or as military -commanders. <span class="sni">Robert as crusader.</span> -The crusade had brought out all Robert’s -best qualities; but we have seen that, even on the crusade, -he had yielded to any great and sudden temptation. -Amidst so many noble and valiant comrades, -he could not shrink from the siege or the battle; and, -once brought up to the siege or the battle, he showed -himself, not only a daring soldier, but a skilful captain. -But at Laodikeia he had been the same man that he was -at Rouen. <span class="sni">His relapse on his return to Normandy.</span> -Now that he was again at Rouen, Antioch -and Jerusalem passed away; it was all Laodikeia with -him. The dream of winning the English crown floated -before his eyes, and at last stirred him up to action. -<span class="sni">His renewed misgovernment.</span> -Otherwise he sank into his old listlessness, his old -lavishness, his old vices and follies of every kind. It -may be an overdrawn picture which paints him as -lying in bed till noon, and neglecting to attend mass, -because he had no clothes to go in; the base persons of -both sexes who surrounded him had carried them all off. -Some odd chance that happened once must have been -spoken of as a habit.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_998" id="fnanchor_998"></a><a href="#footnote_998" class="fnanchor">[998]</a></span> -But there is no ground for -doubting the general description of Robert’s misgovernment -or rather no-government, both before he went to -the crusade and after he came back from it.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Parties in England and Normandy.</span> -It may at first sight seem a paradox that there -should be at the same moment a party in Normandy -anxious to hand over the duchy to Henry and a party -<a name="Page_395" id="Page_395"></a><span class="pageno">395</span> -in England anxious to hand over the kingdom to Robert. -But quiet men in Normandy, who wished their country to -enjoy some peace, would naturally wish to place it under -the rule of Henry, while the kind of men who, at the -accession of Rufus, had wished to bring Robert into England -would equally wish to bring him now. <span class="sni">Henry’s strict rule distasteful to the Norman nobles.</span> -They had -perhaps already found out that where Henry reigned -none might misdo with other, and to misdo with other -was to a large part of the Norman nobles the very -business of life.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Their plots against him.</span> -The greater part of those nobles were now beginning -to plot against the King. The estates which most of -them held in Normandy gave them special opportunities -for so doing, by giving them excuses for going to and -fro between England and Normandy. <span class="sni">Robert of Bellême and his brothers.</span> Of this they -were not slow to take advantage. The three sons of -Earl Roger of Shrewsbury, Robert of Bellême and his -brothers Arnulf and Roger, were busy in this work; -<span class="sni">Robert of Pontefract. Ivo of Grantmesnil.</span> -so was Robert the son of Ilbert of Lacy, beginning -to be known as Robert of Pontefract; so was Ivo of -Grantmesnil, son of the deceased Sheriff of Leicestershire, -himself best known as the rope-dancer of Antioch. -<span class="sni">Earl Walter.</span> -And we are somewhat surprised to find on -the same list, now at the very end of his long life, the -aged Walter Giffard, lord of Longueville and Earl of -Buckingham. All these were in secret communication -with the Duke.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_999" id="fnanchor_999"></a><a href="#footnote_999" class="fnanchor">[999]</a></span> -But none of them, Robert of Bellême -least of all, was inclined to serve the Duke or any -other lord for naught. <span class="sni">Duke Robert’s grants to Robert of Bellême.</span> -Duke Robert distributed castles -and lands among them, and promised to give them -greater gifts still when he should be king of England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1000" id="fnanchor_1000"></a><a href="#footnote_1000" class="fnanchor">[1000]</a></span> -To Robert of Bellême he granted the forest of Gouffers, -<a name="Page_396" id="Page_396"></a><span class="pageno">396</span> -and the castle of Argentan of whose siege we heard -seven years before;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1001" id="fnanchor_1001"></a><a href="#footnote_1001" class="fnanchor">[1001]</a></span> -he further confirmed him in a -claim very dear to the house of Bellême, by granting -<a name="line396_4" id="line396_4"></a>him the ducal right of advowson over the bishopric of -Seez.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1002" id="fnanchor_1002"></a><a href="#footnote_1002" class="fnanchor">[1002]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He gives back Gisors to Pagan.</span> -And, strangest of all, the Duke gave back the -fortress of Gisors, the bulwark of his duchy, to its former -holder Theobald or Pagan, because he had once hospitably -entertained him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1003" id="fnanchor_1003"></a><a href="#footnote_1003" class="fnanchor">[1003]</a></span> -Did not Robert of Bellême ask -that, if his own master-piece of engineering was to pass -out of the hands of the prince, it should pass into no -hands but his own? Thus Duke Robert’s way of making -ready for the conquest of England was to squander the -resources of Normandy. Every inch of his territory, -every stone of his fortresses, stood ready to be granted -away, almost to any one who would take the trouble -to ask for them.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Christmas Gemót at Westminster. 1100–1101.</span> -Things were thus brewing through the winter without -any open outbreak. At Christmas King Henry wore his -crown at Westminster.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1004" id="fnanchor_1004"></a><a href="#footnote_1004" class="fnanchor">[1004]</a></span> -That was a better place than -Gloucester for watching movements beyond the sea. -And soon after the feast and assembly the cause of -Robert was strengthened by an unexpected helper, -whose coming seems to have put a new life into his -supporters. <span class="sni">Escape of the Bishop of Durham.</span> -The Bishop of Durham, Randolf Flambard, -suddenly showed himself in his native land of -<a name="Page_397" id="Page_397"></a><span class="pageno">397</span> -Normandy. We saw him but lately shut up, to the joy -of all men, in the Conqueror’s Tower. His keeper, -William of Mandeville, may have been negligent; at -all events his captivity was easy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1005" id="fnanchor_1005"></a><a href="#footnote_1005" class="fnanchor">[1005]</a></span> -The King clearly -did not mean it to be harsh, as he allowed him two -shillings a day for his keep. Flambard, with all his -sins, was a pleasant and liberal companion, and he kept -many friends, even in his fall.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1006" id="fnanchor_1006"></a><a href="#footnote_1006" class="fnanchor">[1006]</a></span> -He was allowed the -company of those friends; with them he made merry in -his prison, and gave costly banquets to them and to his -keepers.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1007" id="fnanchor_1007"></a><a href="#footnote_1007" class="fnanchor">[1007]</a></span> -At last the means of escape were given to -him; a rope was brought hidden in a vessel of water or -wine. The Bishop made a feast for his keepers, and -plied them well with the wine. When they were snoring -in their drunken sleep, Flambard tied his rope to the -small column which divided one of the double windows -usual in the architecture of his day.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1008" id="fnanchor_1008"></a><a href="#footnote_1008" class="fnanchor">[1008]</a></span> -Even at such a -moment, he did not forget that he was now a bishop; -<a name="Page_398" id="Page_398"></a><span class="pageno">398</span> -he took his pastoral staff with him, and began to let -himself down by the rope. But he had forgotten another, -and at that moment a more useful, part of the -episcopal dress. He left his gloves behind; so his hands -suffered sadly in his descent. Moreover the Bishop was -a bulky man and his rope was too short; so he fell with -a heavy fall, and lay groaning and half dead.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1009" id="fnanchor_1009"></a><a href="#footnote_1009" class="fnanchor">[1009]</a></span> -But his -friends and followers were at the foot of the Tower -ready to help him. How they came there it is not -easy to see, unless there was treason in the fortress; -they should surely have been kept out by the wall with -which Rufus, at such cost to his people, had surrounded -his father’s Tower.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1010" id="fnanchor_1010"></a><a href="#footnote_1010" class="fnanchor">[1010]</a></span> -So however the tale is told. The -Bishop’s faithful helpers had got good horses ready and -his treasure all safe. They set sail for Normandy; Flambard -went in one ship, his witch mother with the treasure -in another. <span class="sni">Adventures of his mother.</span> -This second vessel was seized by pirates and -the treasure carried off; the old woman and the crew -reached Normandy despoiled and sad.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1011" id="fnanchor_1011"></a><a href="#footnote_1011" class="fnanchor">[1011]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His reception by Duke Robert; he stirs him up against Henry.</span> -Flambard made -his way to the court of Duke Robert, became his chief -counsellor, and worked hard to stir him up by every -means to an invasion of England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1012" id="fnanchor_1012"></a><a href="#footnote_1012" class="fnanchor">[1012]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399"></a><span class="pageno">399</span> -<span class="sni">Easter Gemót. April 21, 1101.</span> -Meanwhile King Henry held the Easter feast at Winchester. -<span class="sni">The questions between the King and Anselm adjourned.</span> -The only recorded business of the meeting is -that, as the messengers who had been sent to the Pope -had not come back, the matters in dispute between -the King and the Archbishop were adjourned till their -return.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1013" id="fnanchor_1013"></a><a href="#footnote_1013" class="fnanchor">[1013]</a></span> -But meanwhile most of the chief men of Norman -birth in England were, of their mickle untruth, -the Chronicler says, plotting with the Duke against the -King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1014" id="fnanchor_1014"></a><a href="#footnote_1014" class="fnanchor">[1014]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Growth of the conspiracy.</span> -Any excuse was enough for treason; if Henry -refused to make lavish grants after the manner of -his brother, the refusal made another traitor.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1015" id="fnanchor_1015"></a><a href="#footnote_1015" class="fnanchor">[1015]</a></span> -Instead -of a list of the conspirators, we get a list of the few -who remained faithful. <span class="sni">The few faithful.</span> -These were the two Beaumont -brothers, Roger Bigod, Henry’s old friend Richard of -Redvers, and the lord of Gloucester and Glamorgan, -Robert Fitz-Hamon.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1016" id="fnanchor_1016"></a><a href="#footnote_1016" class="fnanchor">[1016]</a></span> -To these we ought surely to add -old Earl Hugh; but he was drawing near to the end of -his days. The rest sent secret messages to Robert, and -mocked openly at Godric and Godgifu. It would seem -however that there was as yet no open rebellion on -English ground.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Whitsun Gemót. June 9, 1101. Popular character of the assembly.</span> -The King next kept the Whitsun feast; the place is -not mentioned, but it was doubtless Westminster; and -the malecontents do not seem to have followed the old -tactics of refusing to appear in the assembly. This -Pentecostal gathering is spoken of as a vast assemblage -both of the nobles and of the people in general.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1017" id="fnanchor_1017"></a><a href="#footnote_1017" class="fnanchor">[1017]</a></span> -In an -<a name="Page_400" id="Page_400"></a><span class="pageno">400</span> -assembly held close to London the popular element -would, as in the days of Stephen, be better able to make -itself felt than at Winchester and Gloucester. <span class="sni">Advice of Robert of Meulan.</span> -And it -was on the popular element that the King relied. We -are told that his subtle counsellor from Meulan taught -him that, at such a moment as this, he must be lavish of -promises, even to the length of promising London or -York, if they should be asked for.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1018" id="fnanchor_1018"></a><a href="#footnote_1018" class="fnanchor">[1018]</a></span> -He must promise -now, and, when peace comes again, he may take all back -again.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1019" id="fnanchor_1019"></a><a href="#footnote_1019" class="fnanchor">[1019]</a></span> -In the assembly, King and nobles met with -mutual suspicions. <span class="sni">Mediation of Anselm.</span> -The common voice of all ranks put -Anselm forward as the mediator between the nation and -its sovereign. It was indeed his constitutional place, a -place which in the late reign Anselm had never been -able to fill, but in which he was now called on to act, and -in which he acted honourably and vigorously. <span class="sni">Renewed promise of good laws.</span> -A second -promise of good laws was the result.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1020" id="fnanchor_1020"></a><a href="#footnote_1020" class="fnanchor">[1020]</a></span> -Parties were now -<a name="Page_401" id="Page_401"></a><span class="pageno">401</span> -divided very much as they had been at the beginning of -the reign of Rufus. -Anselm played the part of Lanfranc; <span class="sni">The Church and the people for Henry.</span> -the bishops were all loyal; the English people clave unswervingly -to the king of their own choice, the king -born on their own soil, the king who could speak to the -hearts of Englishmen in the English tongue. They, we -are emphatically told, knew nothing of the rights of any -other prince.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1021" id="fnanchor_1021"></a><a href="#footnote_1021" class="fnanchor">[1021]</a></span> -They were for the English king, son of a -king; they had no part or lot in the foreign duke, son of -a duke. And it is implied that, not only the English by -descent, but that men of all classes and all races, except -the few great men who had a vested interest in anarchy, -were with one consent steady in their loyalty to the -King and ready to fight for him against any invader. -<span class="sni">England united against Norman invasion.</span> -There was again an united nation, a nation perhaps -more united than it had been five-and-thirty years -before, ready to withstand the new, the last attempt, at -a Norman conquest of England. If a few earls and -great lords played a game of yet more active treason -than had been played by Eadwine and Morkere, they -were not able, as Eadwine and Morkere had been able, -to keep back any part of the force of England from -joining the national standard.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Importance of the campaign of 1101.</span> -The campaign which now followed, if campaign is the -right word when armies merely look at one another -without fighting, marks an important stage in the process -which it was the work of Henry’s reign finally to -carry out, <span class="sni">Fusion of Normans and English under Henry. Last opposition of Normans and English.</span> -the fusion of Normans and English in England. -The siege of Rochester was the last time when -<a name="Page_402" id="Page_402"></a><span class="pageno">402</span> -Normans and Englishmen, by those names, met in arms -as enemies on English ground. Now, at Pevensey and -at Portsmouth, we for the last time hear of Englishmen -on English ground spoken of in such a way as to imply -that there were other dwellers in England who were not -English. In the first year of Henry such language was -still true; to go no further, the chief counsellor of the -King was the man who had been the first to break down -the English barricade on Senlac. Long before the last -year of Henry, the men who had fought on Senlac on either -side had passed away; the sons and grandsons of the -conquerors had put on the nationality of the conquered. -<span class="sni">Warfare of 1102.</span> -The struggle which did not come to blows this year did -come to blows in the next; the fighting which was -found not to be needed against Robert of Normandy -was found to be needed against Robert of Bellême. <span class="sni">Peace of King Henry. 1102–1135.</span> -Then for thirty-three years there was peace in the island, -though there was often war on the mainland. Englishmen -believed that the old score was wiped out when they won -Normandy for an English king; and the belief, if partly a -delusion, was not wholly so. <span class="sni">English feeling about Tinchebrai. 1106.</span> On English ground the -distinction of races died out during the long peace of -Henry; when the anarchy came, men tore one another -in pieces on other pretences. But now Englishmen still -go forth to withstand a Norman invasion, Englishmen -marked off by the English name, not only from men of -other lands, but also, though for the last time, from -men who were not English within the English kingdom -itself.</p> - -<p class="p2">Meanwhile the exhortations of the Bishop of Durham -had had their effect on the sluggish mind of the Norman -Duke. <span class="sni">Robert’s fleet. July, 1101.</span> -In the course of July the fleet which was to -win England for Robert was ready at Tréport.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1022" id="fnanchor_1022"></a><a href="#footnote_1022" class="fnanchor">[1022]</a></span> -The -<a name="Page_403" id="Page_403"></a><span class="pageno">403</span> -ducal navy bore the force that was designed for the new -conquest, horsemen, archers, and foot-soldiers of other -kinds. King Henry meanwhile brought together the -hosts of England. <span class="sni">Henry’s levy.</span> -As of old, the <dfn>fyrd</dfn> flocked together -from all parts, pressing on with a good will to the defence -of England and her King. Henry now, like his -brother thirteen years before, had on his side the two -great moral powers, the people and the Church. <span class="sni">Anselm and his contingent.</span> -There -was no need this time to throw scorn on the men who -came as the military contingent of the see of Canterbury. -With them Anselm came in person,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1023" id="fnanchor_1023"></a><a href="#footnote_1023" class="fnanchor">[1023]</a></span> -not surely to wield -weapons with his own hands; but doubtless to bring -about peace, if so he could, and, failing that, to exhort -his flock to the last and most terrible of duties, to fight -without flinching in a righteous war, when peace has -become hopeless. It was not Anselm’s first sight of warfare; -but he might now learn the difference between -Duke Roger’s war of aggression against Capua, and the -war which the English people were ready to wage for -their native land and their native king.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1024" id="fnanchor_1024"></a><a href="#footnote_1024" class="fnanchor">[1024]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The English at Pevensey.</span> -The King and -the Primate, the national force ready to act at their -bidding, the stranger nobles ready to betray them to the -<a name="Page_404" id="Page_404"></a><span class="pageno">404</span> -invader, gathered once more on the old battle-ground of -Pevensey.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1025" id="fnanchor_1025"></a><a href="#footnote_1025" class="fnanchor">[1025]</a></span> -There two invading Norman fleets had -already shown themselves, with widely different results -from their invasions. <span class="sni">William Count of Mortain.</span> -The third was looked for on the -same spot, perhaps all the more because of the very -doubtful faith of the new lord of Pevensey, Count William -of Mortain. For that same reason it was all the -more needful to secure such a post against the invaders. -At Pevensey then, under the ancient walls and the new -donjon, the army came together, waiting for the coming -of the hostile fleet. But Henry took means to check -them on their voyage. <span class="sni">The English fleet sent out.</span> -He sent forth his ships to watch -the coasts, to watch the enemy and to hinder them from -landing.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1026" id="fnanchor_1026"></a><a href="#footnote_1026" class="fnanchor">[1026]</a></span> -But here we are met with a somewhat strange -fact. <span class="sni">Some of the crews desert to Robert.</span> -This is not the first time that we have found -Englishmen at sea less faithful than Englishmen on -land. Tostig found allies among the sailors who were -sent to meet him;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1027" id="fnanchor_1027"></a><a href="#footnote_1027" class="fnanchor">[1027]</a></span> -so now did Robert. Some of the -crews threw aside their allegiance, joined the invaders, -and guided them to land. <span class="sni">Alleged agency of Flambard.</span> -This piece of treason is attributed -to the craft and subtlety of the Bishop of Durham, -perhaps only, as in the case of Eadric, from the general -belief that, whatever mischief was done, he must have -been the doer of it.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1028" id="fnanchor_1028"></a><a href="#footnote_1028" class="fnanchor">[1028]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405"></a><span class="pageno">405</span> -<span class="sni">Coming of Robert and his fleet.</span> This time the landing-place was not Pevensey, but it -was a kindred spot. One writer contrasts Robert’s invasion -with that of his father. William made his way -into the land by his own strength, Robert only by the -help of traitors.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1029" id="fnanchor_1029"></a><a href="#footnote_1029" class="fnanchor">[1029]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Comparison with his former attempt.</span> -But it might have been only fair to -contrast Robert’s former attempt, when he sent others -to land at Pevensey, but made no attempt to land anywhere -himself, and this present attempt, when he came -in his own person and actually landed on English -ground. And the first and the third invasion have one -point of likeness as distinguished from the second. The -second invasion, that in the days of Rufus, was beaten -back, because the attempt was made on Pevensey when -Pevensey was well defended. <span class="sni">Comparison of Harold and Henry.</span> -But as the Conqueror -was able to land at Pevensey because Harold was far -away in Yorkshire, so, because Henry was carefully -guarding Pevensey, Robert was able to land elsewhere. -The traitors guided his fleet along the narrow seas -which had seen the Saxon landings which came next -after those which made Anderida a wilderness. As the -father had made his way to England almost in the wake -of Ælle and Cissa, so the son made his way into England -more nearly in the wake of Cerdic and Cynric. <span class="sni">Robert lands at Portchester. July 20, 1101.</span> -The -Norman fleet sailed up the haven of Portsmouth, and -the Duke and his army landed as safely beneath the -Roman walls of Portchester as his father and his army -had landed beneath the Roman walls of Pevensey. -<span class="sni">Portchester castle and church.</span> -Those walls at least were there; the massive keep most -likely was not yet; the priory of Austin canons, whose -church, little altered, still abides within the castle walls, -<a name="Page_406" id="Page_406"></a><span class="pageno">406</span> -was the work of Henry himself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1030" id="fnanchor_1030"></a><a href="#footnote_1030" class="fnanchor">[1030]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Robert marches to besiege Winchester.</span> -From Portchester the -invader naturally marched towards Winchester; there -was the royal seat; there was the royal hoard. He -pitched his camp in a fit place for a siege;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1031" id="fnanchor_1031"></a><a href="#footnote_1031" class="fnanchor">[1031]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He declines to attack the city because of the Queen.</span> -but, in one -of his fits of generosity, he refused, on a purely personal -ground, to attack the city. His godchild and sister-in-law -Queen Matilda was already lying there in child-bed -of her first child, either the Ætheling or the future Empress. -Was the West-Saxon capital her morning-gift -also, as it had been with Emma and the elder Eadgyth? -When Robert heard of the Queen’s case, he turned away, -saying that it would be the deed of a villain to assault -the city at such a time.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1032" id="fnanchor_1032"></a><a href="#footnote_1032" class="fnanchor">[1032]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Estimate of his conduct.</span> -In this story we see the better side of Robert, that -spirit of true personal kindliness, which, like his dealings -with his brother Henry at the siege of Saint Michael’s -Mount, calls forth a personal liking for him in spite -of all his follies and vices. But one and the same -fallacy runs through all these stories of passing personal -<a name="Page_407" id="Page_407"></a><span class="pageno">407</span> -generosity. War cannot be carried on without causing -much distress to many people, to besieged garrisons suffering -from thirst, to women in child-bed, and others. -Therefore war should never be undertaken, except for -some public object so great and righteous as to outweigh -the distress caused to individuals. Therefore too -he who is carrying on a war on what he believes to be -adequate grounds, should not turn aside from any operation -which will promote the cause which he has in hand, -merely on account of the distress which it may cause to -individuals. We can hardly fancy that Robert himself -would have turned away from the siege of Jerusalem or -Antioch out of thought for any single person, even a -brother or sister. He would have felt such an act to be -treason to the common cause of Christendom. At Saint -Michael’s Mount and at Winchester he had no cause to -betray; he was simply fighting for his own interests, -which he might, if he chose, forbear to assert. The -morality of his age, perhaps the military morality of -any age, fails to see that what this proves is that he -should not have been attacking Winchester or the -Mount at all. Unless war is so high a duty as to outweigh -all personal considerations, it is a crime.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Personal character of the chivalrous feeling.</span> -Again, in all these stories we see how the chivalrous -spirit thinks of those only whose rank or kindred or -some other personal cause brings their distress directly -home to its thoughts. Others on the Mount were thirsty -besides Henry; Winchester must have contained other -women in child-bed besides Matilda. But Robert thinks -only of those who are personally connected with himself. -Of course that abstract way of looking at the matter -which strict morality dictates is quite foreign to the -notions of the eleventh century or of many later centuries, -and must therefore not be pressed too far. And -undoubtedly the personal kindliness which is always -<a name="Page_408" id="Page_408"></a><span class="pageno">408</span> -shown by Duke Robert is quite enough to put him on -another moral level from a monster like Robert of Bellême. -It is also enough to put him on another level -from William Rufus, whose generosity is simply a form -of pride. Yet, after all, the Red King’s abiding duty -and reverence towards his father, alive and dead, comes -nearer to a moral principle than Robert’s momentary -outbursts of kindly feeling.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Robert’s march from Winchester.</span> -From Winchester Robert is said to have turned towards -London, under the belief that Henry was there.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1033" id="fnanchor_1033"></a><a href="#footnote_1033" class="fnanchor">[1033]</a></span> -This is somewhat strange, as one would think that the -sea-faring men who had guided him to Portchester must -both themselves have known, and would take care to let -him know, that the King was at Pevensey. But nothing -would be more natural than that Robert should march -on London while the King was known to be elsewhere. -And the point where, in the only account which -attempts any geographical detail, the armies are said to -have met, suggests a march of Robert towards London, -and a march of Henry from Pevensey designed to meet -him on the road before he should reach London. <span class="sni">The armies meet near Alton.</span> -Robert -was by the wood of Alton when news was brought to -him that his brother’s force was near, on the other side of -the wood.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1034" id="fnanchor_1034"></a><a href="#footnote_1034" class="fnanchor">[1034]</a></span> -This seems a likely point for the armies to -<a name="Page_409" id="Page_409"></a><span class="pageno">409</span> -meet, when the one was going north-east from Portchester -and the other going north-west from Pevensey. Wherever -the spot was, the two hosts met face to face and -made ready for battle. But, either then or earlier, many -of the Norman barons in Henry’s army openly forsook -the King’s cause and went over to the invaders. <span class="sni">Desertion of the Earls of Shrewsbury and Surrey.</span> -Two -of the traitors are mentioned by name. Robert of -Bellême, who was a little time before plotting in Normandy -in his character of lord of Montgomery, must now -have been again in England to work this open treason -in his character of Earl of Shrewsbury. The other was -the King’s cousin, the Earl of Surrey, the younger William -of Warren, who is spoken of as a bitter personal -enemy of the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1035" id="fnanchor_1035"></a><a href="#footnote_1035" class="fnanchor">[1035]</a></span> -<span class="sni">William of Warren’s enmity to the King.</span> -Henry had, even in his charter of -liberties, kept the forests in his own hands; for, besides -his wars, his studies, and his love-intrigues, he found -time for an indulgence in hunting, which even surpassed, -it would seem, the measure of his fellows. <span class="sni">His jests on the King’s love of hunting.</span> -This drew -on him the mockery of Earl William, who jeered at his -deer-slaying exploits, and bestowed on him the nickname -of <span class="title">Hartsfoot</span>.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1036" id="fnanchor_1036"></a><a href="#footnote_1036" class="fnanchor">[1036]</a></span> -To mockery he now added treason, -<a name="Page_410" id="Page_410"></a><span class="pageno">410</span> -and Henry did not forget either. <span class="sni">Doubtful truth of other nobles.</span> -While these great -lords forsook the King, other Norman nobles still clave -to him outwardly, but only with a feigned heart. His -trust was in the small band of faithful Normans, in the -Primate and the bishops, and above all in the English -people. <span class="sni">Death of Earl Hugh. July 26, 1101.</span> -One of his oldest Norman friends was gone; -Earl Hugh had ended his long and turbulent life as a -three-days’-old monk in the house of Saint Werburh, -the house which was the joint work of himself and -Anselm.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1037" id="fnanchor_1037"></a><a href="#footnote_1037" class="fnanchor">[1037]</a></span></p> - -<p>Meanwhile every motive of religion, loyalty, and -patriotism, was brought to bear on the minds of the -royal army. While some among the barons were openly -falling off, while the good faith of others was doubtful, -the King put his whole trust in Anselm only. The -Primate was set to exhort, publicly and privately, all -whose defection was feared.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1038" id="fnanchor_1038"></a><a href="#footnote_1038" class="fnanchor">[1038]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Anselm’s energy on the King’s side.</span> -And exhort he did, and -with good success, hindering at least any further open revolt. -Robert himself was alarmed at the threat of excommunication -which Anselm held over him.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1039" id="fnanchor_1039"></a><a href="#footnote_1039" class="fnanchor">[1039]</a></span> -In the belief -of Anselm’s biographer, the King at this moment owed -his crown to the Archbishop.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1040" id="fnanchor_1040"></a><a href="#footnote_1040" class="fnanchor">[1040]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Henry’s promises to Anselm.</span> -It is added that, in this -<a name="Page_411" id="Page_411"></a><span class="pageno">411</span> -moment of danger, Henry promised, not only to let Anselm -exercise his full jurisdiction undisturbed, but also to -obey in his own person all the decrees and orders of the -Apostolic See.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1041" id="fnanchor_1041"></a><a href="#footnote_1041" class="fnanchor">[1041]</a></span> -The former part of the promise Henry -cannot be fairly charged with breaking; the latter engagement, -if it was ever made at all, must surely have been -made under some qualification, or else it must be referred -to the same class of promises as the suggested grants of -London and York. Still there can be no doubt that -Anselm served the King well and loyally, and that his -help went far to keep many wavering souls in their -allegiance. <span class="sni">Zeal of the English.</span> -But the mass of the English army hardly -needed exhortation to keep them in their duty. They -would perhaps be more deeply stirred by the voice of -the King himself than even by that of the Primate. -Never yet since the day of Senlac had Englishmen harnessed -for the battle heard a crowned king call on them -in their native tongue. <span class="sni">Exhortation of the King.</span> -But now we see Henry marshalling -his ranks in the old tactics, and speaking to his -Englishmen as Brihtnoth or Harold might have spoken. -The lifeless Latin catches some spark or echo from the -song of Maldon, when King Henry rides round the -wedge of warriors, and bids them meet the charge of -the Norman knights by standing firm in the array of -the ancient shield-wall. No wonder that their hearts were -stirred; no wonder that they shouted loud for the battle, -and told their King with one voice that they were ready -for the work, and feared not a Norman in the invading -host.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1042" id="fnanchor_1042"></a><a href="#footnote_1042" class="fnanchor">[1042]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412"></a><span class="pageno">412</span> -<span class="sni">Negotiations between Henry and Robert.</span> -But the merits of the Norman lance and the English -battle-axe were not again to be put to the trial on -English ground. Harold and William had tried negotiation -before the final appeal to arms; how much more -then should the brothers Henry and Robert? <span class="sni">Message of Henry.</span> -The King -of the English first sent a herald to the invader to ask -why he had dared to enter his kingdom in arms. -<span class="sni">Robert’s answer.</span> -Robert sent word back again that it was the kingdom of -his father which he had entered, and that he demanded it -as his due by the right of elder birth.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1043" id="fnanchor_1043"></a><a href="#footnote_1043" class="fnanchor">[1043]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His claim of elder birth.</span> -In English ears -this appeal to the new-fangled notions of other lands -must have sounded meaningless. To whom could a -crown be due but to him to whom the folk of his land -had given it? What was Robert and his elder birth to -them? He, the stranger-born, might, for aught they -knew, be the eldest son of Duke William of Normandy; -but King Henry, the countryman of his people, was the -only son of King William of England. Other messages -followed; wise men on both sides sought to bring -about a reconciliation between the brothers; others -sought war rather than peace.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1044" id="fnanchor_1044"></a><a href="#footnote_1044" class="fnanchor">[1044]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Personal meeting of the brothers.</span> -We read on the one -hand that, after many messages had gone to and fro, -the King found that he could trust no negotiator but -himself.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1045" id="fnanchor_1045"></a><a href="#footnote_1045" class="fnanchor">[1045]</a></span> -Yet we hear also of Henry being represented -by Robert Fitz-hamon, who was surely faithful, while -the representatives of Robert are somewhat strangely -said to have been two of Henry’s own rebels, the -Earl of Shrewsbury and the lord of Cornwall.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1046" id="fnanchor_1046"></a><a href="#footnote_1046" class="fnanchor">[1046]</a></span> -However -<a name="Page_413" id="Page_413"></a><span class="pageno">413</span> -this may be, those on both sides who shrank from -a war of brothers brought about a personal interview -between the rival princes. Nothing could be more to -the advantage of the calm genius of Henry. Robert, -able to negotiate for others, was sure not to be able to -negotiate for himself. The hosts of Normandy and England -stood marshalled in all their pride of war, while the -King and the Duke went forth alone into the plain between -them. <span class="sni">They agree on terms.</span> -The brothers talked together; after a while -they embraced and kissed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1047" id="fnanchor_1047"></a><a href="#footnote_1047" class="fnanchor">[1047]</a></span> -Terms of agreement had -been come to which were to save the blood of the -subjects of both.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">The treaty of 1101. Robert gives up all claim to England; Henry gives up his Norman possessions.</span> -By the treaty now sworn to Robert gave up all claim -to the kingdom of England. Henry, on his part, gave -up to Robert his county of Coutances, and all that he -possessed within the borders of Normandy. One continental -possession alone, a small and isolated one, he -kept. He might give up the lands which he had once -bought of Robert and which he had afterwards received -in fief of William. <span class="sni">He keeps Domfront.</span> -But he could not give up the town -and castle of Domfront, whose people had of their own -free will chosen him as their lord, and had received his -oath never to give them over to any other lord. Domfront -therefore, the border post of Normandy and Maine, once -the solitary possession of the wanderer, now remained -the solitary continental possession of the island king.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1048" id="fnanchor_1048"></a><a href="#footnote_1048" class="fnanchor">[1048]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Henry and Helias neighbours.</span> -Thus, in his small dominion on the mainland, Henry had -<a name="line413_6" id="line413_6"></a>in a neighbour his friend and ally Count Helias, a neighbourhood -which had some influence on the events of a -few years later. <span class="sni">Yearly payment to Robert. Stipulation as to the succession.</span> -Besides the territorial cessions, the -Duke was to receive a yearly payment of three thousand -pounds from his brother. The vain provision was again -inserted that, if either brother died without lawful issue -<a name="Page_414" id="Page_414"></a><span class="pageno">414</span> -in the lifetime of the other, the survivor should succeed -to his dominions. Such a provision might seem even -vainer than ever, now that both brothers were lately -married to young and fruitful wives. <span class="sni">Dying out of the legitimate male line of both brothers.</span> -Yet it is strange -to look forward, and to see how each brother outlived -his son, and how short a time the younger brother outlived -the elder. Neither Robert nor Henry could have -dreamed that the succession of both would pass to the son -of their sister at Chartres. <span class="sni">Natural sons of Henry.</span> -Anyhow the arrangement -shut out those who afterwards showed themselves to be, -in personal qualities, the most worthy to reign. These -were the natural sons of Henry. <span class="sni">Earl Robert.</span> -Robert, the son of the -unknown French mother, came to fill no small place in -history as the renowned Earl of Gloucester; <span class="sni">Richard.</span> -and the -short life of Richard, the son of the Berkshire widow, -showed him as a gallant soldier and something more. -Thus the relations and the succession of the two states -of Normandy and England were settled. But a personal -matter still remained between the princes. <span class="sni">Henry released from his homage to Robert.</span> -At some -earlier time, most likely when he first received the -Côtentin, Henry had become the man of Robert. But -now Henry was a king; Robert was to remain only -a duke. It was not becoming for a crowned and -anointed king to be the man of a mere duke. Henry -was therefore released from all personal obligations of -homage towards his brother. <span class="sni">Each prince to restore the partisans of the other.</span> -Lastly, a provision borrowed -from the elder treaty was inserted, seemingly -only for form’s sake. Each prince bound himself to -restore the lands and honours of all men who had -suffered forfeiture for supporting the cause of the other. -<span class="sni">The treaty sworn to.</span> -The treaty thus agreed to was, like the elder one, confirmed -by the oaths of twelve of the chief men on each -side.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1049" id="fnanchor_1049"></a><a href="#footnote_1049" class="fnanchor">[1049]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Robert and his army go back. Michaelmas, 1101.</span> -Part of the Duke’s army at once left England; -part stayed till he himself went back at Michaelmas. -<a name="Page_415" id="Page_415"></a><span class="pageno">415</span> -He tarried till then as his brother’s guest, treated with -all honour, and enriched with many gifts. <span class="sni">Mischief done by the Norman army.</span> -But it is -recorded that the part of his army which stayed with -him did much harm in the land.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1050" id="fnanchor_1050"></a><a href="#footnote_1050" class="fnanchor">[1050]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2 center">§ 4. <span class="title">The Revolt of Robert of Bellême.</span><br /> -1102.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Continued disloyalty of the Norman nobles.</span> -King Henry was now made fast in his kingdom; but -he still had enemies to strive against. The allegiance of -many of the chief men of Norman birth in England was -still not a little doubtful. They had to be fully brought -under the royal power before either the King or his -kingdom could be safe. <span class="sni">Henry’s plan for breaking the power of the great barons.</span> -Henry, there can be little -doubt, cold and calculating as he was, formed a settled -plan for breaking the power of those great barons who, -at least if they joined together, might easily make themselves -dangerous to the peace of the land. It was not -his policy to hurry, nor to make over-many enemies by -attacking all the dangerous men at once. The work -was to be done bit by bit; opportunities were to be -found as they offered themselves, to settle matters with -those who had been traitors once and who were likely -to be traitors again.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">The treaty does not apply to Flambard.</span> -To some of the most dangerous traitors of all the -provisions of the late treaty did not apply. The Bishop -of Durham had lost nothing in the cause of Duke -Robert. He had been imprisoned, and his temporalities -had been seized, on the ground of his old offences, -<a name="Page_416" id="Page_416"></a><span class="pageno">416</span> -before Robert’s claims had been heard of. He had no -claims to restoration, nor did he as yet find any favour. -<span class="sni">Death of Gilbert Bishop of Lisieux. August, 1101.</span> -He went back to Normandy, and there, in his banishment -to his native land, he found means to provide for himself -at the cost of one of its bishoprics. Gilbert Maminot, the -skilful leech whom the Conqueror had placed in the see -of Lisieux,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1051" id="fnanchor_1051"></a><a href="#footnote_1051" class="fnanchor">[1051]</a></span> -died in August, while Duke Robert was in -England. <span class="sni">Fulcher, Flambard’s brother, holds the see. June 1102-January 1103.</span> -The see was not filled till the next June, when -it was given to Flambard’s brother Fulcher, who was -consecrated and held the bishopric with a good reputation -for liberality till his death seven months later. Then -Flambard caused the see to be bestowed on a young son -of his own, Thomas by name. As far as a not very intelligible -account can be made out, Thomas remained unconsecrated, -while his father received the revenues. <span class="sni">Flambard receives the revenues under cover of his son.</span> -It was -not till after Henry’s conquest of Normandy that a more -regular appointment to the bishopric was made.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1052" id="fnanchor_1052"></a><a href="#footnote_1052" class="fnanchor">[1052]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Banishment of the Earl of Surrey.</span> -Earl William of Warren too paid the penalty of rebellion, -rebellion aggravated by personal gibes against the -King. If our accounts are correct, he was disinherited so -soon that he went away to Normandy in company with -Duke Robert. He is said to have had other companions in -the same case.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1053" id="fnanchor_1053"></a><a href="#footnote_1053" class="fnanchor">[1053]</a></span> -He was afterwards restored at Robert’s -intercession; but the chronology is confused, and we may -guess that his fall did not happen quite so soon as is -said. If he did suffer forfeiture directly after the treaty, -it must have been on some other ground, and not that of -taking Robert’s side during the quarrel, which would -have been covered by the treaty. On Earl William -<a name="Page_417" id="Page_417"></a><span class="pageno">417</span> -chastisement had a good effect; <span class="sni">His restoration.</span> -he came back to be a -loyal subject and special friend of King Henry during -the rest of his reign.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1054" id="fnanchor_1054"></a><a href="#footnote_1054" class="fnanchor">[1054]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Henry’s rewards and punishments.</span> -Other dangerous persons were got rid of one by one, -as occasion served. Henry rewarded bountifully all -who served him faithfully; but no enemy escaped him; -no traitor avoided forfeiture or heavy fines.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1055" id="fnanchor_1055"></a><a href="#footnote_1055" class="fnanchor">[1055]</a></span> -Forfeiture -came before long on some men who were, after the earls, -among the greatest of the men of Norman birth in -England. <span class="sni">Banishment of Robert Malet; of Robert of Pontefract.</span> -Such was Robert Malet, son of the gossip of -King Harold, a man great in the east of England. Such -was one equally great in the north, Robert of Pontefract, -the son of Ilbert of Lacy. Charges were brought against -them in the King’s court, and forfeiture and banishment -followed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1056" id="fnanchor_1056"></a><a href="#footnote_1056" class="fnanchor">[1056]</a></span> -In another case we know the exact nature -of the charge, nor can we condemn the punishment, -except so far as it was turned to the private advantage -of a favourite. <span class="sni">Private war unlawful in England.</span> -It was our boast in England that we -needed not the Truce of God, that, alike before and after -King William came into England, private war, the -dearest privilege of the continental noble, was always -a crime against the law.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1057" id="fnanchor_1057"></a><a href="#footnote_1057" class="fnanchor">[1057]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Ivo of Grantmesnil harries his neighbours’ lands.</span> -But now Ivo of Grantmesnil, -the rope-dancer of Antioch, took upon him to bring the -licence of Normandy into England, and to lay waste the -lands of some of his neighbours. This was a deed which -could not be passed by in the days of the King who had -come to make peace in the land. <span class="sni">His trial, and conviction.</span> -A trial, and a huge fine -<a name="Page_418" id="Page_418"></a><span class="pageno">418</span> -on conviction, followed.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1058" id="fnanchor_1058"></a><a href="#footnote_1058" class="fnanchor">[1058]</a></span> -Ivo, on the verge of ruin, betook himself to Count Robert of Meulan. <span class="sni">He asks help of Robert of Meulan. Bargain between them.</span> -Let the Count reconcile him to the King, and he would again go -to the crusade, and try to wipe out the shame of his -former pilgrimage.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1059" id="fnanchor_1059"></a><a href="#footnote_1059" class="fnanchor">[1059]</a></span> -A bargain was struck; Count -Robert was to give Ivo five hundred marks towards his -journey to Palestine, and was in return to take possession -of all Ivo’s lands for fifteen years. Then they were -to go back to his son Ivo, now a child, who was to -marry the Count’s niece, the daughter of the Earl of Warwick.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1060" id="fnanchor_1060"></a><a href="#footnote_1060" class="fnanchor">[1060]</a></span> -The elder Ivo went on his second crusade with -his wife, the daughter of Gilbert of Ghent, and died on his -pilgrimage. With him ended the short-lived greatness -of the house of Grantmesnil in England. The inheritance -of his father and grandfather passed away from the -younger Ivo to swell the fortunes of the chief counsellor -of the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1061" id="fnanchor_1061"></a><a href="#footnote_1061" class="fnanchor">[1061]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Origin of the earldom of Leicester.</span> -The subtlety of the Count of Meulan was famous, and -it enabled him to change his fifteen years’ possession of -the lands of Ivo of Grantmesnil into a great hereditary -earldom. A chief part of Ivo’s position came from his -relations to the town of Leicester. <span class="sni">Ivo’s relations with Leicester.</span> He had succeeded -his father as Sheriff of the shire and farmer of the -royal revenues. He was also castellan of the fortress -above the Soar, the fortress which the elder Eadmund -won back for England and for Christendom,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1062" id="fnanchor_1062"></a><a href="#footnote_1062" class="fnanchor">[1062]</a></span> -where -<a name="Page_419" id="Page_419"></a><span class="pageno">419</span> -a mound older than Æthelflæd<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1063" id="fnanchor_1063"></a><a href="#footnote_1063" class="fnanchor">[1063]</a></span> -looks down on the -church of Robert of Meulan and the hall of Simon the -Righteous. <span class="sni">Other lords in Leicester.</span> -But the lordship of the house of Grantmesnil -over the old Danish borough was not complete; -besides the King and the Bishop of Lincoln, some rights -in Leicester belonged to Earl Simon of Northampton.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1064" id="fnanchor_1064"></a><a href="#footnote_1064" class="fnanchor">[1064]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Robert Earl of Leicester. 1103.</span> -The cunning Count of Meulan contrived to unite all -claims in himself, and became the first of the Earls of -Leicester,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1065" id="fnanchor_1065"></a><a href="#footnote_1065" class="fnanchor">[1065]</a></span> -that title which has passed to so many names, -and which has drawn to itself alike the glory of a Montfort -and the shame of a Dudley. <span class="sni">Dies, 1118.</span> -Earl Robert kept his -office and his prosperity for the remaining fifteen years -of his life, and then died, fifty-two years after the great -battle, with the wrongs of Ivo of Grantmesnil upon his -conscience.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1066" id="fnanchor_1066"></a><a href="#footnote_1066" class="fnanchor">[1066]</a></span> -Married, as we have seen, somewhat late -in life,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1067" id="fnanchor_1067"></a><a href="#footnote_1067" class="fnanchor">[1067]</a></span> -he was the father of two sons, both of whom -were brought up with such care that they could, while -still young, hold logical disputations with cardinals.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1068" id="fnanchor_1068"></a><a href="#footnote_1068" class="fnanchor">[1068]</a></span> -Of -these brothers, Robert, the elder, became a prosperous -Earl of Leicester in England, while his brother Waleran -<a name="Page_420" id="Page_420"></a><span class="pageno">420</span> -became an unlucky Count of Meulan beyond the sea.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1069" id="fnanchor_1069"></a><a href="#footnote_1069" class="fnanchor">[1069]</a></span> -Of one of his daughters we have already heard as helping -to swell the irregular household of King Henry.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1070" id="fnanchor_1070"></a><a href="#footnote_1070" class="fnanchor">[1070]</a></span> -The -Earl himself remained the King’s counsellor, keeping on -friendly terms with Anselm, while cleaving steadfastly -to the ancient law of England in the matter of investitures.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1071" id="fnanchor_1071"></a><a href="#footnote_1071" class="fnanchor">[1071]</a></span> -He too was an ecclesiastical benefactor, -though on no very great scale. <span class="sni">His college at Leicester. 1107.</span> -He founded or restored -a college of canons within the castle of Leicester, where -the small church of his building may still be seen embedded -in the greater fabric into which it has grown.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1072" id="fnanchor_1072"></a><a href="#footnote_1072" class="fnanchor">[1072]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Its endowments transferred to Leicester abbey. 1143.</span> -But the greater part of its endowments were taken by -the second Earl Robert to enrich the abbey of our Lady -of his own foundation, the abbey where a more famous -cardinal than those with whom its founder had disputed - <span class="sni">1530.</span> came to lay his bones.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1073" id="fnanchor_1073"></a><a href="#footnote_1073" class="fnanchor">[1073]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Christmas Gemót. 1101–1102.</span> King Henry had thus overthrown several of his open -or secret enemies, and he doubtless wore his crown at -the Christmas Gemót at Westminster with a greater -feeling of safety. But the greatest work of all had still -to be done. There was still one man in England whose -presence was utterly inconsistent with the rule of any -king whose mind was to give peace to his kingdom. -<span class="sni">Danger from Robert of Bellême.</span> -Peace, in Henry’s sense of the word, could not be in a -land where Robert of Bellême was, to say the least, the -<a name="Page_421" id="Page_421"></a><span class="pageno">421</span> -mightiest man after the King. Henry knew his man; -he knew that, sooner or later, the struggle must come -between himself and such a subject. <span class="sni">The King watches him.</span> -For a whole year -he kept his eye upon the Earl of Shropshire and all his -doings. Spies sent from the King watched all that he -did; every blameworthy act was carefully reported and -set down in writing.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1074" id="fnanchor_1074"></a><a href="#footnote_1074" class="fnanchor">[1074]</a></span> -A bulky volume, one would -think, must have been added to the library of the -learned King. At last the moment came when Henry -thought that it was time to act, and the form of action -which he took was one which followed more than one -precedent in earlier reigns. <span class="sni">Easter Gemót. April 6, 1102.</span> -The Easter Gemót was to -be held at Winchester. The King summoned Earl -Robert to appear before the Assembly, and to answer -openly on forty-five distinct charges of offences done -either against the King or against his brother the Duke.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1075" id="fnanchor_1075"></a><a href="#footnote_1075" class="fnanchor">[1075]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Robert asks a licence to be accompanied by his men.</span> -We do not read that Robert, like others in the like case -on earlier occasions, demanded a safe-conduct to go and -to return; but we do read that he demanded—​and it -is implied that the demand was an usual one—​a licence -to come accompanied by his men. <span class="sni">The licence is given.</span> -They were to serve, -we may suppose, either as compurgators or as defenders -by the strong hand, as things might turn out.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1076" id="fnanchor_1076"></a><a href="#footnote_1076" class="fnanchor">[1076]</a></span> - -The demand was granted; Earl Roger set forth; the King -and his barons were waiting for his coming at Winchester; -but he came not. <span class="sni">Robert does not come.</span> -On the road he changed his -mind; he knew that the result of any legal trial must be -<a name="Page_422" id="Page_422"></a><span class="pageno">422</span> -against him; he deemed, and doubtless with truth, that -he would be safer in his own strong castles than he -could be in the King’s court. He fled, we are told, -breathless and afraid, a description which does not -savour much of the fierce lord of Bellême. But at any -rate the King’s messenger had to report that the Earl of -Shropshire had gone elsewhere, and was not on his way -to obey the King’s summons.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1077" id="fnanchor_1077"></a><a href="#footnote_1077" class="fnanchor">[1077]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The King’s proclamation.</span> -Henry did not hurry; -he put forth a proclamation, declaring that the Earl, -lawfully charged with various crimes, had not come to -make his defence, and that, if he did not come at once to -do right—​to abide his trial—​he would be declared an -outlaw.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1078" id="fnanchor_1078"></a><a href="#footnote_1078" class="fnanchor">[1078]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He again summons Robert, who refuses to come.</span> -Along with the issue of the public proclamation, -the King, clearly anxious to give no occasion for -any man to say that the Earl had been harshly or informally -treated, sent him a second personal summons -to appear before the Assembly. This time Robert -directly refused to come,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1079" id="fnanchor_1079"></a><a href="#footnote_1079" class="fnanchor">[1079]</a></span> -and open war broke out. <span class="sni">The war begins.</span> -The -work of King Henry, as we have already heard, was to -destroy the ungodly within his kingdom.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1080" id="fnanchor_1080"></a><a href="#footnote_1080" class="fnanchor">[1080]</a></span> -He had to -<a name="Page_423" id="Page_423"></a><span class="pageno">423</span> -begin by doing that useful work on an offender whose -ungodliness was on the grandest scale of all.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Greatness of Robert’s possessions.</span> -The overweening greatness of the house of Montgomery -or Bellême, and the personal energy of its -members, is shown in the range both of warfare and -of negotiation which was opened by what was in its -beginning a mere legal process on the part of the King -of the English against an offending subject. We must -always remember that, whatever Robert was at Shrewsbury -or at Montgomery, at Bellême he was something -more than an ordinary vassal of either king or duke. -<span class="sni">His acquisition of Ponthieu.</span> -He had lately increased his continental power by taking -possession of the county of Ponthieu, the inheritance of -his son, who bore the name of his own maternal grandfather, -the terrible William Talvas.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1081" id="fnanchor_1081"></a><a href="#footnote_1081" class="fnanchor">[1081]</a></span> -The Earl of Shrewsbury -was thus entitled to deal with princes as one of -their own order. <span class="sni">His brothers Arnulf and Roger.</span> -He and the two best known of his -brothers, those whom we have already seen leagued -with him, Arnulf of Montgomery, lord of Pembroke, -and Roger of Poitou, once lord of the land between -Mersey and Ribble, were now again firmly joined together -against the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1082" id="fnanchor_1082"></a><a href="#footnote_1082" class="fnanchor">[1082]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Wide range of warfare and negotiation.</span> -And they contrived to draw no small part of Northern Europe into a partnership in -their private quarrel. That Robert of Bellême should -be able to get together a large body of Welsh allies is in -no way wonderful. He was indeed the sternest enemy -of their nation; <span class="sni">Welsh alliance of Robert.</span> but, among that divided people, enmity -on the part of one tribe or dynasty was a claim to support -on the part of another, and all tribes and dynasties -<a name="Page_424" id="Page_424"></a><span class="pageno">424</span> -forgot every enmity and every wrong when there was -a chance of harrying the fields and homes of the Saxon. -Welsh allies of the rebel Earl play an important part in -the story, and the more distant powers of Ireland and -Norway are also brought within its page.</p> - -<p>Just at this time the Welsh seem to have been -stronger and more united than usual. We have seen -that their momentary subjugation after the death of Earl -Hugh of Shropshire had led to a successful movement -while his successor was busy on the continent.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1083" id="fnanchor_1083"></a><a href="#footnote_1083" class="fnanchor">[1083]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Revolt in Gwynedd.</span> -The -men of Gwynedd could not bear Norman rule; whether -it took the form of law or of unlaw, it was equally -against the grain. Their leader now was Owen son of -Edwin, who, we are told, had been the first to bring the -French into Mona.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1084" id="fnanchor_1084"></a><a href="#footnote_1084" class="fnanchor">[1084]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Settlement of Gruffydd and of Cadwgan and his brothers.</span> -This was before the end of the year -of Earl Hugh’s death; it was in the next year that -Cadwgan and Gruffydd came back from their Irish -shelter.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1085" id="fnanchor_1085"></a><a href="#footnote_1085" class="fnanchor">[1085]</a></span> -The phrase of the Welsh writer, that they -came to terms with “the French,” must be understood -as referring to their relations with Robert of Bellême. -Cadwgan kept Ceredigion and a part of Powys, for which -he and his brothers Jorwerth and Meredydd became -the men of the Earl of Shropshire. Gruffydd seems to -have held Anglesey as a wholly independent prince; -there is at least no mention of vassalage in his case.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1086" id="fnanchor_1086"></a><a href="#footnote_1086" class="fnanchor">[1086]</a></span> -<a name="Page_425" id="Page_425"></a><span class="pageno">425</span> -<span class="sni">Robert calls on the Welsh for help;</span> -Earl Robert now called on his British vassals to help -him in his struggle with the King. As there is no sign -that they had become the men either of King Henry -or of any earlier king, the law of Salisbury did not -apply to them. <span class="sni">his gifts and promises.</span> -The promises of Robert of Bellême were -splendid; so were his gifts; he almost seems to have -won the help of the Britons by a promised restoration of -complete freedom to their country.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1087" id="fnanchor_1087"></a><a href="#footnote_1087" class="fnanchor">[1087]</a></span> -In the allies thus -drawn to his banners he professed the most boundless -trust. He put into their hands—​so the Welsh writer -tells us—​his wealth and his cattle, perhaps also, what a -Norman lord would specially value, the horses of noble -breed which he had brought over from Spain, and whose -race flourished in the land of Powys long after.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1088" id="fnanchor_1088"></a><a href="#footnote_1088" class="fnanchor">[1088]</a></span> -A great -and motley host was thus got together, which entered -zealously into the cause of the Earl, and did not pass by -so good an opportunity of finding great spoil.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1089" id="fnanchor_1089"></a><a href="#footnote_1089" class="fnanchor">[1089]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Arnulf’s dealings with Murtagh.</span> -Meanwhile the Earl’s brother Arnulf at once strengthened -the castle of Pembroke and looked further for allies -than the land of Ceredigion and Powys. By the hands -of his steward at Pembroke, Gerald of Windsor, he sent -to Ireland to King Murtagh, to ask for the king’s -daughter in marriage and for help in the struggle.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1090" id="fnanchor_1090"></a><a href="#footnote_1090" class="fnanchor">[1090]</a></span> -<a name="Page_426" id="Page_426"></a><span class="pageno">426</span> -<span class="sni">Negotiation with Magnus.</span> -From what followed, and from the connexion between -Murtagh and Magnus, we can hardly doubt that the -negotiations of Arnulf reached to Norway as well as to -Ireland, and that Magnus himself was a party to the -course which was at once followed by Murtagh. <span class="sni">Murtagh sends his daughter to Arnulf.</span> -The -Irish king promised his daughter to the lord of Pembroke, -in some sort his neighbour, and actually sent her -to her affianced husband on board a great fleet designed -to support the rebel cause.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1091" id="fnanchor_1091"></a><a href="#footnote_1091" class="fnanchor">[1091]</a></span></p> - -<p>King Henry had thus plenty of foes to strive against -in his work of bringing back the reign of law and order -in his kingdom. <span class="sni">Henry’s negotiation with Duke Robert.</span> -But he too could negotiate beyond sea; -he could stir up a diversion against the Count of Bellême -and Ponthieu, which might do something to weaken -the power of the Earl of Shropshire and lord of Arundel. -The King sent letters to his brother Duke Robert, setting -forth how Earl Robert had incurred forfeiture in the -dominions of both of them, and how he had treasonably -refused to appear in the general Assembly of England. -He called on his brother to do as he was doing himself, -and to smite the man who was a traitor to both his -lords with the vengeance that was his due.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1092" id="fnanchor_1092"></a><a href="#footnote_1092" class="fnanchor">[1092]</a></span> -The Duke -attempted something after his fashion, that is his fashion -in Normandy and not his fashion in Syria. The man -who had been foremost in the crusading host had on his -native soil sunk again into the feeble and half-hearted -ruler whom we knew of old. <span class="sni">Duke Robert besieges Vignats.</span> -Yet he did make an -attempt to subdue the castles which held out for Robert -of Bellême in the land of Hiesmes. He laid siege to -<a name="Page_427" id="Page_427"></a><span class="pageno">427</span> -Vignats, a castle lying south-east of Falaise, on a height -looking to the north, not far from one of the tributaries -of the Dive. It was an old possession of the house of -Talvas, and in the next generation it became the site of -an abbey of Benedictine nuns.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1093" id="fnanchor_1093"></a><a href="#footnote_1093" class="fnanchor">[1093]</a></span> -It was now held on -behalf of Robert of Bellême by a captain named Gerard -of Saint Hilary. The garrison, if their state of mind is -rightly described, wished the besiegers to make a fierce -assault that they might have an excuse for surrendering -without dishonour.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1094" id="fnanchor_1094"></a><a href="#footnote_1094" class="fnanchor">[1094]</a></span> -But, under the generalship of -Duke Robert on Norman ground, no fierce assault followed. -<span class="sni">Treason of Robert of Montfort and others.</span> -There were even traitors in the Duke’s camp. -Robert of the Norman Montfort, whom we have heard of -in the wars of Maine,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1095" id="fnanchor_1095"></a><a href="#footnote_1095" class="fnanchor">[1095]</a></span> -and other lords in the Duke’s -army, being, it would seem, in league with the rebels, -burned their quarters and fled, no man pursuing them. -They even constrained the loyal part of the army to flee -with them.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1096" id="fnanchor_1096"></a><a href="#footnote_1096" class="fnanchor">[1096]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Victory of the besieged.</span> -It was not wonderful then that the garrison -of Vignats plucked up heart, made a vigorous sally, and -chased the voluntary fliers with loud shouts.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1097" id="fnanchor_1097"></a><a href="#footnote_1097" class="fnanchor">[1097]</a></span> -A war -<a name="Page_428" id="Page_428"></a><span class="pageno">428</span> -followed, in which the whole land of Hiesmes was laid -waste. Not only Vignats, but Fourches, Argentan, and -Château-Gonthier further down the river, were all held -by the rebels. <span class="sni">Ravage of the Hiesmes.</span> -The loyal lords on both sides of the Oudon, -Robert of Grantmesnil, the other son of the old Sheriff of -Leicestershire, his brother-in-law Hugh of Mont-Pizon, -and his other brother-in-law, Robert of Courcy, strove -in vain to defend their lands. But the rebels were too -strong for them, and the whole of that district of Normandy -was laid waste with havoc of every kind.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1098" id="fnanchor_1098"></a><a href="#footnote_1098" class="fnanchor">[1098]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Robert of Bellême strengthens his castles. Works at Bridgenorth.</span> -King Henry managed matters better in his island. -The rebel Earl put all his castles in a state of defence. -Arundel, Shrewsbury, and Tickhill, were all garrisoned, -all supplied with provisions. So too was the Castle by -the Bridge, where, as well as at Careghova, the works, still, -it would seem, not wholly finished, were pressed on by -day and night.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1099" id="fnanchor_1099"></a><a href="#footnote_1099" class="fnanchor">[1099]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The King’s plans.</span> -The King had to choose which fortress -he would attack first. His plan seems to have been first -to cut off Robert’s outlying possessions, before he made -any attack on the strongholds of his power on the -Welsh border. <span class="sni">He besieges Arundel.</span> -And, first of all, he led his force—​the -host of England it is emphatically called—​to the siege -of the Earl’s great South-Saxon castle, that which lay -open to the chance of help from the supporters of the -<a name="Page_429" id="Page_429"></a><span class="pageno">429</span> -rebel cause in Normandy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1100" id="fnanchor_1100"></a><a href="#footnote_1100" class="fnanchor">[1100]</a></span> -The King marched to Arundel; -he set up, after the usual fashion, two evil neighbours -to keep the fortress in check.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1101" id="fnanchor_1101"></a><a href="#footnote_1101" class="fnanchor">[1101]</a></span> -He then gave part -of his army leave of absence while the work of blockade -went on.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1102" id="fnanchor_1102"></a><a href="#footnote_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Truce with the besieged.</span> -The zeal of the defenders of Arundel in the -cause of their rebel lord does not seem to have been -strong; but they had a keen sense either of the honour -of soldiers or of the duty of vassals. This last, to be -sure, was a mistaken sense, according to the laws of -England, above all according to the great law of -Salisbury. They craved a truce, during which they -might ask Earl Robert either to send them help or -to give them leave to surrender. Robert was far away -in his Mercian earldom, busy on two works. <span class="sni">Robert and Arnulf harry Staffordshire.</span> -The -defences of Bridgenorth were strengthening day by day, -and Robert and Arnulf, at the head of their <em>Gal-Welsh</em> -and <em>Bret-Welsh</em> forces—​it is significantly hinted that -Englishmen had no share in the evil work—​were harrying -the neighbouring parts of Staffordshire. A great -booty of cattle, and some human captives, were carried -<a name="Page_430" id="Page_430"></a><span class="pageno">430</span> -off into Wales, the price of the help given by Cadwgan -and his brother.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1103" id="fnanchor_1103"></a><a href="#footnote_1103" class="fnanchor">[1103]</a></span> -The messengers from Arundel found -their lord at some stage of these employments, and set -forth to him the danger in which they stood from the -King’s leaguer. <span class="sni">Terms of the surrender of Arundel.</span> -Mournful, but feeling himself unable to -send help to so distant a post, Robert of Bellême gave -his garrison of Arundel full leave to make what terms -they could with the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1104" id="fnanchor_1104"></a><a href="#footnote_1104" class="fnanchor">[1104]</a></span> -They surrendered at once -and with great joy; but they honourably stipulated that -their lord Earl Robert should be allowed to go safe into -Normandy. The King received them graciously and rewarded -them with rich gifts.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1105" id="fnanchor_1105"></a><a href="#footnote_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a></span> -Arundel passed into the -royal hands, to become in the next reign the seat of a -more abiding earldom in the hands of the famous houses -of Aubigny and Fitzalan, and to pass through them to -the more modern, but perhaps more English, line of -Howard.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1106" id="fnanchor_1106"></a><a href="#footnote_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431"></a><span class="pageno">431</span> -The surrender of Arundel took away all fear lest any -help should come to Robert of Bellême from his Norman -partisans. But before the King made any movement -towards the lands on the Severn, he marched far to the -north-east, to the lands watered by the tributaries of the -northern Ouse, on the borders of Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire. -<span class="sni">Surrender of Tickhill.</span> -Here the mound of Tickhill was still -held for the rebel Earl, and the new gate-house of his -predecessor’s building still frowned defiance in the teeth -of any advancing enemy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1107" id="fnanchor_1107"></a><a href="#footnote_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a></span> -But Tickhill proved yet an -easier conquest than Arundel. It needed no <span class="title">Malvoisin</span>, -no messages sent to Shrewsbury or Bridgenorth, to persuade -its garrison to surrender. <span class="sni">Question of the King’s presence.</span> -According to one version, -the siege was not even deemed worthy of the royal -presence. While Henry himself marched to the greater -enterprise at Bridgenorth, a spiritual lord was deemed to -be captain enough for the siege of Tickhill. <span class="sni">Action of Robert Bloet.</span> -The work -to be done there was entrusted to the hands of Bishop -Robert of Lincoln.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1108" id="fnanchor_1108"></a><a href="#footnote_1108" class="fnanchor">[1108]</a></span> -According to another version, which -is perhaps not quite inconsistent with the other, the -King himself appeared before Tickhill, and the garrison -at once marched forth with all readiness to meet their -natural lord--<em>cynehlaford</em> to Normans and Englishmen -alike, <em>cynehlaford</em> above all to Yorkshiremen, if he was -really born in their shire—​and received him with all -fitting joy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1109" id="fnanchor_1109"></a><a href="#footnote_1109" class="fnanchor">[1109]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Later history of Tickhill.</span> -The castle of Tickhill or Blyth passed back -<a name="Page_432" id="Page_432"></a><span class="pageno">432</span> -again for a while to the kinsfolk of its former owner, -and afterwards became a possession of the Crown.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1110" id="fnanchor_1110"></a><a href="#footnote_1110" class="fnanchor">[1110]</a></span> -A -collegiate chapel was founded within its walls by the first -Queen Eleanor, and in the reign of her son Richard the -ground between Tickhill and Blyth became the special -scene of fantastic displays of chivalrous rashness.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1111" id="fnanchor_1111"></a><a href="#footnote_1111" class="fnanchor">[1111]</a></span> -There was no licensed tournament-ground at Tickhill or -elsewhere in the days of the King who made peace for -man and deer.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1112" id="fnanchor_1112"></a><a href="#footnote_1112" class="fnanchor">[1112]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Henry’s Shropshire campaign. Autumn, 1102.</span> -The more distant possessions of the rebel Earl were -thus brought under the King’s obedience. The peace of -King Henry reigned in Sussex, in Yorkshire, and in -Nottinghamshire. Now came the time for attacking the -special strongholds of Robert’s own earldom; the stage -of attacking himself was to come last of all. After the surrender of Arundel and Tickhill, the King allowed his -men a breathing-time;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1113" id="fnanchor_1113"></a><a href="#footnote_1113" class="fnanchor">[1113]</a></span> -then, in the course of the autumn, he gathered together the forces of all England -for the final overthrow of the rebellion. -<span class="sni">Robert of Bellême at Shrewsbury. Defence of Bridgenorth.</span> -Robert of Bellême had chosen his capital of Shrewsbury as the -post which he would defend himself. His new fortress -of Bridgenorth he placed in the hands of three chosen -captains, at the head of eighty mercenary knights, -attended doubtless by a fitting following of lower degree.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1114" id="fnanchor_1114"></a><a href="#footnote_1114" class="fnanchor">[1114]</a></span> -Of the three leaders, Robert son of Corbet—​a -<a name="Page_433" id="Page_433"></a><span class="pageno">433</span> -name which was to become abiding in those parts—​was -a hereditary follower of the house of Montgomery; <span class="sni">The three captains. Robert son of Corbet.</span> -he appears in Domesday as the holder of a large estate -under Earl Roger.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1115" id="fnanchor_1115"></a><a href="#footnote_1115" class="fnanchor">[1115]</a></span> -To another captain, Robert <em>de Nova -Villa</em>, we have no certain clue; Neuvevilles and Newtons -abound in Normandy and England; he may or he may -not have been a forefather of the historic Nevilles. <span class="sni">Robert Neville? Wulfgar the huntsman.</span> -The -third awakens more interest; his name seems to be -English; he is Wulfgar the huntsman.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1116" id="fnanchor_1116"></a><a href="#footnote_1116" class="fnanchor">[1116]</a></span> -Nor is there -the slightest reason to think that Robert of Bellême -would reject the services of a born Englishman in any -post, if the man himself seemed likely to suit his purpose. -These three, with the regular force at their command, -had to defend the Castle by the Bridge; <span class="sni">Action of the Welsh princes.</span> -the -Welsh princes, Cadwgan and Jorwerth, with their less -disciplined bands, were planted in the neighbourhood, to -annoy the King’s troops, as they might find occasion.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1117" id="fnanchor_1117"></a><a href="#footnote_1117" class="fnanchor">[1117]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434"></a><span class="pageno">434</span> -<span class="sni">Robert of Bellême seizes the land of William Pantulf.</span> -But, while Earl Robert knew how to make use of the -services of Robert the son of Corbet, he had the folly to -make an enemy of another old follower of his father. -He had already, for what cause we are not told, seized the -lands of William Pantulf, who appears in Domesday as -holding under Earl Roger a great estate in Shropshire, -a small one in Staffordshire, and an empty house in the -town of Stafford.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1118" id="fnanchor_1118"></a><a href="#footnote_1118" class="fnanchor">[1118]</a></span> -<span class="sni">He rejects his services.</span> -He was a tried and valiant warrior, -and he now, forgetting his late wrongs, offered his services -to the son of his old benefactor in his time of need. -<span class="sni">William Pantulf joins the King.</span> -Earl Robert thrust him aside with scorn, on which -William betook himself to the King, by whom his merits -were better valued. Henry had known him of old, and -now gladly received him. <span class="sni">He commands at Stafford;</span> -William Pantulf was sent at -the head of two hundred knights, to command the castle -of Stafford, a castle which had risen and fallen in the -<a name="Page_435" id="Page_435"></a><span class="pageno">435</span> -days of the Conqueror, and which must have by this -time risen again.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1119" id="fnanchor_1119"></a><a href="#footnote_1119" class="fnanchor">[1119]</a></span> -The local knowledge and interest of -William Pantulf in the two neighbouring shires seems to -have stood him in good stead. <span class="sni">his services.</span> -He acted vigorously -against the lord who had scorned him, and no one, we -are told, did more towards bringing about the final -overthrow of the proud Earl.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1120" id="fnanchor_1120"></a><a href="#footnote_1120" class="fnanchor">[1120]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Relation of Normans and English.</span> -And now we get one of our most instructive pictures -of the time, and of the difference of feeling among men -of the time. We distinctly see the difference of feeling -between Normans and English. But they are no longer -labelled as Normans and English, as they were only a -year before. They are spoken of simply as different -classes in one army. Six-and-thirty years after the day -of Senlac, we are but seldom dealing with the men who -fought for Harold or for William; we have come to their -sons or even their grandsons. <span class="sni">Division of feeling in the army.</span> -But the great men of the -army and the small men, of whom the former class would -be all but wholly Norman, while the latter would be -Normans and English intermingled in various proportions, -had quite different views as to the proper policy -for King Henry to follow. And King Henry’s own views -agreed with the views of the small men, and not with -the views of the great. <span class="sni">Siege of Bridgenorth. The King builds a <span class="title">Malvoisin</span>.</span> -The army was gathered before -Bridgenorth, and a regular siege was opened. The King -brought up his engines of war; he built a fort to check the -approach of any relief to the castle<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1121" id="fnanchor_1121"></a><a href="#footnote_1121" class="fnanchor">[1121]</a></span>—​was it on Oldbury, -was it on the northern side, beyond the surviving gate of -the town, or did it guard the river from the opposite side -<a name="Page_436" id="Page_436"></a><span class="pageno">436</span> -of the bridge? The siege lasted three weeks;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1122" id="fnanchor_1122"></a><a href="#footnote_1122" class="fnanchor">[1122]</a></span> -and the -course of events shows that it cannot have been at any -very late stage of it that King Henry found that he had -in his camp two widely different classes of men. There -were in it men who were working honestly in his service, -men who strove heartily for his success, knowing that -the interests of King and people were the same. There -were also men there to whom the interests of their own -order were dearer than those of either King or people, -and who feared that the overthrow of the power of the -Earl of Shropshire might tend to the lessening of their -own power, perhaps of their own possessions. We have -seen the same division of feeling before the walls of -Rochester;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1123" id="fnanchor_1123"></a><a href="#footnote_1123" class="fnanchor">[1123]</a></span> -we now see it beneath the cliff of Bridgenorth. -<span class="sni">The great men lean to Robert of Bellême.</span> -The earls and great men of the kingdom who -were in the army came together in separate consultations. -They argued that it was not for their interest -that the power of Robert of Bellême should be utterly -broken. If the King dealt so with the greatest of his -nobles, he might deal in the like sort with the rest, and -might tread them under his feet like servants and handmaidens.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1124" id="fnanchor_1124"></a><a href="#footnote_1124" class="fnanchor">[1124]</a></span> -It would suit them far better to bring about -a peace between the King and the Earl. It would have -been, one may guess, a peace by which Robert of Bellême -should keep his earldom and the castles within his -earldom, but should leave to the King the castles and -<a name="Page_437" id="Page_437"></a><span class="pageno">437</span> -lands which the King had already won. In this way -they would put an end to disputes, and would make -both the King and the Earl their debtors.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1125" id="fnanchor_1125"></a><a href="#footnote_1125" class="fnanchor">[1125]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">The smaller men, Normans and English, faithful to the King.</span> -So reasoned the great men, the Norman nobles, the -men to most of whom Robert of Bellême was a countryman -and a comrade, and none of whom were likely to -have felt the grip of his iron claws<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1126" id="fnanchor_1126"></a><a href="#footnote_1126" class="fnanchor">[1126]</a></span> -in their own persons. -So reasoned not the sons of the soil; so reasoned -not men of any race who were lowly enough to feel that -in the power of the King—​that is in Henry’s days, the -power of law—​lay their only hope of shelter against -smaller oppressors. <span class="sni">Meeting of the nobles.</span> -The great men came together in a -field—​perhaps in the meadows beside the Severn—​and -there held a <em>parliament</em> with the King—​a meeting, one -might say, of the Witan from which the land-sitting -men were shut out—​and earnestly pressed peace upon -the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1127" id="fnanchor_1127"></a><a href="#footnote_1127" class="fnanchor">[1127]</a></span> -Henry’s own feelings were clearly the other -way; and those who were shut out from the counsels of -the great ones now came to his help. <span class="sni">Gathering of the mass of the army.</span> -Three thousand -men of the mass of the army, men seemingly of the -shire most nearly concerned, who were stationed on one -of the neighbouring hills, knew, by whatever means, the -counsel of the leaders, and were minded to have their -voice in the matter too.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1128" id="fnanchor_1128"></a><a href="#footnote_1128" class="fnanchor">[1128]</a></span> -If the King chose to hold a -military Gemót, an assembly of the armed nation,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1129" id="fnanchor_1129"></a><a href="#footnote_1129" class="fnanchor">[1129]</a></span> -they -<a name="Page_438" id="Page_438"></a><span class="pageno">438</span> -had a right to be heard as well as men of higher degree. -At Rochester too the English soldiers had spoken their -minds; but to the Red King they must have spoken -them through an interpreter. But Henry knew the -tongue of his people, and we may fancy him not unwilling -to listen to counsels which he could hear and -weigh, while the mass of those of whom he had reason -to be jealous understood not what was said. <span class="sni">Appeal of the army to the King.</span> -A vigorous -speech, which doubtless fairly represents the feelings of the -moment, is put into the mouths of the three thousand or -their leaders; “Lord King Henry, trust not those traitors. -They do but strive to deceive you, and to take away -from you the strength of kingly justice. Why do you -listen to them who would have you spare the traitor -and leave unpunished the conspiracy of those who seek -your death? Behold we all stand by you faithfully; -we are ready to serve and help you in all things. Attack -the castle vigorously; shut in the traitor on all sides, and -make no peace with him till you have him alive or dead -in your hands.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1130" id="fnanchor_1130"></a><a href="#footnote_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a></span> -The speakers do not call, as the English -before Rochester called in the case of Odo, for the judicial -death of the traitor. <span class="sni">Henry’s faith pledged for Robert’s life.</span> -The faith of Henry was pledged to -the garrison of Arundel that Robert of Bellême should -be allowed to go safe into Normandy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1131" id="fnanchor_1131"></a><a href="#footnote_1131" class="fnanchor">[1131]</a></span> -But the three -thousand clearly cherished a hope, perhaps that Robert’s -own men might turn against him, certainly that, when -Bridgenorth should fall and Shrewsbury should be beleagued, -then some lucky bolt from an arrow or a -mangonel might light on him before the time of surrender -came, or, best of all for those who had felt his -iron claws, that he might fall beneath one of their own -axes in a sally or a storm.</p> - -<p><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439"></a><span class="pageno">439</span> -<span class="sni">Henry seeks to detach the Welsh from Robert.</span> -The King listened to the counsels of his advisers of -lower degree, but of more honest hearts. King and -people were one, and the designs of the traitors in the -camp were brought to naught.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1132" id="fnanchor_1132"></a><a href="#footnote_1132" class="fnanchor">[1132]</a></span> -First of all, Henry -determined to weaken the strength of Robert, and no -doubt to relieve his own army from a never-ending -annoyance, by detaching the Welsh force from the cause -of the rebels. <span class="sni">Dealings of William Pantulf with Jorwerth.</span> -William Pantulf, who was doubtless well -known to the Britons, acted as the King’s agent with Jorwerth -son of Bleddyn. We are not told why he was -thought more easy to win over than his brothers; but it -seems plain that the negotiation was carried on with -him only, unknown to Cadwgan and Meredydd.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1133" id="fnanchor_1133"></a><a href="#footnote_1133" class="fnanchor">[1133]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Henry’s great promises to Jorwerth.</span> -The -King invited Jorwerth to his presence, with the assurance -that he would do more for him than Earl Robert -and his brothers could do.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1134" id="fnanchor_1134"></a><a href="#footnote_1134" class="fnanchor">[1134]</a></span> -Jorwerth came; the gifts of -King Henry were acceptable; his promises were magnificent -indeed. As long as Henry lived—​it was wise -not to bind his successor—​the British prince should -<a name="Page_440" id="Page_440"></a><span class="pageno">440</span> -have, free of all homage and all tribute, Powys, Ceredigion, -half Dyfed with the castle of Pembroke, the vale -of Teifi, Kidwelly, and Gower.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1135" id="fnanchor_1135"></a><a href="#footnote_1135" class="fnanchor">[1135]</a></span> -Such a dominion would -give its holder a seaboard on two seas; it would leave -under English rule little beyond the central and southern -lands of Brecheiniog, Gwent, and Morganwg, and the -outlying land of Pembroke, which would thus be most -distinctly “Little England beyond Wales.” We are not -told what was to be the fate of Cadwgan when Jorwerth -received this great inheritance; but Jorwerth himself -naturally caught at such a prospect. <span class="sni">Jorwerth makes the Welsh change sides.</span> -And it seems that -his power over his countrymen was so great that, while -his brothers knew nothing of what was going on, Jorwerth -was able to turn the whole British force which -had come to the Earl’s help to the side of the King. -The Welshmen now harried the lands of the Earl and -his friends instead of those of his enemies, and carried -off a vast booty.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1136" id="fnanchor_1136"></a><a href="#footnote_1136" class="fnanchor">[1136]</a></span> -In any case the lands of some one -were harried, and for the Britons that was doubtless -enough.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Henry’s dealings with the captains at Bridgenorth.</span> -Having thus relieved himself of the enemy who hung -upon his flanks, Henry began to deal directly with the -defenders of Bridgenorth. Three of the leaders—​we may -safely guess that Roger son of Corbet, Robert of Neville, -and Wulfgar, are the three meant—​were invited to the -King’s presence. They doubtless had a safe-conduct for -that once; but they had to take back an ugly message -to their comrades. The King swore in the hearing of all -men that, unless they surrendered the castle within three -<a name="Page_441" id="Page_441"></a><span class="pageno">441</span> -days, he would hang every man of the garrison that he -could catch.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1137" id="fnanchor_1137"></a><a href="#footnote_1137" class="fnanchor">[1137]</a></span> -The three captains, whose necks were in -as much danger as those of their followers, began to consult -for their own safety. <span class="sni">Mediation of William Pantulf.</span> -They asked William Pantulf, -as their neighbour, to act as a mediator between them -and the King.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1138" id="fnanchor_1138"></a><a href="#footnote_1138" class="fnanchor">[1138]</a></span> -At their request, he came to them, and -made them a set speech on the duty of surrendering the -castle to the lawful king. And his eloquence was backed -by one special argument which shows that, in one point -at least, Henry had made some progress in the school -of Rufus. William was commissioned to swear in the -King’s name that submission should be rewarded by an -addition to the estates of each of the captains of lands -of a hundred pounds’ worth.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1139" id="fnanchor_1139"></a><a href="#footnote_1139" class="fnanchor">[1139]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The captains promise to surrender.</span> -Moved, we are told, by a -sense of the common good, the captains agreed, and, to -avoid all further danger, submitted to the King’s will.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1140" id="fnanchor_1140"></a><a href="#footnote_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a></span> -They were allowed to send a message to Earl Robert to -say that they could hold out no longer against the invincible -power of King Henry.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1141" id="fnanchor_1141"></a><a href="#footnote_1141" class="fnanchor">[1141]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="sni">Position of Robert.</span> -Robert of Bellême was now nearly at the end of his -hopes and of his wits. His distant castles were lost; -Bridgenorth, his own work, his newest work, was as -good as lost; William Pantulf, able and active, had -<a name="Page_442" id="Page_442"></a><span class="pageno">442</span> -turned against him; his Welsh allies had failed him; -Cadwgan and Meredydd were still at his side;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1142" id="fnanchor_1142"></a><a href="#footnote_1142" class="fnanchor">[1142]</a></span> -but they -were useless guests now that Jorwerth had turned the -whole power of the Britons to the other side. He still -held Shrewsbury; but it was hard to defy the strength -of the whole kingdom from within the walls of a single -fortress. <span class="sni">His dealings with Ireland and Norway.</span> In his despair, he caught at the hope of making -his peace with the King;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1143" id="fnanchor_1143"></a><a href="#footnote_1143" class="fnanchor">[1143]</a></span> -he caught also at the most -distant chances of stirring up enemies against the King. -The Britons had proved a broken reed; he would try the -Irish and the Northmen. The Irish fleet was said to be -actually coming; <span class="sni">Arnulf goes to Ireland.</span> -Arnulf was sent, or went of his own -accord, to hasten the pace of these new allies, who, beside -such help as they might give to Robert, were to -bring Arnulf himself a wife who might one day give him -a crown. But as Arnulf took his own men with him, -Robert was yet further weakened by his going.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1144" id="fnanchor_1144"></a><a href="#footnote_1144" class="fnanchor">[1144]</a></span> -At this -moment one more chance seemed to offer itself. <span class="sni">Magnus in Anglesey.</span> -The -Norwegian King was once more afloat, and that for the -last time. His course was much the same as on his -former voyage. He sailed by the Orkneys and the -Sudereys to Man, and thence once more to Anglesey.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1145" id="fnanchor_1145"></a><a href="#footnote_1145" class="fnanchor">[1145]</a></span> -<span class="sni">His castle-building in Man.</span> -Here, we are told, he busied himself in cutting down -timber for the repair of certain castles in Man which he -had formerly destroyed. It must have been at this -<a name="Page_443" id="Page_443"></a><span class="pageno">443</span> -stage of the voyage of Magnus that Earl Robert sent a -message craving help at his hands. It must have cost -Robert somewhat of an effort to ask help of the slayer -of his brother, <span class="sni">Robert vainly asks help of Magnus.</span> -and, unless we attribute to the Norwegian -King a general interest in confusion everywhere, it is -hard to see on what ground Magnus could be expected -to help Robert of Bellême against King Henry. The -Northman refused all help. <span class="sni">Failure of the Irish scheme.</span> -It would seem too that the -Irish alliance came to nothing; one version at least -makes this the moment when the daughter of Murtagh -was given to Sigurd the son of Magnus, and not to -Arnulf of Montgomery.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1146" id="fnanchor_1146"></a><a href="#footnote_1146" class="fnanchor">[1146]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Robert of Bellême left alone.</span> -Every chance of help far and -near had failed the once mighty lord of so many lands -and castles; his old friends had turned against him; his -strivings to win new friends had failed. As far as England -was concerned, Earl Robert seemed to be left alone -on the mound of Shrewsbury.</p> - -<p><span class="sni">Divisions in Bridgenorth;</span> -And yet for a moment one hope seemed left to him. -The message of the three captains which announced the -speedy surrender of Bridgenorth was premature. Roger, -Robert, and Wulfgar, had promised more than they -could do at the moment. There was a wide difference -of interest between two classes of men who stood side -by side on the height of Bridgenorth. <span class="sni">the captains and the townsmen for surrender;</span> -The captains and -the burgesses of the town—​for such a class had already -in the space of four years sprung up at the gate of Earl -Robert’s castle<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1147" id="fnanchor_1147"></a><a href="#footnote_1147" class="fnanchor">[1147]</a></span>—​were of one mind, the mercenary soldiers -were of another. The three captains, the townsmen, -and doubtless any of the Earl’s soldiers of whatever -rank who were English by birth or settlement, any who -<a name="Page_444" id="Page_444"></a><span class="pageno">444</span> -had any stake on English soil, were eager to come to -terms with the King. So to do was their manifold interest -and manifest duty; it was a special interest and -duty of the captains who had promised so to do, and -who looked for such rich rewards for so doing. <span class="sni">the mercenaries wish to hold out.</span> -But to -the mercenary soldiers of Earl Robert, professional fighting -men picked out from many lands, things had another -look. They had no stake in England; they cared nothing -for King Henry and for the peace of his kingdom. -The more the peace of England was likely to be disturbed, -the better it would be for them. Any glimmering -of duty which found a place in their minds would -be a feeling of rude faithfulness to the master whom -they served, the rebel Earl whose bread they had eaten. -The mercenaries therefore cried out loudly against the -submission to which, without taking them into their -counsels, the captains and the townsmen had agreed. -They seized their arms, and strove to hinder the carrying -out of the surrender which had been promised.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1148" id="fnanchor_1148"></a><a href="#footnote_1148" class="fnanchor">[1148]</a></span> -<span class="sni">They are overpowered.</span> -But the -captains, with the townsmen and the loyal party in the -garrison, were too strong for them; they were themselves -made prisoners and shut up within some one part of the -castle.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1149" id="fnanchor_1149"></a><a href="#footnote_1149" class="fnanchor">[1149]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Surrender of Bridgenorth.</span> -The surrender was now carried out; the gates -were opened; the royal troops marched up the path -which led to the castle, and the banner of England again -floated over the height crowned by the stronghold of -Æthelflæd.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1150" id="fnanchor_1150"></a><a href="#footnote_1150" class="fnanchor">[1150]</a></span> -The joy of the men of Bridgenorth was -great, and on that day of deliverance no man was inclined -to harshness. King Henry could honour the -faithfulness of the Earl’s mercenaries to their own lord, -even though that faithfulness was, in the eye of the law, -<a name="Page_445" id="Page_445"></a><span class="pageno">445</span> -treason to himself and his kingdom. <span class="sni">The mercenaries march out with the honours of war.</span> -They were allowed -to go forth with the honours of war, with their arms and -their horses. Whither they went we are not told. They -may even have entered the King’s service. The prudence -of Henry might be trusted not to let them go anywhither -where they were likely to be dangerous. And, -as they came forth between the ranks of the besiegers, -they were allowed to tell their tale in the hearing of all -men. It was not, they said, to be turned to the shame -of their calling that the Castle by the Bridge had been -given up without a blow. They were guiltless; the -deed was done by the guile of faithless captains and -of unwarlike townsmen.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1151" id="fnanchor_1151"></a><a href="#footnote_1151" class="fnanchor">[1151]</a></span> -King and people might admire, -in truth there is something to admire, in the mistaken -faithfulness of these men, even to an evil cause. -But King and people had still work on their hands; the -arch-enemy had still to be found, alive or dead, in the -last stronghold which held out for him.</p> - -<p class="p2">And now came the last act of the drama, the last -stage of the struggle which was to make Henry truly -king, and to give England three-and-thirty years of -peace under his rule. <span class="sni">Robert still holds Shrewsbury.</span> With the news of the fall of -Bridgenorth all hope passed away from the heart of Robert -of Bellême. One strong fortress indeed was still -his. -Earl of the Mercians, Earl of Shropshire, he could -call himself no longer; lord of Shrewsbury he still was, -while he still kept the castle of his capital as the last -abiding seat of rebellion. <span class="sni">Shrewsbury castle.</span> -All the distinctive features -<a name="Page_446" id="Page_446"></a><span class="pageno">446</span> -of Shrewsbury in later times, town, churches, castle, -abbey, were all there. On the neck of the peninsula -girded by the Severn, on ground high in itself though -lower than some points of the hill town behind it, the -mound of Old-English days which had supplanted the -old seat of British kingship, and which was now crowned -by the fortress of his father, still was his.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1152" id="fnanchor_1152"></a><a href="#footnote_1152" class="fnanchor">[1152]</a></span> -Its towers -rose as high as the loftiest buildings of the town which -they kept in awe; from their height he might look -forth on the mountain land which had been won for his -earldom by his father’s power; he might look down on -the broad and rushing river, and on his father’s minster -beyond its stream.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1153" id="fnanchor_1153"></a><a href="#footnote_1153" class="fnanchor">[1153]</a></span> -But the mountain land, so lately his -ally, had now turned against him; the stream of Severn -brought no help to the beleaguered fortress; no prayers, -we may be sure, went up for the son of Mabel from the -altars whose guardians had seen the virtues and tasted -the bounty of Adeliza. <span class="sni">Despair of Robert.</span> -The stern earl, thus utterly forsaken, -lost his fierce and defiant spirit; he groaned for -sorrow; he knew not which way to turn for help or -counsel.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1154" id="fnanchor_1154"></a><a href="#footnote_1154" class="fnanchor">[1154]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The King’s march to Shrewsbury.</span> And soon he felt that his hour indeed was -come, when he saw the royal banners draw near to his -last stronghold. As soon as Bridgenorth had fallen, -the march on Shrewsbury began. A mighty host it -was which set forth on the errand of deliverance. <span class="sni">Gathering of the English army.</span> -We -take the figures as merely the conventional expression -of a vast number, when we read that sixty thousand -Englishmen gathered around the standard of King Henry -<a name="Page_447" id="Page_447"></a><span class="pageno">447</span> -of England.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1155" id="fnanchor_1155"></a><a href="#footnote_1155" class="fnanchor">[1155]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Zeal of the troops.</span> -They marched with a will, eager to meet the -great oppressor face to face, to bring the last stronghold -of wrong under the dominion of law, to join in their -king’s work of rooting out the ungodly that were in the -land. Englishmen had gone forth with a will to the siege -of Rochester, perhaps to the siege of Bamburgh; but then -they had gone forth at the bidding of a king who was -wholly a stranger. Now they gathered around a king, -born indeed of the foreign stock, but a king of their own -choice, born on their own soil, cheering them on in their -own tongue, a king whom they might well deem a truer -Ætheling than the grandson of Ironside born in distant -Hungary or than the son of Harold brought up among -the wikings of the North. <span class="sni">Nature of the road.</span> -The road by which they had -to march was one which had dangers of its own. It was -a road among hills, sometimes rough with stones; in -one part it was for a mile’s space a mere hollow way, -overhung by a thick wood, a path so narrow that two -horses could hardly pass, a path which men called the -<em>Evil Hedge</em>. Among the trees on either side archers might -easily lurk, to the no small loss of the host which had to -march between two fires.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1156" id="fnanchor_1156"></a><a href="#footnote_1156" class="fnanchor">[1156]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The road is cleared.</span> -The King accordingly first -sent forward his pioneers to clear the way for his army -and for all travellers along that road for ever. The -wood was cut down on both sides, the path was widened, -and the evil hedge became a broad road along which the -great host of England could march in safety.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1157" id="fnanchor_1157"></a><a href="#footnote_1157" class="fnanchor">[1157]</a></span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448"></a><span class="pageno">448</span> -Along the new-made road King Henry marched to a -bloodless conquest. He had no need to throw up a -bank or to shoot an arrow against the mound and -the towers of Shrewsbury. <span class="sni">Robert sends to ask for peace.</span> -On his way he was met by -an embassy from Earl Robert, asking for peace. The -terms are not told us, but the answer implied that -Robert still asked for terms. He may have hoped, -shut out as he was from everything else, still to -keep the capital of his earldom, perhaps as a means for -one day winning back all that he had lost. <span class="sni">The King refuses terms.</span> -But the -King and his host were in no mood to listen to terms; -they longed for the last attack on the arch-enemy. The -answer, the decree, as we read it, of the armed Gemót, -was that Robert of Bellême must hope for no mercy, -unless he came and freely threw himself into the King’s -hands.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1158" id="fnanchor_1158"></a><a href="#footnote_1158" class="fnanchor">[1158]</a></span> -In that case, it will be remembered, the King’s -word was pledged for his life and his safe passage to -Normandy. Robert consulted the few friends whom he -had left, and their advice at last bent his proud heart -to an unconditional submission. Nine days had passed -since the surrender of Bridgenorth<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1159" id="fnanchor_1159"></a><a href="#footnote_1159" class="fnanchor">[1159]</a></span> -when the royal force -drew near to Shrewsbury. <span class="sni">Robert submits at discretion.</span> -Robert of Bellême came -forth in person to meet them; he knelt, we may suppose, -before the King; he confessed his treason, and placed in -the King’s hands the keys of Shrewsbury, city and -castle. He thus gave up for ever his last English possession, -the head of that great earldom which his father had -received from the hands of the King’s father.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1160" id="fnanchor_1160"></a><a href="#footnote_1160" class="fnanchor">[1160]</a></span> -As far as -<a name="Page_449" id="Page_449"></a><span class="pageno">449</span> -England was concerned, the lord of Bellême, a moment -before lord of Shrewsbury, was a landless man. <span class="sni">He is sent out of England.</span> -The -King strictly kept his word to the suppliant; but he -would not grant him the slightest favour beyond what -his word bound him to. Robert was untouched in life -and limb, he received a safe-conduct to the sea-shore, and -he was allowed to keep his arms and horses, a needful -defence in case of irregular attack.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1161" id="fnanchor_1161"></a><a href="#footnote_1161" class="fnanchor">[1161]</a></span> -And so the land -was free from its worst enemy; the devil of Bellême was -cast out of the realm of England. Evil men no doubt -were left behind; but none, we may believe, who would -refuse to ransom his prisoners, for the mere pleasure of -seeing them die of hunger or of torture.</p> - -<p>The work was done; the host of victorious Englishmen -marched back to their homes.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1162" id="fnanchor_1162"></a><a href="#footnote_1162" class="fnanchor">[1162]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Joy at Robert’s overthrow.</span> -The joy of the land -at the great deliverance was beyond words. The tyrant -was overthrown, the King was now king indeed. The -national joy is set before us as bursting forth in a kind -of rhythmical song, which reminds us of those fragments -of primæval poetry which remain imbedded in -the history of the Hebrews. We hear the same strain -as that which denounced woe to Moab and rejoiced in -the undoing of the people of Chemosh,<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1163" id="fnanchor_1163"></a><a href="#footnote_1163" class="fnanchor">[1163]</a></span> -when Englishmen -<a name="Page_450" id="Page_450"></a><span class="pageno">450</span> -are described as gathering round their King, and -shouting the hymn of victory. <span class="sni">The song of deliverance.</span> -“Rejoice, King Henry, -and give thanks to the Lord God, <a name="line450_3" id="line450_3"></a>now that thou hast -overthrown Robert of Bellême and hast driven him from -the borders of thy kingdom.”<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1164" id="fnanchor_1164"></a><a href="#footnote_1164" class="fnanchor">[1164]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Banishment of Arnulf and Roger.</span> -Nor was he driven forth -alone. The King had good grounds for the banishment -of his chief accomplices, his two brothers Arnulf and -Roger, and for the seizure of their lands.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1165" id="fnanchor_1165"></a><a href="#footnote_1165" class="fnanchor">[1165]</a></span> -<span class="sni">The King’s hatred towards the whole family.</span> -His hatred -towards the whole house of Montgomery, or rather -towards the whole house of Talvas, had become so great -that he would not endure that any member of it should -hold lands or honours in his kingdom. <span class="sni">Later history of Robert of Bellême.</span> -Robert of Bellême -himself went over to Normandy, to raise new disturbances -there. At a later time he was again twice to -visit England, once as an ambassador, and again as a -prisoner, a prisoner in a prison so strait that no man -knew whether he lived or died.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1166" id="fnanchor_1166"></a><a href="#footnote_1166" class="fnanchor">[1166]</a></span> -But his part, a part -only of four years, as an English earl and perhaps the -greatest of English land-owners, was played out for ever.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Death of Magnus. 1103.</span> -Of the other chief actors in the events of those four -<a name="Page_451" id="Page_451"></a><span class="pageno">451</span> -years, King Magnus died the year after the fall of -Robert of Bellême, in his last and greatest attack on Ireland.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1167" id="fnanchor_1167"></a><a href="#footnote_1167" class="fnanchor">[1167]</a></span> -<span class="sni">A Giffard in his fleet.</span> -It awakens some interest when we read that he -had in his host a stranger who bore the great Norman -name of Giffard.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1168" id="fnanchor_1168"></a><a href="#footnote_1168" class="fnanchor">[1168]</a></span> -Was he an accomplice, was he a messenger, -of Earl Robert of Shropshire? <span class="sni">Later history of Jorwerth.</span> -Towards the -Welsh prince Jorwerth, who had done so much on both -sides in the course of the rebellion, Henry was, according -to the Welsh writers, far from keeping his word. <span class="sni">War between Jorwerth and his brothers.</span> -It is -not wonderful that enmity arose between Jorwerth and -his brothers after his conduct during the siege of -Bridgenorth. He seems to have waged open war -with them in the King’s name. <span class="sni">Meredydd imprisoned.</span> -For we are told that -he seized his brother Meredydd and handed him over -to the King or imprisoned him in a royal prison.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1169" id="fnanchor_1169"></a><a href="#footnote_1169" class="fnanchor">[1169]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Jorwerth cedes Ceredigion to Cadwgan.</span> -But with Cadwgan he made peace, giving up to him -a large share of his promised dominions, namely the -lands which Cadwgan had before held of Robert of -Bellême, Ceredigion and part of Powys. It was perhaps -this agreement with an enemy which offended -Henry. <span class="sni">The King does not fulfil his promises to Jorwerth.</span> -When Jorwerth came, seemingly to receive his -grant from the King’s hands, he received nothing. -Dyfed and the castle of Pembroke, far too precious a -stronghold to be left in the hands of any Briton, was -entrusted to a knight named Saer, from whom it afterwards -passed to Gerald of Windsor, a man who had -already bravely defended it, and whom the King had -his own reasons for promoting.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1170" id="fnanchor_1170"></a><a href="#footnote_1170" class="fnanchor">[1170]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Grant of Gower and other lands to Howel.</span> -But the remainder -of the promised possessions of Jorwerth, the vale of -Teifi, Gower, and Kidwelly, were, by a breach of promise -<a name="Page_452" id="Page_452"></a><span class="pageno">452</span> -which must have been yet more galling, granted to -another Welsh lord, Howel son of Goronwy.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1171" id="fnanchor_1171"></a><a href="#footnote_1171" class="fnanchor">[1171]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Jorwerth tried at Shrewsbury and imprisoned. 1103.</span> -The next -year Jorwerth was summoned before an assembly at -Shrewsbury, the place renowned for the trial of a more -famous Welsh prince of later days. The choice of the -place is characteristic of the reign of Henry, <span class="sni">Gemóts held in various places under Henry.</span> under -whom national assemblies were held in various parts -of the kingdom, and were no longer confined to the -three places to which custom had confined them under -Eadward, Harold, and the two Williams.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1172" id="fnanchor_1172"></a><a href="#footnote_1172" class="fnanchor">[1172]</a></span> -<span class="sni">Shrewsbury a former place of meeting.</span> -It was but -a return to older custom; Shrewsbury had been the seat -of more than one memorable assembly in earlier times;<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1173" id="fnanchor_1173"></a><a href="#footnote_1173" class="fnanchor">[1173]</a></span> -but this was the first time that Shrewsbury in its new -form had seen a great national gathering; <span class="sni">The earldom of Shrewsbury.</span> -it was the first -assembly that had been held since the English mound -had become the kernel of Earl Roger’s castle, and since -Earl Roger’s abbey had arisen beyond the river. Earls -had now passed away from Shrewsbury; no such title -was heard again till the days of the famous Talbot, when -it was in French and not in English ears that the name -was terrible. After the four years’ rule of Robert of -Bellême, there was doubtless much to settle in his -former earldom and along the whole Welsh border. <span class="sni">Trial of Jorwerth.</span> -In -the assembly held for that end Jorwerth appeared and -was put upon his trial. We should be well pleased to -have as full an account of the proceedings against the -British prince as we have of the proceedings against -Bishop William of Durham. <span class="sni">His conviction and imprisonment.</span> -But the story was not -deemed worth recording by any English writer; the -Welsh, who bitterly complain of the injustice of the -court, tell us how, after a day’s pleading, Jorwerth -was declared guilty and committed to prison.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1174" id="fnanchor_1174"></a><a href="#footnote_1174" class="fnanchor">[1174]</a></span> -He was -<a name="Page_453" id="Page_453"></a><span class="pageno">453</span> -afterwards set free, and again played a part among his -own people; <span class="sni">His later history.</span> -but a patriotic Welsh chronicler laments -that the hope, the fortitude, the strength, and the happiness -of all the Britons failed them when Jorwerth was -put in bonds.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1175" id="fnanchor_1175"></a><a href="#footnote_1175" class="fnanchor">[1175]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sni">Establishment of Henry’s power.</span> -King Henry had at last done his work. When Robert -of Bellême was cast out, his throne remained safe and -his kingdom peaceful. Two years later indeed there -was another enemy to cast out; but the ease with which -the work was now done showed how thoroughly the -harder work had been done before Bridgenorth and -Shrewsbury. <span class="sni">Banishment of William of Mortain, 1104.</span> -When the King’s near kinsman and bitter -enemy, Count William of Mortain, would fain have had -the earldom of Kent and have been another Odo in it, -there was no need of a siege of Pevensey or of Montacute. -<span class="sni">His imprisonment after Tinchebrai. 1106.</span> -A simple legal process was enough to send him -out of the land without slash or blow.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1176" id="fnanchor_1176"></a><a href="#footnote_1176" class="fnanchor">[1176]</a></span> -He lived to try the chance of slash and blow at Tinchebrai, and -to meet with a heavy doom, live-long bonds, -perhaps borne in blindness, <span class="sni">His alleged blinding.</span> at the hands of his offended cousin -and sovereign.<span class="lock"><a name="fnanchor_1177" id="fnanchor_1177"></a><a href="#footnote_1177" class="fnanchor">[1177]</a></span> -His ambition could not disturb the -peace of the land for a single day; the might of armed -unlaw had been broken when the gates of Shrewsbury -<a name="Page_454" id="Page_454"></a><span class="pageno">454</span> -opened to receive King Henry. <span class="sni">Peace of Henry’s reign. 1102–1135.</span> -From that day for -three-and-thirty years, a wonder in those days, a whole -kingdom saw neither civil war nor foreign invasion. -As Italy rested of old under Theodoric, as Sicily rested -under his contemporary Roger, so England rested under -Henry. <span class="sni">Henry and Roger of Sicily.</span> -The two Norman and insular kings, lords of the -great island of the Mediterranean and of the great island -of the Ocean, had each his wars to wage. But each kept -his battle-ground on the mainland, while his island -realm abode in peace. <span class="sni">Character of Henry’s reign.</span> -The bright promises with -which the reign of Henry opened, the dreams of an -English king reigning over an English people, were -not wholly fulfilled. <span class="sni">Its promises how far fulfilled.</span> -The fair dawn was in some -measure clouded over; the winning promises were not -in everything carried out. Still things were not under -Henry as they had been under his brother. The dawn -was never changed into the blackness of darkness; the -promises of righteous and national rule were never -utterly trampled under foot. Under the strong hand of -the Lion of Justice such deeds as those of Robert of Bellême -became impossible. The complaints of exactions -in money go on throughout his reign. The more -grievous complaints of the wrongs done by <a name="line454_13" id="line454_13"></a>his immediate -followers are not heard of after the stern statute -by which Henry and Anselm joined together to check -their misdoings. <span class="sni">The reign of law.</span> -Under Henry law did not always put -on a winning shape; but it was felt that the reign of -law in any shape was better than the reign of unlaw. -<span class="sni">Effects of Henry’s reign.</span> -It may be that the very restraint under which the -powers of evil were kept down during the reign of -Henry led to a fiercer outbreak when they were set -free at his death. <span class="sni">Henry the Second.</span> -But the same process had given -the nation life and strength to bear up through the -frightful years of anarchy, and to be ready at their -close to welcome another Henry again to do justice -<a name="Page_455" id="Page_455"></a><span class="pageno">455</span> -and make peace. <span class="sni">Fusion of Normans and English under Henry.</span> -But above all, the rule of Henry -wiped out the distinction which, at his accession, -had divided the conquerors and the conquered. Under -him Normans born on English ground grew up as -Englishmen. They felt as Englishmen, when the second -restoration of the reign of law brought with it, as its -dark side, the preference of men from beyond the sea -to the sons of the soil of either race. <span class="sni">Henry the refounder of the English nation.</span> -With all his -faults, his vices, his occasional crimes, Henry the Clerk, -the first of the new line who was truly an English -Ætheling, must rank before all other kings as the refounder -of the English nation. <span class="sni">He embodies the process of fusion.</span> -He is himself the -embodiment of the process by which the Norman on -English soil washed off the varnish of his two centuries’ -sojourn by the Seine, and came back to his -true place in the older Teutonic fellowship of Angle, -Saxon, and Dane. When Henry gave back to his people -the laws of King Eadward with the amendments of -King William, he wrote in advance the whole later -history of England. The old stock was neither cut -down nor withered away; but a new stock was grafted -upon it. And it was no unworthy fruit that it bore in -the person of the King in whose days none durst misdo -with other.</p> - -<p class="p2">With the firm establishment of Henry’s rule by the fall -of Robert of Bellême my immediate story ends. Of the -memorable time which followed, a time memorable for -many things, but memorable above all as being, within -the English kingdom, a perfect blank in military history, -I have sketched the outline in another volume. I -there traced out the leading features of the reign and -discussed its leading results. <span class="sni">The compromise with Anselm. 1107.</span> -I there traced the later -stages of the career of Anselm, his dispute with Henry, -his second departure and second restoration, the final -<a name="Page_456" id="Page_456"></a><span class="pageno">456</span> -compromise which to the wisdom of Henry and the -single-mindedness of Anselm was not impossible. <span class="sni">The war with Robert.</span> -I traced out also the various matters in dispute between -Henry and Robert till the time when, as men fondly -deemed, England, after forty years, paid back the day of -Senlac on the day of Tinchebrai. <span class="sni">1106.</span> -I could have been -well pleased to carry on in detail to their end two -stories of which I have had to tell so large a part. But -my immediate subject ends when King Henry is made -fast on his throne by the overthrow of the rebel Earl of -Shrewsbury. Earlier than that point the tale could not -stop. <span class="sni">The reign of Rufus how far an episode.</span> -Deep as is the importance of the reign of William -Rufus in so many ways, there is a certain way of looking -at things in which the reign of William Rufus is a kind -of episode. Or rather it is an attempt at a certain -object which, when tried in the person of Rufus, failed, -and which had to be again tried, with better luck, in -the person of Henry. <span class="sni">Problem of reconciling England to the Conquest.</span> -The problem was to reconcile the -English nation to the Norman Conquest, to nationalize, -so to speak, the Conquest and the dynasty which the -Conquest had brought in. The means thereto was to -find a prince of the foreign stock who should reign as an -English king, with the good will of the English people, in -the interest of the English people. <span class="sni">Not solved under Rufus,</span> -William Rufus might -have held that place, if he had been morally capable of -it. His crown was won for him from Norman rebels -by the valour and loyalty of Englishmen, when for the -last time they met Normans on their own soil as enemies. -But Rufus forsook his trust; he belied his promises; if -he did not strictly become an oppressor of Englishmen -as Englishmen, it was only because he became the -common oppressor and enemy of mankind. <span class="sni">but solved by Henry.</span> -Thirteen -years later the same drama was acted over again. -Henry, who reigned by a more direct choice of the -English people than William, owed his crown also to -<a name="Page_457" id="Page_457"></a><span class="pageno">457</span> -the loyalty of Englishmen whose valour against Norman -enemies it was found needless to test in the open field. -This time the problem was solved; if Henry did not -bring back the days of Ælfred or even the days of -Cnut, he at least brought in a very different state of -things from what men had seen in the days of his -brother. <span class="sni">England no longer a conquered land.</span> -After the election at Winchester, the conference -at Alton, the fight at Tinchebrai, England could -no longer be called a conquered land. The work of the Norman Conquest was from one side confirmed for ever, -from another side it was undone for ever. <span class="sni">The Conquest at once confirmed and undone.</span> -The last act of the struggle, an afterpiece more stirring than the main -drama, was when Robert of Bellême came forth, shorn -of his power to do evil, to surrender the stronghold of -Shrewsbury to his sovereign. The surrender of Chester -to the elder William marked that the first struggle was -over, and that the Norman was to rule in England. <span class="sni">Import of the surrender of Shrewsbury.</span> -The -surrender of Shrewsbury to his youngest son marked -that the second struggle was over, the struggle which -ruled that, though the Norman was to reign in England, -he was to reign only by putting on the character of an -English king, called to his throne by the voice of -Englishmen, and guarded there by their loyalty against -the plots and assaults of Norman rebels.</p> -<a name="Page_458" id="Page_458"></a><span class="pageno">458</span><!--blank page--> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459"></a><span class="pageno">459</span> -<h3 class="p4 h3head">APPENDIX.</h3> - -<hr class="short" /> - -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_A" id="Note_A"></a>NOTE A. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 11.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Accession of William Rufus.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="sc">The</span> remarkable thing about the accession of William Rufus is -that it is the one case in those days in which a king succeeds without -any trace of regular election, whether by the nation at large -or by any smaller body. The ecclesiastical election which formed -part of the rite of coronation was doubtless not forgotten; but there -is no sign of any earlier election by the Witan, or by any gathering -which could call itself by their name. Lanfranc appears as the -sole actor. One account, the Life of Lanfranc attached to the -Winchester Chronicle, speaks of the archbishop in so many words -as the one elector; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Mortuo rege Willielmo trans mare, filium ejus -Willielmum, sicut pater constituit, <em>Lanfrancus regem elegit</em>, et -in ecclesia beati Petri, in occidentali parte Lundoniæ sita, sacravit -et coronavit.”</span> The words of Eadmer (<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 13) are almost -equally strong;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Defuncto itaque rege Willielmo, successit ei in regnum, Willielmus -filius ejus, qui cum regni fastigia fratri suo Roberto -præripere gestiret, et Lanfrancum, <em>sine cujus accensu in regnum -ascisci nullatenus poterat</em>, sibi in hoc ad expletionem desiderii sui -<em>non omnino consentaneum</em> inveniret, verens ne dilatio suæ consecrationis -inferret ei dispendium cupiti honoris,” <abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr></p> - -<p>William of Malmesbury too (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 305) goes so far as to say;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“A patre, ultima valetudine decumbente, in successorem adoptatus, -antequam ille extremum efflasset, ad occupandum regnum contendit, -moxque <em>volentibus animis provincialium exceptus</em>, et claves -<a name="Page_460" id="Page_460"></a><span class="pageno">460</span> -thesaurorum nactus est, quibus fretus totam Angliam animo -subjecit suo. Accessit etiam favori ejus, <em>maximum rerum momentum</em>, -archiepiscopus Lanfrancus, eo quod eum nutrierat et -militem fecerat, quo auctore et annitente,… coronatus,” <abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr></p> - -<p>Neither of these writers follows any strict order of time. The -willing assent of the people may mean either their passive assent -at his coming, or their more formal assent on the coronation-day. -The general good-will shown towards the new king is set forth -also by Robert of Torigny (Cont. Will. Gem. <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 2; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“susceptus -est ab Anglis et Francis”</span>), by the author of the Brevis Relatio -(11) in the same words, and by the Battle writer (39); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“omnium -favore, ut decebat, magnifice exceptus.”</span></p> - -<p>If then we accept Eadmer’s words in their fulness, the only -objection made at the time to Rufus’ accession came from his -special elector, Lanfranc himself. This incidental notice, implying -that Lanfranc did hesitate, is very remarkable. We are not told -the ground of his objections. But of whatever kind they were, -they were overcome by the new King’s special oath, in which the -formal words of the coronation bond seem to be mixed up with -oaths and promises of a more general kind;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cœpit, tam per se tam per omnes suos quos poterat, fide sacramentoque -Lanfranco promittere justitiam, æquitatem, et misericordiam, -se per totum regnum, si rex foret, in omni negotio servaturum; -pacem, libertatem, securitatem, ecclesiarum contra omnes -defensurum, necne præceptis atque consiliis ejus per omnia et in -omnibus obtemperaturum.”</p> - -<p>We may compare the special promise of Æthelred on his restoration -(<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 368) to follow the advice of his Witan in all things.</p> - -<p class="p2">The first signs of any thought of usurpation or the like in the -accession of Rufus may be dimly seen in the Hyde writer (298); -where however stronger phrases are, oddly enough, applied to -Robert;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Defuncto rege Willelmo et sepulturæ tradito, Willelmus filius -ejus in Angliam transvectus regnum <em>occupat, regemque se vocari -omnibus imperat</em>; Robertus quoque frater ejus regressus a Gallia, -Normanniam <em>invadit</em>, et nullo resistente ditioni suæ supponit.”</p> - -<p>By the time of William of Newburgh men had found out the -hereditary right of the eldest son. He says, first (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 2), that Robert -<a name="Page_461" id="Page_461"></a><span class="pageno">461</span> -succeeded in Normandy, William in England, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ordine quidem præpostero, -sed per ultimam patris, ut dictum est, voluntatem commutato.”</span> -Directly after, the rebels of next year favour Robert, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“tanquam justo hæredi et perperam exhæredato”</span> (<abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> Suger, -Duchèsne, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 283, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Exhæredato majore natu Roberto fratre suo”</span>). -And presently, we hear of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“frater senior Robertus, cui nimirum -ordine naturali regni successio competebat.”</span> All this is odd, when -we remember how well in the next chapter (see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 11) the -same author understands the position of Henry, as the only true -Ætheling, son of a king. Oddly enough, Thomas Wykes (<abbr title="Annales monastici four">Ann. -Mon. iv.</abbr> 11) gives this last position to Rufus, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quem primum -genuit [Willelmus le Bastard, rex Angliæ] postquam regnum -adquisivit.”</span></p> - -<p>Matthew Paris (<abbr title="Historia Anglorum one">Hist. Angl. i.</abbr> 34, 35), as usual, gives the story -a colouring of his own, which may be compared with his version -of the accession of Henry the First (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page ">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 845). He has -told us that the Conqueror, in bequeathing his kingdom to his -second son, gave him special advice as to its rule;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmo Rufo filio suo Angliam, scilicet conquestum suum, -assignavit; supplicans ut Anglos, quos crudeliter et veluti ingratus -male tractaverat, mitius confoveret.”</p> - -<p>He crosses to England, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“utilius reputans regnum sibi firmare -vivorum quam mortui cujuscumque exsequiis interesse.”</span> Then -we read;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus, cognomento Rufus, filius regis Willelmi primi, -veniens in Angliam, consilio et auxilio Lamfranci Cantuariensis -archiepiscopi, qui ipsum a primis annis nutriverat et militem fecerat, -sine moroso dispendio Angliam sibi conciliatam inclinavit, -nec tamen totam. Sed ut negotium regis optatum cito sortiretur -effectum, ipsum die sanctorum Cosmæ et Damiani, <em>etsi cum sollemnitate -mutilata</em>, coronavit, veraciter promittentem ut Angliam -cum modestia gubernaret, leges sancti regis Edwardi servaturus, -et Anglos præcipue tractaret reverenter.”</p> - -<p>These remarkable words must be taken in connexion with what -immediately follows, which is in truth a very rose-coloured version -of the rebellion of 1088, which is made immediately to follow, or -rather to accompany, the coronation. For the next words are;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Verumtamen quamplures Anglorum nobiles, formidantes et -augurantes ipsum velle patrissare, noluerunt ei obsecundare, sed -<a name="Page_462" id="Page_462"></a><span class="pageno">462</span> -elegerunt potius Roberto, militi strenuissimo, militare, et tamquam -primogenito ipsi in regem creato famulari, quam fallacibus promissis -Rufi fidem adhibere. Sed Lamfrancus hæc sedavit, bona -promittens.”</p> - -<p>Still the new King sees that many of the nobles of the kingdom -are plotting against him. By the advice of Lanfranc therefore he -gathers a secret assembly of English nobles (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anglorum nobiliores -et fortiores invitando secretius convocavit”</span>); he promises with an -oath on the Gospels to give them good laws and all the old free -customs (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pristinae libertatis consuetudines”</span>). He then wins over -Roger of Montgomery, according to the account in <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 61. -Then, again by Lanfranc’s advice, he divides and weakens the English -by his promises (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“omnes Anglos, quos insuperabiles, si fuissent -inseparabiles, cognoverat, talibus sermocinationibus et promissis dissipatos -et enervatos sibi conciliavit”</span>). A few only resist; against -those he wages a successful war at the head of the nation generally -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“eorum conamina, universitatis adjutus viribus, quantocius annullavit”</span>), -and confiscates their goods.</p> - -<p>It is clear that Matthew Paris had the elder writers before him, -but that he did not fully understand their language with regard -to the appeal of Rufus to the English. We must remember the -time when he wrote. In his day the immediate consequences of -the Conquest had passed away; the distinction of “Angli” and -“Franci,” so living in the days of Rufus, was forgotten. But men -had not yet begun to speculate about “Normans and Saxons,” as -Robert of Gloucester did somewhat later. Moreover Matthew was -used to a state of things in which a king who, if not foreign by -birth, was foreign in feeling, had to be withstood by an united -English nation, indifferent as to the remoter pedigree of each man. -He therefore told the story of the reign of Rufus as if it had been -the story of the reign of Henry the Third. All are “Angli;” the -distinction drawn by the Chronicler between the “French” who -rebelled against the King and the “English” to whom he appealed, -is lost. The English people whom he called to his help against the -Norman nobles become English nobles whom he cunningly wins -over in secret. Matthew understands that England was a conquered -country with a foreign king; he does not understand the -relations of foreigners and natives in the island, and that the foreign -king appealed to the natives against his own countrymen. The -<a name="Page_463" id="Page_463"></a><span class="pageno">463</span> -passage is most valuable, not as telling us anything about the reign -of William Rufus, but as showing us how the reign of William -Rufus looked when read by the present experience of the reign of -Henry the Third.</p> - -<p>At the same time Matthew Paris must have had something -special in his eye, when he spoke of the coronation rites of William -Rufus as being in some way imperfect. Was there any tradition -that, as John did not communicate at his coronation, so neither did -William? Men may have argued from one tyrant to another.</p> - -<p>On the whole we may say that William Rufus, like Servius -Tullius (<abbr title="Cicero De Republica two">Cic. de Rep. ii.</abbr> 21), <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regnare coepit, non jussu, sed voluntate -atque concessu civium.”</span></p> - -<p class="p2">Besides these accounts, given by contemporary or nearly contemporary -writers, or founded on their statements, there is -another version of William’s accession, which I take to be -wholly mythical. This is preserved in the local history of Colchester -abbey (Monasticon, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 607). In this the accession of -Rufus is said to have been almost wholly brought about by -Eudo the <em>dapifer</em>, the son of Hubert of Rye. It seems to be a -continuation of another legend (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 683), in which -Hubert is made the chief actor in the bequest of the crown which -Eadward is said to have made in favour of the elder William. It -is in short a family legend, devised in honour of the house of Rye. -The same part is played in two successive generations; the father -secures the crown for the elder William, the son for the younger. -First of all, we are told of the way in which Eudo gained his office -of <em>dapifer</em>, an office which the witness of Domesday shows that he -really held. The story is almost too silly to tell; but it runs thus. -William Fitz-Osbern, before he set out to seek for crowns in -Flanders, held the post of “major domus regiæ.” In that character -he was setting a dish of crane’s flesh before William, and, -as it was ill-cooked (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“carnem gruis semicrudæ adeo ut sanguis exprimeretur”</span>), -the King aimed a blow at him. Eudo, as though he -had been Lilla saving Eadwine from the poisoned dagger of Eomer, -thrust himself forward and received the blow which was meant for -the Earl of Hereford. William Fitz-Osbern accordingly resigns -his office, asking that Eudo may succeed him in it. We hear -no more till William’s death, when Eudo appears as exhorting -<a name="Page_464" id="Page_464"></a><span class="pageno">464</span> -William Rufus to hasten and take possession of the English crown -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eudo, arrepta occasione ex paterna concessione, Willelmum -juniorem aggreditur, et ut negotio insistat hortatur”</span>). They cross -over together, and are made to land at <em>Worcester</em>—<em>Portchester</em> must -be meant, through some confusion of <em>p</em> and ƿ. Thence they go -to Winchester, and get the keys of the treasure-house by favour -of its keeper, William of Pont de l’Arche, a person whom I -cannot find in Domesday (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In Angliam transvecti, appliciti -<em>Worcestriæ</em> comparato sibi favore Willielmi de Ponte-arce, claves -thesauri Wintoniæ suscipiunt quarum idem Willielmus custos -erat”</span>). Not only the coming of the younger William, but -the death of the elder, is carefully kept secret, while Eudo -goes to Dover, Pevensey, Hastings, and the other fortresses -on the coast. Pretending orders from the King, he binds their -garrisons by oaths to give up the keys to no one except by his -orders (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“fide et sacramento custodes obligat nemini nisi suo arbitrio -claves munitionis tradituros … prætendens regem in Normannia -moras facturum, et velle de omnibus munitionibus Angliæ -securitatem habere, per se scilicet qui senescallus erat”</span>). He then -comes back to Winchester; the death of the King is announced, -and, while the peers of the realm are in Normandy debating about -the succession to the crown, William Rufus is, through the diligence -of Eudo, elected and crowned (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“acceleratoque negotio, Wintoniam -redit; et tunc demum regem obiisse propalat. Ita dum -cæteri proceres de regni successione tractant in Normannia, interim -studio et opera Eudonis, Willielmus junior in regem eligitur, consecratur, -confirmatur, in Anglia”</span>). The story goes on to say that -the people of Colchester petitioned the new King that they might -be put under the care of Eudo. To this William gladly agreed, and -Eudo ruled the town with great justice and mercy, relieving the -inhabitants from their heavy burthens, seemingly by the process of -taking to himself a large amount of confiscated land and paying -the taxes laid upon the town out of it (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“causas cœpit inquirere, -sublevare gravatos, comprimere elatos, et in suis primordiis omnibus -complacere. Terras damnatorum, exlegatorum, et pro culpis -eliminatorum, dum nemo coleret, exigebantur tamen plenaliter -fiscalia, et hac de causa populus valde gravabatur. Has ergo -terras Eudo sibi vindicavit, ut pro his fisco satisfaceret et populum -eatenus alleviaret”</span>).</p> - -<p><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465"></a><span class="pageno">465</span> -The share taken by Eudo in the accession of William seems to be -pure fiction. His good deeds at Colchester are perfectly possible; -but the latter part of the story seems to be a confusion or perversion -of an entry in Domesday (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 106), which rather reads as -if Eudo had become possessor, and that in the time of the elder -William, of the common land of the burgesses (“Eudo dapifer <abbr title="5">v.</abbr> -denarios et <abbr title="40">xl.</abbr> acras terræ quas tenebant burgenses tempore R. E. -et reddebant omnem consuetudinem burgensium. Modo vero non -reddunt consuetudinem nisi de suis capitibus”). This looks as -if the burgesses had hitherto paid the royal dues out of their -corporate estate, but that, when that estate passed to Eudo, a -poll-tax had to be levied to defray them.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_B" id="Note_B"></a>NOTE B. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 24.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The beginning of the Rebellion of 1088.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">Of</span> the great revolt of the Normans in England against William -Rufus we have three accounts in considerable detail, in the -Chronicle, in Florence, and in Orderic. The Chronicle and -Florence do not follow exactly the same arrangement, but I do -not see any contradiction between them. Florence simply arranges -his narrative in such a way as to give special prominence to his -own city and his own bishop. But Orderic, from whom we get -a most vivid, and seemingly quite trustworthy, account of certain -parts of the campaign, seems to have misconceived the order of -events in the early part of the story, especially with regard to -the time of Bishop Odo’s coming to England. According to him, -Odo did not come to England till after Christmas. He then comes, -along with Eustace of Boulogne and Robert of Bellême, as the -agent of a plot already devised in concert with Duke Robert for -the death or deposition of his brother. The others join them, and -the rebellion begins.</p> - -<p>In the other version, that of the Chronicle and Florence, -illustrated in various points of detail by William of Malmesbury, -Henry of Huntingdon, and other writers, Odo comes to England -much sooner, in time for the Christmas assembly. He brings no -treasonable intentions with him; he takes to plotting only when -<a name="Page_466" id="Page_466"></a><span class="pageno">466</span> -he finds that his power in England is less than he had hoped that -it would be. Eustace and Robert of Bellême do not come to -England till a later stage, when the rebellion has fully broken -out, and when Odo is holding Rochester against the King. They -are then sent by Duke Robert, who is represented (see <a href="#Page_56"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 56</a>) as -hearing for the first time of the revolt in his favour after Rochester -was seized by Odo.</p> - -<p>Orderic begins his story (665 D) with an account of seditious -meetings held by the nobles of Normandy and England, and of -speeches made at them. It is not said where they were spoken or -by whom, but the context would seem to imply that they were -spoken by Odo in Normandy. For immediately after the speech -follow the words (666 C);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hoc itaque consilium Odo præsul Baiocensis et Eustachius -comes Boloniensis atque Robertus Belesmensis aliique plures -communiter decreverunt, decretumque suum Roberto duci detexerunt.”</p> - -<p>Then the consent of Robert is given, as in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 56, and the three -ringleaders cross to England, and begin the revolt;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Igitur post natale Domini prædicti proceres in Angliam transfretaverunt, -et castella sua plurimo apparatu muniverunt, multamque -partem patriæ contra regem infra breve tempus commoverunt.”</p> - -<p>I have ventured (in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 25) to work the substance of the speech -into the text, as it contains arguments which suit the circumstances -of the case, and which are specially suited to speakers in Normandy. -But the speech cannot really have been spoken by Odo in Normandy. -For it is impossible to resist the evidence which brings -Odo over to England before the Christmas Assembly, and which -makes his enmity to the King arise out of things which happened -after he came to England. We have, first, the direct statement -(see <a href="#Page_19"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 19</a>) of Henry of Huntingdon that Odo was present at the -Christmas Gemót. And this statement is the more valuable, -because it is not brought in as part of the story of Odo; it reads -rather as if it came from some official source, perhaps from a list -of signatures to some act of the Assembly. But the words of -William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 306) come almost to the same thing;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum ille, solutus a vinculis, Robertum nepotem in comitatu -Normanniæ confirmasset, Angliam venit, recepitque a rege comitatum -Cantiæ.”</p> - -<p><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467"></a><span class="pageno">467</span> -The Midwinter Gemót was the obvious time for such a grant, -and Odo’s restoration to his earldom is asserted or implied everywhere. -Thus in the Chronicle we read a little later how <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Odo … -ferde into Cent to his eorldome,”</span> and Florence speaks of him as -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Odo episcopus Baiocensis, qui et erat comes Cantwariensis.”</span> -Orderic himself (666 C) says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Odo, ut supra dictum est, palatinus -Cantiæ consul erat, et plures sub se comites virosque potentes -habebat,”</span> seemingly without seeing that his version hardly gives -any opportunity for the restoration of the earldom. Henry of -Huntingdon (214 Arnold), almost alone, speaks of him as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“princeps -et moderator Angliæ,”</span> without reference to his special office of -earl. William of Malmesbury goes on (see <a href="#Page_23"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 23</a>) to give the reason -for Odo’s discontent, the greater authority of the Bishop of Durham. -The Chronicle and Florence (see <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 23, 24) mention only the great -authority enjoyed by Bishop William, and the revolt of Odo, without -mentioning Odo’s motive. That is, they simply state the facts, -while William of Malmesbury supplies the connecting link. If we -accept Orderic’s version that Odo did not come to England till after -Christmas, we have hardly time for the events as they are stated -in our other authorities. For we have to find time for Odo’s re-establishment -in his earldom, for his hopes and for his disappointment, -all leading up to the seditious gatherings during Lent. And -in some parts of the kingdom, as we shall see in the next Note, -these gatherings took the form of an open outbreak somewhat -earlier than we should have been led to think from the account in -the Chronicle.</p> - -<p>Now there can be no doubt as to the truth of the version -in which the Chronicle, Florence, and William of Malmesbury -substantially agree. All that Orderic has done has been to place -the voyage of Odo to England at a wrong time, and it is easy -to see how the mistake arose. He makes Odo, Eustace, and -Robert of Bellême cross together soon after Christmas. Now -it is quite clear that Eustace and Robert did not come to England -till after the rebellion had fully broken out, when Odo was holding -Rochester against the King. The Chronicle simply says (see -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 57) that they were at Rochester with Odo. Florence (see <a href="#Page_56"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 56</a>) -tells us more fully how they came to be there, namely, because they -had been sent by Robert in answer to Odo’s request. Nothing was -more easy than for Orderic to mistake this for a crossing in company -<a name="Page_468" id="Page_468"></a><span class="pageno">468</span> -with Odo. In his version, Odo, Eustace, and Robert, all cross -with a commission from Duke Robert. In the true version Odo -crosses long before to receive his English earldom, but with no -purpose of disturbing the new settlement of England. He becomes -discontented on English ground; he rebels, he asks help of Duke -Robert, and Eustace and Robert of Bellême come in answer to -his asking.</p> - -<p>The Hyde writer, as usual, has a version of his own, which -however, as far as Odo is concerned, follows that of Orderic. As -soon as Robert has taken possession of his duchy, he calls a -council, and sends over an army under his two uncles Bishop Odo -and Count Robert, to take away the English crown from his -brother. They cross the sea, winning a naval victory over a pirate -fleet; they seize Rochester and Pevensey, and begin the rebellion -seemingly before the end of the year 1087. This account (298) -runs thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus … convocatis principibus et consilio habito, duos -avunculos suos, comitem Moritanii et episcopum Baiocensem, cum -valida manu transmittit, omnimodis decertatis <em>Waltero</em> [sic] fratri -regnum auferre sibique conferre. Qui vela ventis committentes, et -cum piratis obsistentibus in mari viriliter decertantes, Angliam -veniunt, urbemque Roffensem et castellum Pevenesellum intrantes, -rebellare contendunt.”</p> - -<p>We easily see from the later history of the rebellion how this -writer has taken some of its most striking incidents and, as -it were, crushed them up together. As Orderic confounds the -crossing of Odo with the crossing of Eustace and Robert of Bellême, -so the Hyde writer seems to confound both with the later expedition -from Normandy (see <a href="#Page_74"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 74</a>), which did not occupy Pevensey -after a victory, but was driven back by the King’s English troops -in an attempt to land at Pevensey.</p> - -<p>The account given incidentally by Robert of Torigny (Cont. -Will. Gem. <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 3) has points in common with this version, though -it may be more easily reconciled with the true story. He records -the peace between William and Robert in 1091, and adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Licet regnum Angliæ ipse Robertus facillime paullo ante -potuisset habere, nisi minus cautus esset. Siquidem Eustachius -comes Boloniæ, et episcopus Baiocensis et comes Moritolii patrui -ejus, et alii principes Normanniæ, cum magno apparatu militum -<a name="Page_469" id="Page_469"></a><span class="pageno">469</span> -mare transeuntes, Rovecestriam et alia nonnulla castella in comitatu -Cantuariensi occupantes et tenentes ad opus illius, dum ipsum -Robertum ducem exspectant, qui tunc temporis ultra quam virum -deceat in Normannia deliciabatur, obsessi diu a rege Willelmo, -dum ille cujus causa tantum discrimen subierant, non subvenit, -cum dedecore ipsas quas tenebant munitiones exeuntes ad propria -sunt reversi.”</p> - -<p>As for the object of the rebellion, the transfer of the English -crown from William to Robert, we may hear William of Newburgh, -who, though he believes (see above, <a href="#Page_461"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 461</a>) in Robert’s right -of succession, yet says that he <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in minori administratione, scilicet -ducatus Normannici, claruit quod regno amplissimo administrando -nunquam idoneus fuerit.”</span></p> - -<p class="p2">What could <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> de Rémusat (Anselme, 113) have meant when -he said that the revolt of the Norman nobles <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“força le roi à se -rapprocher de ses sujets <em>bretons</em>”</span>? Then <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“il fit appel à la noblesse -indigène.”</span> This last may come from Matthew Paris; but the -Welsh, the nearest approach to Bretons, joined the rebels.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_C" id="Note_C"></a>NOTE C. <abbr title="Volume one pages">Vol. i. pp.</abbr> 28, 89.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Share of Bishop William of Saint-Calais in the -Rebellion of 1088.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">There</span> are few more glaring contradictions to be found in history -than the picture of Bishop William of Saint-Calais as drawn by the -southern writers, and his picture as drawn by his own hand or that -of some local admirer in the Durham document printed in the -Monasticon, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 245, and in the old edition of Simeon. No one -would know the meek confessor of this last version in the traitor -whom the Chronicler does not shrink from likening to the blackest -of all traitors. Yet, if the narratives are carefully compared, it may -seem that, with all the difference in colouring, there is much less contradiction -in matter of fact than we are led to think at first sight. -The opposition is simply of that kind which follows when each side, -without asserting any direct falsehood, leaves out all that tells on -behalf of the other side. We read the Bishop’s story; we see no -<a name="Page_470" id="Page_470"></a><span class="pageno">470</span> -reason to suspect him of stating anything which did not happen; -under the circumstances indeed he could hardly venture to state -anything which did not happen. But we see that the statement, -though doubtless true as a mere record of facts, is dressed up in a -most ingenious way, so as to put everything in the best light for his -side, while everything that was to be said on the other side is carefully -left out. But, on the other hand, while the Chronicler, Florence, -and William of Malmesbury, clearly leave out a great deal, there is -no reason to think that they leave it out from any partisan wish -to pervert the truth. They believed, and doubtless on good grounds, -that the Bishop of Durham was a chief actor in the rebellion, and -they said so. But there was nothing to lead them to dwell on his -story at any special length. Their attention was chiefly drawn to -other parts of the events of that stirring year. Orderic indeed, -whose account of some parts of the story is so minute, does not -speak of Durham or its bishop at all.</p> - -<p>Some of the passages from the Chronicle have been quoted -in the text. The Bishop of Durham is there mentioned three -times. First comes the record of his influence with the King, -and his treason against him;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“On þisum ræde wæs ærest Oda bisceop and Gosfrið bisceop -and Willelm bisceop on Dunholme. Swa wæll dyde se cyng be þam -bisceop þæt eall Englaland færde æfter his ræde, and swa swa he -wolde, and he þohte to donne be him eall swa Iudas Scarioð dide -be ure Drihtene.”</p> - -<p>Then, after the account of the deliverance of Worcester, Bishop -William is named at the head of the ravagers in different parts of -the country; “Se bisceop of Dunholme dyde to hearme þæt he mihte -ofer eall be norðan.”</p> - -<p>Lastly, at the end of the whole story, when Odo has come out -of Rochester and gone beyond sea, we read;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“Se cyng siððan sende here to Dunholme, and let besittan þone -castel, and se bisceop griðode and ageaf þone castel, and forlet his -biscoprice and ferde to Normandige.”</p> - -<p>Florence, writing seemingly with the Chronicle before him, changes -the story so far as to make, not Bishop William but Count Robert -(see <a href="#Page_33"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 33</a>), the chief accomplice of Odo. He then gives the list -of the other confederates, at the end of which, after Robert of -Mowbray, Bishop Geoffrey, and Earl Roger, we read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quod erat</span> -<a name="Page_471" id="Page_471"></a><span class="pageno">471</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">pejus, Willelmus episcopus Dunholmensis,”</span> followed by the passage -(see <a href="#Page_23"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 23</a>) in which he describes the Bishop’s influence with the -King. After this, he says nothing more about him till he records -his death in 1096.</p> - -<p>Henry of Huntingdon (215), also writing with the Chronicle -before him, leaves out the first passage of the three and translates -the two others. The third stands in his text;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Mittens rex exercitum Dunhelmiæ obsedit urbem, donec reddita -est ei. Episcopus vero multique proditorum propulsi sunt in -exilium.”</p> - -<p>William of Malmesbury, in the Gesta Regum (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 306), first -mentions the influence of Bishop William and the envy which Odo -felt at it. Then, in reckoning up the Conspirators, he adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quinetiam Willelmus Dunelmensis episcopus, quem rex a -secretis habuerat, in eorum perfidiam concesserat; quod graviter -regem tulisse ferunt, quia, cum amissæ charitatis dispendio, remotarum -provinciarum frustrabatur compendio.”</p> - -<p>At the end of the story, after Odo is gone, he adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dunelmensis episcopus ultro mare transivit, quem rex, verecundia -præteritæ amicitiæ, indemnem passus est effugere. Cæteri -omnes in fidem recepti.”</p> - -<p>In the Gesta Pontificum (272) he introduces Bishop William as -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“potens in sæculo,”</span> and <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“oris volubilitate promptus, maxime sub -Willelmo rege juniore.”</span> This almost sounds as if he had read the -debates at the bishop’s own trial, but it is more likely that he had -his dealings with Anselm before his mind. He then goes on;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quapropter, et amicorum cohorti additus, et Angliæ prælatus, -non permansit in gratia. Quippe nullis principis dictis vel factis -contra eum extantibus, ab amicitia descivit, in perfidia Odonis Baiocensis -et ceterorum se immiscens. Quapropter, victis partibus, -ab Anglia fugatus, post duos annos indulgentia principis rediit.”</p> - -<p>Simeon of Durham, in his History (1088, at the end of the year), -says simply, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Etiam Dunholmensis episcopus Willielmus <abbr title="7">vii.</abbr> anno -sui episcopatus, et multi alii de Anglia exierunt.”</span> This omission is -the more to be noticed, as he clearly had Florence and the Chronicle -before him. In the History of the Church of Durham (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 8) we -get a fuller account;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hujus [Willielmi regis], sicut et antea patris, amicitiis antistes -præfatus adjunctus, familiariter ei ad tempus adhærebat: unde -<a name="Page_472" id="Page_472"></a><span class="pageno">472</span> -etiam Alvertoniam cum suis appenditiis rex illi donavit. Post non -multum vero temporis, <em>per aliorum machinamenta orta inter ipsos -dissensione</em>, episcopus ab episcopatu pulsus ultra mare secessit, quem -comes Normannorum, non ut exulem, sed ut patrem suscipiens, in -magno honore per tres annos quibus ibi moratus est, habuit.”</p> - -<p>In these accounts almost the only direct contradiction as to -matters of fact comes in at the end, about the surrender of the -castle of Durham to the King. The Chronicle certainly seems to -imply a siege; and, reading the Chronicle only without reference -to anything else, we should have thought that the Bishop himself -was besieged there. William of Malmesbury, on the other hand, -makes the story wind up between the King and the Bishop in a -wonderfully friendly way. But on this point we can have little -doubt in accepting the version which I have followed in the text -(see <a href="#Page_114"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 114</a>), namely that the Bishop was not at Durham, that the -castle was surrendered after a good deal of haggling, and perhaps -a little plundering, on both sides, but with nothing that could -be called a regular siege. In short, the Chronicler makes a little -too much of the fact that the castle was surrendered to a military -force. William of Malmesbury, on the other hand, makes -a little too much of the fact that the Bishop was not, strictly -speaking, driven from England by a judicial sentence, but that he -rather went by virtue of a proposal of his own making. The only -other question of strict fact which could be raised is as to the -ravages which the Chronicler says were wrought by the Bishop. -The picture in William of Malmesbury of the Bishop turning -against the King without any provocation on his part, and the -picture in the History of the Church of Durham of the men who -stirred up strife between the King and the Bishop, are merely the -necessary colouring from opposite sides. The only important point -on this head is that the disposition to make the best of the Bishop’s -conduct seems to have been general at Durham, and that it is not -confined to the narrative which must have been written either by -himself or under his immediate inspiration. But we must remember -that the general career of William of Saint-Calais at Durham, his -bringing in of monks and his splendid works of building, were sure -to make him pass into the list of local worthies, so that local -writers, both at the time and afterwards, would be led to make -the best of his conduct in any matter. -<a name="Page_473" id="Page_473"></a><span class="pageno">473</span></p> - -<p>Of the Bishop’s own story, or at least the story of some local -writer who told it as the Bishop wished it to be told, I have given -the substance in the text. And, as its examination does not involve -any very great amount of comparison of one statement with -another, I have given the most important illustrative passages in -the form of notes to the text. I have said that, after all, there is -little real contradiction in direct statements of fact between this version -and that of the southern writers. We find the kind of differences -which are sure to be found when we have on one side a general -narrative, written without any special purpose, a narrative doubtless -essentially true, but putting in or leaving out details almost at random, -while we have on the other side a very minute and ingenious -apology, enlarging on all points on which it was convenient to enlarge, -and leaving out those which might tell the other way. But the truth -is that the Bishop’s own statement of his services done to the King -(see <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 29, 111), and the charge which was formally brought against -him by the King (see <a href="#Page_98"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 98</a>), do not really contradict one another. -They may be read as a consecutive story, according to which the -Bishop continued to be the King’s adviser, and to do him good outward -service, after he had made up his mind to join the rebels and -while he was waiting for an opportunity of so doing. It is most likely -this special double-dealing which led the Chronicler to his exceptionally -strong language with regard to the Bishop’s treason. The -only point where there seems any kind of contradiction in fact is -with regard to the dates. From the Chronicler and the other writers -on the King’s side we should have thought that there was no open -revolt anywhere till after Easter, whereas it is plain from the -Durham story that a great deal must have happened in south-eastern -England much earlier in the year. On this point the -Durham version, a version founded on documents and minutely -attentive to dates, is of course to be preferred. With the other -writers the Bishop’s affairs are secondary throughout, and the affairs -of Kent and Sussex are secondary in the first stage of the story. -Till they come to the exciting scenes of the sieges of Tunbridge and -Pevensey, the attention of the Chronicler, Florence, and the others, -is mainly given to the affairs of the region stretching from Ilchester -to Worcester. We may infer from them that the occupation of -Bristol and the march against Worcester did not happen till after -Easter, while we must infer from the Durham account that the -<a name="Page_474" id="Page_474"></a><span class="pageno">474</span> -movements in London, Kent, and Sussex, had happened not later -than the beginning of March. There is in short no real contradiction; -there is only that kind of difference which there is sure to -be found when one writer gives a general view of a large subject -with a general object, while another gives a minute view of one -part of the subject with a special object.</p> - -<p>We can have little doubt in accepting the fact of the Bishop’s -treason, not only on the authority of the Chronicler and the other -writers who follow him, but on the strength of the proceedings in -the King’s court. In the Bishop’s own story a definite charge is -brought against him, and he never really answers it. He goes -off into a cloud of irrelevant questions, and into a statement of -services done to the King, a statement which most likely is perfectly -true, but which is no answer to the indictment. The great -puzzle of the whole story, namely why Bishop William should have -turned against the King at all, is not made any clearer on either -side.</p> - -<p class="p2">It is certainly strange that this whole story of Bishop William, -so minutely told as it is and illustrating so many points in our law -and history, should have drawn to itself so little attention as it has -done. Thierry takes no notice of it. It would indeed be hard -to get anything about “Saxons and Normans” out of it. For, -though the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“indocta multitudo”</span> may fairly pass for “Saxons,” yet -these same “Saxons,” if hostile to the Cenomannian Bishop, are -loyally devoted to the Norman King. Lappenberg also passes by -the story altogether. Sir Francis Palgrave (Normandy and England, -<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 31, 46) makes some references to it which are provokingly -short, as it is the kind of story to which he could have done full -justice. Dr. Stubbs (<abbr title="Constitutional History one">Const. Hist. i.</abbr> 440) has given a summary of -the chief points in debate. But I believe that I may claim to be the -first modern writer who has told the tale at full length in a narrative -history. There are very few stories which bring the men and -the institutions of the latter part of the eleventh century before us -in a more living way, while the conduct of William of Saint-Calais -at this stage must specially be borne in mind when we come to -estimate his later conduct in the controversy with Anselm.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475"></a><span class="pageno">475</span> -<a name="Note_D" id="Note_D"></a>NOTE D. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 47.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Deliverance of Worcester in 1088.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> story of the deliverance of Worcester is one of those stories -in which we can trace the early stages of legendary growth. It is -one of the tales in which a miraculous element appears, but in which -we can hardly say that there is any distortion of fact. The story -is told in a certain way, and with a certain colouring, with which -a modern writer would not tell it. Effects are attributed to causes -to which a modern writer would not attribute them. But this is -all. The mere facts are perfectly credible. There is no reason to -doubt that Wulfstan exhorted the royal troops and excommunicated -the rebels. There is no reason to doubt that the rebels were -utterly defeated by the royal troops. And we may well believe -that, in a certain sense, the defeat of the rebels was largely owing -to the exhortations and excommunications of Wulfstan. The only -legendary element in the story is to treat a result as miraculous -which, under the circumstances, was thoroughly natural.</p> - -<p>We have several accounts from contemporary or nearly contemporary -writers. First comes the Peterborough Chronicler. After -the passage quoted in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 48, he goes on;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“Ðas þing geseonde se arwurða bisceop Wlfstan wearð swiðe -gedrefed on his mode, forðig him wæs betæht þe castel to healdene. -Ðeahhweðer his hiredmen ferdon ut mid feawe men of þam castele, -and þurh Godes mildheortnisse and þurh þæs bisceopes geearnunga -ofslogon and gelæhton fif hundred manna, and þa oðre ealle -aflymdon.”</p> - -<p>Here is nothing miraculous, only a very natural tendency to -ascribe the deliverance to the prayers and merits of the Bishop. -The version of Simeon of Durham (1088) gives us the “yearning” -of Wulfstan in the more dramatic shape of a spoken prayer;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Perrexerunt usque Wigornam, omnia ante se vastantes et -igne consumentes. Cogitaverunt etiam quod castrum et ecclesiam -vellent accipere, quod videlicet castrum tunc temporis commendatum -erat Wlstano venerabili episcopo. Quando episcopus ista -audivit, valde contristabatur, et cogitans quid consilii inde haberet, -vertit se ad Deum suum, et rogat ut respiciat ecclesiam suam et -populum suum ab hostibus oppressum. Hæc eo meditante, familia -<a name="Page_476" id="Page_476"></a><span class="pageno">476</span> -ejus exiliit de castro, et acceperunt et occiderunt ex eis quingentos -viros, et alios in fugam verterunt.”</p> - -<p>In the version of Henry of Huntingdon (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 215, Arnold) we -again find only the prayer; but it is told with a picturesque -description of the Bishop lying before the altar, while the loyal -troops go forth, and, by a somewhat bold figure, the discomfiture -of the enemy is made to be the work of Wulfstan himself. The -number of the slain is also increased tenfold;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Principes Herefordscyre et Salopscyre prædantes combusserunt -cum Walensibus provinciam Wireceastre usque ad portas urbis. -Cum autem templum et castellum assilire pararent, Wlstanus -episcopus sanctus quendam amicum familiarem summis in necessitatibus -compellavit, Deum videlicet excelsum. Cujus ope coram -altari jacens in oratione, paucis militibus emissis, quinque mille -hostium vel occidit vel cepit; ceteros vero mirabiliter fugavit.”</p> - -<p>William of Malmesbury in the Gesta Regum (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 306) gives the -prayer the form of a blessing on the King’s troops;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rogerius de Monte Gomerico, exercitum suum a Scrobesbiria -cum Walensibus mittens, coloniam Wigorniensem prædabatur; -jamque Wigorniam infestus advenerat, cum regii milites qui prætendebant, -<em>freti benedictione Wulstani episcopi</em>, cui custodia castelli -commissa erat, pauci multos effugarunt, pluribusque sauciis et cæsis, -quosdam abduxerunt.”</p> - -<p>Orderic (666 D) cuts the matter very short; but it is in his -version that we first hear of Wulfstan cursing the rebels, as well as -blessing the King’s troops. Having mentioned Osbern and Bernard -(see <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 33, 34), he merely adds; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In territorio Wigornensi rapinis -et cædibus, <em>prohibente et anathematizante viro Dei Wlfstano episcopo</em>, -nequiter insistebant.”</span></p> - -<p>Here one might almost think that the anathema was of none -effect. It is quite otherwise in the version which William of -Malmesbury gives in the Gesta Pontificum (285)—​in his special -Life of Wulfstan he leaves out the story altogether;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rogerius comes de Monte-gomerico, perfidiam contra principem -meditatus, cum ejusdem factionis complicibus arma movebat infestus. -Jamque, a Scrobbesberia usque Wigorniensem coloniam omnibus -vastatis, urbem ipsam appropinquabat; cum regii milites, qui prætendebant, -periculum exponunt episcopo. Is, maledictionis fulmen -jaculatus in perfidos qui domino suo fidem non servarent, jubet -<a name="Page_477" id="Page_477"></a><span class="pageno">477</span> -milites properare, Dei et ecclesiæ injurias ulturos. Mirum quis -dixerit quod subjiciam, sed auctoritati veracium narratorum cedendum? -Quidam enim adversariorum, regiis conspectis, timore inerti -perculsi, quidam etiam cæcati, victoriam plenam, et qualem sperare -nequibant, oppidanis cessere. Multi enim a paucis fugati, pars cæsi, -pars saucii abducti.”</p> - -<p>We have here only the cursing without the blessing; the point -is that the curse is pronounced before the royal army sets out. The -anathema in this version has its full effect; the legendary element -appears in the story of the blindness of the enemy.</p> - -<p>Lastly, we come to the account to which William most likely -alludes when he speaks of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“veraces narratores,”</span> that is, to the -minute account given by Florence, which I have mainly followed -in the text. His local knowledge and special interest in the story -led him to tell it in much fuller detail than is found anywhere else. -On the other hand, he gives a greater prominence than is given by -any one else to the wonder-working effects of Wulfstan’s curse. -This is only what was natural; it was in his own city, and above -all in his own monastery, that the merits and miracles of the saint -would be most fondly dwelled on, and most firmly believed in. At -Worcester, if anywhere, the tale of the deliverance of Worcester -was likely to grow. It is therefore in the local writer from whom -we get our most trustworthy details that we also find the first -approach to a really legendary element, though that element seems -to go no further than a slight change in the order of events which -brings out the saint’s powers more prominently. As we read the -other versions, above all the fuller one of William of Malmesbury -in the Gesta Pontificum, we should certainly infer that whatever -Wulfstan did in the way of praying, blessing, or cursing, was done -before the royal troops marched out of Worcester. In Florence the -blessing and the cursing stand apart. The Bishop goes into the -castle (see <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 49, 50); the royal troops of all kinds make ready -for battle, and meet the Bishop on his way to the castle, offering -to cross the river and attack the enemy, if he gives them leave. -He gives them leave, and promises them success (see <a href="#Page_50"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 50</a>). They -then cross the bridge, and see the enemy afar spoiling the lands of -the bishopric. On hearing of this, Wulfstan is persuaded to speak -his anathema, which at once takes effect in the wonderful overthrow -of the enemy.</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478"></a><span class="pageno">478</span> -“Res miranda, et Dei virtus et viri bonitas nimis in hoc prædicanda; -nam statim hostes, ut sparsi vagabantur per agros, tanta -membrorum percutiuntur debilitate, tanta exteriori oculorum attenuantur -cæcitate, ut vix arma valerent ferre, nec socios agnoscere, -nec eos discernere qui eis oberant ex adversa parte. Illos fallebat -cæcitatis ignorantia, nostros confortabat Dei et episcopalis benedictionis -confidentia. Sic illi insensati nec sciebant capere fugam, -nec alicujus defensionis quærebant viam; sed Dei nutu dati in -reprobum sensum, facile cedebant manibus inimicorum.”</p> - -<p>Now this is a legend of the very simplest kind; or rather it is -not strictly a legend at all, but only a story on the way to become -a legend. Beyond a slight change in the order, there is no reason -to suspect that the facts of the case are at all misrepresented; they -are simply coloured in the way in which it was natural that the -successful party should colour them. There is in strictness no -miraculous element in the story; it has merely reached the stage -at which the germs of a miraculous element are beginning to show -themselves. That Wulfstan would encourage his people to fight in -a good cause, that he would pray for their success, we may feel -certain. That his exhortation might take the shape of a promise—​perhaps -only a conditional promise—​of victory is no more than was -natural. And an anathema pronounced against the rebels is as -natural as the blessing pronounced on the royal troops. We may -be sure that men stirred up by such exhortations and promises -would really fight the better for having heard them. And if the -fact that Wulfstan had pronounced an anathema, or even that he was -likely to pronounce an anathema, anyhow came to the knowledge -of the rebels, it is hardly less certain that they would fight the -worse for hearing of it. The only thing in which there is even -the germ of miracle is the statement that the invaders were smitten -with lameness or blindness or something like it, at the very moment -when the Bishop pronounced his excommunication. Now, in all -stories of this kind, we must bear in mind that mysterious power -of <span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="phêmê">φήμη</span> (see <a href="#Page_309"><abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 309</a>), which I do not profess to explain, -but which certainly is a real thing. News certainly does -sometimes go at a wonderful pace; and the rebels might really -hear the news of Wulfstan’s excommunication so soon that it -would be a very slight exaggeration to say that it wrought an -effect on them at the very moment when it was uttered. A body -<a name="Page_479" id="Page_479"></a><span class="pageno">479</span> -of men who had already broken their ranks and were scattered -abroad for plunder hear that a sentence has been pronounced against -them by a man whose office and person were held in reverence -by all men, French and English—​for the Britons I cannot -answer. At this news they would surely fall into greater confusion -still, and would become an easy prey to the better disciplined -troops who had the Bishop’s exhortations and promises still ringing -in their ears. To say that such men, confused and puzzled, not -knowing which way to turn, were struck with sudden blindness -and lameness would be little more than a poetical way of describing -what really happened. That all this was owing to the prayers and -merits of Wulfstan would of course be taken for granted; that the -victory was owing to his prayers and merits is taken for granted in -those versions of the story which do not bring in the least approach -to a miraculous element. One change only in the story itself would -seem, as I have already hinted, to come from a legendary source. -I have in my own text, while following the details of Florence, not -scrupled so far to depart from his order as to make the Bishop’s -anathema come before, instead of after, the march of the royal troops -from the city. That is, I have made the blessing and cursing take -place at the same time. This seems better to agree with the -account in the Gesta Pontificum. And, following, as it seems to -me, the words of the Chronicle (geseonde), I have ventured to make -Wulfstan actually see the havoc wrought by the invaders, while we -should infer from Florence, as from Simeon, that he only heard of -it. It is of course part of the wonder that his anathema should -work its effect on men at a distance. By making these two small -changes—​which the other accounts seem to bear out—​in the narrative -of Florence, we get a version in which there is really no -legendary element at all, beyond the pious or poetical way in which -the discomfiture of the enemy is spoken of. To say that the -enemy were smitten with blindness and lameness was an obvious -figure of speech. To say that they were so smitten by virtue of -the Bishop’s anathema was, in the ideas of those times, no figure -of speech at all, but a natural inference from the fact. To say that -they were smitten, while still at a distance, at the very moment -when the Bishop pronounced the anathema was an improvement, -perhaps rather a devout inference, so very obvious that it hardly -marks a later stage in the story. The tale is as yet hardly legendary; -<a name="Page_480" id="Page_480"></a><span class="pageno">480</span> -it is only on the point of becoming so. But it is the kind of -story which one would have expected to grow. Yet those later -writers who mention the matter seem simply to copy Florence, -without bringing in any further improvements of their own. It is -strange that, in the local Annals, as in the Life of Wulfstan, the -deliverance of Worcester is left out altogether.</p> - -<p class="p2">The story of the deliverance of Worcester may be compared -with the story of the overthrow of Swegen at Gainsburgh. See -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 366. But the Worcester story is in an earlier stage -than the Gainsburgh story. The main difference is that the -hero of the one story was dead, while the hero of the other story -was alive. The living Bishop of Worcester could not, even in -a figure or in a legend, be brought in as acting as the dead and -canonized King of the East-Angles could be made to act. The -utmost that could be done in this way was when Henry of -Huntingdon speaks of the exploits of the loyal army as the personal -exploits of the Bishop whom he describes as lying before the altar. -Wulfstan, notwithstanding his youthful skill in military exercises -(see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 470), could not be brought in as smiting the -enemy, lance in hand, as Saint Eadmund did Swegen.</p> - -<p>Another story of an army smitten with blindness is that of -the Normans at Northallerton in 1069 (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 241). -And a scene not unlike the scene before Worcester, though the -circumstances are all different, and the position of the bishop -in the story is specially different, is to be found in the rout of the -Cenomannian army before Sillé in 1073 (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 553).</p> - -<p class="p2">Two small questions of fact arise out of the comparison of our -authorities. The expressions of the Chronicler (“forðig him -was betæht þe castel to healdene”), of Simeon, and of William -of Malmesbury in the Gesta Regum (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cui custodia castelli commissa -erat”</span>) would certainly lead us to think that Wulfstan was actually -commanding for the King in the castle when the rebellion began. -The detailed narrative in Florence makes him go to the castle -only at the special request of the garrison when the enemy are -on their march. There is perhaps no formal contradiction. Wulfstan -had before now held military command (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 579), -and he might have the command of the castle without being actually -<a name="Page_481" id="Page_481"></a><span class="pageno">481</span> -within its walls. But the story in Florence does not set Wulfstan -before us as an actual military commander, but rather as a person -venerated of all men whose approval of the course to be taken -was sought by those who were in command. It is safest to take -the detailed story in Florence, and to take the words of the -Chronicler and of Simeon and William as the laxer way of -speaking used by men who did not aim at the same local precision. -The Bishop might in some sort be said to have the castle entrusted -to him when the garrison had asked him to come into it.</p> - -<p>The other point is that William of Malmesbury in both his -versions seems to make Earl Roger present in person before -Worcester. But the language of the other accounts (see <a href="#Page_47"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 47</a>) seems -carefully to imply that, though he joined in the “unrede,” and -though his men were engaged in the revolt on the border, -yet he had not himself any personal share in that campaign. It -is certain that, when we next hear of him (see <a href="#Page_58"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 58</a>), it is in quite -another character and in quite another part of England.</p> - -<p class="p2">A lately published record brings in a new actor in the defence of -Worcester. This is the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Annales de ecclesiis et regnis Anglorum”</span> -in Liebermann’s <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen,”</span> -22. This contains an account of the deliverance of Worcester, -enlarged from Florence, in which Abbot Guy of Pershore -appears as Wulfstan’s military lieutenant; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Intererat quidam -consilio providus Wido Persorcusis abbas. Hunc ultro se offerentem -jus pontificale creans ad tempus militem, statuit belli ducem -totum in Deo et in orationibus episcopi confidentem.”</span> Guy was the -successor of Thurstan (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 384, 697) who died in -1087. He was one of the abbots deposed by Anselm in 1102. As -Anselm himself had held a military command, the deposition could -hardly have been on the ground of Guy’s exploits on this day.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_E" id="Note_E"></a>NOTE E. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 74.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Attempted Landing of the Normans at Pevensey.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">It</span> is with some hesitation that I have spoken as I have done -in the text, because it is hard to reconcile our authorities without -supposing that the siege of Pevensey was accompanied by a sea-force -<a name="Page_482" id="Page_482"></a><span class="pageno">482</span> -on the part of the King. No ships have been spoken of -before; none are distinctly mentioned now; some of the descriptions -might be understood only of a land-force lining the shore; but -operations on the water seem implied in some of the accounts, and -they may be understood in any. There is no need to think of a -great fleet; the sea-faring men of the neighbourhood could surely -do all that is recorded to have been done.</p> - -<p>The words of the Chronicler, of William of Malmesbury, and of -Henry of Huntingdon, might be understood merely of a land-force -employed to keep the enemy from landing; but their expressions -may be quite as naturally taken of operations on the -water as well. The Chronicler is emphatic on the exploit of the -English;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“Ac þa Englisce men þe wærdedon þære sæ gelæhton of þam -mannon and slogon, and adrengton ma þonne ænig man wiste -to tellanne.”</p> - -<p>So Henry of Huntingdon (215); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anglici mare custodientes -occiderunt et submerserunt ex illis innumerabiles.”</span></p> - -<p>The details come from William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 306;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Inter has obsidionis moras, homines regis mare custodientes -quosdam quos comes Normanniæ in auxilium perfidorum miserat, -partim cæde, partim naufragio, oppressere: reliqui fugam intendentes -et suspendere carbasa conati, moxque vento cessante -destituti, ludibrio nostris, sibi exitio, fuere; nam, ne vivi caperentur, -e transtris se in mare præcipitarunt.”</p> - -<p>It is Simeon of Durham (1088) who more distinctly brings -out the features of a fight by sea;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Willelmus jam mare munierat suis piratis, qui venientes -in Angliam tot occiderunt et in mare merserunt, ut nullus sit -hominum qui sciat numerum pereuntium.”</p> - -<p>This seems to come from the Chronicle; but “þa Englisce men -þe wærdedon þære sæ” are distinctly sent on board vessels of some -kind by the name of “piratæ.”</p> - -<p>The “pirates” too and the sea-fight come out more distinctly -in the narrative of the Hyde writer quoted above (see <a href="#Page_76"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 76</a>). His -tale must really mean the attack on Pevensey with which we are -now dealing, though he has strangely confused times, places, and -persons.</p> - -<p>Roger of Wendover (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 34) gives the narrative of William of -<a name="Page_483" id="Page_483"></a><span class="pageno">483</span> -Malmesbury a new turn, and specially puts the “perfidi” of his -version in an unlooked-for light;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Inter has obsidionis moras, ministri regis mare custodientes -quosdam quos dux Robertus in auxilium prædictorum miserat -<em>schismaticorum</em>, partim cæde et partim naufragio oppresserunt: -quorum quidam fugam meditantes vento destituuntur, et sic ludibrio -Anglis sibique exitio exstiterunt, nam, ne vivi caperentur, ultro -sese fluctibus submerserunt.”</p> - -<p>Florence (see <a href="#Page_74"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 74</a>) gives an animated account of the operations -by land; but he wholly leaves out the coming of the Norman -fleet.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_F" id="Note_F"></a>NOTE F. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 137.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Bishopric of Somerset and the Abbey of Bath.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">William</span> of Malmesbury (<abbr title="Gesta Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 194) has got wrong in his -chronology when he makes John already bishop before the death -of the Conqueror, but unable to carry out his scheme for the -removal of the bishopric till the accession of Rufus. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Minoris -gloriæ putans si in <em>villa</em></span> [should this be some form of <em>Wells</em>?] -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">resideret inglorius, transferre thronum in Bathoniam animo intendit. -Sed cum id inaniter, vivente Willelmo patre, cogitasset, -tempore Willelmi filii effecit.”</span> Gisa certainly did not die till -1088, and John was consecrated in July of that year. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Qui -cum rex excellentissimus Willielmus senior, qui <abbr title="22">xxij.</abbr> annis regnaverat, -fine laudabili vitam conclusisset, et Willielmus junior -filius ejus pro eo regnaret, consecratus est episcopus in Julio.”</span> -(Historiola, 21.)</p> - -<p>The transfer of the bishopric to Bath and the union of the -abbey with the bishopric are undoubted facts; as the writer of -the Historiola says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Statim cathedram pontificis transtulit de -Wella Bathoniæ.”</span> The charter of William Rufus making this -grant is printed in the Monasticon, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 266; the original is preserved -in the chapter library at Wells. It is in two handwritings, the -former part containing the first grant of 1088, while the second -consists of a confirmation of 1090, or rather 1091. The substance -of the grant is contained in the words;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ego Willelmus Willelmi regis filius, Dei dispositione monarches -<a name="Page_484" id="Page_484"></a><span class="pageno">484</span> -Britanniæ, pro meæ meique patris remedio animæ, et regni prosperitate, -et populi a Domino mihi collati salute, concessi Johanni -episcopo abbatiam sancti Petri Bathoniæ, cum omnibus appendiciis, -tam in villis quam in civitate et in consuetudinibus, illis videlicet, -quibus saisita erat ea die qua regnum suscepi. Dedi, inquam, ad -Sumersetensis episcopatus augmentationem, eatenus præsertim ut -inibi instituat præsuleam sedem.”</p> - -<p>On the use of the title “monarches Britanniæ,” see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. -p.</abbr> 561. It is somewhat singular that, when Henry of Huntingdon -(211) speaks of the Conqueror as leaving <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“<em>regnum</em> Angliæ”</span> to his -second son, Robert of Torigny, in his own Chronicle, 1085, changes -it into <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“<em>monarchiam</em> Angliæ.”</span></p> - -<p>The date of the first grant is thus given;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Lanfranco archipræsule machinante, Wintoniæ factum est -donum hujus beneficii, <abbr title="1088">mill. lxxxviiiᵒ.</abbr> anno ab incarnatione -Domini, secundo vero anno regni regis Willelmi filii prioris -Willelmi.”</p> - -<p>The second year of William Rufus takes in from September 26, -1088, to September 26, 1089. It is perhaps not necessary to suppose -that this first grant was made in an assembly at all. If it -was, we must either suppose an extraordinary assembly in the -autumn of 1088 (for we have seen by the story of Bishop William -of Durham that the Christmas assembly of that year was held as -usual at Westminster, see <a href="#Page_116"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 116</a>), or else we must suppose that -it was done in the Easter assembly of 1089. Yet it is rather -straining chronology, even if we begin the year at Easter, to reckon -that assembly to 1088. (In 1089 Easter-day fell on April 1st.) -But that the dates of this charter begin the year at some time -later than the 1st of January is plain from the confirmation, which -was made at Dover <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“anno Dominicæ incarnationis <abbr title="1090">mill. xc.</abbr> regni -vero mei <abbr title="4">iiii.</abbr> indictione <abbr title="13 6">xiii. vi.</abbr> kal. Febr. luna <abbr title="3">iii.</abbr>”</span> This must -mean the January of 1091, as the January of 1090 comes in the -third, not in the fourth, year of Rufus. Also the charter is signed -by Ralph Bishop of Chichester and Herbert Bishop of Thetford, -who did not become bishops till 1091, and who thus seem to -have been consecrated very early in the year. The confirmation -would thus seem to have been made just before William Rufus -crossed into Normandy in 1091 (see <a href="#Page_273"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 273</a>), when Dover was a -likely place to find him at. A long list of signatures was made -<a name="Page_485" id="Page_485"></a><span class="pageno">485</span> -ready, though some only of the names actually received the cross -from the signer’s own hand. Among these indeed are the names -of Ralph and Herbert themselves, as well as those of Saint Wulfstan -and Bishop Geoffrey of Coutances. Bishop Howel of Le Mans -signs with his own hand, and after the abbots comes the unsigned -name of “Gosfridus Mala Terra” without any further description. -Can this be the historian of the Apulian wars? The earls and -counts whose names are given are Roger (of Shrewsbury), Robert -(of Mortain or of Meulan?), Simon (of Northampton), Hugh (of -Chester), Alan (of Britanny and Richmond), Henry, Walter, and -William. Of these, Roger, Simon, and Alan actually sign. Earl -Walter must be Walter Giffard, created Earl of Buckingham by -Rufus (see Stubbs, <abbr title="Constitutional History one">Const. Hist. i.</abbr> 361). Henry must be Henry -Earl of Warwick, brother of Robert of Meulan (see Will. Gem. -<abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 4; <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 676 A; <abbr title="William of Malmesbury five">Will. Malms. v.</abbr> 393; Stubbs, <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr>), -and William must be the younger William of Warren, Earl of -Surrey, that is, if his father died as is asserted by the Hyde -writer, or even so soon as we should infer from Orderic (680 D). -The signatures to this charter thus help us in fixing the dates of -the creation of these earldoms. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus cancellarius”</span> is the -future Bishop of Lincoln. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Samson capellanus,”</span> who does not -sign though his name is there, must surely be he who refused -the bishopric of Le Mans (see <a href="#Page_205"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 205</a>), or else he who was afterwards -Bishop of Worcester (see <a href="#Page_542"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 542</a>), if the two are not the -same. Among smaller lay names are many with which we are -familiar. The name of Robert Fitz-hamon stands apart after the -earls, marking his special position in the King’s favour. The name -of Randolf Peverel, whom we have met with in the story of Bishop -William (see <a href="#Page_109"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 109</a>), is followed in the original by that of William -Peverel, which is left out in the Monasticon. The Sheriff Aiulf -(see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 163) and Ælfred of Lincoln (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. -p.</abbr> 778) are the only names which can be those of Englishmen. So -soon were the promises of the Red King forgotten.</p> - -<p>It was almost needless on the part of Roger of Wendover (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 42), -or whoever he followed, to say that the change was made <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“consensu -Willelmi regis, <em>albo unguento manibus ejus delibatis</em>,”</span> a -phrase which reminds one of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“candidi nummi”</span> in Domesday, 164.</p> - -<p>Of the two societies which this change so deeply affected, we -<a name="Page_486" id="Page_486"></a><span class="pageno">486</span> -hear the moan of the monks of Bath in William of Malmesbury -(<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 195), and that of the canons of Wells in the local -Historiola (22). Of Bishop John’s doings at Bath we read;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Primo aliquantum dure in monachos agebat, quod essent -hebetes et ejus æstimatione barbari, et omnes terras, victualium -ministras, auferens, pauculumque victum per laicos suos exiliter inferens. -Sed, procedentibus annis, factis novis monachis, mitius se -agere, aliquantulum terrarum, quo se hospitesque suos quoquomodo -sustentarent, priori indulgens. Multa ibi nobiliter per eum incepta -et consummata, in ornamentis et libris, maximeque monachorum -congregatione, qui sunt scientia literarum et sedulitate -officiorum juxta prædicabiles…. Obiit grandævus, qui nec etiam -moriens emolliri potuit, ut plena manu monachorum terras redderet, -successoribus suis non imitandum præbens exemplum.”</p> - -<p>The Wells tale forms a very remarkable piece of local history, -the main features of which are given in the local Historiola (22), -and which has been illustrated by Dr. Stubbs.</p> - -<p>Our more general history is chiefly concerned with the undoing -of the work of Gisa;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Domiciliis quoque canonicorum quæ Gyso venerabilis construxerat, -refectorio scilicet et dormitorio necnon et cellario et aliis -officinis necessariis, cum claustro dirutis, canonici foras ejecti coacti -sunt cum populo communiter vivere, quos Gyso docuerat regulariter -et religiose cohabitare.”</p> - -<p>He afterwards, we are told, repented; but the canons of Wells -did not recover their property till the days of Bishop Robert -(1136–1166), who, though himself a monk, settled the constitution -of the church of Wells after the usual pattern of secular -chapters.</p> - -<p>The later Wells writer in Anglia Sacra, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 560, tells this story, -that is the story of the Historiola, with a few further touches. -We read how John, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“inconsultis canonicis Wellensibus et præter -eorum consensum, transtulit sedem episcopalem Wellensem in abbatiam -Bathoniensem … et dimisso nomine episcopatus Wellensis, -primus omnium fecit se Bathoniensem episcopum appellari.”</span> -This last charge is doubtless true; but it may be doubted whether -the bishopric of the Sumorsætan, though its bishopsettle was at -Wells, had ever been know by the local style of bishopric of -Wells (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two pages">N. C. vol. ii. pp.</abbr> 606, 608). He tells the story of the -<a name="Page_487" id="Page_487"></a><span class="pageno">487</span> -destruction of the canonical buildings, with the addition that -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“fundum in quo prius habitabant sibi et suis successoribus usurpavit, -palatiumque suum episcopale ibidem construxit.”</span> One is -almost inclined to think that there is here some confusion between -John’s two sets of victims, at Bath and at Wells. The use of the -word “palatium” is later than the days of John; but he doubtless -did build his chief house at Bath, and it may very likely have been -at the cost of the monks. He is not at all likely, when forsaking -Wells, to have built himself a house there, and, unless Bishop -Robert in the next century altogether changed the site of the -church, no cloister can ever have stood on the site of the present -palace of Wells. Yet the building of the house supplies a motive -for pulling down the cloister, which otherwise seems to be lacking.</p> - -<p class="p2">The grant of the city of Bath to Bishop John was first made -by William Rufus, and was afterwards confirmed by Henry the -First. The first grant is recorded in the Historiola (21);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum in multis et magnis obsequendo regis familiaritatem -obtineret, impetravit ab ipso sibi civitatem Bathoniæ.”</p> - -<p>The confirmation by Henry is recorded by Florence (1122), and -by William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 194;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nec eo contentus, totam etiam civitatem in suos et successorum -usus transtulit, ab Henrico rege quingentis libris argenti mercatus -urbem, in qua balnearum calidarum latex emergens auctorem -Julium Cæsarem habuisse creditur.”</p> - -<p>(He goes on with more about the Bath waters and the history -of the place.)</p> - -<p>The Monasticon contains several charters bearing on this matter -(<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 267, 268). There is first the charter of Rufus, addressed -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“O[smundo] episcopo Saresbergensi et T[urstano] abbati, Glastoniensi -et A[iulfo?] vicecomiti, <em>omnibusque baronibus Francigenis -et Anglis</em> de Sumerseta et de Wiltunscire,”</span> which grants -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“totam civitatem Bathoniæ in eleemosynam et ad augmentationem -pontificalis sedis suæ … ut cum maximo honore pontificalem suam -habeat sedem.”</span> Then comes one of Henry’s grants at Windsor -in 1101, when he says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Renovavi donum quod fecerat frater -meus Willelmus rex de civitate Bathoniæ, et eamdem civitatem -donavi Deo et beato Petro apostolo et Johanni episcopo, cum -omnibus consuetudinibus et appendiciis quæ ad ipsum pertinent,</span> -<a name="Page_488" id="Page_488"></a><span class="pageno">488</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">civitatem constitui et concessi, ut ibi deinceps sit caput et mater -ecclesia totius episcopatus de Sumersete.”</span></p> - -<p>Another charter of Henry, confirming various privileges, is -granted at Bishop’s Waltham in 1111 <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in transitu regis in Normanniam”</span> -(see the Chronicle, 1111, and <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 182). It -says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eam donationem quam donavi Deo et sancto Petro in Batha, -ubi frater meus Willielmus et ego constituimus et confirmavimus -sedem episcopatus totius Summersetæ, quæ olim erat apud villam quæ -dicitur Wella, scilicet ipsam urbem et omnia pertinentia ad firmam -ejusdem civitatis, dono et confirmo ipsi Domino nostro Jesu Christo -et beato apostolo Petro et Johanni episcopo ejusque successoribus -jure perpetuo et hæreditario.”</span></p> - -<p>Another from Geddington in 1102 is addressed to a string of -great men, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“omnibusque baronibus Francigenis et Angligenis de -Sumerset et de omni Anglia.”</span></p> - -<p>The wording of these charters illustrates a crowd of points which -we have come across at various times, as the name of the land -of Somerset, the use of “jus hæreditarium,” and specially the -“barones [þegnas] Angligenæ.” Among the signatures the charter -of 1111 has the unsigned names of two Romans, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Johannes -Tusculanus episcopus”</span> and <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tyberius dapifer et legatus.”</span> (This -Tiberius is spoken of again in a letter of Anselm to Gundulf, <abbr title="Epistle three">Ep. iii.</abbr> -85, and in a letter to King Henry, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 86, therefore before 1108, -the date of Gundulf’s death, but after the promotion of Gerard -to the archbishopric of York; he was in England on business -about the Romescot.) The second has the name of “Johannes -Baiocensis,” seemingly the son of Bishop Odo. Naturally neither -King makes any mention of the five hundred pounds which, -according to William of Malmesbury, the Bishop paid for the -grant.</p> - -<p>Lastly, there is Bishop John’s charter of 1106 (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regnante Henrico -filio magni Willelmi <em>Northmannorum ducis</em> et Anglorum regis”</span>), -which records his own acts, and makes some restitution at least to -the monks;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Notum vobis facio quod ad honorem Dei et sancti Petri -elaboravi et ad effectum perduxi, <em>cum decenti auctoritate</em>, ut caput -et mater ecclesia totius episcopatus de Sumerseta sit in urbe -Bathonia in ecclesia S. Petri. Cui beato apostolo et servitoribus -ejus monachis reddidi terras eorum quas aliquamdiu injuste tenueram -<a name="Page_489" id="Page_489"></a><span class="pageno">489</span> -in manu mea, ita integre et libere sicut Alsius abbas ante me -tenuit.”</p> - -<p>He grants them certain lands which he had bought, amongst -others the estate of Hugh or Hugolin with the Beard, a purchase -mentioned also in the Historiola, where the price is given at sixty -pounds. A comparison of the three places in Domesday 49 <span class="decoration">b</span>, 50 <span class="decoration">b</span>, -and 99 seems to show that Mr. Hunter (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 38) is right in making -“Hugo barbatus” in Hampshire and “Hugolinus interpres” the -same man. But he leaves out his third description in 50 <span class="decoration">b</span> as -“Hugo latinarius.” It is some comfort to learn from Mr. Hunter -that the “taini regis” were “a very respectable class;” but it -is perhaps more important to note that we have here a “tainus -Francigena” to match the “barones Angligenæ.” Some of Hugh’s -lands had been held of Earl Tostig by one Siward.</p> - -<p class="p2">In the Monasticon (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 264) and the Codex Diplomaticus (<abbr title="six">vi.</abbr> -209–211) are some English documents, chiefly sales and manumissions, -done at Bath in the days of Abbot Ælfsige and Bishop -John. As usual in these private documents, there is a great -mixture of Norman and English names among the signatures. -Take such a list as this in <abbr title="Codex Diplomaticus six">Cod. Dipl. vi.</abbr> 210;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“Osward preóst, and Willelm ðe clerce, and Hugo ðe postgerefa, -and Beóring, and Leófríc, and Heoðewulf, and Burchhard, and -Wulwi, and Geosfræi, and Ælfword ðe smið, and Eádwi se rédes -sune, and Rodberd ðe Frencisce.”</p> - -<p>Here we have one of our puzzling Domesday Ælfreds (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest five">N. C. -v.</abbr> 737, 777) witnessing a manumission of Bishop John;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“Her swutelað on ðisse Cristes béc ðæt Lifgið æt Forda is -gefreód and hire twa cild for ðone biscop Iohanne and for ealne -ðone hired on Baðon on Ælfredes gewitnesse Aspania.”</p> - -<p>Again in Monasticon, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 265 (<abbr title="compare page">cf. p.</abbr> 269), we have a somewhat -puzzling mention of an Abbot Wulfwold as well as Ælfsige;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“Her geswytelað on þysan gewrite þa forefarde þa Willelm -Hosatt geworhte wið Wlfwold abbod, and wið Ælfsige abbod and -wið eall þone hired on Baðan.”</p> - -<p>All this must be a little startling to those who believe that the -Conqueror ordered all documents to be drawn up in French.</p> - -<p>There is also a Latin document printed in the Archæological -Journal, <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 145, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 83, in which William of Moion, the first -<a name="Page_490" id="Page_490"></a><span class="pageno">490</span> -Norman lord of Dunster, grants the church of Dunster to Bishop -John and his monks (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ecclesiæ beati Petri de Bathonia et Johanni -<em>episcopo ejusdem monasterii</em> et monachis tam præsentibus quam -futuris”</span>). William of Moion’s witnesses seem to be all Normans; -but we get some English names among those on the part of the -Bishop; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Gireuuardus monachus et Girebertus archidiaconus et -Dunstanus sacerdos et Gillebertus sacerdos et Willelmus clericus -et Adelardus dapifer et Turaldus et Sabianus.”</span></p> - -<p>There is a letter of Anselm (<abbr title="Epistles three">Ep. iii.</abbr> 151) addressed to John -Prior of Bath and the monks, but it contains no historical information. -John was the first Prior after the change of foundation.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_G" id="Note_G"></a>NOTE G. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 144.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Character of William Rufus.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">Some</span> of the main points in the character of William Rufus are -not badly hit off by Giraldus (de <abbr title="Instructione Principum three">Inst. Princ. iii.</abbr> 30), though there -are features on which he does not dwell;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Erat rex ille strenuus in armis et animosus, sed tyrannus, adeo -militiam diligens ecclesiamque Dei exosam habens ut monasteria -cuncta domosque religiosas ab Anglis olim per Angliam fundatas -et ditatas, cum terris omnibus et possessionibus, vel ex majori -mutilare vel in militares feodos convertere proposuisset.”</p> - -<p>These last words are of importance for another part of our -inquiry (see <a href="#Page_346"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 346</a>); but the general phrase <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“militiam diligens,”</span> -a phrase capable of more meanings than one, is, in all its meanings, -strictly applicable to Rufus.</p> - -<p>Part of the character of him given by the Hyde writer (299) -has been already quoted (see <a href="#Page_353"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 353</a>). He is brought in as follows, -with the further note that he was “nimis amator pecuniæ;”</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus rex animo ferus, corpore strenuus, defensor quidem -patriæ cœpit esse, sed non satis idoneus procreator [protector? or is -a “nursing-father” meant?] ecclesiæ. Si enim ita studeret religioni -quam vanæ curiositati, nullus ei profecto deberet princeps -comparari.”</p> - -<p>Geoffrey Gaimar (<abbr title="Anglo Norman Chronicle one">Chron. Ang. Norm. i.</abbr> 30) brings him on the -stage with some respect;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<a name="Page_491" id="Page_491"></a><span class="pageno">491</span> -<div class="i0a">“Willam out non come son père,</div> -<div class="i0">Et cil refut mult allosé.</div> -<div class="i0">Englois, Normanz, l’ont honuré;</div> -<div class="i0">Tant come le duc ala conquere,</div> -<div class="i0">Le firent roi en Engleterre;</div> -<div class="i0">Et il la tint et bien regna,</div> -<div class="i0">Normanz, Englois, fort justisa,</div> -<div class="i0">Tote la terre mist en peès.”</div> -</div> - -<p>(For “honuré” another reading is “coroné.”) He then goes on to -the war in Maine, so closely that he reaches Seez on his march -soon enough for the name of that city to rime with “peès.”</p> - -<p>But, after the picture in the Chronicles (1100), the character of -William Rufus is best studied in the two works of William of Malmesbury. -On the account in the Gesta Regum I have of course drawn -largely; it is in fact, with some help from Orderic, our main storehouse. -The tone which its writer takes throughout is very remarkable; -he tries to make the best of things without directly contradicting -the facts. In his prologue to the fourth book he complains -of the difficulty, one which has not lessened since his time, of telling -the exact truth about recent matters, especially when kings are -concerned; and he at last lays down a rule which would forbid -any <em lang="la" xml:lang="la">suggestio falsi</em>, but would allow a good deal of <em lang="la" xml:lang="la">suppressio -veri</em>;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dicam in hoc libro … quidquid de Willelmo filio Willelmi -magni dici poterit, ita ut nec veritas rerum titubet, <em>nec principalis -decoloretur majestas</em>.”</p> - -<p>He brings William Rufus in in the beginning of the book itself;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Incomparabilis proculdubio nostro tempore princeps, si non -eum magnitudo patris obrueret, nec ejus juventutem fata præcipitassent, -ne per ætatem maturiorem aboleret errores licentia potestatis -et impetu juvenili contractos.”</p> - -<p>Certainly Rufus, like many other sinners, might have reformed; -but the charitable hope is made less likely by the general witness, -including that of the writer himself, that he grew worse and worse. -For William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 312) says himself;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Excellebat in eo magnanimitas, quam ipse processu temporis -nimia severitate obfuscavit; ita in ejus furtim pectus vitia pro -virtutibus serpebant ut discernere nequiret. Diu dubitavit mundus -quo tandem vergeret, quo se inclinaret, indoles illius. Inter initia, -vivente Lanfranco archiepiscopo, ab omni crimine abhorrebat, ut -unicum fore regum speculum speraretur; quo defuncto, aliquamdiu -varium se præstitit æquali lance vitiorum atque virtutum, jam -vero, postremis annis bonorum gelante studio, incommodorum seges -<a name="Page_492" id="Page_492"></a><span class="pageno">492</span> -succrescens incaluit. Et erat ita liberalis quod prodigus, ita magnanimus -quod superbus, ita severus quod sævus. Liceat enim mihi, -pace majestatis regiæ, verum non occuluisse, quia iste parum Deum -reverebatur, nihil homines.”</p> - -<p>He then gives some details, most of which I have quoted already, -and adds an elaborate discourse on real and false liberality. He is -obliged to allow (<abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr> 313) that the liberality of William Rufus was -of the latter kind;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quidam, cum non habeant quod dent, ad rapinas convertuntur, -majusque odium assequuntur ab his quibus auferunt quam beneficium -ab his quibus contulerunt; <em>quod huic regi accidisse dolemus</em>.”</p> - -<p>Some way on, after more about his liberality, followed by the -description of the vices of the court, of which more anon, and a -short reference to Anselm and Eadmer, comes (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 316) a most -singular passage;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Vides quantus e liberalitate quam putabat fomes malorum -eruperit. In quibus corrigendis quia ipse non tam exhibuit diligentiam -quam prætendebat negligentiam, magnam et vix abolendam -incurrit infamiam; immerito, credo, quia nunquam se tali supponeret -probro qui se tanto meminisset prælatum imperio. Hæc -igitur ideo inelaborato et celeri sermone convolvo, quia de tanto -rege mala dicere erubesco, in dejiciendis et extenuandis malis -laborans.”</p> - -<p>Then come the anecdotes, the annals of the reign, and the account -of the King’s death. Then (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 333) we get another small picture -of him, how he was</p> - -<p lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ingentia præsumens, et ingentia, si pensa Parcarum evolvere -vel violentiam fortunæ abrumpere et eluctari potuisset, facturus.”</p> - -<p>Lastly, he is dismissed with this general character;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Vir sacrati ordinis hominibus, pro damno animæ cujus salutem -revocare laborent, maxime miserandus; stipendiariis militibus pro -copia donativorum mirandus; provincialibus, quod eorum substantias -abradi sinebat, non desiderandus.”</p> - -<p>The <cite>Gesta Regum</cite> was the courtly book, written for courtly -readers, and dedicated to Earl Robert, the Red King’s nephew. -The subject demanded that the writer should say something about -the Red King; he had no mind to tell actual lies; so he made -the best of him that he could without telling any. But William -of Malmesbury also wrote the <cite>Gesta Pontificum</cite> for ecclesiastical -<a name="Page_493" id="Page_493"></a><span class="pageno">493</span> -readers. In that book bishops were the main subject; kings came -in only incidentally. But, when he did speak of them, he was not -under the same necessity as he was in his other work of speaking -of them with bated breath. In this work he treated William -Rufus very much as he treated several bishops, William’s own -Flambard among them. He first wrote a most severe character -of him, and then cut it out altogether. The passages which thus -perished in the second edition are printed in Mr. Hamilton’s notes, -<abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 73, 79, 84, 104. In the first place (73) he tells us how the King, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“abjecto respectu omnis boni, omnia ecclesiastica in fiscum redegit.”</span> -He was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“juvenili calore et regio fastu præfervidus, humana divinaque -juxta ponderans et sui juris æstimans.”</span> But he has spoken of -his ways elsewhere—​doubtless in the <cite>Gesta Regum</cite>—he will now -speak of them only as occasion serves. In the next place (79) he -wrote at first;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Licet nulla Dei consideratio, nulla cujuscunque hominis sanctitas, -ejus proterviam sedare possent, adeo cuncta quæ sibi dicebantur vel -turbida ira vel facetis, ut sibi videbatur, salibus eludebat.”</p> - -<p>This was too strong; in the second edition things are put in -another light;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hoc in rege magnificum videri debet, quod qui omnia pro -potestate facere posset, magis quædam joco eludebat, ad sales multa -extra judicium animi transferens.”</p> - -<p>The third passage (84) comes in the story of Anselm; the part of -it which concerns us here runs thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex in eum [Anselmum] et in omnes venabatur lites, commentabatur -caussas quibus congregaret pecunias. In exactionibus -sævus, in male partis dispertiendo prodigus, ibi harpyiarum ungues, -hic Cleopatræ luxum, in utroque impudentiam prætendens. Si -quis ei sponte quid obtulisset, nisi quantitas dati suæ conveniret -menti, statim obliquo intuitu exterrebat quoad illum ad quas liberet -doni conditiones adduceret.”</p> - -<p>The last passage (104) also comes in the story of Anselm. William’s -character is thus drawn;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Protervus et arrogans, æque in Deum ut in homines rebellis, -religioni Christianæ magis ex usu quam amore addictus, ut qui -plures Judæos Christianos factos ad Judaismum pecuniis corruptus -revocaret. Omnia fato agi credulus, nullum sanctorum nos posse -adjuvare credebat et dicebat, subinde increpitans et dicens, scilicet -<a name="Page_494" id="Page_494"></a><span class="pageno">494</span> -ea cura jam olim mortuos sollicitat ut nostris intersint negotiis. -Proindeque, si ab apostolico excommunicaretur, in secundis haberet, -qui quantum suæ conscientiæ interesset, non multum curaret -si totis annis sacramentorum expers esset.”</p> - -<p>This last passage is remarkable, as seeming to show that Rufus -rather wondered that he was not excommunicated (see <a href="#Page_611"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 611</a>). -And one wonders too, on reading this passage and some others -(see <a href="#Page_166"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 166</a>), that no controversialist has ever claimed Rufus as a -premature Protestant. Even Sir Richard Baker, a yet more loyal -apologist than the author of the <cite>Gesta Regum</cite>, did not hit upon -that.</p> - -<p>William of Malmesbury then goes on to tell the story of the -accused deer-stealers—​doubtless from Eadmer, to whom he so often -refers—​and then gives some reasons for not enlarging further on -the evil doings of Rufus. One is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quod non debeam defunctum -meo premere judicio qui habet judicem præfata [sic], cui judicanti -omnis attremit creatura.”</span> The other is that it is better, for the -sake of edification, to pass by evil doings, especially some kinds of -evil doings; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Adulterium discitur dum narratur, et omne crimen -faciendum menti male inculcatur, dum qualiter ab alio factum sit -studiosius explicatur.”</span></p> - -<p class="p2">Orderic is in this case less elaborate in his portrait-painting than -William of Malmesbury. Some of his sayings bearing on the -character of William Rufus have been already quoted. He sometimes -brings him in, after his fashion, with some epithet, appropriate -or quaint—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“liberalis rex,” “turgidus rex,” “pomposus sceptriger,”</span> -and the like. But he twice gives something like a full-length -picture. The first is at 680 A;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In diebus illis lucerna veræ sanctitatis obscurius micabat pene -cunctis in ordinibus, mundique principes cum subjectis agminibus -inhærebant tenebrosis operibus. Guillelmus Rufus Albionis rex -juvenis erat protervus et lascivus, quem nimis inhianter prosequebantur -agmina populorum impudicis moribus. Imperiosus et audax -atque militaris erat, et multitudine militum pompose tripudiabat. -Militiæ titulis applaudebat, illisque propter fastum secularem admodum -favebat. Pagenses contra milites defendere negligebat, quorum -possessiones a suis tironibus et armigeris impune devastari -permittebat. Tenacis memoriæ et ardentis ad bonum seu malum -<a name="Page_495" id="Page_495"></a><span class="pageno">495</span> -voluntatis erat. Terribilis furibus et latrunculis imminebat, pacemque -serenam per subjectam regionem servari valenter cogebat. -Omnes incolas regni sui aut illexit largitate, aut compressit virtute -et terrore, ut nullus contra eum auderet aliquo modo mutire.”</p> - -<p>This comes just before the pious and humane speech (see <a href="#Page_223"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 223</a>), -in which Rufus proposes the first war in Normandy. Towards the -end of the reign of Rufus (763 C), Orderic takes up his brush -again;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guillelmus Ruffus, militia clarus, post mortem patris in Anglia -regnavit, rebelles sibi fortiter virga justitiæ compressit, et xii. -annis ac x. mensibus ad libitum suum omnes suæ ditioni subjugavit. -Militibus et exteris largus erat, sed pauperes incolas regni sui -nimis opprimebat, et illis violenter auferebat quæ prodigus advenis -tribuebat. Multi sub ipso patris sui proceres obierunt, qui proavis -suis extraneum jus bellicose vendicaverunt, pro quibus nonnullos -degeneres in locis magnatorum restituit, et amplis pro adulationis -merito datis honoribus sublimavit. Legitimam conjugem nunquam -habuit, sed obscœnis fornicationibus et frequentibus mœchiis inexplebiliter -inhæsit, flagitiisque pollutus exemplum turpis lasciviæ -subjectis damnabiliter exhibuit.”</p> - -<p>There is also an earlier passage (669 A) which sets forth how -William kept the peace of the land. He records the surrender of -Rochester, and adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Omnium qui contra pacem enses acceperant nequam commotio -compressa est. Nam iniqui et omnes malefactores, ut audaciam -regis et fortitudinem viderunt, quia prædas et cædes aliaque facinora -cum aviditate amplexati fuerant, contremuerunt, nec postea -xii. annis quibus regnavit mutire ausi fuerunt. Ipse autem callide -se habuit et vindictæ tempus opportunum exspectavit.”</p> - -<p>This of course refers to disturbers on a larger scale than common -robbers. But one law applied to all. King William kept down -all evil-doers, save himself and his own company.</p> - -<p>Henry of Huntingdon (<abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 22) mainly translates the Chronicle; -but he adds some touches of his own, and strengthens some of -the epithets, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“invisus rex nequissimus et Deo et populo,”</span> <abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr> His -general picture is;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nec respirare potuit Anglia miserabiliter suffocata. Cum -autem omnia raperent et subverterent qui regi famulabantur, ita -ut adulteria violenter et impune committerent, quicquid antea -<a name="Page_496" id="Page_496"></a><span class="pageno">496</span> -nequitiæ pullulaverat in perfectum excrevit, et quicquid antea non -fuerat his temporibus pullulavit.”</p> - -<p>He makes also, improving the words of the Chronicler, an important -addition;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quicquid Deo Deumque diligentibus displicebat hoc regi regemque -diligentibus placebat. Nec luxuriæ scelus tacendum -exercebant occulte, sed ex impudentia coram sole.”</p> - -<p>This represents the English words (<abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1100), “And -þeah þe ic hit lang ylde, eall þet þe Gode wæs lað and rihtfulle -mannan, eall þæt wæs gewunelic on þisan lande on his tyman.”</p> - -<p>Somewhat later again the discerning William of Newburgh (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 2) -thus paints the Red King;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Factum est ut … Willelmus in principio infirmius laboriosiusque -imperaret, et ad conciliandos sibi animos subditorum modestior -mitiorque appareret. At postquam, perdomitis hostibus et fratre -mollius agente, roboratum est regnum ejus, exaltatum est illico cor -ejus, apparuitque, succedentibus prosperis, qualis apud se latuisset -dum premeretur adversis. Homo vecors et inconstans in omnibus -viis suis; Deo indevotus et ecclesiæ gravis, nuptiarum spernens -et passim lasciviens, opes regni vanissima effusione exhauriens, et -eisdem deficientibus subditorum fortunas in hoc ipsum corradens. -Homo typo immanissimæ superbiæ turgidus, et usque ad nauseam -vel etiam derisionem doctrinæ evangelicæ, temporalis gloriæ fœdissima -voluptate absorptus.”</p> - -<p>This description, after all, is very much that of William of -Malmesbury translated into less courtly language. The <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“magnanimitas”</span> -has now fully developed into <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“immanissima superbia.”</span></p> - -<p class="p2">From putting together all these descriptions we get the portrait -of William Rufus as one of those tyrants who keep a monopoly -of tyranny for themselves and their immediate servants. He puts -down other offenders, and strictly keeps the general peace of the -land. His justice, in the technical sense, is strong, with of course -the special exceptions hinted at by William of Malmesbury (see -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 143). There is no charge of cruelty in his own person; but -he allows his immediate followers, his courtiers and mercenaries, -to do any kind of wrong without punishment. He oppresses the -nation at large by exactions for the pay of his mercenaries. He -is withal a warlike and chivalrous king. We must take in the full -<a name="Page_497" id="Page_497"></a><span class="pageno">497</span> -sense of phrases like <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“militiam diligens,”</span> which mean more than -simply “warlike;” the technical sense of “miles” and “militia” -often comes in. He was bountiful to his mercenaries, and generally -lavish. He was renowned for a quality called “magnanimitas.” -He was irreligious and blasphemous. Lastly, he and his immediate -company were noticed for specially foul lives, of a kind, it would -seem, out-doing the every-day vices of mankind.</p> - -<p>Some of these points call for a more special notice. The “magnanimitas” -of William of Malmesbury is not exactly “magnanimity” -in the modern sense, which generally means a certain grand -and stately kind of mercy. The magnanimous man nowadays -chiefly shows his magnanimity, not so much in forgiving wrongs -as in passing them by without notice; they have hardly moved -him enough for forgiveness to come in. There is something approaching -to this in the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“magnanimitas Willelmi”</span> (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 309) shown -to the knight who unhorsed him before Saint Michael’s Mount -(see <a href="#Page_289"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 289</a>). But the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“præclara magnanimitas”</span> (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 320) shown in -his voyage to Touques is of another kind. Then it is that we have -the wonderful comparison, or rather identification of William Rufus -and Cæsar, of which more in a later note (see <a href="#Note_PP">Note PP</a>). William -of Malmesbury clearly means the word for praise; and it is at least -not meant for dispraise when Suger, at the beginning of his life -of Lewis (Duchèsne, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 283), speaks of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“egregie magnanimus rex -Anglorum Guillelmus, magnanimioris Guillelmi regis filius Anglorum -domitoris.”</span> But the word seems to have reached a bad -sense when (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 302) Count Odo is called <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“tumultuosus, <em>miræ -magnanimitatis</em>, caput sceleratorum”</span> (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 74). -And it is surely a fault, though it seems to be recorded with -admiration, that the first Percy who held Alnwick <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“fuit vir -magnanimus, quia noluit injuriam pati ab aliquo sine gravi vindicta”</span> -(see the Chronicle of Alnwick in the second volume of -the Archæological Institute at Newcastle, Appendix, <abbr title="page five">p. v</abbr>). And, -as it is not exactly our “magnanimous,” neither is it exactly -the <span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="megalopsychos">μεγαλόψυχος</span> of Aristotle (<abbr title="Ethics four">Eth. iv.</abbr> 3)—<span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="ho megalôn auton axiôn axios ôn">ὁ μεγάλων αὐτὸν ἀξιῶν ἄξιος ὤν</span> -axios ôn—though it comes nearer to it. William of Malmesbury’s -“magnanimus” is perhaps Aristotle’s <span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="megalopsychos">μεγαλόψυχος</span> verging towards -the <span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="chaunos">χαῦνος</span>. The essence of the character is self-esteem, -self-confidence; a step will change him from William’s “magnanimus” -into Orderic’s “turgidus.” And this comes pretty much -<a name="Page_498" id="Page_498"></a><span class="pageno">498</span> -to the <span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="tetyphômenos">τετυφωμένος</span> of the New Testament (2 <abbr title="Timothy three">Tim. iii.</abbr> 4), who is -not unlike William Rufus, only that he has at least a <span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="morphôsis -eusebeias">μόρφωσις εὐσεβείας</span>. Here our version has “high-minded”—​the Revised -Version has “puffed up”—​just as in the departed service for -January 30 the slayers of Charles the First were called “high-minded” -by those who certainly did not mean to praise them. -This again is not quite the “magnanimitas” with which we have -to do, which is still a virtue, though a dangerous one. Perhaps we -may say that William the King really was “high-minded” in this -sense, and that William the monk used a slightly ambiguous word, -in order to pass him off for “high-minded” in the other sense.</p> - -<p class="p2">The mercenary soldiers, the excesses wrought by them, and the -extortion by which their pay and largesse were supplied, all come -out in the words of the Chronicler that the land was vexed “mid -here and mid ungylde.” That they were chiefly foreigners appears -from Orderic’s phrase “advenæ,” which is doubtless opposed, not -only to the “Angli naturales,” but to the companions of the Conqueror -and their sons. The “advenæ” are opposed to the “incolæ,” -whether the “incolæ” have been settled for one generation or -twenty. So says William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 314);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Excitabat ergo totum occidentem fama largitatis ejus, orientem -usque pertendens; veniebant ad eum milites ex omni quæ citra -montes est provincia, quos ipse profusissimis expensis munerabat; -itaque cum defecisset quod daret, inops et exhaustus ad lucra convertit -animum.”</p> - -<p>Of their doings he tells us that, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“soluta militari disciplina, -curiales rusticorum substantias depascebantur, insumebant fortunas.”</span> -But the fullest account of their misdeeds is that given by Eadmer -(<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 94), when he records the statute passed by Henry, when -he and Anselm give their minds <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“qualiter aliquo modo mala quæ -pauperes maxime deprimebant mitigarentur.”</span></p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tempore siquidem fratris sui regis hunc morem multitudo -eorum qui curiam ejus sequebantur habebat, ut quæque pessumdarent, -diriperent, et, nulla eos cohibente disciplina, totam -terram per quam rex ibat devastarent. Accedebat his aliud -malum; plurimi namque eorum sua malitia debriati dum reperta -in hospitiis quæ invadebant, penitus absumere non valebant, ea -aut ad forum per eosdem ipsos quorum erant pro suo lucro ferre et -<a name="Page_499" id="Page_499"></a><span class="pageno">499</span> -vendere, aut supposito igne cremare, aut si potus esset, lotis exinde -equorum suorum pedibus, residuum illius per terram effundere, aut -certe alio aliquo modo disperdere solebant. Quæ vero in patres-familias -crudelia, quæ in uxores et filias eorum indecentia, fecerint, -reminisci pudet. Has ob causas quiqui, præcognito regis adventu, -sua habitacula fugiebant, sibi suisque quantum valebant in silvis -vel aliis locis in quibus se tutari posse sperebant, consulentes.”</p> - -<p>Here doubtless the misdeeds of courtiers, soldiers, and camp-followers, -are all mixed together; but all were in the train of -the King. In short, the march of the second William through -his own kingdom must have done at least as much harm as the -march of the first William when he was only seeking to make -it his kingdom. All these horrors undoubtedly fell on the native -English more heavily than on anybody else; only I see no reason to -think that, when the houses of a small English and a small Norman -landowner, or the houses of the English and Norman tenants of a -great landowner, stood near together, the Norman house would be -respected, while the English house was plundered. The plunderers -would hardly touch the house of Thurkill of Warwick any more -than that of Roger of Ivry; but, among their smaller neighbours, -William and Matilda would hardly fare better than Godric and -Godgifu. Indeed William of Malmesbury a little further on (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 319) -speaks of the general oppression of Rufus as one that touched all -classes, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Non pauperem tenuitas, non opulentum copia, tuebatur.”</span></p> - -<p>The mercenaries of the days of Rufus forestall the mercenaries of -the days of Stephen and John; but, unless we are to reckon a man -of the rank of Walter Tirel, we do not get such a clear notion of -any particular persons among them. The phrase of Orderic, in one -of the passages already quoted (see above, <a href="#Page_495"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 495</a>), about the promotion -of “degeneres” in the room of the nobles of the Conqueror’s -day might make us think that some of them were put in high -places. But no such instances seem to be recorded. And the word -“restituit” might suggest the restoration of native Englishmen, a -process which may really (see <a href="#Page_88"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 88</a>) have happened to some -extent after the suppression of the rebellion in 1088. But -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ordericus Angligena”</span> would never speak of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Angli naturales”</span> -as “degeneres.”</p> - -<p class="p2">The dress, manners, and morals of the court of William Rufus -<a name="Page_500" id="Page_500"></a><span class="pageno">500</span> -stand out clearly in several descriptions. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tunc effeminati passim -in orbe dominabantur”</span> says Orderic (682 B, <abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> 781 D), following -the remark with stronger and plainer words. He is eloquent on -their womanish fashion of dressing and wearing the hair;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ritus heroum abjiciebant, hortamenta sacerdotum deridebant, -barbaricumque morem in habitu et vita tenebant. Nam capillos a -vertice in frontem discriminabant, longos crines velut mulieres nutriebant -et summopere curabant, prolixisque nimiumque strictis camisiis -indui tunicisque gaudebant. Omne tempus quidam usurpabant, et -extra legem Dei moremque patrium pro libitu suo ducebant…. -In diebus istis veterum ritus pene totus novis adinventionibus commutatus -est. Femineam mollitiem petulans juventus amplectitur, -feminisque viri curiales in omni lascivia summopere adulantur…. -Humum pulverulentam interularum et palliorum superfluo scirmate -verrunt, longis latisque manicis ad omnia facienda manus operiunt; -et his superfluitatibus onusti celeriter ambulare vel aliquid utiliter -operari vix possunt. Sincipite scalciati sunt ut fures, occipite -autem prolixas nutriunt comas ut meretrices…. Crispant crines -calamistro. Caput velant vitta sine pileo. Vix aliquis militarium -procedit in publicum capite discooperto legitimeque secundum -apostoli præceptum tonso.”</p> - -<p>Yet, with all this aping of female manners, the gallants of -Rufus’ court did in one respect follow the law of masculine nature -more closely than their immediate <em>antecessores</em>, either Norman or -English;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nunc pene universi populares cerriti sunt et barbatuli, palam -manifestantes specimine tali quod sordibus libidinis gaudent, ut -fœtentes hirci.”</p> - -<p>Bishop Serlo in the sermon (816 A, B) enlarges on this last comparison -with much greater strength of language; and brings in -another likeness, and a reason which certainly has an odd -sound;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Barbas suas radere devitant, ne pili suas in osculis amicas -præcisi pungant, et setosi Saracenos magis se quam Christianos -simulant.”</p> - -<p>Seemingly the shaving of the ancient heroes of Normandy was -but rare, perhaps weekly, like the bath of their Danish forefathers -(see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 651).</p> - -<p>Of the long hair, and what Anselm thought of it, we hear again -<a name="Page_501" id="Page_501"></a><span class="pageno">501</span> -in the course of our story (see <a href="#Page_449"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 449</a>). William of Malmesbury -also (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 314) has his say about the courtiers;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tunc fluxus crinium, tunc luxus vestium, tunc usus calceorum -cum arcuatis aculeis inventus; mollitie corporis certare cum feminis, -gressum frangere, gestu soluto et latere nudo incedere, adolescentium -specimen erat. Enerves, emolliti, quod nati fuerant inviti manebant, -expugnatores alienæ pudicitiæ, prodigi suæ. Sequebantur -curiam effeminatorum manus et ganearum greges.”</p> - -<p>A various reading in a note in Sir T. D. Hardy’s edition is -stronger still.</p> - -<p>In the Life of Wulfstan (Anglia Sacra, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 254) William tells us -of the strictness of that saint in this matter, in which he gave -Bishop Serlo his model;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ille vitiosos, et præsertim eos qui crinem pascerent, insectari, -quorum si qui sibi verticem supponerent, ipse suis manibus comam -lascivientem secaret. Habebat ad hoc parvum cultellum, quo vel -excrementa unguium vel sordes librorum purgare consueverat. -Hoc cæsariei libabat primitias, injungens per obedientiam, ut capillorum -ceterorum series ad eandem complanarentur concordiam. -Si qui repugnandum putarent, eis palam exprobrare mollitiem, -palam mala minari.”</p> - -<p>But it is rather hard when William of Malmesbury forgets that -all this belongs to the last years of Wulfstan’s episcopate and not to -the first, and when he goes on to say that the fashion of wearing long -hair led to a decay of military prowess in England, and thereby to -the Norman Conquest. This can be paralleled only with those -astounding notions of Matthew Paris about our beards which I -have spoken of in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 686.</p> - -<p>As the practice could be put down for a moment only, whether -by Wulfstan, Anselm, or Serlo, William has to come back to it -again in the Historia Novella, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 4, where he tells of a momentary -reform in 1129. See Sir T. D. Hardy’s note.</p> - -<p>Some of these descriptions carry us back to earlier times, as to -the picture of the “molles” at Carthage down to Saint Augustine’s -day (<abbr title="Civitate Dei, seven">Civ. Dei, vii.</abbr> 26), <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“qui usque in hesternum diem madidis -capillis, facie dealbata, fluentibus membris, incessu femineo, per -plateas vicosque Carthaginis etiam a populis unde turpiter viverent -exigebant”</span> (only the “molles” of the Red King’s day took what -they would by force). <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> Lucan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 164;</p> - -<div class="poem" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> -<a name="Page_502" id="Page_502"></a><span class="pageno">502</span> -<div class="i2">“Cultus gestare decoros</div> -<div class="i0">Vix nuribus rapuere mares.”</div> -</div> - -<p>About the shoes much has been written, and the fashion, in one -shape or another, seems to have lasted for several ages. Orderic -is quite as wrathful at this seemingly harmless folly, as he is at -the other evil fashions which seem more serious. But perhaps the -force lies in the passage where he says (682 C), <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pedum articulis, -<em>ubi finis est corporis</em>, colubrinarum similitudinem caudarum imponunt, -quas velut scorpiones præ oculis suis prospiciunt.”</span> The -practice seems to have been looked on as a profane attempt to -improve the image of God, an argument which surely told no less -strongly against the practice of the ancient heroes when they shaved -themselves. With Count Fulk (682 A) one cannot help feeling -some sympathy. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quia pedes habebat deformes, instituit sibi fieri -longos et in summitate acutissimos subtolares, ita ut operiret pedes, -et eorum celaret tubera quæ vulgo vocantur uniones.”</span> Yet this is -very gravely set down among his many evil deeds. Then seemingly -another stage took place, when (682 B) <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus quidam nebulo -in curia Rufi regis prolixas pigacias primus cepit implere stuppis, -et hinc inde contorquere instar cornu arietis. Ob hoc ipse Cornardus -cognominatus est.”</span></p> - -<p class="p2">A number of hints in the above passages seem to show us that -the vices of Rufus were literally the works of darkness, works -which even his own more outspoken age shrank from dwelling on -in detail. It is hardly a metaphor when Orderic says (680 A), -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In diebus illis lucerna veræ sanctitatis obscurius micabat.”</span> For, -among the reforms of Henry the First (<abbr title="William of Malmesbury five">Will. Malms. v.</abbr> 393), <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“effeminatos -curia propellens, lucernarum usum noctibus in curia restituit, -qui fuerat tempore fratris intermissus.”</span> That Henry the -First could be looked on as a moral reformer is the best sign of -what he had to reform. Henry, with his crowd of mistresses and -bastards, is described as loathing the profligacies (“obscœnitates,” a -word which seems used in a special sense) of his brother (<abbr title="William of Malmsbury four">Will. -Malms. iv.</abbr> 314, and specially the wonderful passage, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 412, as to -the force of which there can be no doubt), and as making it his -first business on his accession to clear the court of its foulest -abuses. (<abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> Mrs. Hutchinson’s account of Charles the First’s reforms, -<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 127.) We must remember that no mistresses or children -<a name="Page_503" id="Page_503"></a><span class="pageno">503</span> -of Rufus are mentioned or hinted at. Orderic’s phrase of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“mœchus -rex”</span> is quite vague, perhaps euphemistic, and when the Welsh -chronicler (<abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> 1100) says that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“concubinis usus, sine -liberis obiit,”</span> he may be sheltering himself under an ambiguous -word. In the Chronicle of Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 496) is a -strange legend of what the writer truly calls <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“inauditum seculis omnibus -monstrum,”</span> but one which could not have been devised except -in the state of things which William of Malmesbury and Eadmer -describe. After all (see <abbr title="Henry of Huntingdon seven">Hen. Hunt. vii.</abbr> 32; <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 195), -the reform wrought by Henry seems to have been only for a season. -It is some slight comfort to hear from the mouth of Anselm, in his -first protest to the King (Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 24), that the presence -of Eastern vices in England was something <a name="line503_13" id="line503_13"></a>new—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“noviter in hac -terram divulgatum.”</span></p> - -<p class="p2">Of the blasphemies of William Rufus several instances have been -given in the text. He had also, like everybody else of his time, his -own special oath. As his father swore <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“par la resplendar Dé,”</span> as -other kings swore <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“per oculos Dei,” “per pedes Dei,” “per -dentes Dei,”</span> William Rufus swears (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“sic enim jurabat,”</span> says William -of Malmesbury, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 309) <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“per vultum Dei,”</span> or more commonly -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“per vultum de Luca.”</span> Some of the older writers oddly -mistook this for an oath by Saint Luke’s face. But the true -meaning of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“vultus de Luca”</span> was long ago explained by -Ducange under the word “vultus,” where he refers to the then -manuscript <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Otia Imperialia”</span> of Gervase of Tilbury, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 24, -which will be found in Leibnitz’s collection of Brunswick writers, -<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 967. The <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“vultus Lucanus”</span> was held to have been made -by Nicodemus from the impression of our Lord’s face taken on -linen immediately after the crucifixion. This it was by which -the Red King swore. In French the oath takes the form <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Li vo -de Luche”</span> (Roman de Rou, line 14920). <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> Charles de Rémusat -(<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Anselme de Cantorbéry, 133) remarks, <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Il se peut même que -ce ne soit pas précisément celui de Lucques; car on appela Saint -Voult-de-Lucques, vulgairement et par corruption Saint Godeln, -tout crucifix habillé semblable à celui-là tel que ceux qu’on voyait -jadis à Saint-Etienne-de-Sens, au Sépulcre à Paris.”</span> But it is -strange that Lappenberg (<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte von England</span>, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 172), when -telling the story of the Red King’s “magnanimitas” before Saint -<a name="Page_504" id="Page_504"></a><span class="pageno">504</span> -Michael’s Mount (see <a href="#Page_289"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 289</a> and <a href="#Note_N">Appendix N</a>), brings in the oath -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“per vultum de Luca”</span> in Wace’s story, where it is not found, -in the form <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“bei dem heiligen Antlitz zu Lucca,”</span> and afterwards -in William of Malmesbury’s story in the form <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“bei <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Lucca’s -Antlitz.”</span></p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_H" id="Note_H"></a>NOTE H. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 168.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Ecclesiastical Benefactions of William Rufus.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I think</span> that an examination of the cases in which William -Rufus has the credit of an ecclesiastical benefactor will show -that in most of them, if not in all, there is a direct or implied -reference to the memory of his father. In the case of Battle and -Saint Stephen’s this is plain on the surface. Of his moveable gifts to -Battle some have been mentioned already (see <a href="#Page_18"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 18</a>); he also gave -(<abbr title="Chronicon">Chron.</abbr> de Bello, 40) considerable gifts in real property, specially -the royal manor of Bromham in Wiltshire, valued at forty pounds -yearly. One year’s income then was to be got back by converting -the young Jew back to Judaism (see <a href="#Page_163"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 163</a>). At the dedication -of Battle he gave (<abbr title="Chronicon">Chron.</abbr> de Bello, 41; <abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum three">Mon. Angl. iii.</abbr> 246) a -number of churches, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pro anima patris mei regis Willielmi, et -matris et omnium parentum nostrorum qui ibi in bello ceciderunt, -et aliorum omnium.”</span> The local writer, who records none of his -evil deeds, gives him this character (42);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tantopere memoratus rex eandem amabat, excolebat, tuebaturque -ecclesiam, ejusque dignitates et regales consuetudines conservabat, -ut quemadmodum patris ejus tempore nullus ei adeo -adversari præsumeret, ipse quoque quotiens casu vicinia peteret, -ex dilectionis abundantia sæpius eam revisere, fovere, et consolari -solitus fuerat.”</p> - -<p>As for Saint Stephen’s, there is a charter in Neustria Pia, 638, -of William Rufus of 1088 granting various lands in England, -among them Coker in Somerset and Wells in Norfolk, with -the church of Corsham in Wiltshire and other tithes. The signatures -show that it is very carelessly copied or printed; but among -them is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus cancellarius,”</span> that is, William Giffard, afterwards -Bishop of Winchester; <a href="#Page_349">see <abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 349</a>. We read how -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“glorioso patri gloriosus filius Willelmus in regnum successit,”</span> -<a name="Page_505" id="Page_505"></a><span class="pageno">505</span> -and how he made his gifts, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“prædicti cœnobii utilitati prospiciens, -habito procerum et religiosarum personarum Angliæ et Normanniæ -consilio.”</span></p> - -<p>The Waltham writer (De Inv. c. 22) has another way of looking -at things. Of the Conqueror he speaks most respectfully, but adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Successit ei filius Willelmus Ruphus cognomento, hæres quidem -beneficiorum, sed degener morum, cui breves annos credimus indultos, -quia concessis sibi beneficiis a Domino minus aptus nec -ecclesiæ devotus sicut expediret, nec justitiæ strenuus executor, sed -vir desideriorum eisque indulgens semper exstitit.”</p> - -<p>The wrongs which Rufus did to Waltham are told with great -fervour of declamation; and specially why he did them, namely,</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Vilia censens Anglorum instituta, nec eousque valitura quin eis -eligeret ditare prædecessorum sepulturas, et ecclesiam Cadomensem -ex rapina ornare, et spoliis Walthamensis ecclesiæ salubre remedium -credens animarum patris et matris ibi quiescentium, si de alieno et -quasi ab uno altari distracto aliud ornatur, et quasi munus gratum -et valde preciosum alicui patri offerantur præcisa proprii membra -filii.”</p> - -<p>The words about English customs are meant, with whatever -truth, to contrast William the Red with his father, who is praised -for observing them. The plunder transferred from Waltham to -Caen consisted of moveable wealth of every kind, among other -things books, valued altogether at the incredible sum of 6666 -pounds. The King afterwards repented, and, though the spoil -stayed in the two minsters at Caen, he gave back, after the death -of Bishop William of Durham (who is confounded with Walcher), -that is in 1096 or later, during the vacancy, the lands which had -been given to the bishopric (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 664). Dr. Stubbs -(<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 50) prints a writ of William Rufus addressed <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“vicecomitibus -suis et ministris</span> [þegnas],” confirming to the canons of Waltham all -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“terras suas et consuetudines”</span> which they held in his father’s time. -It is a mere writ; but it must, as Dr. Stubbs suggests, be the occasion -of the burst of joy in <abbr title="chapter">c.</abbr> 23;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Laudamus præsentem hunc Willelmum, qui ob reconciliandam -sibi crucifixi gratiam quam offendisse plurimum non dubitamus in -hujus perpetratione spoliationis, qui eam carta sua ecclesiæ confirmavit, -et sub prædicto anathematis edicto, assistentibus archiepiscopis, -episcopis, et universo clero, communiter roboravit.”</p> - -<p><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506"></a><span class="pageno">506</span> -Dr. Stubbs (De Inv. 14) suggests, with great likelihood, that this -robbery of the moveable wealth of Waltham was not done for the -enriching of Saint Stephen’s, but that it was part of the general -robbery of all churches to pay the price of Normandy in 1096 -(see <a href="#Page_358"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 358</a>). And this is the more likely, because the 6666 pounds -(= 10,000 marks) said to have been taken from Waltham was -actually the sum paid to Robert. The Waltham writer has made -some confusion in his reckoning. Still the general picture of -the Red King robbing Waltham and enriching Caen holds good. -For we have seen that he was a benefactor to Saint Stephen’s, and -the writ seems to imply some meddling with the lands, as well as -the treasures, of Waltham.</p> - -<p class="p2">The curious story about the hospital of Saint Peter, afterwards -Saint Leonard, at York, all about Æthelstan and the Culdees, and -the grant of the thrave of corn which became memorable in the -fifteenth century (see Lingard, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 163), will be found in the local -history in the Monasticon, <abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 608. We read how the Conqueror -confirmed everything, and then—</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus Rufus, filius Conquestoris prædicti, rex immediate -succedens, fundavit seu mutavit situm dicti hospitalis in locum -regium ubi nunc situatur,… et dedit et confirmavit dictas travas -hospitali prædicto, sicut fecit pater ejus Conquestor.”</p> - -<p>So Leland speaks of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Gulielmus junior, rex Angliæ, fundator -hospitalis, qui etiam ecclesiolam ibidem construxit et S. Petro -dedicavit.”</span></p> - -<p>So the hospital of God’s House at Thetford is attributed to -William Rufus, <abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum seven">Mon. Angl. vii.</abbr> 769. He is also said to have -founded the nunnery of Armethwaite in Cumberland, and the -foundation charter is printed in the Monasticon, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 270. But -it is spurious on the face of it. The date given is January 6, -1089; yet Rufus is made to give grants in Carlisle which he -did not yet possess, and to call himself <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“dux Normannorum.”</span> -He appears too in the Abingdon History, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 26, 284, as granting -the church of Sutton to the abbey of Abingdon on the petition of -Abbot Reginald. The grant has three somewhat characteristic -witnesses, Robert Fitz-hamon, Robert the Chancellor, that is -Robert Bloet, and our old friend Croc the Hunter.</p> - -<p>He is also called a benefactor to the church of Rochester; but -<a name="Page_507" id="Page_507"></a><span class="pageno">507</span> -it is not clear that he actually gave anything of his own cost. In -the local histories (<abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum one">Mon. Angl. i.</abbr> 161, 162, 174) we read that Rufus -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“reddidit et restituit Lamhethe et dedit Hedenham ecclesiæ Roffæ;” -“dedit Lamtheam [hetham] et Aedenham ad victum monachorum,”</span> -<abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr> In <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 163 is his writ granting the manor of Stone to the church -of Saint Andrew and Bishop Gundulf; and in 173, 174 he grants -Lambeth and Hedenham. But Henry’s charter in the same page -speaks of Lambeth and Hedenham as gifts of Bishop Gundulf to the -monks, and in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 165 Stone is held by Ralph the son, and Osmund -the son-in-law, of Gilbert, who becomes a monk at Rochester. -The brothers find the King a harsh lord (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ambo regis exactionibus -tantum fuerunt gravati ut vix amplius hoc possent ferre. Erant -enim illis diebus consuetudines regis gravissimæ atque durissimæ -per totum regnum Angliæ”</span>); they therefore suggest that the -Bishop should get the manor of the King, and they will hold it -of him. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quo audito, episcopus quam citius potuit regem impigre -adiit, amicorum itaque apud regem usus auxilio, tandem -obtinuit quod petiit; dedit ergo episcopus Willielmo regi, -magni regis Willielmi filio, <abbr title="15">xv.</abbr> libras denariorum et unam mulam -quæ bene valebat <abbr title="100">c.</abbr> solidos.”</span> Ralph and Osmund become the -Bishop’s men for the manor—​a very good case of round-about -commendation—​but presently, by an exchange of lands between -them and the Bishop, Stone becomes a direct possession of the see. -We have also heard something about Hedenham in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> -366, and William of Malmesbury also (<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 137) speaks of it -as bought by Gundulf—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ex suo villam coemptam.”</span> Lambeth may -have been a free gift. It afterwards, as all the world knows, passed -by exchange to the see of Canterbury.</p> - -<p>There is a very curious document in the Monasticon (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 497) from -the cartulary of Tavistock in which Rufus—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“inclitæ recordationis -secundus Guillielmus”</span>—​confirms in 1096 to the abbey a manor, -Wlurintun, which some said belonged to the crown. The grant -of course takes the form of a gift. But the only thing which Rufus -really seems to have given was an ivory knife, a symbol which is -also met with in other cases;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sciant omnes quod rex per cultellum eburneum quod in manu -tenuit et abbati porrexit hoc donum peregit apud curiam … qui -quidem cultellus jacet in feretro sancti Rumoni.”</p> - -<p>The witnesses are Bishop Walkelin of Winchester, Bishop John -<a name="Page_508" id="Page_508"></a><span class="pageno">508</span> -of Bath, and Abbot Thurstan of Glastonbury. The demand had -been made before commissioners sent in Lent to Devonshire, -Cornwall, and Exeter—​the local capital stands apart—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ad investiganda -regalia placita.”</span> They were Bishop Walkelin, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Randulfus -capellanus”</span> (Flambard), William <em>Capra</em> (see him in Domesday, -110, as <em>Chievre</em>; he is <em>Capra</em> in Exon), and <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hardinus Belnoldi -filius.”</span> Is not “Belnoldus,” a strange name, a miswriting for -<em>Ednodus</em>? See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 756.</p> - -<p>Lastly, we have elsewhere seen (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest four">N. C. iv.</abbr> 411) that William -granted the manor of Bermondsey to the foundation of the Englishman -Ælfwine Child. See the charter in Monasticon, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 100. It is -witnessed by the founder Ælfwine, also, between the bishops and -Eudo <em>dapifer</em>, by “Johannes de Sumbresetta.” Is this the Bishop -of Bath, not yet used to his new title?</p> - -<p class="p2">A crowd of writs securing churches in rights already possessed, -as well as simple confirmations of the grants of others, do not -bear upon the matter. And we must not forget that he showed -a degree of tenderness to the monks of Durham during the banishment -of their bishop (see <a href="#Page_299"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 299</a>) which he failed to show to -other monks. Still, in any case, the gifts of William Rufus make a -poor show between the gifts of the founder of Battle and those -of the founder of Reading.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_I" id="Note_I"></a>NOTE I. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 169.</p> - -<p class="center sc">Chivalry.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I refer</span> to the remarkable passage of Sir Francis Palgrave, -Normandy and England, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 438;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“Are we not told that ‘the Spirit of Chivalry was the parent -and offspring of the Crusades?’ again that in ‘the accomplished -character of the Crusader we discover all the virtues of a perfect -Knight, the true Spirit of Chivalry, which inspired the generous -sentiments and social offices of man?’—​the Historian might reply -in the words of a great Teacher, whose voice already resounds in -History—​‘I confess that if I were called upon to name what Spirit -of evil predominantly deserved the name of Antichrist, I should -name the Spirit of Chivalry: the more detestable for the very -<a name="Page_509" id="Page_509"></a><span class="pageno">509</span> -guise of the Archangel ruined, which has made it so seductive -to the most generous spirits—​but to me so hateful, because it is -in direct opposition to the impartial justice of the Gospel, and -its comprehensive feeling of equal brotherhood, and because it so -fostered a sense of honour rather than a sense of duty.’… Take -the huge folio of the <cite>Gesta Dei per Francos</cite>—​search it boldly and -honestly, turn over its fifteen hundred pages, examine their contents -according to the rules of moral evidence, the praises the Writers -bestow, and more than their praises, their blame; their commentaries -upon deeds of cruelty, and more than their commentaries, their -silence—​and try how much you can extract which will justify any -one of the general positions which the popular enthusiasts for -Chivalry have maintained.”</p> - -<p>The extract is from a letter of Arnold to Archdeacon Hare in -1829 (Life and Correspondence, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 255). A note adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“‘Chivalry,’ or (as he used more frequently to call the element -in the middle ages which he thus condemned) ‘feudality,’ is -especially Keltic and barbarian—​incompatible with the highest -virtue of which man is capable, and the last at which he arrives—​a -sense of justice. It sets up the personal allegiance to the chief -above allegiance to God and law.”</p> - -<p>Nothing can be better; only it is not quite clear what Arnold -meant by “Keltic;” continental chivalry must be carefully distinguished -from devotion to the chief of the clan, though there -is much analogy between the two feelings. But, as I have said -elsewhere (<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 483), chivalry is Norman rather than -English and French rather than Norman; so in that sense it may -be called “Keltic.”</p> - -<p>Sir Francis Palgrave goes on to discuss one of the stories of -the boasted generosity of Bayard. Like some others, it merely -comes to this, that he did not act a part which would have been -singularly shameful.</p> - -<p>About chivalry and other kindred matters, I had my own say -in an article on the Law of Honour in the Fortnightly Review, -December 1876. But I must decline to pledge myself to Sir -F. Palgrave’s condemnation of the crusades. All that he says -is perfectly true of the crimes and follies in detail with which -the crusades were disgraced. And in those days it would have -been hard to carry out a crusade without a large measure of those -<a name="Page_510" id="Page_510"></a><span class="pageno">510</span> -crimes and follies. And this might be in itself a fair argument, -though not one which the age would have understood, against undertaking -any crusade at all. But I must hold that the general -idea of the crusade itself was something high above all chivalry. -I must hold that all the crusades before the fourth, whatever we -say of the way in which they were carried out, were in themselves -fully justifiable, both in morality and in policy. Surely, in all -that bears on this matter, it is Cohen rather than Palgrave that -speaks. With all his learning and acuteness, with all his lofty -and Christian morality, his deep and wide-reaching sympathy with -right and hatred of wrong in every shape, my illustrious predecessor -in Norman and English history was still, as a man of the East, -unable thoroughly to throw himself into the Western side of a -great struggle between East and West.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_K" id="Note_K"></a>NOTE K. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 196.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Purchase of the Côtentin by the Ætheling -Henry.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I have</span> told this part of my story as I find it in Orderic, whose -account seems to me to be probable, and to hang well together, -while it is confirmed, not indeed in every detail, but in its leading -outlines, by the account in the Continuation of William of Jumièges; -that is, by Robert of Torigny. But William of Malmesbury and -Wace give quite different versions. That of William is found, not -in the part of his work where he records the events of the reign of -William Rufus, but at the beginning of his fifth book (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 392), -where he introduces the reign of Henry with a sketch of his earlier -life. While the rebellion of 1088 is going on in England, and while -Robert is waiting—​waiting, our historian says, for a favourable -wind—​to go to help his supporters there, Henry, by the Duke’s -order, goes away into Britanny (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Henricus in Britanniam ejus jussu -abscesserat”</span>). Meanwhile Robert spends on his mercenaries the -money which the Conqueror had left to Henry, which is here cut -down from 5000 pounds to 3000 <em>marks</em>—​a mistake partly arising -from a confusion between the whole sum left to Henry and the sum -paid for the Côtentin (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ille, occasione aucupata, omnem illam -pecuniarum vim testamento patris adolescentulo legatam, quæ erat</span> -<a name="Page_511" id="Page_511"></a><span class="pageno">511</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">trium millium marcarum, in stipendiarios suos absumpsit”</span>). Then -follows a very confused story, how Henry came back and passed -over the wrong in silence (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Henricus reversus, licet forsitan ægre -tulisset, taciturna præteriit industria”</span>); the reason given being -the restoration of peace in England (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“enimvero, nuntiata pacis -compositione in Anglia, deposita militia ferias armis dedere”</span>). He -then goes away into some quarter where the Duke had given or -promised him lands, but he is at the same time entrusted with the -keeping of the castle of Rouen (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“comes in sua, junior in ea quæ -frater suus dederat vel promiserat, discessit; namque et in acceptum -promissa referebat, custodiens turrim Rotomagi in ejus fidelitatem.”</span> -Or can these last words mean that Henry kept the castle of Rouen -in pledge till the promised lands were actually put into his -hands?). Presently, on the accusation of some very bad people—​if -the Bishop of Bayeux was one of them, he is not mentioned by -name—​Henry is unjustly kept in ward for half a year in this same -tower of Rouen (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“delatione pessimorum cessit in adversum fidelitas, -et nulla sua culpa in ipso eodem loco Henricus libere custoditus -est, ne servatorum diligentiam</span> [who are the “servatores”?] -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">effugio luderet”</span>). Then he goes by William’s invitation to England, -and enters the King’s service; there William keeps him for a year, -making promises which he never fulfils. Robert meanwhile sends -a message promising redress, on the strength of which Henry goes -back to Normandy (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“post medium annum laxatus, fratri Willelmo -invitanti serviturum se obtulit; at ille, nihilo modestius ephebum -remunerans, plus anno inanibus sponsionibus agentem distulit. -Quapropter, Roberto emendationem facti per nuntios promittente, -Normanniam venit”</span>). There he was exposed to intrigues on the -part of both his brothers, which are very darkly described; but he -escapes from all danger, and, by seizing Avranches and some other -castles, compels Robert to make peace with him (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“amborum fratrum -expertus insidias; nam et rex, pro repulsa iratus, ut retineretur -frustra mandarat; et comes, accusatorum lenociniis mutatus, voluntatem -verterat ut blanditiis attrectatum non ita facile dimitteret. -Verum ille, Dei providentia et sagaci sua diligentia cuncta evadens -pericula, occupatione Abrincarum et quorundam castellorum coegit -fratrem libenter paci manum dedere”</span>). Then comes the invasion of -Normandy by William, the sedition at Rouen, the death of Conan -by Henry’s own hand (see <a href="#Page_257"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 257</a>). Robert then ungratefully drives -<a name="Page_512" id="Page_512"></a><span class="pageno">512</span> -Henry from the city (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“parum hic labor apud Robertum valuit, -virum animi mobilis, qui statim ad ingratitudinem flexus, bene -meritum urbe cedere coegit”</span>). Then, without any explanation, -comes the siege of Saint Michael’s Mount, which he had already described -elsewhere (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 308). Of Domfront and Saint James we hear -nothing.</p> - -<p>There is in this account a greater attempt at chronological precision -than is usual with William of Malmesbury, especially when -he tells a story out of its chronological place. And the dates do -not hang badly together. Henry is put in ward late in 1088 for -six months. On his release he goes to England for a year, comes -back, and seizes Avranches. This brings us well into 1090, the year -of the vicarious invasion of Normandy by Rufus, of the sedition at -Rouen, and of the death of Conan. But these dates do not agree with -the more exact chronology of Orderic. According to him (672 D), -Henry went to England in the summer of 1088, and came back to -Normandy in the autumn of the same year (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In æstate, postquam -certus rumor de Rofensis deditione citra mare personuit … transfretavit -… deinde in auctumno regi valefecit”</span>). He is at once -imprisoned, and is released, as far as one can see, about February -1089. At least Orderic mentions his release as happening -about the same time as the death of Durand Abbot of Troarn, on -February 3 in that year (676 B, C). Moreover the order of events, -both with regard to the voyage and imprisonment, is altogether -changed, and the whole story is told in a different way from that -of Orderic. The story about Robert taking Henry’s money contradicts -the express statement of Orderic (659 D) that Henry had -put his money in safe keeping; it contradicts too the implied -statements of Orderic and all the other writers who describe the -cession of the Côtentin to Henry as a sale, or at least as a -pledge, as something in either case by which Henry paid down -money and received land. And it may be hard to reconcile William -of Malmesbury’s narrative here with his own statement -just before (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 391), that Henry was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“paterna benedictione et materna -hæreditate, simul et multiplicibus thesauris, nixus.”</span> Nor -has William of Malmesbury any distinct mention of the Côtentin, -or of any other possessions of Henry, till after his release from -prison. And then he represents Henry as obtaining them by -force, a story which most likely comes from some confusion -<a name="Page_513" id="Page_513"></a><span class="pageno">513</span> -with the later events, mentioned in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 286. The visit to Britanny -on the part of Henry which comes earlier in the story is most -likely his visit to Britanny after the siege of Saint Michael’s Mount -(see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 294) moved out of its place. The whole narrative is dark -and perplexed throughout, in marked contrast to the clear and -careful statement of Orderic. And among the points on which William -differs from Orderic the only one on which he is at all borne -out by any trustworthy authority is, as we shall presently see, that -by which he makes Rouen the place of Henry’s imprisonment. -Yet there are one or two points on which we might almost think -that William had some narrative like that of Orderic before him. -Though Robert gets possession of Henry’s money in different ways -in the two stories, yet in both he takes it for the same purpose, -that of paying his mercenaries. And there is a certain likeness in -the pictures which they both give of Henry as exposed to the enmity -of both his brothers at once. It is possible that William’s version -may really be an unsuccessful attempt to put together the detached -facts of Orderic’s story, not necessarily of Orderic’s text.</p> - -<p>Wace tells the story in a yet more confused way than William -of Malmesbury, and with the events strangely transposed throughout. -But he gives one or two details, bringing in persons of whom we -hear elsewhere, which are likely enough to be authentic. When -Robert is planning the invasion of England, he wants money, and -for that end, pledges (14505–14520), not grants or sells, the Côtentin -to Henry.</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Henris li a l’aveir presté,</div> -<div class="i0">Si come il li out demandé:</div> -<div class="i0">Costentin en gage reçut,</div> -<div class="i0">E tant lunges aveir le dut</div> -<div class="i0">Ke li dus li soen li rendist,</div> -<div class="i0">E del tot son gréant en fist.”</div> -</div> - -<p>He adds that Richard of Reviers, or Redvers, left Robert’s service -for that of Henry, in answer to a special request made by Henry -to his brother. This is likely enough. Richard of Redvers appears -once in Domesday (Dorset 83), and his pedigree is set forth in a -special note by Mr. Stapleton (<abbr title="two 269">ii. cclxix</abbr>), who corrects the belief -(see Prevost on Wace, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 307; Ellis, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 377) that he was a son of -Baldwin of Exeter (see Norman Conquest, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 161). He appears -in Orderic (689 C) and the Continuation of William of Jumièges -(<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 4), along with Earl Hugh of Chester, as one of Henry’s supporters -in the Côtentin, and we see throughout that he was an -<a name="Page_514" id="Page_514"></a><span class="pageno">514</span> -important person in Henry’s reign (see <abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 362. <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> Orderic, -783 D, 833 D; <abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum five">Mon. Angl. v.</abbr> 105, in the account of Saint James’ -priory near Exeter). The words in which the Duke bids Richard -leave his service for that of Henry (14534–14545) are curious, -and throw light on the many expressions in Domesday about the -grant or <em>invasio</em> of a freeman and the like (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest four">N. C. iv.</abbr> 723; -<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 751;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Jo ne sai ke Richart pensa,</div> -<div class="i0">Mais semblant fist ke li pesa</div> -<div class="i0">K’il deveit del duc tot partir</div> -<div class="i0">E son frère Henris servir.</div> -<div class="i0">Richart, dist li dus, si fereiz,</div> -<div class="i0">Henris mon frere servireiz,</div> -<div class="i0"><em>Vostre fieu è vos li otrei</em>;</div> -<div class="i0">N’est pas meinz gentil hom de mei;</div> -<div class="i0">Sis hoem seiez; jel’ vos comant;</div> -<div class="i0">Servez le bien d’ore en avant:</div> -<div class="i0">Vos n’arez jà de li hontage,</div> -<div class="i0">Nos somes andui d’un parage.”</div> -</div> - -<p>We may compare the story in Orderic, 814 B, C, where Duke -Robert grants Count William of Evreux to his brother (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ei Guellelmum -consulem Ebroarum cum comitatu suo et omnibus sibi -subjectis concessit”</span>), and where the Count is amazed at finding -himself likened to a horse or an ox (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“præclarus comes, ut se quasi -equum vel bovem dandum audivit”</span>). The thoughts of Richard, -which Wace did not know, may have been much the same as those -of Count William.</p> - -<p>Robert then goes on his invasion of England, but leaves off on -William’s engaging to pay him five thousand pounds yearly -(14548–14871). This, I need hardly say, is pure fiction; or rather -it is Robert’s expedition in the reign of Henry carried back to the -reign of Rufus. On coming back to Normandy, Robert quarrels -with Henry, it is not easy to see why, while William is also angry -with him on account of the help in money given by him to Robert. -Robert then takes possession of the Côtentin, and does not repay -Henry his money (14874–14887);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Robert out l’aveir despendu,</div> -<div class="i0">E Costentin a retenu,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne Henris Costentin n’en out,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne ses deniers aveir ne pout.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Henry then defends himself on Saint Michael’s Mount, and the -account of the siege follows. Henry’s voyage to England, and his -imprisonment, which is said to be at Rouen, are placed later still -(14754–14759).</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the short account given by Robert of -Torigny in the Continuation of William of Jumièges (<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 2) is -<a name="Page_515" id="Page_515"></a><span class="pageno">515</span> -much more nearly in agreement with Orderic. He records the -bequest of five thousand pounds to Henry, with the addition that -it was in English money (<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 854). He then mentions -the cession of the Côtentin to Henry, but he is uncertain whether -to call it a grant, or, with Wace, a pledge (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus frater suus -dedit illi comitatum Constantiensem, vel, ut alii volunt, invadiavit”</span>). -He says nothing about Henry’s voyage to England in 1088; but -he mentions the slanders against Henry and his consequent imprisonment -by Robert. Here comes in his only point of difference -from Orderic. Orderic (672 D, see above, <a href="#Page_199"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 199</a>) makes Henry -come back from England in company with Robert of Bellême; they -are both seized on the sea-shore, and are shut up in different -prisons;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quidam malevoli discordiæ satores eos anticipaverunt, et, falsa -veris immiscentes, Roberto duci denuntiaverunt quod … cum rege -Rufo essent pacificati, et ad ducis damnum sacramenti etiam obligatione -confœderati. Dux igitur … cum Baiocensi episcopo consilium -iniit et præfatos optimates præoccupavit. Nam antequam -aliquid molirentur, quum securi ad littus maris de navibus egrederentur, -valida militum manu missa eos comprehendit, vinculis -coarctavit, et unum Baiocis aliumque Noilleio sub manu Baiocensis -tyranni custodiæ mancipavit.”</p> - -<p>Robert of Torigny, on the other hand, like Wace, makes Rouen -the place of arrest; but he does not go on to say with William of -Malmesbury that it was the place of imprisonment (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Inventis -quibusdam vilibus occasionibus, per malorum tamen hominum suggestiones, -ipsum nihil tale meditantem apud Rothomagum capiens, -quod dederat indecenter extorsit”</span>). These last words of course refer -to the Côtentin, and imply an occupation of it by Robert during -Henry’s imprisonment. Later events follow in much the same -order as in Orderic.</p> - -<p>The author of the Brevis Relatio, who wrote in Henry’s reign, -must have drawn from the same sources as the Continuator, as -the words of his short account (11) are to some extent the same. -He gives a clear and terse summary of the fortunes of Henry -during the reign of Rufus, which is almost his only mention of -that reign. The words which at present concern us are these; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Henricus remansit in Normannia cum Roberto fratre suo, qui -dedit ei quamdam terram in Normannia, sed non diutius inde</span> -<a name="Page_516" id="Page_516"></a><span class="pageno">516</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">gaudium habuit [“Non diutius inde gavisus est,”</span> says the Continuator]. -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Non multo enim tempore, inventis quibusdam vilibus -occasionibus, ei illam abstulit.”</span></p> - -<p>The agreement between Orderic and Robert of Torigny is the -more valuable, because they clearly write from independent sources, -and, as we shall see presently, fill up gaps in one another. William -of Malmesbury brings in his story incidentally, and has made confusions. -Wace, as is not at all wonderful, is less accurate at this -part of his narrative than he was at an earlier stage. The expedition -of the Conqueror was his main subject, and on that he -evidently bestowed the greatest care, not only in gathering information -from all quarters, but very often in sifting it. He is now -dealing with the kind of time which most men in all ages know -least about, the times a little before and a little after his own birth. -I must confess, for my own part, that there is no part of English -history in which I feel so little at home as in the administration of -the Earl of Liverpool.</p> - -<p class="p2">Anyhow William of Newburgh speaks with great truth when, -after (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 2) sketching the character of William and Robert, he -adds; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Porro Henricus frater junior, laudabilem præferens indolem, -duris et infidis fratribus militabat.”</span></p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_L" id="Note_L"></a>NOTE L. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 257.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Death of Conan.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> death of Conan suggests the death of Eadric (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one pages">N. C. vol. -i. pp.</abbr> 415, 740); only, while the story of Eadric’s death has grown -into several mythical forms, we have only two versions of the -death of Conan. These are given us by Orderic (689) and by William -of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 392). Both of these are contemporary writers in -the sense of having been born at the time—​Orderic was about fourteen—​though -neither could have written his account till a good -many years after. Orderic’s account is remarkably clear and circumstantial; -and, if the sharp interchang of sentences between Henry -and Conan is open to suspicion of another kind, it is not open to -the same kind of suspicion which attaches to rhetorical speeches -<a name="Page_517" id="Page_517"></a><span class="pageno">517</span> -in Orderic or anywhere else. No one but Henry himself could -have told the story in the first instance, and stories of this kind, -coming under the head of personal anecdote, commonly get improved -as they pass from mouth to mouth. But there is no reason to -suspect any invention on the part of Orderic himself, which in -a long speech we always may suspect. With these prudent allowances, -we may surely accept the tale as it stands in Orderic. The -version of William of Malmesbury reads like a rather careless summary -of some account to the same general effect as Orderic, but -with some differences of detail. But the dramatic effect of Orderic’s -dialogue has wholly passed away from William’s abridgement.</p> - -<p>I will mention the chief differences between the two accounts. -According to Orderic, Duke Robert was all this time on the other -side of the Seine; William, who knows nothing about his flight, -keeps him still at Rouen. Here Orderic’s version is clearly to -be preferred. The story of Robert’s flight is either true, or else -direct invention. I do not mean an invention of Orderic, but an -invention of Robert’s enemies at the time. But if William had -never heard that story, he would conceive the Duke to be at -Rouen as a matter of course. William then makes Robert wish -to put Conan in prison; but Henry demands that he should be -given over to himself (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Conanum quendam, proditionis apud -comitem insimulatum, quem ille vinculis irretire volebat, arbitratus -nihil calamitosius posse inferri misero quam ut exosum spiritum in -ergastulo traheret—​hunc ergo Conanum Henricus suæ curæ servatum -iri postulavit”</span>). Robert here seems to wish for Conan’s -imprisonment, not out of the merciful feeling which Orderic attributes -to him when he comes back to the city, but rather as -deeming imprisonment worse than death. In either case Henry -goes on the principle that “stone dead hath no fellow.”</p> - -<p>In the summary of the dialogue, William brings in one or two -points which are not in Orderic. As Henry shows the view to -Conan, he promises in mockery that all shall be his; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“sua per -ironiam omnia futura pronuntians.”</span> This differs altogether from -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quam pulcram tibi patriam conatus es subjicere.”</span> One is half -tempted to see in William’s version a touch of legend worked in -from the Gospels.</p> - -<p>Instead of Henry’s characteristic oath by the soul of his mother, -which must surely be genuine, William puts into his mouth a -<a name="Page_518" id="Page_518"></a><span class="pageno">518</span> -discourse on the duty of the vassal, and his punishment if faithless, -which seems a little too long for the time and place; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nullam -vitæ moram deberi traditori: quoquo modo alieni hominis posse -tolerari injurias, illius vero qui tibi juratus fecerit hominium, nullo -modo posse differri supplicium si fuerit probatus perfidiæ.”</span></p> - -<p>From the narrative of Orderic, one would certainly infer that -Henry and Conan were alone together in the tower, Henry doubtless -armed and Conan unarmed. William of Malmesbury gives Henry -companions who help to throw Conan down; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“comitibus qui secum -aderant pariter impellentibus.”</span> The exact spot also seems differently -conceived by the two writers. William of Malmesbury makes -Conan fall into the river; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“inopinum ex propugnaculo deturbans -in subjectam Sequanam præcipitavit.”</span> This seems quite inconsistent -with Orderic, whose words (690 D) are;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Contemptis elegi supplicationibus, ipsum ambabus manibus -impulit, et per fenestram turris deorsum præcipitavit. Qui -miserabili casu in momento confractus est, et <em>antequam solum -attingeret</em> mortuus est. Deinde cadaver illius jumenti caudæ innexum -est, et per omnes Rothomagi vicos ad terrendos desertores -turpiter pertractum est.”</p> - -<p>From this it seems clear that Conan fell on dry ground. And -though the river, before the quays were made, certainly came nearer -to the walls of the castle than it now does to their site, one can hardly -fancy that it came so close to the foot of the great tower that Conan -could actually fall into the water. William too conceives those -concerned—​whether two or more—​as standing on the top of the -tower, whence Conan is thrust down from a battlement (“propugnaculum”) -to which he clings. Orderic seems to conceive him -as pushed out of a window (“fenestra”) in one of the upper rooms -“solaria”) of the tower. It is possible however that by “fenestra” -Orderic may mean the embrasure of a battlement. There is not -so much difference between the two things as might seem at first -sight. When the towers (see Viollet-le-Duc’s Military Architecture, -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">passim</i>) were covered with roofs fitting down on the battlements, -the embrasure was in fact a window. In no case must we fancy -Henry and Conan standing together in the open air on the top -of a flat-roofed tower.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519"></a><span class="pageno">519</span> -<a name="Note_M" id="Note_M"></a>NOTE M. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 274.</p> - -<p class=" center sc">The Siege of Courcy.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> siege of Courcy by Duke Robert (<abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 692) is remarkable -for some picturesque details, which are interesting in themselves, -and throw light on the times, though they do not directly -concern the history of William Rufus. I was at Courcy in 1875; -but I cannot find any notes on the castle. As far as I remember, -it does not stand on any remarkable height, and does not contain -among its remains any marked features of the eleventh century. -There is however at Courcy a remarkably fine church of the twelfth.</p> - -<p>Among the allies who came to the help of the besieged were -several French knights, two of whom bore epithets which show -that, in the days of the chivalrous King, we are getting near to -the times of chivalry. Among the defenders of Courcy were the -White Knight and the Red Knight;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ad conflictus istorum convenerunt Mathæus comes de Bellomonte -et Guillelmus de Garenna, aliique plures, ut in tali gymnasio suas -ostentarent probitates. Ibi Tedbaldus Gualeranni de Britolio filius -et Guido Rubicundus occisi sunt. Quorum prior, quia cornipes et -omnia indumenta ejus candida erant, Candidus Eques appellabatur. -Sequens quoque Rubeus, quia rubeis opertus erat, cognominabatur.”</p> - -<p>Of these persons, the younger William of Warren, son of the -elder William and Gundrada, elder brother of the Reginald whom we -have met at Rouen, belongs to our home circle. Count Matthew -of the French Beaumont in the modern department of Oise—​to -be distinguished alike from our Norman and our Cenomannian -Beaumont—​a kinsman of Hugh of Grantmesnil’s wife (<abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> -691 D), appears again twice in Orderic, 836 B, 854 B, the second time -at the battle of Noyon. Both times he appears in company with -his neighbour Burchard of Montmorency. Guy the Red Knight -appears in the former passage as an intended father-in-law of the -future King Lewis;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In juventute sua Ludovicus filiam Guidonis Rubei comitis de -Rupeforti desponsavit, et hereditario jure competentem comitatum -subjugare sibi sategit. Capreosam et Montem Leherici, et Bethilcurtem -aliaque oppida obsedit, sed multis nobilibus illi fortiter -<a name="Page_520" id="Page_520"></a><span class="pageno">520</span> -obstantibus non obtinuit, præsertim quia Lucianam virginem quam -desponsaverat Guiscardo de Belloloco donaverat.”</p> - -<p>This Rochefort is in the department of Seine and Oise, between -Montfort l’Amaury and Montl’hery. The redness of its Count -and the whiteness of Theobald land us in quite another state of -things from the personal whiteness and redness of Fulk the Red, -Wulfward the White, and others. We seem to be in the fourteenth -century rather than in the eleventh. But we must remember -that at the battle of Noyon, twenty-eight years later, the French -knights at least had armorial bearings (<abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 855 B, C; see -<abbr title="Norman Conquest five">N. C. v.</abbr> 189). All these things are French to begin with; they -spread from France into Normandy, and from Normandy into -England.</p> - -<p>In this siege we meet with an instance, of which I shall have to -speak again (see <a href="#Note_FF">Note FF</a>), of the wooden tower employed against a -fortified place; not a moving tower, it would seem, but one of those -of which we have so often heard. Yet it is spoken of as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ingens -machina quam <em>berfredum</em> vocitant”</span> (<abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 692 C, <abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> 878 C). So -in <abbr title="William of Malmesbury four">Will. Malms. iv.</abbr> 369, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pro lignorum penuria turris non magna, in -modum ædificiorum facta; <em>Berfreid</em> appellant, quod fastigium murorum -æquaret.”</span> This is the <em>beffroi</em>, whose English form of <em>belfry</em> has -got quite another use. It was made at Christmas, seemingly by -order of Robert of Bellême. But one day, when the arch-enemy -was driven back, a daring esquire, a kind of land Kanarês, climbed -into it, and set it on fire (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Justo Dei judicio machina combusta -est, quæ tyrannico jussu in diebus sanctæ nativitatis Domini -proterve fabricata est;”</span> 693 A). We have a story something like -this in the legend of our own Hereward (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 472). -The castle being newly built, they had not been able to build an -oven inside it (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pro acceleratione obsidionis in novo munimento -construere furnum oppidanis fas non fuerat”</span>). They had therefore -to make use of one which stood outside the castle, commanded by -the <em>beffroi</em> (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Clibanus extra munitionem inter machinam oppidique -portam stabat, ibique panificus</span> [surely Eurysakês by the <em>Porta Maggiore</em> -would have liked so sounding a title] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad subsidium inclusorum -panes coquebat”</span>). The <em>beffroi</em> then was not brought up immediately -against the wall. There was therefore much fighting over the -loaves, and many men were killed at this particular point. In one -day’s fight twenty men were killed and many wounded. These last -<a name="Page_521" id="Page_521"></a><span class="pageno">521</span> -had a scruple; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“de panibus emptis cruore suo non gustaverunt.”</span> -Notwithstanding the <em>beffroi</em> and the fighting, Duke Robert kept -very bad watch; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In conspectu obsidentium commilitones obsessorum -in castellum quotidie intrabant, et armis ac alimentis <em>non -curante duce</em> socios ne deficerent confortabantur.”</span></p> - -<p>The bishop of the diocese, Gerard of Seez (1082–1091), came -and took up his quarters in the neighbourhood, in the abbey of -Saint Peter-on-Dive, and tried to bring about peace (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ut dissidentes -parrochianos suos pacificaret”</span>); but in vain. A boy of noble -birth in the Bishop’s service (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“puer quidam qui præsuli ministrabat; -idem puer Ricardus de Guaspreia, filius Sevoldi, vocitabatur”</span>), -who is afterwards described as “clericus” and “imberbis clericus,” -rides about the camp in boyish fashion (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“dum per exercitum puerili -more ludens equitabat”</span>). The boy’s family are among those who -had to defend themselves against the devil of Bellême (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cujus parentela -contra Robertum sese jamdudum defendere totis viribus -nitebatur”</span>). So, when young Richard appears in the camp, Robert -pushes him from his horse, puts him in prison, takes the horse to -himself, and threatens his master the Bishop (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus injuriam -ei [Gerardo] maximam fecit, eumque minis contristavit. Nam -puerum … ejectum de equo comprehendit et in carcere trusit, -sibique cornipedem retentavit”</span>). The Bishop threatens the whole -army with interdict, unless his beardless clerk is restored, which is -done after a few days. The Bishop by this time is sick; he goes to -Seez and dies, January 23, 1091, in the same week, according to -Orderic (693 B), in which William Rufus crossed the sea. His successor -was the more famous Serlo, who so vigorously sheared the -locks of the Lion of Justice and his court.</p> - -<p>The boy of high birth serving in the bishop’s household, and -counted as belonging to the clerical order—​he may even have held -preferment, as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pueri canonici”</span> were not unknown—​is worth -notice. The incredible tale told by Giraldus of William Longchamp -(<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 423) at least witnesses to the existence of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pueri -nobiles ad mensam ministrantes”</span> in a bishop’s court.</p> - -<p>Lastly, it must not be forgotten that it was during the siege of -Courcy, on the first day of the year 1091 (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in capite Januarii”</span>), that -a priest of the diocese of Lisieux, Walchelm by name, saw that -wonderful vision of souls in purgatorial suffering, including many -of his personal acquaintance and several respectable prelates, -<a name="Page_522" id="Page_522"></a><span class="pageno">522</span> -for Bishop Hugh of Lisieux and Abbot Mainer of Saint Evroul -(see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 383, <abbr title="volume four page">vol. iv. p.</abbr> 655) were there also, which is -told so graphically by Orderic (693 C). A rationalistic mind may be -tempted to see in the supernatural procession another of the endless -forms of the Wild Huntsman; but a Defoe-like feeling of -reality is given to the picture, when he reads that Walchelm thought -that they were the following of Robert of Bellême going to besiege -Courcy. He had gone to visit a sick parishioner at a great -distance; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“unde dum solus rediret, et longe ab hominum habitatione -remotus iret, ingentem strepitum velut maximi exercitus -cœpit audire, et familiam Roberti Belesmensis putavit esse, quæ -festinaret Curceium obsidere.”</span></p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_N" id="Note_N"></a>NOTE N. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 275.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Treaty of 1091.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">On</span> the whole, though with some hesitation, I accept Caen as the -place of the treaty between William Rufus and Robert. Orderic -(693 B) places the meeting of the brothers at Rouen; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Duo -fratres Rothomagum pacifice convenerunt, et in unum congregati, -abolitis prioribus querimoniis, pacificati sunt.”</span> The meeting at -Caen and the mediation of the King of the French come from the -Continuation of William of Jumièges (<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 3). The passage stands -in full thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Facta est tandem inter eos apud Cadomum, ut diximus, adminiculante -Philippo rege Francorum, qui in auxilium ducis contra -Willelmum regem apud oppidum Auci ingenti Anglorum et -Normannorum exercitu tunc morantem venerat, qualiscumque concordia, -et quantum ad ducem Robertum spectat probrosa atque -damnosa.”</p> - -<p>The story is here told in a hurried and inverted way, as -the whole tale is from the beginning of the chapter; but there -is nothing strictly to be called inaccurate in the story. It may -be that the mention of Philip now is merely a confusion with his -former appearance at Eu; but an intervention of Philip is not unlikely -in itself; Caen too as the place of meeting is less obvious -than Rouen, and so far the statement in favour of it is to be preferred. -<a name="Page_523" id="Page_523"></a><span class="pageno">523</span> -But the point is not of much importance, and the evidence -is fairly open to doubt.</p> - -<p>In any case William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 307, 308) is mistaken in -speaking of the peace as agreed and sworn to before William crossed -into Normandy. He gives a picture of the anarchy of Normandy -which is true enough; only he seems to conceive it too much after -the pattern of the later anarchy of England. King Philip (see the -passage quoted in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 239) has got his money and has gone back to -his banquet;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ita bello intestino diu laboravit Normannia, modo illis, modo -istis, vincentibus; proceres utriusque furorem incitabant, homines -levissimi, in neutra parte fidem habentes.”</p> - -<p>Now in the days of Stephen the anarchy at least took the form -of a war between rival claimants of the crown. Men really fought -for their own hands; but they at least professed to fight for King -or Empress. But the special characteristic of the Norman anarchy -is that everybody is already fighting with everybody else, and that -the invasion of the country makes no difference, except so far as it -adds a new element of confusion. Ralph of Conches goes over to -William only because Robert fails to defend him against a local -enemy; William’s name is not mentioned at all in the war of -Courcy, till his actual coming frightens both sides alike. William -of Malmesbury misses the special point of the whole story, namely -that the strife between William and Robert stands quite distinct -from the local struggles which still went on all over the country, -except when the two got intermingled at particular points. He -then adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pauci quibus sanius consilium, consulentes suis commodis quod -utrobique possessiones haberent, mediatores pacis fuere; ut comiti -rex Cinomannis adquireret, comes regi castella quæ habebat et -Fiscannum cœnobium concederet. Juratum est hoc pactum, et ab -utrorumque hominibus sacramento firmatum. Nec multo post rex -mare transiit, ut fidem promissorum expleret.”</p> - -<p>Florence (1091) puts the case much better;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Mense Februario rex Willelmus junior Normanniam petiit, ut -eam fratri suo Rotberto abriperet; sed dum ibi moraretur, pax inter -eos facta est.”</p> - -<p class="p2">It will be seen that William of Malmesbury gives only a very -<a name="Page_524" id="Page_524"></a><span class="pageno">524</span> -imperfect statement of the terms of the treaty. They are nowhere -so fully and clearly given as in our own Chronicle; only the -English writer is not quite so exact with regard to the territorial -cessions as those writers who wrote in Normandy. The brothers -meet—​the place is not mentioned—​and agree on the terms, which -are given in words which sound like the actual words of the treaty, -which was likely enough to be set down in an English as well as -a Latin copy. They stand thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“þæt se eorl him to handan let Uescam and þone eorldom æt -Ou, and Kiæresburh. And þærto eacan þes cynges men sæclæs -beon moston on þam castelan þe hi ær þes eorles unþances begiten -hæfdon. And se cyng him ongean þa Manige behet þa ær heora -fæder gewann, and þa fram þam eorle gebogen wæs gebygle to -donne, and eall þæt his fæder þær begeondan hæfde, butan þam -þe he þam cynge þa geunnen hæfde; and þæt ealle þa þe on Englelande -for þam eorle æror heora land forluron hit on þisum sehte -habban sceoldan and se eorl on Englelande eallswa mycel swa on -heora forewarde wæs.”</p> - -<p>The emphatic references to his father are preeminently characteristic -of the Red King. We seem to hear his very words, the words -of the dutiful son, granting, not without some sarcasm, to the rebel, -the heritage of the father against whom he had rebelled. This -emphatic feature disappears in the other versions, even in the -abridged Latin version of Florence. To the list of places in -Normandy to be given up he adds <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“abbatiam in monte sancti -Michaelis sitam,”</span> and the last words, which are certainly not very -clear, he translates <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“et tantum terræ quantum conventionis inter -eos fuerat comiti daret.”</span> This can only refer to something which -William was to grant to Robert as a free gift. Domesday shows -that there were no older English possessions of Robert to be given -back to him. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 629.</p> - -<p>Besides William of Malmesbury, only the Chronicler and Florence -mention the stipulation about Maine. This is again a -sign that in the Chronicle we are dealing with an actual -document. For, as nothing came of that clause, no part of the -treaty was more likely to be forgotten. William of Malmesbury -seems to have caught up the first words of the treaty, and to -have got no further. Thus Maine gets in his text an undue -prominence, which may possibly account for a statement of his -<a name="Page_525" id="Page_525"></a><span class="pageno">525</span> -which follows, and which has nothing at all like it anywhere else. -The King and the Duke are going to attack Maine the very first -thing after the conclusion of the treaty; only they are hindered -by the campaign against Henry; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ergo uterque dux ingentes -moliebantur conatus ut Cinomannis invaderent; sed obstitit jam -paratis jamque profecturis Henrici fratris minoris animositas.”</span></p> - -<p>It may be needful to point out that the Chronicle really does -mention Maine; for Mr. Earle seems to have been the first of -its editors to find out the fact. Gibson, Ingram, and Thorpe all -print “þa manige,” with a small <i>m</i>, and explain it “the many,” -“the many castles,” “multa castella.” But, if there were no other -reason, the words which answer to it in Florence, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cenomannicam -vero provinciam,”</span> are enough to show that we should read with -Mr. Earle “þa Manige,” the county of Maine. The French idiom, -whatever may be its origin, which, as is always the case in Wace, -adds the article to <em>Le</em> Mans, <em>Le</em> Maine, is here found in English. -So it is in 1099, 1110, 1111, 1112. The earlier entry in 1073, -“þæt land Mans,” is less clear.</p> - -<p>Those who wrote in Normandy say nothing about Maine; but -they more distinctly define the cessions in Normandy itself. Thus -Robert of Torigny in his Continuation (Will. Gem. <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 3);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quidquid rex Willelmus in Normannia occupaverat, <em>per infidelitatem -hominum ducis, qui eidem regi suas munitiones tradiderant, -quas suis militibus ipse commiserat ut inde fratrem suum -infestarent</em>, impune permissus est habere. Munitiones illæ quas -hoc modo tenebat fuerunt, Fiscannum, oppidum Auci <em>quod Willelmus -comes Aucensis cum reliquis suis firmitatibus illi tradiderat; -similiter Stephanus comes de Albamarla, filius Odonis comitis de -Campania, Willielmi autem regis Anglorum senioris ex sorore nepos, -fecerat, et alii plures ultra Sequanam habitantes</em>.”</p> - -<p>The words in Italics are the writer’s backward way of recording -the events of 1090 among the clauses of the treaty of 1091. -In his own chronicle (1091) Robert of Torigny has nothing to say, -except <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ut castra illa quæ frater ab eo acquisierat regi remanerent.”</span> -This not very clear account comes from Henry of Huntingdon (<abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> -2, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 215 <abbr title="edited">ed.</abbr> Arnold), with the omission of an important word. -But though Robert mentions no particular places in his summary -of the treaty, yet, in copying Henry of Huntingdon’s account of -the places occupied by William’s troops in 1090, to Saint Valery -<a name="Page_526" id="Page_526"></a><span class="pageno">526</span> -which alone are mentioned by Henry, he adds, not only Eu like our -authorities, but also Fécamp. The Chronicle, as we have seen, -mentions Fécamp among the places which were to be ceded to -William in 1091; no one else mentions it among the places which -were occupied in 1090.</p> - -<p>Orderic has three references to the cessions; but he nowhere -mentions either Fécamp or Saint Michael’s Mount. In his first -account (693 B, C) he says only <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus dux … ei [regi] Aucensem -comitatum et Albamarlam, totamque terram Gerardi de -Gornaco et Radulfi de Conchis, cum omnibus municipiis eorum -eisque subjectorum concessit.”</span> In 697 C he says only <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus -dux magnam partem Normanniæ Guillelmo regi concessit.”</span></p> - -<p class="p2">It is the Chronicle again which seems to give us the real text -of the clauses about the succession;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“And gif se eorl forðferde butan sunu be rihtre ǽwe, wære se -cyng yrfenuma of ealles Normandig. Be þisre sylfan forewarde, -gif se cyng swulte, wære se eorl yrfenuma ealles Englalandes.”</p> - -<p>It is perhaps worth notice that these words taken strictly do -not contemplate the possibility of William Rufus leaving children. -This is slightly altered in Florence;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Si comes absque filio legali in matrimonio genito moreretur, -hæres ejus esset rex; <em>modoque per omnia simili</em>, si regi contigisset -mori, hæres illius fieret comes.”</p> - -<p>Henry of Huntingdon (<abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 2, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 215 <abbr title="edited">ed.</abbr> Arnold), who, as we have -seen, is followed with some changes by Robert of Torigny, seems to -abridge the account in the Chronicle. After speaking of the events -of 1090, he adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anno vero sequenti rex sequens eos concordiam cum fratre suo -fecit. Eo tamen pacto ut castra illa quæ frater ab illo injuria acquisierat, -regi remanerent, rex autem adjuvaret eum ad omnia quæ -pater suus habuerat conquirenda. Statutum etiam, si quis eorum -moreretur prior altero sine filio, quod alter fieret hæres illius.”</p> - -<p>A good deal of the diplomatic exactness of the Chronicle is lost -here, and it is not easy to see what castles Robert had taken from -William, unjustly or otherwise. Robert of Torigny hardly mends -the matter by leaving out the word “injuria.”</p> - -<p>Henry is not mentioned in any account of the treaty; but his -possessions come by implication under the head of the lands which -<a name="Page_527" id="Page_527"></a><span class="pageno">527</span> -William was to win back for Robert, with the exception of Cherbourg -and Saint Michael’s Mount—​if we are right in adding the -Mount on the authority of Florence—​which William was to keep -for himself. The shameful treatment of Henry by his brothers -naturally calls forth a good deal of sympathy on the part of some -of our writers, though they do not always bring out the state of -the case very clearly. They speak of his brothers refusing him a -share in his father’s dominions, rather than of their depriving -him of the possessions which one of themselves had sold to him. -Hear for instance the author of the Brevis Relatio (11), writing in -Henry’s own reign;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Concordiam adinvicem fecerunt Willelmus secundus rex Angliæ -et Robertus comes Normanniæ, et quum fratrem suum Henricum -debuissent adjuvare, eique providere ut honorabiliter inter -illos sicut frater eorum et filius regis vivere posset, non hoc fecerunt, -sed de tota terra patris sui expellere conati sunt.”</p> - -<p>The same words are used by Robert of Torigny, in the Continuation -of William of Jumièges, <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 3.</p> - -<p>William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 308), in a passage which follows that -which has been already cited about Maine, after the words <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Henrici -fratris minoris animositas,”</span> adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“qui frenderet propter fratrum -avaritiam, quod uterque possessiones paternas dividerent, et se -omnium pene expertem non erubescerent.”</span></p> - -<p>The treaty takes a very strange form in Matthew Paris, <abbr title="Historia Anglorum one">Hist. Angl. i.</abbr> 39. -The brothers are reconciled by wise friends, who say -to them, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Absit, ne Franci fraternas acies, alternaque regna profanis -decertata odiis, derideant subsannantes.”</span> And the reason is -given; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Franci enim eo tempore multa super ducem occupaverant.”</span> -This hardly means the Vexin; it is more likely to be a confused -version of Philip’s intervention.</p> - -<p class="p2">The only writers who mention the driving out of Eadgar are the -Chronicler and Florence. The former brings it into connexion -with the treaty, without seeming to make it exactly part of the -treaty itself. Having given the clauses of the treaty, and mentioned -its confirmation by the oaths on both sides, he adds; “Onmang þisum -sæhte wearð Eadgar æþeling belandod of þam þe se eorl him æror -þær to handa gelæten hæfde.” The measure seems to have had -something to do with the treaty without being one of its clauses. -<a name="Page_528" id="Page_528"></a><span class="pageno">528</span> -Were such things as secret or additional articles, or agreements -which were to go for nothing because they were not written on -the same paper as other agreements, known to so early a stage -of diplomacy?</p> - -<p>The Chronicler does not mention the siege of Saint Michael’s -Mount; but, immediately after the confiscation of Eadgar’s lands -in Normandy, he mentions his voyage to Scotland and the events -which followed on it. Florence puts his account of the siege of the -Mount directly after the treaty and the oaths of the twenty-four -barons. He then goes on;</p> - -<p class="blockquote"><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“At rex cum obsidionis diutinæ pertæsus fuisset, impacatus recessit, -et non multo post Eadgarum clitonem honore, quem ei comes -dederat, privavit et de Normannia expulit.”</span> And a little way on -he speaks of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“clito Eadgarus, quem rex de Normannia expulerat.”</span> -These expressions make the treatment of Eadgar more distinctly -William’s own act than one would infer from the words of the -Chronicle, and they might suggest that Eadgar’s Norman estates -lay within the districts which were ceded to William. But it may -only mean that Robert sent Eadgar away on William’s demand.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_O" id="Note_O"></a>NOTE O. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 285.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Siege of Saint Michael’s Mount.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> primary account of the siege which Henry endured at the -hands of his brothers is the short one in Orderic, which I have -chiefly followed in the text. There are still shorter notices in -Florence of Worcester and in the Continuation of William of -Jumièges. The shortest of all is in the local Annals;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“1090. Obsessio montis hujus, quæ facta est a Guillelmo Rufo -rege Anglorum et a Roberto comite Normannorum, Henrico fratre -eorum in hoc monte incluso.”</p> - -<p>There is no objection to this date, as the writer seemingly begins -the year at Easter. The accession of Harold is placed under 1065.</p> - -<p>The account in Florence is noteworthy, as seeming to supply a -reason for the attack made by the two older brothers upon the -younger. After the treaty between William and Robert, he goes on;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Interim germanus illorum Heinricus montem Sancti Michaelis, -ipsius loci monachis quibusdam illum adjuvantibus, cum omnibus -<a name="Page_529" id="Page_529"></a><span class="pageno">529</span> -militibus quos habere potuit, intravit, regisque erram vastavit, et -ejus homines quosdam captivavit, quosdam exspoliavit. Eapropter -rex et comes, exercitu congregato, per totam quadragesimam montem -obsederunt, et frequenter cum eo prœlium commiserunt, et homines -et equos nonnullos perdiderunt. At rex, cum obsidionis diutinæ -pertæsus fuisset, impacatus recessit.”</p> - -<p>This account is true in a sense; it gives the purely military -history, except that the words <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“impacatus recessit”</span> would hardly -suggest Henry’s honourable surrender. But no one would find out -from Florence’s version that Henry occupied the Mount simply as -the last spot left to him in his dominions. As a matter of warfare, -it doubtless may be said that William and Robert besieged Henry -because he occupied the Mount, and because he was, as we can well -believe, driven to harry the neighbouring lands. But he occupied -the Mount and harried the lands only because he was driven out of -the rest of his county. That Florence misunderstood the matter is -plain from his use of the words <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regis terra,”</span> which cannot apply -to any land which could be reached from the Mount.</p> - -<p>Wace has a long account, very confused in its chronology and in -the sequence of events; but I have trusted to his local knowledge -for some topographical details. William of Malmesbury twice refers -to the siege. He tells it under the reign of Rufus (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 308); but -seemingly wholly for the purpose of bringing in two famous anecdotes -about William and Robert. The second time is in his sketch -of Henry’s early life (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 392). In the first account he at least puts -the siege in its right place after the Treaty of 1091. In the second -he seems, strangely enough, to make the siege immediately follow -the death of Conan, or at least to follow Henry’s driving out of Rouen -(see above, <a href="#Page_512"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 512</a>), which he places just after Conan’s death;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Illud fuit tempus quo, ut supra lectum est, apud montem sancti -Michaelis ambobus fratribus Henricus pro sui salute simul et gloria -restitit.”</p> - -<p>And, as Orderic (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 294) is careful to insist on the wholesome -effect which the season of exile which followed had on Henry’s -character, so William insists on the wholesome effect of the siege -itself;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ita, cum utrique germano fuerit fidelis et efficax, illi nullis -adolescentem possessionibus dignati, ad majorem prudentiam ævi -processu penuria victualium informabant.”</p> - -<p><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530"></a><span class="pageno">530</span> -The Red King’s way of schooling a brother was not quite so -harsh as that by which Gideon taught the men of Succoth; but -it is essentially of the same kind.</p> - -<p>Nothing can be more confused than the way in which Wace -brings in the story (see Pluquet’s note, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 310). I have already -(see above, <a href="#Page_514"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 514</a>) mentioned the course of his story up to that -point. Robert, without any help from William, has deprived -Henry of the Côtentin, while William is angry with Henry for -having paid the purchase-money to Robert. Henry then goes to -the Mount (14588);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Por sei vengier se mist el munt</div> -<div class="i0">U li muignes Saint Michiel sunt.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Then, having no place of shelter anywhere, he gathers a large company -of nobles and others who serve him willingly (14598);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“N’alout mie eschariement,</div> -<div class="i0">Asez menout od li grant gent</div> -<div class="i0">Des plus nobles è des gentilz,</div> -<div class="i0">Mena od li freres è filz;</div> -<div class="i0">E tuit volentiers le servient,</div> -<div class="i0">Kar grant espeir en li aveient.”</div> -</div> - -<p>He thinks of seeking a lasting shelter in Britanny; but he is -entertained by Earl Hugh at Avranches, with whom he has much -talk, and who one day counsels him to occupy the Mount and to -make a castle of the monastery. This is without any reference -to the lines just quoted in which Henry is made to have been -there already. But the speech of the Earl is well conceived -(14624);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li munt Saint Michiel li mostra:</div> -<div class="i0">Veiz tu, dist-il, cele roche là;</div> -<div class="i0">Bel lieu è forte roche i a,</div> -<div class="i0">Ke jor ke noit ja ne faldra;</div> -<div class="i0">Flo de mer montant l’avirone,</div> -<div class="i0">Ki à cel lieu grant force done.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Henry will do well to get together Bretons and mercenaries, and -hold the rock against the Normans (14625);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Bretuns mandasse è soldéiers,</div> -<div class="i0">Ki gaaignassent volentiers,</div> -<div class="i0">Mult méisse gent en grant esfrei;</div> -<div class="i0">Jà Normant n’éust paiz vers mei.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Henry adopts Hugh’s advice, rides off at once, occupies the Mount, -and sends a defiance to Robert (14646);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Maiz Henris est sempres monté,</div> -<div class="i0">Et el munt est sempres alé.</div> -<div class="i0">Del munt Saint Michiel guerréia,</div> -<div class="i0">Robert son frere desfia.</div> -<div class="i0">Ja mez, ço dist, sa paiz n’areit,</div> -<div class="i0">Se son aveir ne li rendeit.”</div> -</div> -<a name="Page_531" id="Page_531"></a><span class="pageno">531</span> - -<p>Henry ravages the neighbouring lands (see above, <a href="#Page_529"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 529</a>, and <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 286); -then the King and the Duke come to besiege him, without any hint -how William came to be in Normandy, or how the two brothers, -who were enemies less than a hundred lines before, have now come -to be allies.</p> - -<p>It is plain that the striking event of the occupation of the Mount -of which he would hear a good deal in his childhood, if it did not -actually come within his own childish days, was strong in Wace’s -imagination, but that he took very little pains to fit the tale into -its right place in the history. It is specially hard to reconcile his -picture of the action of Earl Hugh with the facts of the case. There -is perhaps no literal contradiction. Hugh, while giving up his -castles to Robert (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 284), may have given Henry secret advice, -and the words of Robert of Torigny in the Continuation of William -of Jumièges (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 323) may be taken as implying that Henry -looked on him as having been on the whole faithful to him. But -Wace could hardly have conceived Hugh as giving up the castle of -Avranches to Robert.</p> - -<p>The ending of the siege is still more thoroughly misconceived -than the beginning. The brothers are all reconciled; Henry gets -the Côtentin back again (14740);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“De l’acordement fu la fin</div> -<div class="i0">K’à Henri remest Costentin,</div> -<div class="i0">K’en paiz l’éust tant è tenist,</div> -<div class="i0">Ke li Dus li suen li rendist.”</div> -</div> - -<p>William goes back to England, whereas we know (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 293) that -he stayed in Normandy for six months. Robert goes to Rouen. -Henry pays off his mercenaries—​out of what funds we are not -told, and the other accounts do not speak of his followers as -mercenaries. He then follows Robert to Rouen (14750);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Henris sis soldeiers paia,</div> -<div class="i0">As uns pramist, as uns dona</div> -<div class="i0">Al terme k’il out establi;</div> -<div class="i0">A li Duc a Roem sui.”</div> -</div> - -<p>There the Duke imprisons Henry; that is, the imprisonment which -happened long before (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 199) is moved out of its place. But -Wace cannot tell why he was imprisoned, or how it was that he -was released and made his way to France (14754);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Ne voil avant conter ne dire</div> -<div class="i0">Par kel coroz ne par kele ire</div> -<div class="i0">Henris fu poiz a Roem pris,</div> -<div class="i0">E en la tur à garder mis;</div> -<div class="i0">Ne coment il fu delivrez,</div> -<div class="i0">E de la terre congéez,</div> -<div class="i0">E coment il ala el Rei,</div> -<div class="i0">Ki en France l’out poiz od sei.”</div> -</div> -<a name="Page_532" id="Page_532"></a><span class="pageno">532</span> - -<p>In opposition to all this, Orderic’s account of the siege, its beginning -and its ending, is perfectly straightforward, and hangs -well together. He alone puts everything in its place, and gives -an intelligible reason for everything. Robert of Torigny, in the -Continuation (<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 3), preserves the fact that Henry surrendered -on honourable terms, but he is in rather too great a hurry to get -him to Domfront;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Unde accidit ut quadam vice ipsum obsidione cingerent in -monte sancti Michaelis. Sed illis ibidem incassum diu laborantibus, -et <em>ad ultimum inter se dissidentibus</em>, comes Henricus inde -libere exiens oppidum munitissimum nomine Danfrontem sagacitate -cujusdam indigenæ suscepit.”</p> - -<p>The words in Italics may perhaps refer to the story about the -water; but William and Robert were in any case sure to quarrel -about something. And it was quite in William’s character to get -tired of a fifteen days’ siege, as he is represented both here and by -Florence (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 292); only Florence is not justified in saying that -at once <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“impacatus rediit.”</span> William of Malmesbury too (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 310) -tells his story about the water, and then adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ita rex, deridens mansueti hominis ingenium, resolvit prælium; -infectaque re quam intenderat, quod eum Scottorum et Walensium -tumultus vocabant, in regnum se cum ambobus fratribus recepit.”</p> - -<p>On these last words, which are so startling at first sight, I have -spoken in the next Note.</p> - -<p class="p2">The two anecdotes of William and Robert seem, in William -of Malmesbury’s first account (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 308), to be his chief or only reason -for mentioning the siege at all;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In ea obsidione præcluum specimen morum in rege et comite -apparuit; in altero mansuetudinis, in altero magnanimitatis. -Utriusque exempli notas pro legentium notitia affigam.”</p> - -<p>Then come the two stories <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De Magnanimitate Willelmi”</span> and -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De Mansuetudine comitis Roberti,”</span> which I have told in the text -after him. Both of them are also told by Wace; that is, if the -story <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De Magnanimitate Willelmi”</span> is really the same story as -the corresponding story in Wace. Every detail is different; but -both alike set before us the self-confidence of the Red King. In -this version he is unhorsed and wounded; but he keeps hold of -his saddle, and fights on foot with his sword (14672);</p> - -<div class="poem"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533"></a><span class="pageno">533</span> -<div class="i0a">“E li reis i fa abatuz,</div> -<div class="i0">De plusors lances fu féruz.</div> -<div class="i0">Li peitral del cheval rompi</div> -<div class="i0">E li dui cengles altresi;</div> -<div class="i0">Od sa sele li reis chaï,</div> -<div class="i0">Maiz bien la tint, ne la perdi,</div> -<div class="i0">Delivre fu, en piez sailli;</div> -<div class="i0">Od s’espée se desfendi,</div> -<div class="i0">Unkes la sele ne leissa,</div> -<div class="i0">Bien la tint è bien la garda.”</div> -</div> - -<p>We hear nothing of any discourse with Henry’s followers, nothing -of any dealings with the knight who had unhorsed him. But he -calls to his vassals, Normans and English, who do not appear in the -other story, but who in this press to his help, and, after many blows, -take him off safely;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Tant cria chevaliers léals,</div> -<div class="i0">Ke la presse vint des vassals,</div> -<div class="i0">E li Normanz le secorurent</div> -<div class="i0">E li Engleiz ki od li furent,</div> -<div class="i0">Maiz maint grant colp unt recéu</div> -<div class="i0">Ainz k’il l’éussent secoru.</div> -<div class="i0">Mené l’en unt à salveté.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Then his own men, not those of Henry, talk merrily with him -about his defence of his saddle. He answers in the like strain, -telling them that it is a shame if a man cannot keep his own, -and that it would have grieved him if any Breton had boasted that -he had carried off his saddle;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Poiz unt li reis asez gabé</div> -<div class="i0">De la sele k’il desfendeit,</div> -<div class="i0">E des granz colps ke il soffreit.</div> -<div class="i0">E li reis diseit en riant</div> -<div class="i0">K’il debveit estre al suen garant;</div> -<div class="i0">Hunte est del suen perdre è guerpir;</div> -<div class="i0">Tant com l’en le pot garantir:</div> -<div class="i0">Pesast li ke Brez s’en vantast</div> -<div class="i0">De la sele k’il emportast.”</div> -</div> - -<p>If this is the same story as that in William of Malmesbury, it is a -very inferior version of it. Lappenberg (<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte von England</span>, -<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 172) takes the two for distinct stories and tells them separately. -(See above, <a href="#Page_503"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 503.</a>) But it is strange that his translator (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 232) -should tell both stories after his original, should give the reference -to Wace, and should then, at the end of William’s story, remark, -giving the same reference again—“Wace gives a version of the -occurrence totally different from the above as related by Malmesbury.”</p> - -<p>The “Normanz” and “Engleiz” of Wace appear in Lappenberg -as <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Normannen und Angelsachsen.”</span> This involves the old question -about the force of the word “Angli,” which is very hard to answer -at this particular stage. In a narrative actually written in 1091, -I should certainly understand the words as Lappenberg does, and -should see in the “Engleiz” men of the type of Tokig son of -<a name="Page_534" id="Page_534"></a><span class="pageno">534</span> -Wiggod and Robert son of Godwine. But, as Wace, if he were -already born in 1091, did not write till many years after, it is -more likely that we ought to take the words “Normanz” and -“Engleiz” in the sense which they took in the course of Henry -the First’s reign. That is, by “Normanz” we should understand -those only who were “natione Normanni,” and by “Engleiz” all -who were “natione Angligenæ,” even though many of them were -“genere Normanni.” See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 828.</p> - -<p>Whatever we make of the relations between the two stories, -the reference to the “Brez” in Wace’s version has a very genuine -ring. That name came much more home in Jersey, or even at -Bayeux, than it did in Wiltshire.</p> - -<p>The story <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De Mansuetudine comitis Roberti”</span> connects itself -with the fact stated by Orderic—​who does not tell either of the -anecdotes—​that the besieged really did suffer for want of water -(see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 292). William of Malmesbury, whom I have followed in -the text, tells the story straightforwardly enough from that point -of view. Wace does casually speak of the water, but his main -thought is of wine (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 291). Henry thus states his case to -Robert (14704);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Quant Henris out lunges soffert,</div> -<div class="i0">Soef manda al Duc Robert,</div> -<div class="i0">Ke de vin aveit desirier,</div> -<div class="i0">D’altre chose n’aveit mestier.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Robert then sends him the tun of wine, of the best they have in -the host, and throws in a truce to take water daily seemingly of -his own free will (14712);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“E tot li jor a otréié</div> -<div class="i0">E par trièves doné congié,</div> -<div class="i0">Ke cil del munt ewe préissent,</div> -<div class="i0">E li munt d’ewe garnessissent,</div> -<div class="i0">U k’il volsissent la préissent</div> -<div class="i0">Séurement, rien ne cremissent.</div> -<div class="i0">Dunc veissez servanz errer,</div> -<div class="i0">Et à veissels ewe aporter.”</div> -</div> - -<p>The King is angry at all this, and sets forth his principles of -warfare (14729);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Il les déust fere afamer</div> -<div class="i0">E il les faisoit abevrer.”</div> -</div> - -<p>He is inclined to give up the siege (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Del siege volt par mal -torner”</span>); but he listens to Robert’s excuse;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Torné me fust à félonie,</div> -<div class="i0">E joféisse vilanie</div> -<div class="i0">De li néer beivre è viande,</div> -<div class="i0">Quant il méisme le demande.”</div> -</div> - -<p><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535"></a><span class="pageno">535</span> -Here we have nothing of the argument in William of Malmesbury, -an argument essentially the same as that which is so thoroughly -in place in the mouth of the wife of Intaphernes in Herodotus -(<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 119), and so thoroughly out of place in the mouth of the -Antigonê of Sophoklês (892). But the words are very like those -which we shall find Wace putting into the mouth of Robert at a -later time. (See 15456, and <a href="#Page_406"><abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 406</a>.)</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_P" id="Note_P"></a>NOTE P. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 293.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Adventures of Henry after the Surrender -of Saint Michael’s Mount.</p> - -<p>That Henry was in possession of Domfront in 1094 is certain -from the witness of the Chronicle under that year; “Se cyng W. -sende æfter his broðer Heanrige, se wæs on þam castele æt Damfront.” -But we have no hint when he got possession of it. -Florence has no mention of Henry between his account of the siege -of Saint Michael’s Mount—​from which William <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“impacatus recessit”</span>—​and -his election as king. William of Malmesbury (see -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 293) brings him to England with William and Robert in -August 1091. As I have already said, such is William of Malmesbury’s -carelessness of chronology that I should not have ventured -to accept this statement on his showing only. But it has a piece -of the very strongest corroborative evidence in the form of the -Durham charter of which I have spoken in the text (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 305). -This is the one which is printed at <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> xxii of the volume of the -Surtees Society called <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Historiæ Dunelmensis Scriptores Tres,”</span> a -document which has every sign of genuineness. It is a grant by -Bishop William of the churches of Northallerton, Sigston, and -Brunton to the convent of Durham, and confirms the picture given -by Simeon (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 508) of William Rufus as a benefactor to -Durham;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hæc omnia, præcipiente domino meo Willielmo rege, domini -mei magni regis Willielmi filio, feci, qui Alvertonescire sancto -Cuthberto et episcopis ejus in perpetuum dedit. Has vero ecclesias -monachis sancto Cuthberto servituris pro salute animæ suæ -dedit, et mihi donare præcepit.”</p> - -<p>I have shown that the deed must belong to a time after the pacification -<a name="Page_536" id="Page_536"></a><span class="pageno">536</span> -with Malcolm, but before Christmas, 1091. At no other -time could we have had the signatures of Robert and Eadgar, nor -probably that of Duncan. And the signature of Henry shows that -William of Malmesbury is right, and that Henry was in England -at this time. There was then some assembly held in the autumn -of 1091, and that seemingly at Durham or somewhere in the -North. Its object would probably be to confirm the treaty with -Malcolm. Indeed, except a few bishops and abbots, most of the -men who sign would naturally be in the camp. The signatures -are in two columns. That to the right contains the names of Bishop -William, King William (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">signum Willielmi regis secundi</span>), his brothers -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">signum Rodberti fratris regis, signum Henrici fratris regis</span>), Robert -Bloet (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Roberti cancellarii regis cognomento Bloet</span>), Duncan (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Dunechani -filii regis Malcolmi</span>), Earl Roger, Randolf Flambard (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ranulphi -thessarii—​thesaurarii?</span>), three local priests, Merewine -(Mervini), Eglaf (Ælavi; in another document, <abbr title="page twenty">p. xx</abbr>, we get the -dwelling-places of these priests, Eglaf of Bethlington and Merewine -of Chester—​that is of course Chester-le-Street), and Orm, -Robert <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“dispensator regis”</span> (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 331), Siward Barn, and Arnold -of Percy. The left-hand column contains Archbishop Thomas, the -Bishops Remigius of Lincoln, Osmund of Salisbury, and John of -Bath, the Abbots Guy of Saint Augustine’s, Baldwin of Saint -Eadmund’s, and Stephen of Saint Mary’s at York, Earl Hugh, -Philip son of Earl Roger, Earl Robert, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“signum Eadgari clitonis,”</span> -Roger Bigod, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“signum Morealis vicecomitis,”</span> William Peverel, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“signum Gileberti dapiferi.”</span></p> - -<p>This list, though singular and startling, is perfectly possible. -This cannot be said of some of those in the same volume. Thus -in the document just before this one, John Bishop of Bath is -made to sign in the time of the Conqueror, and in that which -follows (<abbr title="page 27">p. xxvii</abbr>), Lanfranc and Abbot Ælfsige are made to sign -in 1093.</p> - -<p>The evidence of this charter, combined with the notice in -William of Malmesbury, seems conclusive. Henry was in England -during part of 1091. We therefore cannot accept the obvious -meaning of Orderic’s story which makes Henry a wanderer from -the time of the surrender of the Mount till his reception at -Domfront. In this version he leaves the Mount, and spends two -years, or somewhat less, in a very poor case (697 B); -<a name="Page_537" id="Page_537"></a><span class="pageno">537</span></p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Per Britanniam transiit, Britonibus, qui sibi solummodo adminiculum -contulerant, gratias reddidit, et confines postmodum -Francos expetiit. In pago Vilcassino nobilis exsul non plenis -duobus annis commoratus, diversa hospitia quæsivit. Uno tantum -milite unoque clerico cum tribus armigeris contentus pauperem -vitam exegit.”</p> - -<p>In another place (698 C) we find a date given to the occupation of -Domfront, and a duration assigned to Henry’s wanderings, which at -first sight seems not to agree with this version;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anno ab incarnatione Domini <abbr title="1092"><span class="muchsmaller">MXCII.</span></abbr> Indictione <abbr title="15"><span class="muchsmaller">XV.</span></abbr> Henricus -Guillelmi regis filius Danfrontem oppidum, auxilio Dei suffragioque -amicorum, obtinuit, et inde fortiter hereditarium jus calumniari -sategit. Nam idem, dum esset junior, non ut frater a fratribus -habitus est, sed magis ut externus, exterorum, id est Francorum et -Britonum, auxilia quærere coactus est, et quinque annis diversorum -eventuum motibus admodum fatigatus est. Tandem Danfrontani -nutu Dei ærumnis tam præclari exsulis compassi sunt, et ipsum ad -se de Gallia accersitum per Harecherium honorifice susceperunt, et, -excusso Roberti de Belesmo, a quo diu graviter oppressi fuerant, -dominio, Henricum sibi principem constituerunt. Ille vero contra -Robertum Normanniæ comitem viriliter arma sumpsit, incendiis -et rapinis expulsionis suæ injuriam vindicavit, multosque cepit et -carceri mancipavit.”</p> - -<p>The five years mentioned in the above extract must be meant to -take in all Henry’s adventures, lucky and unlucky, from the death -of his father in 1087 to his settlement at Domfront in 1092. -From his surrender of the Mount in February 1091 to his settlement -at Domfront Orderic makes, as we have seen, somewhat less -than two years; that is, Henry came to Domfront quite at the end -of 1092.</p> - -<p>In 706 C (under 1094, see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 319) he says;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Henricus Guillelmi Magni regis Anglorum filius Danfrontem -possidebat, et super Robertum [de Belesmo], cui præfatum castellum -abstulerat, imo super fratres suos regem et ducem guerram faciebat, -a quibus extorris de cespite paterno expulsus fuerat.”</p> - -<p>In 722 D he says;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Henricus frater ducis Danfrontem fortissimum castrum possidebat, -et magnam partem Neustriæ sibi favore vel armis subegerat, -fratrique suo ad libitum suum, nec aliter, obsecundabat.” -<a name="Page_538" id="Page_538"></a><span class="pageno">538</span></p> - -<p>This is in 1095, and it is meant as a summary of Henry’s course -up to that year. Lastly, the promise of Henry never to give up -Domfront to any other master comes quite incidentally in Orderic’s -account (788 B) of the treaty between Robert and Henry in 1101 -(see <a href="#Page_413"><abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 413</a>). By that treaty Henry ceded to Robert everything -that he held in Normandy <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“præter Danfrontem.”</span> The reason -for the exception is added;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Solum Danfrontem castrum sibi retinuit, quia Danfrontanis, -quando illum intromiserunt, jurejurando pepigerat quod numquam -eos de manu sua projiceret nec leges eorum vel consuetudines -mutaret.”</p> - -<p>This is Orderic’s account, in which I see no difficulty at all in -accepting all that concerns Domfront. Henry was in England late -in 1091; but he may have been in France or anywhere else late in -1092. And Henry may have had a time of distress and wandering -in the Vexin, either between March and August 1091 or at any -time in 1092. Where Orderic goes wrong, it is through forgetting -Henry’s visit to England in 1091, which was of no importance -to his story. He therefore naturally spreads the season -of wandering in the Vexin over the whole time from the surrender -of the Mount early in 1091 to the occupation of Domfront late -in 1092.</p> - -<p class="p2">Robert of Torigny, in the Continuation of William of Jumièges -(<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 3), is in a still greater hurry to get Henry to Domfront (see -above, <a href="#Page_532"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 532</a>). The passage, as far as it concerns the relations -between Henry and Domfront, runs thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote"><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Comes Henricus, inde</span> [from the Mount] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">libere exiens, oppidum -munitissimum nomine Danfrontem sagacitate cujusdam indigenæ -suscepit. Indignabatur enim prædictus indigena, utpote -vir nobilis et dives, oppressiones amplius perpeti quas Robertus de -Belismo, homo ferox et mentis inhumanæ, sibi et aliis convicaneis -inferebat, qui tunc temporis illud castrum possidebat. Quod tanta -diligentia Henricus exinde custodivit ut usque ad terminum vitæ -illius in suo dominio habuerit.”</span></p> - -<p>The <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“indigena nobilis et dives”</span> of this account is of course the -same as the Harecherius of Orderic. And the statement that -Henry kept Domfront all his days agrees with Orderic’s statement -about his promise. Wace (14762–14773) gives us some, perhaps -<a name="Page_539" id="Page_539"></a><span class="pageno">539</span> -legendary, details of the way in which Henry was brought from -Paris—​from the French Vexin, one would have thought, from -Orderic’s account—​to Domfront; but he is clearly wrong in -making any Robert, whether the Duke or him of Bellême, turn -Henry out of Domfront;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Ne coment Haschier le trova</div> -<div class="i0">A Paris donc il l’amena,</div> -<div class="i0"><em>Ki se fist un des oilz péier</em>,</div> -<div class="i0"><em>Ke l’en nel’ péust encercier</em>,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne voil dire par kel savoir</div> -<div class="i0">Haschier li fist Danfront aveir,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne coment il fu recéuz</div> -<div class="i0">Quant il fu à Danfront venuz,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne coment il cunquist Passeiz</div> -<div class="i0">E le toli as Belesmeiz;</div> -<div class="i0">Ne coment Robert le cunquist,</div> -<div class="i0">E de Danfront partir le fist.”</div> -</div> - -<p>The covering of one of Henry’s eyes with pitch by way of disguise -may be believed or not; but the “savoir” of Haschier answers -to the “sagacitas” of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“indigena nobilis et dives.”</span> Passeiz, -Passais (see Pluquet, Wace, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 319; Neustria Pia, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 423), is the -district which contains Domfront and the abbey of Lonlay, a -district which lay in the ancient diocese of Le Mans, but which -was added to Normandy by William’s conquest.</p> - -<p>This name “Haschier” or “Harecherius” is supposed by Le -Prévost (Pluquet, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 319) to be the same name as “Achardus,” -the name of one of the witnesses to the foundation charter of -Lonlay abbey in 1026. He signs as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Achardus dives, miles de -Donnifronte.”</span> This document is contained in an <dfn>inspeximus</dfn> of -Peter, Count of Alençon (1361–1377), contained in an <dfn>inspeximus</dfn> -of Henry, King of France and England about 1423 (Neustria Pia, -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 424). The founder is the old William of Bellême, father of -William Talvas and grandfather of Mabel. There is a certain -interest in a document relating to Domfront and Lonlay before they -became Norman, when lands there could be granted <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“usque in -Normaniæ commarchiam.”</span> Among the signatures are those of the -founder’s brother Avesgaud Bishop of Le Mans (994–1036, see -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 191), Siegfried Bishop of Seez (1007–1026), the -founder and his wife, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guillelmus princeps</span> [in the body of the -document he is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guillelmus Bellismensis, provinciæ principatum -gerens”] et Mathildis uxor ejus,”</span> and this <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Achardus <em>dives</em>”</span> whom -Le Prevost takes for a forefather of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“indigena nobilis et -<em>dives</em>.”</span></p> - -<p>Orderic says that Henry obtained Domfront <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“suffragio amicorum.”</span> -Robert of Torigny, in the next chapter of his Continuation -<a name="Page_540" id="Page_540"></a><span class="pageno">540</span> -(<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 4), tells us who his friends a little later were. He is established -at Domfront; then we read;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Redeunte Willelmo rege in Angliam, Henricus haud segniter -comitatum Constantiniensem, qui sibi fraudulentia ante præreptus -fuerat, <em>consensu Willelmi regis</em> et auxilio Richardi de Revers et -Rogerii de Magna-villa, ex majori parte in ditionem suam revocavit.”</p> - -<p>He then goes on with the passage about Earl Hugh and the grant -of Saint James to him, quoted in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 323.</p> - -<p>I think that this distinct assertion that Henry was now in -William’s favour outweighs the vague expressions of Orderic about -Henry making war on both his brothers. By 1093, the earliest -date for these exploits, William was again scheming against Robert, -and his obvious policy would be to ally himself with Henry.</p> - -<p>Henry, as we have seen in the extracts from Orderic, carried on -war in the usual fashion. But he at least treated his prisoners -better than Robert of Bellême did. We have (698 D) a picture of -one Rualedus—​a Breton Rhiwallon, or what?—​who is carried off -from the lands of Saint Evroul to the castle of Domfront. It was -winter; but he was not left to die of cold and hunger for Count -Henry’s amusement; we see him sitting comfortably by the fire -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quum sederet ad focum; hiems enim erat”</span>). On the road he -had fallen from the horse on which he was tied, and had suffered -some hurt. But, after prayer to Saint Evroul, followed by a comforting -dream, he wakes, and, as his keeper’s back is turned, he gets -up, unbars the door, walks into the garden, and, after some further -adventures, gets back to Saint Evroul. He was a man <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“legitimus -et laudabilis vitæ;”</span> so Orderic, who heard the story from his own -mouth, believes it. There seems no reason why anybody should -disbelieve it; as the only part of the tale which sounds at all incredible -is the very bad guard which Henry’s men kept over their -prisoner.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_Q" id="Note_Q"></a>NOTE Q. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 302.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Homage of Malcolm in 1091.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> account of Malcolm’s homage to William Rufus which is -given by Orderic (701 A) is treated with some contempt by Mr. -<a name="Page_541" id="Page_541"></a><span class="pageno">541</span> -E. W. Robertson (Scotland under her Early Kings, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 142), while it -is naturally not forgotten by Sir Francis Palgrave (English Commonwealth, -<abbr title="two 332">ii. cccxxxii</abbr>). The main fact of the homage itself, paid -to the second William on the same terms on which it had been paid -to the first, is abundantly proved by the Chronicle. Nothing is -gained by disproving at this stage the exaggerated account of -Robert’s expedition in 1080 which is to be found in the local -History of Abingdon (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 671, 790). The only -question is, whether, accepting the general fact from the Chronicle, -we can or cannot accept any of the very curious details with which -Orderic tells the story.</p> - -<p>First of all, while Orderic’s geography is right, his topography -is wrong. The mention of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“magnum flumen quod <em>Scotte -watra</em> dicitur”</span> must come from some genuine source. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ordericus -Angligena”</span> heard the tale from some one who told it him in -English. And, if there could be the shadow of a doubt, this -shows that “Loðene” in the Chronicle means Lothian, and nothing -else. Mr. Burton (<abbr title="History of Scotland one">Hist. Scot. i.</abbr> 412) insists on carrying Malcolm -to Leeds; but he cannot make the Aire to be the “Scotte watra.” -But Orderic, who plainly got his account from some quite different -source from the Chronicler, failed to take in the actual position of -the two armies. He failed to see that Malcolm, having crossed the -Scots’ Water into Lothian and therefore into England, was necessarily -on the south side of the Scots’ Water. He fancied that the -two kings were on opposite sides of the firth. William reaches the -Scots’ Water; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“sed, quia inaccessibilis transitus erat, super ripam -consedit. Rex autem Scottorum e regione cum legionibus suis ad -bellandum paratus constitit.”</span> So he doubtless did; only they -were both south of the water. The Chronicle shows plainly that -Malcolm, as soon as he heard of William’s coming, determined that -the invader should not, as his father had done, cross into the proper -Scotland to Abernethy or elsewhere, but that he would meet him, -for peace or for war, in the English part of his dominions.</p> - -<p>This topographical confusion does not affect the main story, -nor does it greatly matter whether the picturesque details of -Robert’s visit to Malcolm literally happened or not. It is further -plain that Orderic has left out one of the two mediators, namely -Eadgar. But he records the main fact of the homage no less -than the Chronicler. The question is whether we can accept -<a name="Page_542" id="Page_542"></a><span class="pageno">542</span> -the curious conversation between Robert and Malcolm, in which -Malcolm makes two statements, which are perhaps a little startling -in themselves, which are not mentioned elsewhere, but which -certainly do not contradict what we find elsewhere.</p> - -<p>First, Malcolm asserts that King Eadward gave him the earldom -of Lothian, seemingly as the dowry of Margaret; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fateor quod rex -Eduardus, dum mihi Margaritam proneptem suam in conjugium -tradidit, Lodonensem comitatum mihi donavit.”</span> Now it is certainly -true that King Eadward, or Earl Siward in his name, gave -Malcolm the earldom of Lothian; only he gave him something -else too, namely the kingdom of Scotland. And I have mentioned -elsewhere (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 785) that a betrothal of Margaret -to Malcolm, when Malcolm received the kingdom from Siward, -though recorded nowhere else, is perfectly possible.</p> - -<p>Secondly, Malcolm’s strong point is that he does owe a homage -to Robert, but that he owes none to William. This he asserts in his -first message; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tibi, rex Guillelme, nihil debeo, nisi conflictum si -a te injuriis lacessitus fuero. Verum si Robertum primogenitum -Guillelmi regis filium videro, illi exhibere paratus sum quicquid -debeo.”</span> Afterwards, in his conference with Robert, he is made -to say, after mentioning Eadward’s grant of Lothian, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Deinde -Guillelmus rex quod antecessor ejus mihi dederat concessit, et -me tibi primogenito suo commendavit. Unde quod tibi promisi -conservabo. Sed fratri tuo nihil promisi et nihil debeo. Nemo, -ut Christus ait, potest duobus dominis servire.”</span> To this Robert -agrees; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ut asseris, ita est. Sed mutationes rerum factæ sunt, -et statuta patris mei a pristina soliditate in multum vacillaverunt.”</span> -I do not know that a homage of Malcolm to Robert is recorded -anywhere else, unless we so understand the confused Abingdon story -about the expedition of 1080. But nothing was more likely than -that William the Conqueror should at Abernethy call on Malcolm -to pledge himself, as was so often done, not only to himself but -to his son after him. In 1072 there could have been no reason -for looking to any one but Robert as the probable successor; least -of all could any one have thought of William the Red. He was -not even the second son, as Richard was still alive. And the time -when King William renewed the gift of his predecessor Eadward -must surely be the day of Abernethy, and none other.</p> - -<p>There is then really nothing in Orderic’s story which gainsays -<a name="Page_543" id="Page_543"></a><span class="pageno">543</span> -any known facts, and it is hard to see what should have made -him think of a betrothal of Margaret, a homage to Robert, and -the rest, unless he had some ground for them. And the general -argument put into Malcolm’s mouth seems exactly in place. It -is of a piece with the arguments of Scottish disputants long after -Orderic’s day. Something is admitted, that something is perhaps -specially insisted on, in order to avoid the admission of something -else. Lothian is the special personal gift of Eadward to Malcolm -himself, though it is certain, on any view of the cession of Lothian, -that predecessors of Malcolm had held it of predecessors of Eadward. -That gift of Eadward, renewed by William the Great, is -allowed to carry with it a personal duty to William the Great and -to his personal heir. But the denial of any duty to William the -Red implicitly denies any duty to the King of the English as such. -Still this question is in words left open; so is all that relates to -the proper Scotland left open. Malcolm at last consents to do -homage to William for something; but, in Orderic’s story at least, -it is not very clear for what. (The Chronicler, we may be sure, -felt so certain of its being for Scotland that he did not think it -needful to say so.) All this is exactly like later controversies on -the same subject. When the two kingdoms were on friendly terms, -it often suited both sides that the homage should be general, -leaving it open to each side to assert its own doctrine the next -time there should be any dispute (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 209). And -we must remember that by this time it is quite possible that -Rufus might make claims which Malcolm would, on the principles -of an earlier time, do quite right in refusing. Strictly feudal -ideas were growing, and when a King of the English demanded -homage for the kingdom of Scotland, he may well have meant -more than had been meant when the king and people of the Scots -sought Eadward the Unconquered to father and lord. Certainly, -when the whole thing had stiffened into a question of ordinary -feudal law, Edward the First, if judged by the standard of the -tenth century, asked more than his historic rights over Scotland, -less than his historic rights over Lothian. See Historical Essays, -Series I. <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 65; <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 128.</p> - -<p class="p2">I am therefore inclined to believe that Orderic has, in this -case, as in some others, incidentally preserved facts of which we -<a name="Page_544" id="Page_544"></a><span class="pageno">544</span> -have no record elsewhere. But I am not anxious strongly to -insist upon this. The general course of the history is the same, -whether Margaret had or had not been betrothed to Malcolm -before his marriage—​or whatever it was—​with Ingebiorg; it is -the same whether Malcolm had or had not done an act of homage -to Robert. And I must allow that, as Orderic has misunderstood -some points at the beginning of the story, so he has more thoroughly -misunderstood some points at the end of the story. For he makes -Malcolm go into England—​Florence would have said into Wessex—​with -William and Robert; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Deinde reges agmina sua remiserunt, -et ipsi simul in Angliam profecti sunt.”</span> This comes, as we shall -presently see, from rolling together the events of the years 1091 -and 1093.</p> - -<p class="p2">The twelve “villæ” which, according to Florence, were to be -restored to Malcolm are, I suppose, the same as the “mansiones” -which the kings of Scots are said to have held in England in times -both earlier and later than those with which we are dealing. This -comes from Roger of Wendover’s account (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 416; <abbr title="compare Norman Conquest volume one page">cf. N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> -584) of the grant of Lothian by Eadgar to Kenneth. It was given -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“hac conditione, ut annis singulis in festivitatibus præcipuis, quando -rex et ejus successores diadema portarent, venirent ad curiam, et cum -cæteris regni principibus festum cum lætitia celebrarent; dedit insuper -ei rex mansiones in itinere plurimas, ut ipse et ejus successores -ad festum venientes ac denuo revertentes hospitari valuissent, quæ -usque in tempora regis Henrici secundi in potestate regum Scotiæ -remanserunt.”</span> The slighter mention in Florence gives some confirmation -to the story in Roger. And though it was not likely that -the King of Scots, or even the Earl of Lothian, should regularly -attend at the great festivals, yet it was doubtless held that it -was the right thing that he should do so; and we find Malcolm -himself coming to the King’s court not long after (see <a href="#Page_13"><abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 13</a>), -and his son Eadgar after him (see <a href="#Page_265"><abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 265</a>).</p> - -<p class="p2">There is not much to be got from the other writers. William -of Malmesbury twice refers to the matter, but as usual without -much regard to chronology. It is seemingly this submission of -Malcolm to which he refers in <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 250, where, having said that -Malcolm, in the days of the elder William, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“incertis et sæpe -fractis fœderibus ævum egit,”</span> adds <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“filio Willelmi Willelmo</span> -<a name="Page_545" id="Page_545"></a><span class="pageno">545</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">regnante, simili modo impetitus, falso sacramento abegit.”</span> He must -also refer to this time in <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 310–311, where he says that, after -the siege of Saint Michael’s Mount, he went back to England, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quod eum Scottorum et Walensium tumultus vocabant.”</span> There -was (see <a href="#Page_78"><abbr title="volume two pages">vol. ii. pp.</abbr> 78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>) a considerable <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Walensium tumultus”</span> -this year; but it does not seem that the King himself did anything -in those parts till later in his reign. William however says;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Primo contra Walenses, post in Scottos, expeditionem movens, -nihil magnificentia sua dignum exhibuit, militibus multis desideratis, -jumentis interceptis.”</p> - -<p>He then goes on to speak more at large of Welsh matters, and -comes back to speak of the action of Robert in Scotland (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 301). -The old friendship which he there speaks of between Malcolm and -Robert falls in with Orderic’s story, and specially with Orderic’s -way of telling it. We shall hear of it again in <a href="#Note_BB">Notes BB</a>, <a href="#Note_EE">EE</a>.</p> - -<p>Henry of Huntingdon (<abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 2, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 216) tells the story thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote"><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Interea Melcolm rex Scotorum prædatum veniens in Angliam -validissime vexavit eam. Venientes igitur in Angliam rex, et cum -eo Robertus frater suus, direxerunt acies in Scotiam. Itaque Melcolm, -nimio terrore perstrictus, homo regis effectus est et juramento -fidelitatis ei subjectus.”</span> Matthew Paris (<abbr title="Historia Anglorum">Hist. Angl.</abbr> <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 40) has a -wonderful version in which the invasion is altogether left out. -Malcolm, hearing of the peace between the brothers, begins to fear -for his own kingdom. He therefore comes to William and makes -a very humble homage indeed; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Veniens ad regem Angliæ Willelmum, -humilitate sua regis flexit ferocitatem, asserens se nullum -hostium suorum receptasse vel recepturum fore, nisi tali intentione, -ut ipsos dominum suum recognoscentes, regi, persuasionibus suis -mediantibus, redderet pacificatos et fideliores.”</span></p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_R" id="Note_R"></a>NOTE R. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 313.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Earldom of Carlisle.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">It</span> is certainly a singular fact that, so lately as 1873, a long controversy -raged in the Times newspaper as to the reason why Cumberland -and Westmoreland were not surveyed in Domesday. The -dispute was kept up for some time among men who seemed to have -<a name="Page_546" id="Page_546"></a><span class="pageno">546</span> -some local knowledge; but, till Dr. Luard kindly stepped in to -set them right, every reason was guessed at but the true one. No -one seemed to grasp the simple facts, that no part of England -was known at the time of the Survey by the name Cumberland -or Westmoreland—​that so much of the shires now bearing those -names as then formed part of the kingdom of England is surveyed -under the head of Yorkshire—​that the reason why the rest is left -unsurveyed is because it formed no part of the kingdom of England. -The whole matter had long before been thoroughly sifted and set right -by two local writers, who, I am tempted to suspect, were only one -writer; yet the received local confusions were just as strong as ever.</p> - -<p>The general history of Cumberland, and of this part of it in -particular, was very minutely examined in the Introduction to the -volume published in 1847 by the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne -under the name of “The Pipe-Rolls or Sheriffs’ Annual -Accounts of the Revenues of the Crown for the Counties of Cumberland, -Westmorland, and Durham, during the Reigns of Henry <abbr title="Two">II</abbr>, -Richard <abbr title="One">I</abbr>, and John.” After this, in 1859, a paper was read by -Mr. Hodgson Hinde at the Carlisle meeting of the Archæological -Institute, “On the Early History of Cumberland,” which appeared -in the Archæological Journal, <abbr title="volume 16 page">vol. xvi. p.</abbr> 217. These two essays -have pretty well exhausted the piece of Cumbrian history with -which I have now to deal, and they contain a great deal more with -which I am not concerned.</p> - -<p class="p2">The word <dfn>Cumberland</dfn>, I need not say, is a word of many meanings, -and at the present moment we have not to do with any of them. -We have to do only with the city and earldom of <dfn>Carlisle</dfn>, which -does not answer to Cumberland in either the older or the later -sense. The confusion which has immediately to be got rid of is -the notion that Carlisle and its district already formed an English -earldom in the time of the Conqueror. Thus we read in Sir Francis -Palgrave (English Commonwealth, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 449);</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“‘Cumberland’—​for we must now call the Dominion by its modern -appellation—​was, as I have observed, retained by the Conqueror; -Malcolm had invaded the country; but he could not defend the -territory against William, who granted Cumberland to Ranulph de -Meschines, one of his Norman followers; and the border Earldom -became wholly assimilated, in its political character, to the other -<a name="Page_547" id="Page_547"></a><span class="pageno">547</span> -great baronies of England…. Carlisle was always excepted from -these grants. The city, and the territory of fifteen miles in circuit, -had become English by Ecgfrid’s donation, and probably was always -held, either by the Kings or Earls of Bernicia or of Northumbria. -Little further is known concerning ‘merry Carlisle,’ the seat of -Arthur’s chivalry. Until the reign of William Rufus, this city, -desolated by the Danes, was almost void of inhabitants. William -completed the restoration of its walls and towers, which his father -had begun.”</p> - -<p>This comes primarily from a passage in the so-called Matthew of -Westminster under the year 1072;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Gulihelmus cum grandi exercitu Scotiam ingressus est, et -obviavit ei pacifice Malcolmus rex Scotorum apud Barwicum et -homo suus devenit. His temporibus regebat comitatum Carleoli -comes Ranulphus de Micenis, qui efficax auxilium præbuit regi -Gulihelmo in conquestu suo Angliæ. Hic urbem Carleoli cœpit -ædificare, et cives ejusdem plurimis privilegiis munire. Sed rediens -rex Gulihelmus a Scotia per Cumbriam, videns tam regale municipium, -abstulit illud a Ranulpho comite, et dedit illi pro eo comitatum -Cestriæ, multis honoribus privilegiatum. Carleolum vero -precepit rex Gulihelmus turribus propugnaculisque muniri firmissimis. -Rex vero Gulihelmus Conquestor in redeundo de Scotia -apud Dunelmum novum ibidem construxit castellum contra irruptiones -Scotorum.”</p> - -<p>There is also printed in the Monasticon, <abbr title="volume three page">vol. iii. p.</abbr> 584, a genealogical -document called “Chronicon Cumbriæ,” which comes -from the Register of Wetheral priory. This begins by saying -that</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Willielmus, cognomine Bastardus, dux Normanniæ, conquestor -Angliæ, dedit totam terram de comitatu Cumbriæ Ranulpho -de Meschines, et Galfrido fratri ejusdem Ranulphi totum comitatum -Cestriæ, et Willielmo fratri eorundem terram de Copland, inter -Duden et Darwent.”</p> - -<p>The source of error here is that Matthew of Westminster, so to -call him, mixed up the Scottish expedition of the Conqueror in -1072 with the Scottish expedition of William Rufus in 1091, and -made the restoration of Carlisle a work of the father and not of the -son. He also brings in Earl Randolf, with whom we are not as yet -concerned; but it is to be noticed that he says nothing about an -<a name="Page_548" id="Page_548"></a><span class="pageno">548</span> -earldom of <em>Cumberland</em>, but speaks only of an earldom of <em>Carlisle</em>. -It is only in the Wetheral document that an earldom of <em>Cumberland</em> -is carried back to the days of the Conqueror. Sir Francis Palgrave -failed to notice this distinction; but he knew his books far too well -to pass by the entries in the Chronicle and Florence under 1092. -He therefore tried to reconcile them with the passages in Matthew -of Westminster and the Wetheral chronicle by supposing an -earldom of Cumberland which did not take in Carlisle and its -district. The error and its source were first pointed out by Lappenberg -(<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 175 of the German original, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 234 of Mr. Thorpe’s -Anglo-Norman Kings, where, as usual, some of Lappenberg’s notes -and references are left out). Lappenberg notices the difference -between Matthew’s story and Palgrave’s; he suggests that Matthew -has further confounded the events of 1072 and 1092 with those of -1122; and he gives a summary of the whole matter in the words;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Wichtig aber ist es wahrzunehmen, dass erst Rufus und nicht -sein Vater Cumberland zu einer wirklichen Provinz des normannischen -Englands machte.”</p> - -<p>Here is the root of the matter, so far as we have got rid of the -notion of the Conqueror having done anything at Carlisle or thereabouts. -Still Lappenberg should not have spoken, as I myself -ought not to have spoken (<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 118), of <em>Cumberland</em> now -becoming an English earldom. The district with which we are -concerned forms only a very small part of the old kingdom of -Cumberland, while it does not answer to the modern county of -Cumberland, which does not appear by that name till 1177 (see -Pipe Rolls of Cumberland, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 18; Archæological Journal, <abbr title="sixteen">xvi.</abbr> 230). -The land with which we are concerned bears the name of the city. -It is the land and earldom, not of <em>Cumberland</em>, but of <em>Carlisle</em>.</p> - -<p>The point to be clearly taken in is that the district with which -we are concerned was not part of England till 1092; more accurately -still, it ceased to be part of England in 685, and became so again -in 1092. For those four centuries, Carlisle, city and district, had -as much or as little to do with England as the lands immediately to -the north of it, the lands which formed that part of Cumberland in -the wider sense which became in the end part of the kingdom of -Scotland. This district of Carlisle does not answer to any modern -shire, and it is of course not surveyed in Domesday. But it does -answer to the diocese of Carlisle, as it stood before late changes. -<a name="Page_549" id="Page_549"></a><span class="pageno">549</span> -That diocese took in part of modern Cumberland and part of -modern Westmoreland. The rest of those shires, with Lancashire -north of Ribble and the wapentake of Ewecross (Pipe Rolls, -<abbr title="page 42">p. xlii</abbr>), formed the Domesday district of Agemundreness (see -Domesday, 301 <span class="decoration">b</span>), forming part of Yorkshire, as it formed part of -York diocese till the changes under Henry the Eighth. Mr. Hinde -suggests (<abbr title="Archælogical">Arch.</abbr> Journal, <abbr title="sixteen">xvi.</abbr> 227) that this district was conquered -by Earl Eadwulf, the great enemy of the Britons (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. -p.</abbr> 526), a position which it might be hard either to prove or to -disprove. Before the death of Henry the First, the Carlisle district -was divided into two shires, Carlisle and Westmoreland (<dfn>Chaerleolium</dfn> -and <dfn>Westmarieland</dfn>, Pipe Roll <abbr title="Henry One pages">Hen. I. pp.</abbr> 140, 143). This -last consisted of the barony of Appleby, specially known as Westmoreland. -Enlarged by the barony of Kirkby Kendal in Yorkshire, -it became the modern county of Westmoreland. So the shire of -Carlisle took the name of <dfn>Cumberland</dfn> in 1177, and, enlarged by the -part of Yorkshire north of the Duddon, it became the modern county -of Cumberland. But these added lands remained part of the diocese -of York, till Henry the Eighth removed them to his diocese of -Chester. This last diocese must not be confounded with the diocese -of Chester—​otherwise of Lichfield or Coventry—​with which -we have to do in our story. That diocese did not reach north -of the Ribble, and its seat at Chester was in Saint John’s minster, -while the new see of Henry the Eighth was planted in Saint -Werburh’s.</p> - -<p>The earldom of Carlisle brings us among old acquaintances. -It was granted early in the reign of Henry the First (see <abbr title="Archælogical">Arch.</abbr> -Journal, <abbr title="sixteen">xvi.</abbr> 230, 231) to Randolf called Meschines, <em>de Micenis</em>, -and other forms, who in 1118 became Earl of Chester, on the death -of Earl Richard in the White Ship (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 195), on -which he gave up Carlisle. He died in 1129, being the second -husband of the younger Lucy (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 682; <abbr title="volume three page">vol. iii. -p.</abbr> 778), daughter of Ivo Taillebois. Ivo himself, at some time -after the drawing up of Domesday (Carlisle Pipe Rolls, <abbr title="page 43">p. xliii</abbr>) -appears in the same part of the world as lord of Kirkby -Kendal. After 1118 the earldom of Carlisle or Cumberland remained -in the crown, till it was granted to David of Scotland in -1136 (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 259).</p> - -<p>The name of the city and earldom of Carlisle is the best comment -<a name="Page_550" id="Page_550"></a><span class="pageno">550</span> -on its history. Alone among the names of English cities, it -remains purely British, not only in its root, but, so to speak, in -its grammar. The British idiom, I need hardly say, places the -qualifying word second; the Teutonic idiom places it first. Thus -<em>Caer Gwent</em> and <em>Caer Glovi</em> have become <em>Winchester</em> and <em>Gloucester</em>. -But <em>Caer Luel</em> has not changed; it remains <em>Carlisle</em>, and has not -become something like <em>Lilchester</em>. The reason is doubtless because -the first English occupation of Caer Luel did not last long enough -to give it a lasting English name. In 1092 nomenclature had -lost the life which it had in 685, and a foreign tongue moreover -had the upper hand. No one then thought of turning the name of -Carlisle about, any more than of doing so by the names of Cardiff -(Caerdydd), Caermarthen, or the Silurian <em>Caerwent</em> and <em>Caerleon</em>.</p> - -<p class="p2">As for the colonists brought from the south, I have assumed -them to be a strictly Saxon element added to the already mixed -population of the border. And there may have been a Flemish -element too, as I was inclined to think when I wrote <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. -v. p.</abbr> 119. The point is not of much importance, as the two -kindred elements would easily fuse together; but it strikes me -now that, if any part of the settlers had come from beyond sea, -the Chronicler would not have so calmly spoken of them as churlish -folk from the south. That phrase however is one well worthy -of notice. The words “hider suð” can hardly have been written at -Peterborough. That abbey certainly lies a long way south of -Carlisle; but Peterborough would hardly speak of itself in this -general way as “south.” (In 1051 Worcester, which lies south of -Peterborough, counted itself to be “at this north end”—“ofer -ealre þisne norð ende” says the Worcester Chronicle. See <abbr title="Norman Cnquest volume two page">N. C. -vol. ii. p.</abbr> 620.) The suggestion that these “churlish folk” (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“multi -villani”</span> in the translation in the Waverley Annals) were the men -who had lost their lands at the making of the New Forest has high -authority in its favour. It seems to have been first made by Palgrave -(English Commonwealth, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 450), and it is supported by Lappenberg -(<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 175, Thorpe 235). Still it is a simple guess, and I cannot -say that to my own mind it has any air even of likelihood. It -arises, it seems to me, from an exaggerated notion of the amount of -havoc done at the making of the New Forest, combined with a -forgetfulness of the time which had passed since that event. We -<a name="Page_551" id="Page_551"></a><span class="pageno">551</span> -cannot fix its exact date, but the Survey shows that whatever -was done in the New Forest, much or little was fully done before -1085, and we are now in 1092.</p> - -<p class="p2">The earliest official notice of Carlisle and Westmoreland, the -Pipe Roll of the 31st year of Henry the First, contains several -interesting entries. The city wall was building. There are -entries, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in operationibus civitatis de Caerleolio, videlicet in -muro circa civitatem faciendo”</span> (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 140), “in operatione muri -civitatis de Caerleolio” (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 141), and (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 142) “in liberatione vigilis -turris de Penuesel,” which needs a local expounder. Both in -this roll and in the rolls under Henry the Second we notice -a mixture of personal nomenclature, Norman, Danish, English, -and Scottish, which is just what we should look for. Distinctly -British names I do not see. In the first few pages of the roll -of 1156 we find at least three Gospatrics. One is very fittingly the -son of Orm; another is the son of Beloc (6), whose nationality may -be doubted; a third is the son of Mapbennoc, a clear Pict or Scot. -So again we have Uhtred son of Fergus (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 5), William son of -Holdegar, Æthelward [Ailward] son of Dolfin, hardly the dispossessed -prince. Swegen son of Æthelric [Sweinus fil. Alrici] -in the roll of Henry the First (142) is a local man; but Henry son -of Swegen, who comes often under Henry the Second, is the unlucky -descendant of Robert son of Wymarc. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 735. -There are a good many entries about the canons of Saint Mary -of Carlisle who were founded before the bishopric, in 1102 (see -Haddan and Stubbs, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 13). There is a notice in 1156 (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 3) of -the Bishop of Candida Casa or Whithern. That see was (Haddan -and Stubbs, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 25) revived about 1127, as suffragan of York, and -1156 is the date of the death of Æthelwulf the first Bishop of -Carlisle.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_S" id="Note_S"></a>NOTE S. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 329.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Early Life of Randolf Flambard.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I quoted</span> some of the passages bearing on the early life of -Randolf Flambard in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 521. I mentioned there that -he had a brother named Osbern, who appears in the Abingdon -<a name="Page_552" id="Page_552"></a><span class="pageno">552</span> -History. He had another brother Fulcher, of whom we shall -hear again. See <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 788 D, and <abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 416. He had -also a son Thomas. I do not feel quite so sure as I did then, -or as Dr. Stubbs seems to be (<abbr title="Constitutional History one">Const. Hist. i.</abbr> 348), that he really -did hold lands in England <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr> The entry which looks like -it is the second of the three in Domesday, 51, which stands thus -in full;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Isdem Ranulfus tenuit in ipsa villa i. hidam, et pro tanto -se defendebat <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr> modo est tota in foresta exceptis <abbr title="4">iiii.</abbr> acris -prati terra fuit <abbr title="4">iiii.</abbr> carucatarum. Hæ duæ terræ valebant <abbr title="4">iiii.</abbr> -libras.”</p> - -<p>It appears then that Flambard lost the arable part of this hide -at the making of the New Forest, as he also lost another hide, -with the same exception of four acres of meadow, which had been -held <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr> by one Alwold. A third hide, of which it is said -that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“duo alodiarii tenuerunt,”</span> he kept, as well as his holdings -in Oxford and Oxfordshire. Dr. Stubbs suggests that these lands -were “possibly acquired in the service of the Norman Bishop -William of London.” Sir F. Palgrave (England and Normandy, -<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 52) makes the most of this despoiling of a Norman holder. -But I am not clear that the words of the entry which I have -given in full necessarily imply that the land was held by Flambard -himself <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr> And, if we need not suppose this, his story -becomes a great deal simpler. Above all, we need no longer -suppose that a man who lived till 1128, and whose mother was -living in 1100 (see <a href="#Page_398"><abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 398</a>), had made himself of importance -enough to receive grants of land at some time before -1066.</p> - -<p class="p2">The account of Flambard which is given by Orderic (678 C) -would certainly not suggest that he had been in England in the -time of Eadward;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hic de obscura satis et paupere parentela prodiit, et multum -ultra natales suos ad multorum detrimentum sublimatus intumuit. -Turstini cujusdum plebeii presbyteri de pago Bajocensi filius -fuit, et a puerilibus annis inter pedissequos curiales cum vilibus -parasitis educatus crevit, callidisque tergiversationibus et argutis -verborum machinationibus plusquam arti literatoriæ studuit. Et -quia semetipsum in curia magni regis Guillermi arroganter -<a name="Page_553" id="Page_553"></a><span class="pageno">553</span> -illustribus præferre ardebat, nesciente non jussus, multa inchoabat, -infestus in aula regis plures procaciter accusabat, temereque -majoribus quasi regia vi fultus imperabat.”</p> - -<p>It is not easy to reconcile this with the version which makes -Flambard pass into the King’s service from that of Bishop Maurice, -who did not become bishop till Christmas, 1085. The story of -his service with Maurice appears in the account of him which is -printed in Anglia Sacra (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 705), and also along with Simeon (249 <abbr title="edit">ed.</abbr> -Bedford, and X Scriptt. 59). It is much more likely that the name -of the bishop should be wrongly given than that his service with -some bishop of London should be mere invention. If so, he may -have passed into the service of the Conqueror at almost any time of -his reign, while still so young that it becomes an easy exaggeration -on the part of Orderic to say that he was in the King’s service -from his childhood. The passage in the Life which continues -Simeon stands thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fuerat autem primo cum Mauritio Lundoniensi episcopo; sed -propter decaniam sibi ablatam orto discidio, spe altioris loci se -transtulit ad regem.”</p> - -<p>This must surely refer to something which really happened; and -in the Register of Christchurch Twinham (<abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum six">Mon. Angl. vi.</abbr> 303) we -distinctly read of Flambard, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“qui Randulphus antea fuerat decanus -in ecclesia Christi de Twynham.”</span> But this is directly followed by -another extract from the same register which denies that the heads -of the church of Twinham ever bore the title of dean, and which -connects Flambard with Twinham in quite another way. According -to this story, there were at Twinham in the time of William -Rufus twenty-four canons under a chief named Godric (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hunc -Godricum sui tunc temporis clerici, non pro decano, quasi nominis -ignorantes, sed pro seniore ac patrono venerabantur”</span>). Flambard, -already bishop of Durham, obtains a grant of Twinham and its church -from William Rufus (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Randulfus episcopus hanc ecclesiam cum villa -a rege Willielmo impetravit”</span>). If I rightly understand a very corrupt -text, Flambard enriches the church and designs to rebuild it, -and then to put in monks instead of canons; meanwhile he keeps -the prebends vacant as they fall in. This Godric opposes; but in -the end Flambard rebuilds the church, and keeps the prebends in -his own hands till there are only thirteen left. Then comes his -own banishment, and the grant of the church to one Gilbert de -<a name="Page_554" id="Page_554"></a><span class="pageno">554</span> -Dousgunels, after which Flambard seems to have had nothing more -to do with it.</p> - -<p>It is odd that so many prebends should have become vacant in the -single year during which Flambard held the bishopric for the first -time, and one would not have expected him to have been a favourer -of monks. But I can get no other meaning out of the words -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cupiens et disponens … præfatam ecclesiam … funditus eruere, -et meliorem decentioremque cuilibet ædificare religioni.”</span> What -comes after seems plainer still;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fregit episcopus illius loci primitivam ecclesiam, novemque -alias quæ infra cimiterium steterant, cum quorundam domibus canonicorum -prope locum ecclesiæ cimiterii, et officinarum compenciorem -[?] faciendum et canonicis in villa congruum immutationem [sic] -ut dominus adaptavit locum. Fundavit equidem hanc ecclesiam -episcopus Randulfus quæ nunc est apud Twynham, et domos et -officinas cuilibet religioni. Obeunte canonicorum aliquo, ejus beneficium -in sua retinebat potestate, nulli tribuens alii, volens unamquamque -dare præbendam religioni, si eos omnes mortis fortuna -in suo tulisset tempore.”</p> - -<p>Now all this can hardly have happened between Flambard’s consecration -in 1099 and his imprisonment in 1100. But he may -have had the grant of Twinham before he was bishop. Again, in -two charters (<abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum six">Mon. Angl. vi.</abbr> 304), granted by the elder Baldwin -of Redvers, we hear of deans of Twinham and of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ranulfus decanus,”</span> -which seems to mean Flambard himself. The lands of the -canons of Twinham are entered in Domesday, 44; but there is no -mention of Flambard.</p> - -<p>We thus have the absolutely certain fact that Flambard held -lands near Twinham. In two independent sources he is said to -have been dean of Twinham. In another independent source he -is said to have held and lost some deanery not named. In yet -another story he is described, not as dean of Twinham, but as -doing great things at Twinham in another character. These -accounts cannot literally be reconciled; but they certainly point -to a connexion of some kind between him and the church of -Twinham.</p> - -<p>We must indeed mourn the loss of the primitive church of -Twinham with its nine surrounding chapels, something like Glendalough -or Clonmacnois. The nave of the present church may well -<a name="Page_555" id="Page_555"></a><span class="pageno">555</span> -be Flambard’s work; but it has no special likeness to his work at -Durham. But this may only prove that he built it before he went -to Durham, and there learned the improvements in architecture -which had been brought in by William of Saint-Calais (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. -vol. v. p.</abbr> 631). The seculars of Twinham made way for Austin -canons about 1150.</p> - -<p>While speaking of Twinham, I must correct a statement which -I made long ago with regard to one of the chief worthies of my -earlier story. I said (<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 33) that Earl Godwine was -“nowhere enrolled among the founders or benefactors of any -church, religious or secular.” I find him enrolled among the benefactors -of Twinham. And here again we mark that, as with his -wife (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 358) and his son, his bounty goes to the -seculars. The passage, in one of the charters of the elder Baldwin -of Redvers granted to Hilary Dean of Twinham (<abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum six">Mon. Angl. vi.</abbr> 304), -stands thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ecclesiam de Stoppele cum omnibus quæ ad eam spectant; -unam virgatam terræ cum appendiciis in eadem villa <em>ex dono -Godwini comitis</em>, quam Orricus de Stanton eidem Christi ecclesiæ -violenter surripuit.”</p> - -<p>I cannot identify this <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Orricus de Stanton”</span> in Domesday, nor -do I know anything as to the genuineness of the charter. But -no one in the twelfth century or later would be likely to invent a -benefaction of Earl Godwine.</p> - -<p class="p2">Orderic, in the passage quoted above (678 C), distinctly speaks of -Randolf as having been in the service of the Conqueror, and it must -have been in his court that he got the surname which, in so many -forms, has stuck to him, and which we find even in Domesday (see -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 521). The way in which he came by it is thus -described—​his false accusations have just been mentioned;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Unde a Roberto dispensatore regio Flambardus cognominatus -est, quod vocabulum ei secundum mores ejus et actus quasi prophetice -collatum est. Flamma quippe ardens multis factis intulit -genti novos ritus, quibus crudeliter oppressit populorum cœtus, et -ecclesiæ cantus temporales mutavit in planctus.”</p> - -<p>In this last piece of rhetoric we seem to lose the real reason why -he was called <em>Flambard</em>, which is not very clear: still less do we -get any explanation of the form “<em>Passe</em>flambard.” Lappenberg -<a name="Page_556" id="Page_556"></a><span class="pageno">556</span> -(<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 167) says <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“er habe den Beinamen von der Fackel wegen seiner -schon früh bewährten Habsucht erhalten.”</span> But one has some -fellow-feeling with his translator (225)—​if he would only have -written English to match Lappenberg’s German—“It is not easy -to conceive how the sobriquet of <em>Flambeau</em> could be given to an -individual on account of his covetousness.” Nor is it quite clear -that it is covetousness strictly so called of which Orderic speaks. He -says elsewhere (786 D); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Erat sollers et facundus, et, licet crudelis -et iracundus, largus tamen et plerumque jocundus, et ob hoc plerisque -gratus et amandus.”</span></p> - -<p>In a letter to Pope Paschal (<abbr title="Epistles four">Epp. iv.</abbr> 2) Anselm seems quite -carried out of his usual mildness of speech by the thought of Flambard, -especially by the thought of his being made a bishop. The -letter must have been written just after Paschal and Flambard -had received their several promotions. We get the same derivation -of the name as in our other extracts; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quando de Anglia exivi, -erat ibi quidem professione sacerdos</span> [see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 330], <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">non solum -publicanus, sed etiam publicanorum princeps infamissimus, nomine -Ranulphus, propter crudelitatem similem flammæ comburenti, promine -Flambardus; cujus flamma qualis sit, non in Anglia solum, -sed in exteris regnis longe lateque innotuit.”</span></p> - -<p>Lappenberg, in the passage quoted above, refers to Thierry’s wonderful -account of Flambard (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 141);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Renouf Flambard, évêque de Lincoln, autrefois valet de pied -chez les ducs de Normandie, commettait, dans son diocèse, de tels -brigandages, que les habitants souhaitaient de mourir, dit un ancien -historien, plutôt que de vivre sous sa puissance.”</p> - -<p>I cannot find that Thierry speaks of Flambard anywhere else. -The <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“valet de pied”</span> must come from the bit in Orderic about -the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pedissequi curiales.”</span> The rest, including the wonderful confusion -which makes him bishop of Lincoln, comes, as Lappenberg -points out, from a passage in the Winchester Annals, 1092 (<abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> -1097), which I shall presently have to refer to. But it is really -amazing that Flambard’s loss of property in the New Forest -did not cause him to be brought in at some stage or other as -an oppressed Saxon.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557"></a><span class="pageno">557</span> -<a name="Note_T" id="Note_T"></a>NOTE T. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 333.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Official Position of Randolf Flambard.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> exact formal position held by Flambard under William -Rufus has in some measure to be guessed at, as the rhetoric of -our authorities sometimes veils such matters in rather vague -language. Thus his biographer (Anglia Sacra, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 706) describes -him;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Admixtus enim causis regaliorum negotiorum, cum esset acrioris -ingenii et promptioris linguæ, brevi in tantum excrevit ut -adepta apud regem familiaritas totius Angliæ potentes et natu -quoque nobiliores illum superferret. Totius namque regni procurator -constitutus, interdum insolentius accepta abutens potestate, -cum negotiis regis pertinacius insisteret, plures offendere parvi -pendebat. Quæ res multorum ei invidiam et odium contraxerat. -Crebris accusationibus serenum animi regalis ei obnubilare, et -locum familiaritatis conabantur interrumpere.”</p> - -<p>Here we have a vague description of a position of great influence, -without the bestowal of any official title whatever. Orderic (678 B), -in first introducing him, comes somewhat nearer to a formal description;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“His temporibus quidam clericus nomine Rannulfus familiaritatem -Rufi regis adeptus est, et super omnes regios officiales ingeniosis -accusationibus et multifariis adulationibus magistratum a -rege consecutus est.”</p> - -<p>What then was the formal description of this office which set -its holder above all other officers of the King? Lappenberg (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> -168, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 226 of the English translation) and Stubbs (<abbr title="Constitutional History one">Const. Hist. i.</abbr> -347) both rule, and seemingly with good reason, that the office held -by Flambard was really that of Justiciar. Official names were at -this time still used so vaguely that it seems to be only in another -passage of Orderic (786 C, see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 559) that he is directly called so; -but, as Lappenberg says, his office is distinctly marked by the words -of the Chronicler (1099), when he says that the King “Rannulfe his -capellane þæt biscoprice on Dunholme geaf þe æror ealle his gemot -ofer eall Engleland draf and bewiste.” The same office seems to be -meant when Florence (1100) says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cujus astutia et calliditas tam</span> -<a name="Page_558" id="Page_558"></a><span class="pageno">558</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">vehemens extitit, et parvo tempore adeo excrevit, ut <em>placitatorem</em> -ac totius regni <em>exactorem</em> rex illum constitueret.”</span> Henry of Huntingdon -uses the same word, when (<abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 21, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 232 <abbr title="edited">ed.</abbr> Arnold) he seems -to be translating the entry in the Chronicle; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anno illo [1099] -rex Ranulfo <em>placitatori</em> sed perversori, <em>exactori</em> sed exustori, totius -Angliæ, dedit episcopatum Dunhelme.”</span> Florence himself, in his -entry under the same year, calls him <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rannulfus, quem negotiorum -totius regni <em>exactorem</em> constituerat.”</span> (In 1094 he is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rannulphus -<em>Passe</em>flambardus.”</span>) Dr. Stubbs (<abbr title="Constitutional History one">Const. Hist. i.</abbr> 348) remarks that -these “expressions recall the ancient identity of the <em>gerefa</em> with the -<em>exactor</em>, and suggest that one part of the royal policy was to entrust -the functions which had belonged to the præfectus or high steward -to a clerk or creature of the court.” In the Gesta Pontificum (274) -William of Malmesbury, like the Biographer, calls him <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“totius -regni <em>procurator</em>;”</span> in Eadmer (<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 20), he is more vaguely -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ranulfus regiæ voluntatis maximus <em>executor</em>.”</span></p> - -<p>We have seen that Randolf Flambard was a priest (see above, -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 556), and he is spoken of in a marked way as the King’s chaplain. -His biographer (<abbr title="Anglia Sacra one">Angl. Sac. i.</abbr> 706) says that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“propter quandam apud -regem excellentiam, singulariter nominabatur capellanus regis.”</span> -And we have seen that he is so called in the Chronicle. The word -is found in only one other place in the Chronicle, namely in 1114, -where it is said of Thurstan Archbishop of York, “Se wæs æror -þæs cynges capelein.” We must remember that, with all the Red -King’s impiety and blasphemy, he seems never to have formally -renounced the fellowship of Christians, as he was never formally -cut off from it. But his choice of an immediate spiritual adviser -is at least characteristic.</p> - -<p class="p2">Some of the passages describing the administration of Flambard -are of special importance. That given by William of Malmesbury -(<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 314) I have had occasion to quote piecemeal; but it may be -well to give it as a whole;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Accessit regiæ menti fomes cupiditatum, Ranulfus clericus, ex -infimo genere hominum lingua et calliditate provectus ad summum. -Is, si quando edictum regium processisset ut nominatum tributum -Anglia penderet, duplum adjiciebat, expilator divitum, exterminator -pauperum, confiscator alienarum hæreditatum. Invictus causidicus, -et tum verbis tum rebus immodicus, juxta in supplices -<a name="Page_559" id="Page_559"></a><span class="pageno">559</span> -ut in rebelles furens; subinde cachinnantibus quibusdam ac dicentibus,” -<abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr></p> - -<p>The last words of this extract are of special importance (see -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 332). Florence (1100) speaks to much the same effect; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tanta -potestate adepta, ubique locorum per Angliam ditiores ac locupletiores -quosdam, rerum terrarumque ablatione, multavit, pauperiores -autem gravi injustoque tributo incessanter oppressit, multisque -modis, et ante episcopatum et in episcopatu, majores et minores -communiter afflixit, et hoc usque ad regis ejusdem obitum.”</span></p> - -<p>Orderic, in his second description (786 C), thus speaks of -him;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hic nimirum de plebeia stirpe progressus Guillelmo Rufo -admodum adulatus est, et machinationibus callidis illi favens super -omnes regni optimates ab illo sublimatus est. Summus regiarum -procurator opum et justitiarius factus est, et innumeris crudelitatibus -frequenter exercitatis exosus, et pluribus terribilis factus est. -Ipse vero contractis undique opibus, et ampliatis honoribus, nimis -locupletatus est, et usque ad pontificale stemma, quamvis pene -illiteratus esset, non merito religionis, sed potentia seculari provectus -est. Sed quia mortalis vitæ potentia nulla longa est, interempto -rege suo, ut veternus patriæ deprædator a novo rege -incarceratus est.”</p> - -<p>Henry imprisons him, he goes on to say, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pro multis enim -injuriis, quibus ipsum Henricum aliosque regni filios, tam pauperes -quam divites, vexaverat, multisque modis crebro afflictos irreverenter -contristaverat.”</span> The tradition of him in later times remained -to the same effect, as we see by the description of him in Roger of -Wendover (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 165), which is copied with some improvements by -Matthew Paris (<abbr title="Historia Anglorum one">Hist. Angl. i.</abbr> 182);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tenuit autem eo tempore rex in custodia Ranulphum, episcopum -Dunelmensem, hominem perversum et ad omne scelus pronum et -paratum, quem frater ejus rex Willelmus episcopum fecerat Dunelmensem -et regni Angliæ <em>apporriatorem</em> et potius subversorem, nam -vir fuit cavillosus. Qui cum regi jam dicto nimis fuisset familiaris, -constituerat eum rex W[illelmus], quia quilibet sibi similes -quærit questores, procuratorem suum in regno, ut evelleret, destrueret, -raperet et disperderet, et omnia omnium bona ad fisci -commodum comportaret.”</p> - -<p>In this extract the “apporriator,” a queer word enough, but -<a name="Page_560" id="Page_560"></a><span class="pageno">560</span> -the meaning of which is plain, the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“vir cavillosus,”</span> and the “quæstores,” -all come from Matthew’s own mint.</p> - -<p class="p2">The Biographer of the Durham bishops has a story to tell of -Flambard at this time of his life. Some of those who had suffered -by his false accusations and his other devices, seemingly persons -about the court, make a plan to get rid of him altogether. A -certain Gerald undertakes the task. He meets the Chaplain—​Flambard -is so called in a marked way throughout the story—​in -London, and tells him a feigned tale that his old master Bishop -Maurice is lying at the point of death in one of his houses on the -banks of the Thames—​Stepney perhaps; it cannot be Fulham (see -Domesday, 127 <i>b</i>) as the story shows—​and wishes greatly to see -Flambard once more before he dies. He himself had been sent -by the Bishop with a boat to bring him with the more speed. -Flambard, suspecting no harm, enters the boat with a few followers. -The boat goes down the river to a distance which puzzles the -Chaplain, who is put off with false excuses. At last he sees a larger -vessel anchored in the middle of the stream, and clearly waiting -for his coming. He now understands the plot. He is carried into -the ship, which he finds full of armed men. With admirable -presence of mind, he drops his ring, and his notary (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“notarius -suus”</span>) drops his seal (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“sigillum illius”</span>), into the middle of the -river—​somewhat after the manner of James the Second—​that they -may not be used to give currency to any forged documents (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ne per -hæc ubique locorum per Angliam cognita, simulata præcepta hostibus -decipientibus transmissa rerum perturbarent statum”</span>). Then his -men are allowed to go on shore, on taking an oath that they will -tell no one that their lord has been carried off. The ship puts out -to sea, and presently goes with full sail southward. The Chaplain -sits in the stern, while the sailors debate what kind of death he -shall die. Two sons of Belial are chosen, who, for the wages of the -fine clothes which Flambard has on, will either throw him into the -sea or brain him with clubs (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eliguntur duo filii Belial, qui illum -in fluctus projicerent, vel fracto fustibus cerebro enecarent, habituri -pretium sceleris optimas quibus tunc indutus fuerat vestes”</span>). The -would-be murderers dispute who shall have his mantle, and this -delay saves his life. By this time the wind changes; a storm comes -from the south, night comes on, the ship is dashed about hither -<a name="Page_561" id="Page_561"></a><span class="pageno">561</span> -and thither; there is no hope save to try to go back in the direction -by which they have come. At this point they again debate -the question of Flambard’s death. There is now a fear lest he -should escape and avenge the wrong done to him. But, as is usual -in such stories, one was found who was of milder mood; his name -is not given, but he held the place in the ship next after Gerald -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quidam secundus in navi a Geraldo tantum exhorrens scelus”</span>). He -is struck with remorse; he confesses his crime to Flambard, and -says that, if he will grant him his pardon, he will do what he can -for him and stand by him as his companion in life or death. Then -Flambard, whose spirit we are told always rose with danger, speaks -to Gerald in a loud voice; Gerald is his man, whose faith is pledged -to him; he will not prosper if he ventures on such a crime as this -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tunc ille, sicut magnanimus semper erat in periculis, ingenti -clamore vociferans, quid tu, inquit, Geralde, cogitas? Quid de -nobis machinaris? Homo meus es; fidem mihi debes; hanc violare -non tibi cedet in prosperum”</span>). He calls on him to give up his -wicked purpose; let him name his reward, and he shall have it; -he will give him his hand as a sign of his own good faith (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pete -quantum volueris. Ego sum qui plura petitis præstare potero; et -ne discredas promissis, ecce manu affirmo quod polliceor”</span>). Gerald, -having less faith in his promises than fear of his power, agrees. -He goes back to the haven, and receives Flambard in his own -house near the shore (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ille non tam promissis illectus, quam -potentia viri exterritus, consentit, eductumque de navi jam in -portum repulsa honorifico in sua domo quæ litori prominebat -procuravit apparatu”</span>). But, still not trusting Flambard, he took -himself off for ever (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nequaquam credulus promissorum fugæ -præsidium iniens æterno disparuit exilio”</span>). Flambard goes back to -London with a great array (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ranulphus vero accitis undique -militibus multa armatorum manu grandique strepitu deducitur -Lundoniam”</span>). All are amazed to see him whom they had believed -to be dead. He takes his old place in the King’s counsels; he rises -higher in the King’s favour than ever, and no man dares to form -any more schemes against him as long as the King lives.</p> - -<p>There seems no reason why this story should not be true; -true or false, it is characteristic. Just as in the later case of -Thomas of London, we see the greatness to which men of the -class of Randolf Flambard could rise—​their wealth, power and -<a name="Page_562" id="Page_562"></a><span class="pageno">562</span> -splendour, their numerous and even knightly following. One is -tempted to ask something more about Gerald the author of this -daring plot against Flambard’s life. Except that he is said to have -gone away for ever, one would be tempted to think that he must -be the same as Gerard—​the two names are easily confounded—​afterwards -Bishop of Hereford and Archbishop of York, a man -seemingly of much the same class and disposition as Flambard -himself, and who appears (see <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 524, 543) as a ready instrument -of the will of William Rufus.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_U" id="Note_U"></a>NOTE U. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 332.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The alleged Domesday of Randolf Flambard.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I suppose</span> that the story about a new Survey of England, -to which Sir Francis Palgrave attached such great importance, -may be held to be set aside by the remarks of Dr. Stubbs, <abbr title="Constitutional History one">Const. -Hist. i.</abbr> 302, 348. He rules that in all likelihood Flambard had -a hand in the real Domesday, and that Orderic simply made a -mistake as to the date, which he is not at all unlikely to have -done. Long before Dr. Stubbs wrote, I had come to the conclusion -that the story in Orderic, as it stood, could not be accepted. It -is found in Orderic’s first account of Flambard (678 C), where he -tells us that he persuaded William Rufus to make a new Survey -of England. He measured, we are told, by the rope—​according, -as it would seem, to the measure of Normandy instead of the -measure of England—​in order in some way to increase the King’s -revenue. The words stand thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hic juvenem fraudulentis stimulationibus inquietavit regem, -incitans ut totius Angliæ reviseret descriptionem, Anglicæque -telluris comprobans iteraret partitionem, subditisque recideret, tam -advenis quam indigenis, quicquid inveniretur ultra certam dimensionem. -Annuente rege, omnes carucatas quas Angli hidas vocant, -funiculo mensus est et descripsit; postpositisque mensuris quas -liberales Angli jussu Eduardi regis largiter distribuerant imminuit, -et regales fiscos accumulans colonis arva retruncavit. Ruris -itaque olim diutius nacti diminutione et insoliti vectigalis gravi -exaggeratione, supplices regiæ fidelitati plebes indecenter oppressit, -<a name="Page_563" id="Page_563"></a><span class="pageno">563</span> -ablatis rebus attenuavit, et in nimiam egestatem de ingenti copia -redegit.”</p> - -<p>I do not profess to know exactly what Flambard is here -supposed to have done. Sir Francis Palgrave goes into the matter -at some length, both in his English Commonwealth (<abbr title="two 447">ii. ccccxlvii</abbr>) -and in his History of Normandy (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 59). If I rightly understand -his meaning, the <em>carucata</em> in the valuation of the Conqueror was -not an unvarying amount of the earth’s surface, but differed according -to the nature of the land. A carucate of good land -would consist of fewer acres than a carucate of bad. Flambard, -we are to understand, measured out the land by the rope -into carucates of equal size, and exacted from each the full -measure of the geld. That is to say, an estate consisting mainly -of poor land would be reckoned at many more carucates, and -therefore would have to pay a much higher tax, than it had before. -I do not say that this may not be the meaning; but the words -of Orderic read to me as if they applied to an actual taking away -of land, as well as to a mere increase in its taxation. One might -almost fancy that, if a man had land of greater extent than -answered to his number of carucates according to the new reckoning, -the overplus was treated as land to which he had no legal claim, -and was therefore confiscated to the crown. But the real question -is whether anything of the kind happened at all. It is not mentioned -by any writer except Orderic, and it is the kind of thing -about which Orderic in his Norman monastery might not be very -well informed. It should be remembered, as Lappenberg (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 168 -of the original, 226 of the English translation) remarks, that -Orderic makes no distinct mention of the real Domesday Survey, -and this statement may very well have arisen from a confusion -between the great Survey of the Conqueror and some of the local -surveys of which there were many. Sir Francis Palgrave believed -that he had found a piece of Flambard’s Domesday in an ancient -lieger-book of Evesham abbey, which the mention of Samson -Bishop of Worcester fixes to some date between 1096 and 1112. -Of the genuineness of the document there is no doubt; but I -cannot see, any more than Lappenberg did, any reason for supposing -it to be anything more than a local survey. The passage printed -by Sir Francis Palgrave, which he compares with the corresponding -part of the Exchequer Domesday—​to which it certainly has no -<a name="Page_564" id="Page_564"></a><span class="pageno">564</span> -likeness—​relates wholly to the two towns of Gloucester and -Winchcombe, so that it gives no means of seeing whether the -number of carucates in any particular estate differs in the two -reckonings.</p> - -<p>I cannot believe with Lappenberg that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Henricus comes,”</span> who -appears among a crowd of not very exalted people as the owner -of one burgess at Gloucester, is the future King; it is surely Henry -Earl of Warwick.</p> - -<p>Dr. Stubbs, while rejecting Orderic’s story altogether, further -rejects Sir Francis Palgrave’s explanation of it. He merely hints -that Orderic “may refer to a substitution of the short hundred -for the long in the reckoning of the hide of land.” But it is safer -to look, as he does, on the whole story as a misapprehension.</p> - -<p>Of this way of measuring by the rope—​whence the <em>Rapes</em> in -Sussex—​several examples are collected by Maurer, <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Einleitung zur -Geschichte der Mark- Hof- Dorf- und Stadtverfassung</span>, 72. 135. <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> -Herodotus, <abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 23; <span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="ôrysson de hôde; dasamenoi ton chôron hoi barbaroi kata -ethnea, kata Sanên polin schoinotenes poiêsamenoi.">ὤρυσσον δὲ ὧδε· δασάμενοι τὸν χῶρον οἱ βάρβαροι κατὰ ἔθνεα, κατὰ Σάνην πόλιν σχοινοτενὲς ποιησάμενοι.</span>. In Sussex itself we -have (see above, <a href="#Page_68"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 68</a>) the story of the measuring of the <em>lowy</em> of -Lewes by the rope, which is at least more likely than the story -told by the same writer (Will. Gem. <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 15) that the earldom of -Hereford passed in this way to Roger of Breteuil; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cui comitatus -Herefordi funiculo distributionis evenit.”</span></p> - -<p>The practice, in short, was so familiar that in the Glossary of -Rabanus Maurus (Eckhardt, Rer. Franc. Or. <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 963) <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“funiculum”</span> -is explained by <em>lantmarcha</em> (<abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> Du Cange in <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“funiculus”</span>). So Suger -(c. 15, Duchèsne, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 296) says how the Epte <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“antiquo fune geometricali -Francorum et Danorum concorditer metito collimitat.”</span></p> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_W" id="Note_W"></a>NOTE W. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 337.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Dealings of William Rufus with vacant -Bishoprics and Abbeys.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> chief point to be insisted on is that the appropriation of -the revenues of vacant bishoprics and abbeys by the King was -an innovation of William Rufus on the suggestion of Flambard. -Such a thing may possibly have happened before, though I am -<a name="Page_565" id="Page_565"></a><span class="pageno">565</span> -not prepared at this moment with an instance; but, if so, it was -merely a case of the irregular way in which Church property, and -all property, was often dealt with by those who had the power. -It was not a logical deduction from any legal principle, such as -it at once became when Flambard had established the doctrine -that the greater Church benefices were fiefs held of the King by -military service. The passage in the Chronicle which I have -quoted at <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 348 does not say in so many words that the practice -was an invention of Rufus or his minister, though the tone of -the passage certainly implies that their doings were something -new. Other writers speak more distinctly.</p> - -<p>Next in authority to the Chronicler comes Eadmer, who is naturally -full on the subject. He tells us in detail (<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 14) how -Rufus dealt with the Church of Canterbury after the death of Lanfranc, -speaking more lightly of other cases as being of the same -kind;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cuncta quæ juris illius erant, intus et extra per clientes suos -describi præcepit, taxatoque victu monachorum inibi Deo servientium, -reliqua sub censu atque in suum dominum redigi jussit. -Fecit ergo ecclesiam Christi venalem: jus in ea dominandi præ -cæteris illi tribuens, qui ad detrimentum ejus in dando pretium -alium superabat. Unde misera successione singulis annis pretium -renovabatur. Nullam siquidem conventionem Rex stabilem esse -sinebat, sed qui plura promittebat excludebat minus dantem; nisi -forte ad id quod posterior offerebat, prima conventione vacuata, -prior assurgeret. Videres insuper quotidie, spreta servorum Dei -religione, quosque nefandissimos hominum regias pecunias exigentes -per claustra monasterii torvo et minaci vultu procedere, hinc inde -præcipere, minas intentare, dominationem potentiamque suam in -immensum ostentare.”</p> - -<p>He goes on to tell of the sufferings of the monks and of their lay -tenants;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quidam ipsi ecclesiæ monachi malis ingruentibus dispersi ac -missi sunt ad alia monasteria, et qui relicti multas passi tribulationes -et improperia. Quid de hominibus ecclesiæ dicam qui tam vasta -miseria miseraque vastatione sunt attriti, ut dubitarem, si sequentia -mala non essent, an salva vita illorum possent miserius atteri.”</p> - -<p>He then mentions the like dealings with other churches, and -adds the emphatic words;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566"></a><span class="pageno">566</span> -“Et quidem ipse primus hanc luctuosam oppressionem ecclesiis -Dei indixit, nullatenus eam ex paterna traditione excipiens. Destitutas -ergo ecclesias solus in dominio suo tenebat. Nam alium -neminem præter se substituere volebat quamdiu per suos ministros -aliquid quod cujusvis pretii duceret ab eis extrahere poterat.”</p> - -<p>William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 314) is no less distinct as to the -difference between the practice of the two Williams, and as to the -agency of Flambard. Having given his character of him (see above, -<a href="#Page_558"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 558</a>) he goes on;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hoc auctore sacri ecclesiarum honores, mortuis pastoribus, -venum locati; namque audita morte cujuslibet episcopi vel abbatis, -confestim clericus regis eo mittebatur, quo omnia inventa scripto -exciperet, omnesque in posterum redditus fisco regio inferret. Interea -quærebatur quis in loco defuncti idoneus substitueretur, non -pro morum sed pro nummorum experimento; dabaturque tandem -honor, ut ita dicam, nudus, magno tamen emptus.”</p> - -<p>He then goes on to contrast in a marked way the conduct of -Rufus in these matters with that of his father; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hæc eo indigniora -videbantur, quod, tempore patris, post decessum episcopi vel -abbatis omnes redditus integre custodiebantur, substituendo pastori -resignandi, eligebanturque personæ religionis merito laudabiles; at -vero pauculis annis intercedentibus omnia immutata.”</span></p> - -<p>Orderic has two passages on the subject. One of them (763 C) -is a mere complaint; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Defunctis præsulibus et archimandritis -satellites regis ecclesiasticas possessiones et omnes gazas invadebant, -triennioque seu plus dominio regis omnino mancipabant. Sic nimirum -pro cupiditate reddituum, qui regis in ærario recondebantur, -ecclesiæ vacabant, necessariisque carentes pastoribus Dominicæ -oves lupinis morsibus patebant.”</span> In the other (678, 679) he -distinctly speaks of Flambard’s innovation, and goes more at length -into the matter than any of the other writers. He has given one -of the descriptions of Flambard which has been already quoted -(see <a href="#Page_559"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 559</a>); and then goes on;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hujus consilio juvenis rex, morientibus prælatis, ecclesias cum -possessionibus olim sibi datis invasit, et tam in abbatiis cœnobitas -quam in episcopiis episcopales decanos et canonicos cuilibet satellitum -suorum subegit. Parcam autem ad victum suum distributionem -rerum eis delegabat, et reliquos redditus suæ ditioni -mancipabat. Sic avaritia regis in ecclesia Dei nimis exarsit, et -<a name="Page_567" id="Page_567"></a><span class="pageno">567</span> -nefarius mos, <em>tunc incœptus usque in hodiernum diem perseverans</em>, -multis animabus exitio fit. Hac enim de causa cupidus rex pastores -ecclesiis imponere differebat, et populus rectore et grex pastore -carens lupinis dentibus patebat, et multimodarum toxicatis missilibus -culparum sauciatus interibat.”</p> - -<p>He then goes on to contrast the greediness and sacrilege of -William Rufus with the bounty of the ancient kings and nobles -from Æthelberht onwards. He again records and moralizes on -the special innovation of Rufus with regard to the treatment of -ecclesiastical properties during vacancies;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Antequam Normanni Angliam obtinuissent, mos erat, ut dum -rectores ecclesiarum obirent, episcopus cœnobiorum quæ in sua -diocesi erant, res sollicite describeret et sub ditione sua, donec -abbates legitime ordinarentur, custodiret. Similiter archiepiscopus -episcopii res, antistite defuncto, servabat, et pauperibus vel structuris -basilicarum, vel aliis bonis operibus, cum consilio domesticorum -ejusdem ecclesiæ distrahebat. Hunc profecto morem Guillelmus -Rufus ab initio regni sui persuasione Flambardi abolevit -et metropolitanam Cantuariæ sedem sine pontifice tribus annis -esse fecit ejusque redditus suis thesauris intulit. Injustum quippe -videtur, omnique rationi contrarium, ut quod Deo datum est -fidelium liberalitate principum, vel solertia dispensatorum ecclesiasticæ -rei laudabiliter est auctum, denuo sub laicali manu retrahatur, -et in nefarios sæculi usus distrahatur.”</p> - -<p>One effect of this practice must have been to make the monks -and canons of the cathedral churches specially anxious to establish -their distinct property in some part of the estates of the local -church, separate from the property of the bishop. Under Flambard’s -system, all the estates of the church were during a vacancy -seized by the King, who allowed the monks or canons only such -a pittance as he thought good. When episcopal and capitular -estates were divided, when the body of canons held certain estates, -and each canon by himself held certain others, all in <em>frank-almoign</em>, -the seizure into the King’s hands of the estates which the bishop -held by military tenure made no difference to the incomes of the -canons.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568"></a><span class="pageno">568</span> -<a name="Note_X" id="Note_X"></a>NOTE X. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 354.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Appointment of Herbert Losinga to the -See of Thetford.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I have</span> said something of the appointment of Bishop Herbert in -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 420. The notices in our authorities are a little -puzzling. The Chronicle contains no mention of his appointment, -but we read in 1094 (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 448) of his staff being taken from him -by the King (“Herbearde Losange þam bisceop of Theotfordan -his stæf benam”). This passage, of which I shall have to speak -again, seems to have been misunderstood by a copyist of Florence, -who, instead of his genuine text, has inserted the words which I -have quoted in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol.iv. p.</abbr> 420. This account would imply that -Herbert bought both the bishopric for himself and the abbey for his -father in 1094. Then follows a passage which is found in nearly -the same words in both the works of William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="Gesta Regnum four">Gest. -Reg. iv.</abbr> 339; <abbr title="Gestis Pontificum page">Gest. Pont. p.</abbr> 151);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Verumtamen erroneum impetum juventutis abolevit pœnitentia, -Romam profectus severioribus annis; ubi loci simonicum baculum -et annulum deponens, indulgentia clementissimæ sedis iterum recipere -meruit. Domum vero reversus, sedem episcopalem transportavit -ad insignem mercimoniis et populorum frequentia vicum -nomine Nordevic, ibique monachorum congregationem instituit.”</p> - -<p>This would place the journey to Rome after 1094. But there -can be no doubt that Herbert received the bishopric in 1091, and -that his repentance and journey to Rome took place between that -year and 1094. He signs as bishop the charter of Osmund -Bishop of Salisbury in 1091. And if any suspicion is thought to -attach to that instrument, the profession rolls at Canterbury, as -certified by Dr. Stubbs, are evidence enough of his consecration -and his profession to a future archbishop. His consecration by -Thomas of York is also recorded by T. Stubbs, Scriptt. 1707. The -true story is given in another manuscript of Florence, the reading -of which is given by Mr. Thorpe in a note, and in which the entry -of 1094 stands thus; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ubi etiam Herebertum, Theotfordensem -episcopum, pastorali baculo privavit. Latenter enim Urbanum -papam adire, et ab eo pro episcopatu quem sibi, et abbatiam quam</span> -<a name="Page_569" id="Page_569"></a><span class="pageno">569</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">patri suo Rotberto, ab ipso rege Willelmo mille libris emerat, absolutionem -quærere voluit.”</span> The case seems quite clear. Herbert -buys the bishopric of the King; he repents, goes to Rome, and is -reinvested by the Pope. The King looks on this as an insult to -the royal authority and takes his staff from him. But he must -have made his peace with the King within the next two years. For -at the end of that time he began the translation of his see from -Thetford to Norwich. The Annals of Bartholomew Cotton (Anglia -Sacra, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 397) give 1091 as the date of his appointment to Thetford, -1094 as the year of his translation to Norwich, and 1096 as the -beginning of the foundation of the church of Norwich. And it appears -from the local Annals of Saint Eadmund’s (Liebermann, 275) -that he was acting as bishop in East-Anglia, whether by the style -of Thetford or of Norwich, in 1095. I cannot help thinking that -the date assigned to the translation by Bartholomew Cotton is really -a confusion with the date of his temporary deprivation. In either -case he ceased to be Bishop of Thetford in 1094; most likely he -did not become Bishop of Norwich till 1096. It seems from the -Norwich documents in Anglia Sacra (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 397, 407; <abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum four">Mon. Angl. iv.</abbr> -13–15) that he began to build the church of Norwich in 1096, -and planted monks there in 1101. The local writers are full of -panegyrics on his virtues. His letters are printed in the series -called Scriptores Monastici, but they do not contain much that is -of importance for our history. He has a few correspondents with -English names, one of whom, Ingulf by name, was Prior of the -newly founded monastery of Norwich.</p> - -<p class="p2">A third manuscript of Florence, the text of which is printed by -Mr. Thorpe in a note, seems to follow the version which was -acceptable at Norwich and leaves out the deprivation in 1094; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hoc anno [1094] venerabilis Herbertus, Theotfordensis episcopus, -a Roma cum benedictione apostolica rediit: et a Willelmo -rege impetravit ut sedes episcopalis in Norwicensi ecclesia firmaretur, -ubi ipse, Christi juvante gratia, pulcherrimam congregationem -monachorum ad honorem Sanctæ Trinitatis adunavit.”</span></p> - -<p>The account in William of Malmesbury (Gesta Regum, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 338, -339) is evidently meant to make a striking rhetorical contrast -between the unregenerate Herbert who bought the see of Thetford -and the converted and sanctified Herbert who founded the church -<a name="Page_570" id="Page_570"></a><span class="pageno">570</span> -of Norwich. He becomes a special enemy of the simony which he -had himself once practised; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sicut tempore istius regis symoniæ -causidicus, ita posterius propulsator invictus, neque ab aliis fieri -voluit quod a se præsumptum quondam juvenili fervore indoluit.”</span> -His fuller picture in his earlier state is that he was “magnus in -Anglia symoniæ fomes, abbatiam episcopatumque nummis aucupatus; -pecunia scilicet regiam sollicitudinem inviscans, et principum -favori non leves promissiones assibilans.” Then follow the well-known -verses containing the lines</p> - -<div class="poem" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> -<div class="i0">“Surgit in ecclesia monstrum, genitore Losinga.</div> -<div class="i2"> … </div> -<div class="i0">“Filius est præsul, pater abbas, Symon uterque.”</div> -</div> - -<p>William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 339) makes one very singular remark -in recording the restoration of Herbert to his see by the -Pope;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Iterum recipere meruit; quod Romani sanctius et ordinatius -censeant ut ecclesiarum omnium sumptus suis potius marsupiis serviant -quam quorumlibet regum usibus militent.”</p> - -<p>The fling at Roman greediness is in the true English style of all -times; but, in the connexion in which it stands, the idea which it -suggests is that Herbert, who had once bought his bishopric of the -King, bought it again of the Pope.</p> - -<p>On the name <em>Losinga</em> see De Rémusat, Anselme, 199; Diez, -<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Etymologisches Wörterbuch</span>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 255. It seems to come from -<em>laudare</em>.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_Y" id="Note_Y"></a>NOTE Y. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 374.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Letters of Anselm.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> letters of Anselm throw so much light on the events of the -time, they open to us so many bits of local and personal detail, -both in England and in Normandy, that we are not only thankful -for the help which they give us for this period, but sometimes -feel a certain grudge that we have no help of the same kind for -earlier periods. Anselm’s correspondents are found in all lands -and in all ranks. All his letters are of course in Latin, a tongue -which must, one would think, have in many cases needed to be -<a name="Page_571" id="Page_571"></a><span class="pageno">571</span> -interpreted to those to whom the letters came. A touch or two -in any natural language, whether English, French, or whatever -may have been the exact form of Romance spoken at Aosta, would -have been, not only a relief, but a precious source of knowledge. -But for this of course we must not look in these times, whether -from Anselm or from any one else.</p> - -<p>In several places in the text I have used the letters of Anselm -among my most important materials. They form one of our -sources for the details of his own appointment to the archbishopric -(see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 400), while his correspondence with Cardinal Walter has -given us (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 537, and <a href="#Page_41"><abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 41</a>) some details not found elsewhere -with regard to the campaign against Robert of Mowbray. We -have also had, in one of his letters to Archbishop Hugh of Lyons -(<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 24, see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 419), Anselm’s fullest account of the questions which -led to the Assembly at Rockingham. The correspondence of course -goes on into the reign of Henry, and many of the letters which pass -between the King and the Archbishop are in fact state papers, and -are, as such, inserted by Eadmer in his history. The immediate -historical value of these belongs of course to a time later than -that dealt with in the present volume. But the whole series is -full of matter bearing on English affairs, and on the affairs of -other persons and places in which we are interested. I will -therefore go on to mention some of the matters connected with -our own and kindred subjects which are suggested by the letters -here and there. Many are addressed to Lanfranc, Gundulf, Priors -Henry and Ernulf of Canterbury, and others who play parts of -more or less importance in our story. A good many are to princes -of various lands, many to devout ladies, with the names of some -of whom, as those of Countess Adela, the daughter of the Conqueror, -and Countess Ida of Boulogne, we are already familiar. There -are also the special “ladies and mothers” (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">dominæ et matres</span>) -of the church of Bec, who, without embracing the monastic profession, -had given themselves to a devout life under the shadow -of the monastery (Chronicon Beccense, Lanfranc, <abbr title="edition">ed.</abbr> Giles, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 202; -De Nobili Crispinorum Genere, <abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr> 347; Anselm, <abbr title="Epistles two">Epp. ii.</abbr> 26, 51; -<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 138). These were Basilia the wife of Hugh of Gournay—​who -himself, with Hugh of Meulan, the father of the famous Count -Robert, became a monk at Bec—​her niece Amfrida, and Eva, the -widow of William Crispin. There are also a crowd of letters to -<a name="Page_572" id="Page_572"></a><span class="pageno">572</span> -prelates, nobles, monks, nuns, and persons of all kinds, which throw -incidental light on various points in the history of the time.</p> - -<p>The close connexion between Bec and England comes out very -early in the series. It is perhaps not inappropriate that the -earliest mention of England concerns its money, which was so much -sought after beyond sea. This is in <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 13, where a moneyer of -Arras, who wishes to turn monk, but who has first to pay his -debts, is sent by Anselm, not yet abbot, to Lanfranc, already -archbishop, who will give him a hundred shillings of English -money towards paying them. In <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 15 he writes to Henry, seemingly -the future Prior of Christ Church, who was already in England, -with a piece of advice which we should hardly have expected from -Anselm. Being a monk, he is not to go into Italy to try to defend -his sister whom a certain rich man unjustly claims as a slave or -villain (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ire de Anglia in Italiam sororem tuam defendere, quam -audis quemdam divitem indebitæ servituti calumniose subjicere”</span>). -(It is less unreasonable when (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 127) he counsels the nun -Matilda not to go and visit her lay kinsfolk.) In another letter -(<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 35) Anselm speaks of the number of Normans who were -crossing into England, and how few of them there were whom he -could trust with a letter (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Licet multi Northmanni ad Anglos -transeant, paucissimi tamen sunt qui, me sciente, hoc faciant; -in quibus paucissimis vix est aliquis quem nostrum legationem -sine dilatione et non negligenter facturum confidam”</span>). This is -written to Maurice, a monk of Bec, who, with some others, had -moved to Canterbury. Of the English monks at Bec (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 65) -I have already said something (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 375). When Anselm becomes -abbot, and has to deal with the possessions of the monastery in -England, the references to English matters naturally thicken, -as in <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 3, 4, 5, 6. This last is addressed to Richard of Clare and -his wife Rohais or Rohesia, the daughter of Walter Giffard, of -whose name the old commentator Picard oddly says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“insuper -nomen Rohais pleno gutture personat Anglismum.”</span> The next -letter (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 7) shows that some of the Normans who passed into -England did not always choose the best parts of our character -to copy. For a monk named Henry is rebuked for drinking to -excess at gild-meetings. Here an English word thrusts itself in, -and we read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“audio quia in multis inordinate se agit, et maxime -inbibendo, ita ut in <em>gildis</em> cum ebriosis bibat et cum eis inebrietur.”</span> -<a name="Page_573" id="Page_573"></a><span class="pageno">573</span> -In <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 9 Anselm records one of his own journeys to England, and -his reception at Lyminge by Lanfranc. We have more references -to his own English journeys and those of others in <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 13, 18, 19, -26 (a most remarkable one, of which I have spoken in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. -p.</abbr> 440), 27, 30, 45, 46 (where he prays for the forgiveness of a -runaway monk called Moses of Canterbury), 47, 53.</p> - -<p>Anselm’s letters as archbishop are of course yet fuller of the -English history of the time. The first part of the third book is -wholly taken up with the correspondence following on his appointment -to the archbishopric. The second letter in this book is a -most remarkable letter from Anselm’s friend Osbern (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 374) -strongly exhorting him to accept the archbishopric. He is not to -set up his own will against the will of the whole English Church -which calls for him as its chief;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ut enim in offenso dulcissimo mihi amore tuo loquar, aut -cunctis, quod non credimus, meliorem te fateberis, quippe cui soli -revelatum est quod universæ Anglorum ecclesiæ fas non erat -revelari; aut facias necesse est quod universalis Anglorum ecclesia -suadet, hoc est, ut pontificalis infulæ principatum inter beatos -apostolos sustinere non renuas.”</p> - -<p>Osbern goes on to say that Anselm has already proof enough -that it is God’s will that he shall take the offered post. In so -doing, he gives a vivid picture of the circumstances of the appointment -and of the Red King’s momentary reform;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quid insignius ad te eligendum ostenderet Deus, quam, ut tu -promovereris, regem triumphis nobilem, severitate cunctis formidabilem, -lecto decubuisse, ad mortem usque ægrotavisse, te -autem provecto, statim eundem respiravisse, convaluisse, atque ex -fero et immani mitissimum pariter et mansuetissimum redditum -fuisse? Quid, inquam, aut effectum dulcius, aut ad innocentiam -præstantius, quam te ante lectum ægrotantis violenter pertractum, -dextram aliorum dextris impudenter de sinu abstractam, sinistram, -ne sororem juvaret, fortiter retentam, virgam, ceteris digitulis -pertinaciter occlusis, pollici atque indici crudeliter impactam, post -hæc toto corpore e terra te elevatum, episcopalibus brachiis ad -ecclesiam deportatum, ibique adhuc te reclamante, et importunis -nimis obsistente, Te Deum laudamus esse cantatum? Quid, inquam, -vel ad divinas laudes magnificentius vel ad humana spectacula gaudentius, -quam quod in tua electione, exclusis omnibus transactæ -<a name="Page_574" id="Page_574"></a><span class="pageno">574</span> -tempestatis afflictionibus, omnia ad proprii juris possessionem veluti -jubileo termino cucurrerunt, dum vincti ad expeditionem, carcerati -ad lucem, captivi ad libertatem, oppressi dirissimis exactorum -furoribus redierint ad erectionem.”</p> - -<p>Osbern clearly had an eye for the comic element in the amazing -scene at Gloucester. He then goes on, among other things, to -enlarge on the dignity of the church of Canterbury. By a bold -figure, he conceives Anselm at the last day called before the judgement-seat, -because he had slain thousands of men, while seeking -for the safety of a few (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cur non cogitabas infinita hominum -millia te occidisse, dum paucorum volebas saluti consulere”</span>). The -church of Canterbury, the bride of Christ, consecrated from the -beginning by the blessing of his Apostle Peter—​the same story -which we have heard at Westminster (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 511), -and which is told in a slightly different, and still more daring, -shape at Glastonbury—​enriched by the privileges of so many popes, -and to which, saving the authority of the Roman church alone, -all the other churches round about were used to look for the defence -of their freedom (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ad quam, salva Romanæ et apostolicæ -sedis auctoritate, omnium circa regionum ecclesiæ in suis oppressionibus -confugere atque ab ea tuendæ libertatis præsidia expetere -simul ac suscipere solebant”</span>), now called on Anselm to come to the -succour of her liberties, and he refused. Osbern draws out this -bold metaphor at great length, and at last disposes of Anselm’s -scruples about his allegiance to the Norman Duke and to the church -of Bec (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“præmonstravi oraculis, comprobavi miraculis; verum tu -mihi prætulisti Normanniæ comitem, Deo vermem, viventi mortalem, -latitudini Anglorum angustæ solitudinis nidum”</span>). He -draws largely on Canterbury legends about Laurence and Dunstan, -in order to set forth that church as specially under the divine -favour. He, Anselm, had been called in a special way to be their -successor (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cum neque sis privata gratia exhibitus, neque mercenarius, -neque Simonis discipulus, sed quem et divina vocavit -electio et apostolica informavit institutio”</span>), and that call he was -bound to obey.</p> - -<p>The word “mercenarius” in the extract just made is perhaps -meant to contrast the palpable purity of Anselm’s nomination -with the appointment of those bishops who, whether they actually -bought their sees or not, at least received them us the reward of -<a name="Page_575" id="Page_575"></a><span class="pageno">575</span> -temporal services. There is another letter (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 5) from Osbern to -Anselm, which is simply an earnest prayer that he will no longer -put off his full admission to the archbishopric.</p> - -<p>There are also several letters of Anselm (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 1, 4, 7), and one of -Gundulf (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 3), to the monks of Bec, to which some references -have already been made (see <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 405, 406). There is also one (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 6) -from the monks of Bec to Anselm, announcing their consent to -his acceptance of the archbishopric. It describes the division in -the convent, how each monk gave his vote at the call of the -president, whom, from this form of words, we may suppose not -to have been the prior (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“omnes in unum congregati sumus, unusquisque -nostrum de sua sententia ab eo qui præsidebat nominatim -est requisitus”</span>). The party which opposed Anselm’s removal is described -as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“suo potius quam vestro utens atque fidens consilio, -ardentiori, atque, ut sibi videtur, rectiori, amoris vestri zelo.”</span> -The monk Lanfranc, nephew of the Archbishop, a person who is -often mentioned in the letters, is to give Anselm a fuller account -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quæ pars alteram aut numero aut ratione præponderet, domnus -Lanfrancus, qui interfuit, et omnia hic apud nos gesta sive dicta -et vidit et audivit, plenissime per seipsum et sufficienter vobis -dicit”</span>). We have here a trace of that odd appeal from the “major -pars” to the “sanior,” which seems so utterly to upset every -notion of real election, but which is so often heard of in the -ecclesiastical debates of the time. The letter of the monks however, -though not very positively expressed, seems to have been -taken as a release. Other letters follow, in which Anselm recommends -(<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 8) William of Montfort (see Vitæ Abbatum Beccensium, -<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 313, Giles) as his successor in the abbacy, and commands the -Prior Baldric to keep his place, whoever may be chosen abbot. In -another letter (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 15) he announces to the monks his coming -consecration, and tells them that the King has promised to protect -all their rights in England as long as they live according to -Anselm’s counsel (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Anglorum vobis mandat salutem et auxilium -suum et custodiam rerum vestrarum quæ sunt in sua potestate, -quamdiu meo consilio agetis et vivetis. Si autem illud -spreveritis, in illo proficuum non habebetis”</span>). He writes also -a letter (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 10) to Bishop Gilbert of Evreux, of whom we have -often heard, but who in Migne’s text is strangely changed into -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eboracensis episcopus,”</span> explaining his motives for accepting the -<a name="Page_576" id="Page_576"></a><span class="pageno">576</span> -archbishopric. He writes to the same effect (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 11) to Fulk Bishop -of Beauvais.</p> - -<p>Once settled in the archbishopric, Anselm has to write about -other matters. The affairs of his province bring much correspondence. -Thus he writes (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 20) to Bishop Osbern of Exeter and his -canons on behalf of the monks of Battle (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“monasterium quod vulgo -dicitur de Batailla”</span>), who held the church of Saint Olaf at Exeter -(see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 350, vol. <abbr title="four pages">iv. pp.</abbr> 166, 406; Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> -64). He urges that they may be allowed to ring their bells. In a -letter (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 23) to Ralph Abbot of Seez, afterwards Anselm’s own -successor, we get a mention of Bishop Herewald of Llandaff (see -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two pages">N. C. vol. ii. pp.</abbr> 447, 692), who, it seems, like his brother bishop -Wilfrith of Saint David’s (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 534), had been suspended from the -episcopal office;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De fratre illo quem dicitis esse ordinatum a quodam episcopo, -quia a nobis est interdictus, hoc respondeo, quia si ordinatus est ab -episcopo de Walis, qui vocatur Herewardus, nec illis ordinibus, -quos ab illo accepit, nostra concessione aliquando utetur, nec ab -ullo episcopo reordinari debet.”</p> - -<p>The same letter contains Anselm’s views, not on any matter -touching Norman or English history, but on a point of obvious -morality which had been dealt with long ago by the singer of the -Odyssey (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 260–263);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De altero vero fratre, qui herbas quæsivit mulieri, quibus -virum suum interficeret, quamvis prope vos habeatis de hac re in -Northmannia sufficiens consilium, tamen quia a me hoc petitis, -nostrum negare non debeo sensum. Si monachus noster esset, et -vir ille cujus morti quæsivit herbas ipsis interfectus esset, nunquam -ad diaconatum per me, vel ad sacerdotium ascenderet.”</p> - -<p>Next follows the great letter to Archbishop Hugh of Lyons, to -which I have often referred; and not long after come the important -letters (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 35, 36), of which also I have often spoken. In <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 29 -Anselm writes to Prior Henry and the rest of the monks of Christ -Church—​among them Anthony, Ernulf, and Osbern, all names -known to us—​charging them to leave off disputes, and to enforce -holy obedience. Next (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 30) comes a letter to Matilda Abbess -of Wilton (Wintoniensis in Migne), urging obedience to the diocesan -Bishop Osmund of Salisbury. The house of Saint Werburh at -Chester, in whose foundation Anselm had had a hand, comes in -<a name="Page_577" id="Page_577"></a><span class="pageno">577</span> -several times for his notice (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 34, 49). A crowd of letters bearing -on points in the history later than our time may be passed by, but -there are two very singular ones which throw a curious light on -English nomenclature. In <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 133 we have a letter thus addressed;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anselmus archiepiscopus amico et filio carissimo Roberto, et -sororibus et filiabus suis dilectissimis Seit, Edit et Hydit, Luverim, -Virgit, Godit, salutem et benedictionem Dei et suam, si quid -valet.”</p> - -<p>In the second letter, numbered in Migne <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 110, the heading -is, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anselmus archiepiscopus, Roberto, Seyt, Edit, carissimis suis -filiis, salutem et benedictionem Dei, quantum potest.”</span> The persons -addressed seem to have been devout women of some kind, living -under the spiritual care of their confessor Robert. The letters -tell us nothing as to the position of the persons addressed; they -contain nothing but good advice which might be useful in any time -or place; but the names seem to have greatly perplexed the German -and French biographers of Anselm. Hasse (Anselm von Canterbury, -<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 502) says, <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Interessant ist besonders ein Brief an die Nonnen -eines Klosters in Wales, wie es scheint,”</span> and he adds in a note;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="de" xml:lang="de">“Ich schliesse dies aus den Namen ‘Seit, Edit, Hydit, Luverim, -Virgit, Godit’ die in der Ueberschrift genannt werden. Ob es wohl -<em>weibliche</em> Namen sind? In dem Briefe <abbr title="5">v.</abbr> 16 [<abbr title="4">iv.</abbr> 110, Migne] -werden nämlich dieselben Personen als <em>filii</em> (wenn dies nicht ein -Druckfehler ist) angeredet, die hier [<abbr title="3">iii.</abbr> 133, Migne] <em>filiæ</em> heissen. -Ein <em>celtisches</em> Kloster war es jedenfalls; doch kann es auch in -Irland oder Schottland gewesen sein.”</p> - -<p><abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> de Rémusat (<abbr title="Saint">S.</abbr> Anselme de Cantorbéry, 177) had yet further -lights;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“On suppose qu’une lettre adressée à Robert <em>son ami et son fils -très cher, et à ses sœurs et filles bien-aimées</em>, qui, toutes, portent de -bizarres noms, a pour objet d’encourager et de guider une congrégation -de femmes qui, sous la direction de quelques missionnaires, -essayait de se former dans une province Galloise.”</p> - -<p>There is really something very amusing in the difficulties of -these scholars over a list of people one of whom bears the very -commonest of English female names at the time. <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> de Rémusat -at least knew the earlier name of Queen Matilda, and can bring it -in where it is not to be found in his authorities. For he makes -<a name="Page_578" id="Page_578"></a><span class="pageno">578</span> -the abbess in the story of Hermann of Tournay (see <abbr title="volume two pare">vol. ii. p.</abbr> <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, -and <a href="#Note_EE">Appendix EE</a>) enlarge on <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“la beauté de la jeune Edithe,”</span> -though in that story she bears no name at all. “Godit” too, -that is “Godgyth” or “Godgifu,” is clear enough; and a little -knowledge of English nomenclature will carry us through most -of the others, even though some of them may be rare or unique. -“Seit” must he “Sigegyth,” a perfectly possible name. “Virgit” -would seem to be “Wergyth,” also quite possible, while “Luverim,” -which the manuscripts write in two or three ways, is surely a wild -miswriting of Leofrune, of a bearer of which name we have heard -something in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 352. “Hydit” is the only name on -the list about which there can be any real difficulty; it is clearly -one of the <em>-gyth</em> names, though it is not easy to see what the first -half of the name is. It is perhaps a little odd when Anselm -addresses Robert and his sisterhood as “filii” in the second letter, -but the form is surely a lawful shortening of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“filius et filiæ.”</span> -There is, one would think, a certain pleasing international unity -in this picture of a company of Englishwomen, directed, it would -seem, by a Norman priest, and so lovingly addressed by a Burgundian -archbishop. Anyhow there is no need to doubt of the -sex of Eadgyth and Godgyth, or to carry them off to Wales, -Scotland, Ireland, or anywhere but the land of their own speech.</p> - -<p class="p2">Anselm had other nuns and other devout women to write to -and about, besides the bearers of these supposed puzzling names. -There are several letters, as <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 125, to a certain Abbess Eulalia. -In <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 70 he writes (in Henry the First’s time) to Athelis or Adeliza, -Abbess of Wilton (it is again Wi<em>n</em>tonia in Migne’s text), comforting -her during the banishment of William Giffard, bishop-elect of -Winchester (see vol. ii. <a href="#Page_349"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 349</a>). More important is the letter -(<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 51) in which he sends the Archdeacon Stephen to hinder -the abbess and nuns of Romsey from paying the worship of a -saint to some person lately dead (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tunc ex toto prohibeant ut -nullus honor, qui alicui sancto exhiberi debet, exhibeatur ab illis, -aut permittant ab aliquo exhiberi mortuo illi quem quidam volunt -pro sancto haberi”</span>). This reminds one of the story of Abbot -Ulfcytel and the worship of Waltheof (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 598); -but we need not suppose, with the old commentator in Migne, that -the person worshipped was Waltheof himself. For it is added that -<a name="Page_579" id="Page_579"></a><span class="pageno">579</span> -the son of the dead man is to be driven out of the town, and -Waltheof left no son. In <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 84 he writes to Matilda, the first -abbess of the house of the Trinity at Caen (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol iv. p.</abbr> 630), -about her intended resignation of her abbey. On other monastic -affairs there are several letters, as <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 61, 118, about the affairs of -the abbey of Saint Eadmund, whose prior bears the English -name of Ælfhere. He speaks of their tribulations and the patience -with which they bore them; the letters therefore most likely refer -to the difficulties which followed the appointment of Abbot Robert -(see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 359). There are two letters (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 100, 108) addressed to -a monk Ordwine, in the latter of which he is coupled with two -others, Farman—​can he be the aged friend of Eadmer?--and -Benjamin, which last name we should hardly have looked for. -The first letter is a very important one; it deals with the subject -of investitures, and distinctly shows that Anselm had no objection -of his own to investiture by the King;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Non ego prohibeo per me a rege dari investituras ecclesiarum, -sed quia audivi apostolicum in magno concilio excommunicare -laicos dantes illas investituras et accipientes, et qui accipientes -sacrabunt, nolo communicare excommunicatis nec fieri excommunicatus.”</p> - -<p>This letter contains also a good deal about the relations of -laymen to churches as patrons or “custodes” (see <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 455, and <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. -vol. v. p.</abbr> 501). In <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 83, when already Archbishop, Anselm writes -to Eustace, the father of Geoffrey a monk of Bec, at his son’s instance, -rebuking him for a singular kind of bigamy. His wife, the mother of -Geoffrey, had become a nun, and he himself had taken a vow; but -had nevertheless married a second wife. Anselm argues that, whether -he had taken a vow or not, still, though his wife had become a nun, -it is unlawful for him to marry again during her lifetime. Of a -more strictly domestic nature are the letters to his sister Richera or -Richeza, and her husband Burgundius (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 63, 66, 67). Burgundius -is meditating a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; and he exhorts him so to -order his affairs before he goes that his wife may not lose her -estate in case he dies by the way.</p> - -<p class="p2">Anselm’s correspondence with royal and princely persons in -various parts is very large. There are many letters to King Henry, -in one of which (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 79) he cannot keep himself from the established -<a name="Page_580" id="Page_580"></a><span class="pageno">580</span> -pun on the name of Henry’s people. He prays, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ut Deus vos et -vestra sic regat et protegat in gloria temporalis regni super -Anglos, quatenus in æterna felicitate regnare faciat inter angelos.”</span></p> - -<p>He writes (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 81) a letter of rebuke to his old friend Earl Hugh, -about the captivity of one monk of Clugny, and the irregular burial -of another. He warns the Earl frankly; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Familiariter dico vobis, -sicut homini cujus honorem et utilitatem multum amo, quia si -non feceritis quod dico, inde blasphemabimini; et ego etiam si -non fecero quod ecclesiastica disciplina præcipit inde fieri, a multis -blasphemabor.”</span> To his former enemy Count Robert of Meulan he -writes a letter during his second exile which is given by Eadmer -(<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 82), where the Count is addressed as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“dominus et -amicus;”</span> in another (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 99) he is advanced to <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“dominus et amicus -carissimus,”</span> and is addressed as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“vestra dilectio.”</span> The subject of -the letter is the endless dispute between York and Canterbury. -The mention of the younger Thomas as archbishop-elect fixes the -date to about 1108.</p> - -<p class="p2">Among foreign kings and princes there is (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 65) a graceful -letter to his native sovereign, Humbert Count and Marquess, -written, it would seem, at the time of his first passing into Italy. -Nearer to his Norman and English dwelling-places, we find him -receiving during his exile a letter from King Philip (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 50) offering -his sympathy and help, and praying for a visit in his dominions, -chiefly for the sake of Anselm’s bodily health;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cæterum quia in loco corporeæ sanitati contrario exsulatis, -rogamus vos quatenus Galliam nostram vestro adventu visitare -dignemini, ibique affectum mentis meæ experiemini, et vestræ -consuletis sanitati. Valete.”</p> - -<p>A letter to the same effect, which must belong to Anselm’s second -exile, follows from Philip’s worthier successor, Lewis (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 51).</p> - -<p>Both the famous chiefs of the Cenomannian state came in for -a share of Anselm’s correspondence. In <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 11 we have one letter -of Anselm to Hildebert, but it contains no historical information. -There are several (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 53, 160, 161, 162) from Hildebert to -Anselm, all theological, and in which we could have wished that -the Bishop of Le Mans could have brought himself to speak more -civilly of the eastern half of Christendom. More interesting is a -letter (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 98) addressed <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Domino et amico, et in Deo dilectissimo</span> -<a name="Page_581" id="Page_581"></a><span class="pageno">581</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eliæ comiti,” full of praise and affection for the noble Count, and -granting him absolution for some fault not described (“Absolutionem -nostram, quam per eundem fratrem, sicut ipse mihi retulit, -a me petitis, et corde, et ore, et scriptura dilectioni vestræ mitto, -et quotidie pro vobis oro”</span>).</p> - -<p>To Countess Ida of Boulogne (see <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 374, 384) he writes as an intimate -friend (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 56, 58). In the former of these we hear of her chaplain -Lambert, who was in England in her service. He seems to have -been a canon of some chapter, and to have been in danger of losing -part of the income of his prebend on account of his absence. To -Countess Clemence of Flanders, wife of Count Robert of Jerusalem -and niece of Pope Calixtus, he writes (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 59), praising her and her -husband, because certain abbots in Flanders are admitted without -the Count’s investiture;</p> - -<p class="blockquote"><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Relatum mihi est quosdam abbates in Flandria sic constitutos -ut comes vir vester nullam cis manu sua daret investituram. Quod -sicut non sine ejus prudenti <em>clementia</em> ita non esse æstimo factum -absque vestra <em>clementi</em> prudentia.”</span> The play on the Countess’s -name reminds one of King Robert and <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“O constantia martyrum.”</span> -In <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 13 there is a letter to Count Robert, to the same effect as -that to his wife.</p> - -<p>But the care of Anselm extended to more distant, at least less -known lands. He has two letters (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 142, 147) to King Murtagh -in Ireland; but they deal only with the reforms needed in -Murtagh’s own island. So, at a later time than ours, he writes (iii. -132) a letter to Alexander King of Scots, in which he mentions -certain monks whom he had sent into Scotland at the request of the -late King Eadgar, of whom he speaks most highly. When in a letter -to a King of Scots we read that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quidem reges, sicut David, -sancte vixerunt,”</span> we are apt to forget that, in Alexander’s -reign, the reference must still be to the King of Israel. Where -such a reference would have been strictly to the merits of a predecessor, -namely, in two letters to King Baldwin of Jerusalem (iv. -10, 36), it is not found; and the exhortations are very general.</p> - -<p class="p2">Nor does Anselm forget the Scandinavian lands. He writes -(<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 92) a letter of good advice to Hakon Earl of Orkney, who -had received the earldom of his father Paul after the death -of Magnus of Norway. He writes about the religious ignorance -<a name="Page_582" id="Page_582"></a><span class="pageno">582</span> -of the people, which he hopes will be reformed by the bishop -who had lately been sent to them. As Hakon only received his -earldom in 1105, this letter must belong to the last years of -Anselm’s life. The murder of Saint Magnus by Hakon, followed -by the murderer’s repentant pilgrimage to Jerusalem, did not -happen till after Anselm’s death (see Torfæi Orcades, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 86, where -the date of Magnus’s murder is fixed to 1110). He has two letters -(<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 143, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 90) about the newly-founded archbishopric of Lund in -Denmark. At another end of Christendom he writes to Diacus, -Bishop of Saint James of Compostella. The Spanish Bishop asks -for English help against the Saracens, and he answers that England -is so beset by wars at home that he fears that no help can be -given.</p> - -<p>To the Popes Urban and Paschal he naturally writes some very -important letters, some of which have been already referred to. -There is one (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 37) to Urban, in which he sets forth his strong -desire to come to Rome, and alleges the wars which were raging -everywhere as the cause of the King’s unwillingness to let him go.</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quia bellis undique quatimur, hostiles impetus indesinenter et -insidias adversantium metuimus, dominus noster rex extra regnum -me procedere hactenus non permisit, nec adhuc procedere posse -ullatenus assensit…. Sed inter hæc, quo labore, quaque anxietate -gravatus, iter arripere conarer, si omnipotens Deus et in regno -Anglorum bella sedaret, et in regnis et regnorum provinciis, per -quas ad vos est eundum, illam pacem tribueret, quemadmodum -oporteret et expediret iter ipsum explere liceret.”</p> - -<p>This letter one would have been inclined to place in 1097; but, -unless we can understand the “regnum Anglorum” as taking in -Wales, the mention of wars would seem to fix it to the time of the -rebellion of Robert of Mowbray in 1095, when the war did indeed -affect Anselm’s movements. In the same letter he makes intercession -for Fulk Bishop of Beauvais, one of the prelates to whom -he had written at the time of his own appointment to the archbishopric -(see <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 11, and above, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 576), on account of some matter -which is not explained.</p> - -<p>To Paschal he writes a most important letter (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 40) at some -time during the short interval between Paschal’s election and -William’s death; here he sets forth his own case very distinctly;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Videbam in Anglia multa mala quorum ad me pertinebat -<a name="Page_583" id="Page_583"></a><span class="pageno">583</span> -correctio, quæ nec corrigere nec sine peccato meo tolerare poteram. -Exigebat enim a me rex ut voluntatibus suis, quæ contra legem et -voluntatem Dei erant, sub nomine <em>rectitudinis</em> assensum præberem. -Nam sine sua jussione apostolicum nolebat recipi aut appellari in -Anglia, nec ut epistolam ei mitterem aut ab eo missam reciperem, -vel decretis ejus obedirem. Concilium non permisit celebrari in -regno suo ex quo rex factus jam per tredecim annos. Terras -ecclesiæ hominibus suis dabat; in omnibus his et similibus si -consilium petebam, omnes de regno ejus etiam suffraganei mei -episcopi negabant se consilium daturos nisi secundum voluntatem -regis.”</p> - -<p>Here we have Anselm’s grievances very clearly set forth, and -without any kind of exaggeration or strong language of any kind. -We may also mark the legal term “rectitudo.” He next goes on -to describe the council of Winchester;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hæc et multa alia, quæ contra voluntatem et legem Dei sunt, -videns, petii licentiam ab eo sedem adeundi apostolicam, ut inde -consilium de anima mea et de officio mihi injuncto acciperem. -Respondit rex me in se peccasse pro sola postulatione hujus licentiæ, -et proposuit mihi ut aut de hac re, sicut de culpa, satisfacerem, et -securum illum redderem ne amplius peterem hanc licentiam, -nec aliquando apostolicum appellarem, aut de terra ejus cito -exirem.”</p> - -<p>He then describes the dealings of the King with the estates of -the see after he was gone, and speaks of the dealings of Urban -with the King, in the style in which it was perhaps becoming to -speak to a Pope of the dealings of his predecessor;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex, mox ut de Anglia exivi, taxato simpliciter victu et vestitu -monachorum nostrorum, totum archiepiscopatum invasit et in -proprios usus convertit. Monitus et rogatus a domino papa ut hoc -corrigeret contempsit, et adhuc in hoc perseverat.”</p> - -<p>He then asks the Pope that he may not be commanded to return -to England, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“nisi ita ut legem et voluntatem Dei et decreta -apostolica voluntati hominis liceat mihi præferre: et nisi rex mihi -terras ecclesiæ reddiderit, et quidquid de archiepiscopatu propter -hoc quia sedem apostolicam petii, accepit.</span>”</p> - -<p>Presently a wholly new set of questions was opened by the -accession of Henry and the second controversy. Anselm’s account, -it will be seen, strictly agrees with the narrative of Eadmer, and -<a name="Page_584" id="Page_584"></a><span class="pageno">584</span> -we may again mark that he does not speak of lay investitures as a -grievance. That is to say, William Rufus had not been to blame, -or at least Anselm had not found out that he was to blame, for -continuing the ancient custom of his kingdom. Henry was to -blame because he claimed to continue that right in the teeth of the -new decrees, and of the new lights which Anselm had learned -from them.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_Z" id="Note_Z"></a>NOTE Z. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 395.</p> - -<p class="center sc">Robert Bloet.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">There</span> is something startling in the simple way in which the -Chronicler (1093) puts together the appointment of Anselm and -that of Robert Bloet; “And þæt arcebiscoprice on Cantwarbyrig, -þe ær on his agenre hand stód, Anselme betæhte, se wæs ær abbot -on Bǽc, and Rodbeard his cancelere þæt biscoprice on Lincolne.” -Florence translates, with a word or two of explanation inserted; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Insuper Anselmo Beccensi abbati qui tunc <em>in Anglia morabatur</em>, -Dorubernensem archiepiscopatum, et cancellario suo Rotberto, <em>cognomento -Bloet</em>, Lindicolinensem dedit præsulatum.”</span> But this way of -speaking is quite of a piece with the small amount of notice which -the Chronicler seems throughout to give to Anselm and his affairs. -That is, we are used to read the story of Anselm in Eadmer in -the minutest detail, and we are surprised to find his story told -in the Chronicle only on the same scale as the stories of other -people.</p> - -<p>We have heard of Robert Bloet before, as one high in the confidence -of both Williams, father and son (see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 13). As a -bishop, he is one of those persons of whom William of Malmesbury -wrote an account which he afterwards found it expedient to alter. -In his received text (<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 313) he is brought in in a singular -and sneering way. The writer had just recorded the death of Remigius -before he was able to consecrate the minster, and he then gives -this account of his successor;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rem dilatam successor ejus non graviter explevit, utpote qui in -labores alterius delicatus intrasset; Rotberto Bloet homini nomen. -Vixit in episcopatu annis paulo minus <abbr title="30th">xxxᵗᵃ</abbr>, decessitque procul a -<a name="Page_585" id="Page_585"></a><span class="pageno">585</span> -sede apud Wdestoche, cum regio lateri cum alio quodam episcopo adequitaret, -subito fato interceptus. Cetera satis suis hilaris et parum -gravis, negotiorum scientia secularium nulli secundus, ecclesiasticorum -non ita. Ecclesiam cui sedit ornamentis pretiossissimis -decoravit. Defuncti corpus exinteratum, ne tetris nidoribus vitiaret -aerem. Viscera Egnesham, reliqua Lindocolinæ sepulta sunt. Monachos -enim qui apud Stou fuerunt vivens Eglesham [Egnesham] -migraverat.”</p> - -<p>Here we have the implied picture of a bishop of the more worldly -sort, and we can see that he was not in good favour with monks. -But no particular fault is brought against him. But in the earlier -version, the text, after the words <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“homini nomen,”</span> reads, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Qui nihil -unquam pensi fecerit, quominus omnis libidinis et infamis et reus -esset. In cunctam religionem protervus, monachos Stou summoveri -et apud Egnesham locari jussit. Gratis malus et gloriæ antecessoris -invidus, a vicinis monachis sua commoda præverti causabatur. -Quocirca, si monachi Egneshamnenses Dei dono pulchrum incrementum -acceperint, procul illi gratias, quibus eximium se gloriabatur -commodum inferre si vel illos sineret vivere.”</span></p> - -<p>There is enough here to show that Robert Bloet was thoroughly -disliked by the monks everywhere on account of his dealings with -their brethren at Stow in removing them to Eynsham. His dislike -to monks is also witnessed by the Chronicler, 1123, in recording -the election of William of Corbeuil to the see of Canterbury (see -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 236); “Ðis wæs eall ear gedon ðurh se biscop of -Seresbyrig, and þurh se biscop of Lincolne, ær he wære dead, forði -þet næfre ne luueden hi munece regol, ac wæron æfre togænes muneces -and here regol.”</p> - -<p>On the other hand, Robert Bloet has not been without his admirers -and defenders both in his own time and since. Henry of Huntingdon, -who was brought up in his court, always speaks of him with -the deepest affection; and in our time he has found a gallant champion -in Mr. Dimock in his preface to the seventh volume of Giraldus, -<abbr title="pages 23 and following">pp. xxiii. et seq.</abbr> Henry, like Florence, has the Chronicle before him -in recording the appointments of Anselm and Robert, and he too -makes (<abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 3. <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 216) his insertions. With him the passage stands -thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dedit [junior Willelmus] archiepiscopatum Cantuariæ Anselmo -abbati, viro sancto et venerabili. Roberto quoque cognomento Bloet -<a name="Page_586" id="Page_586"></a><span class="pageno">586</span> -cancellario suo, dedit episcopatum Lincoliæ, quo non erat alter forma -venustior, mente serenior, affatu dulcior.”</p> - -<p>Further on he records his death in 1123 (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 244), and gives him -a splendid epitaph. He is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pontificum Robertus honor,”</span> and his -special virtues fill two elegiac couplets;</p> - -<div class="poem" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> -<div class="i0a">“Hic humilis dives, (res mira,) potens pius, ultor</div> -<div class="i2">Compatiens, mitis cum pateretur erat.</div> -<div class="i0">Noluit esse suis dominus, studuit pater esse,</div> -<div class="i2">Semper in adversis murus et arma suis.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p>He speaks of him again in the letter <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“de Contemptu Mundi”</span> -(<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 299), where he gives a glowing description of the splendour of -his court, and speaks of him as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ipse quasi pater et deus omnium -æstimatus,”</span> and as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“justitiarius totius Angliæ et ab omnibus summe -formidatus.”</span> He then goes on to quote him as an example, like so -many others, of the uncertainty of earthly prosperity. He tells how -he was troubled before his death by law-suits brought by some -inferior justiciar, and then records his death at Woodstock. He adds, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fuit autem Robertus præsul mitis et humilis, multos erigens, -nullum deprimens, pater orphanorum, deliciæ suorum.”</span> Further -on (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 305) we learn that Robert Bloet had a son named Simon, -who was born before he was Bishop, but whom he made Dean of -Lincoln while he was very young. Simon’s prosperity and unhappy -end are also among the instances which are to lead to <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“contemptus -mundi.”</span> He is thus brought in;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Decanum nostrum Simonem non prætereo, qui filius Roberti -præsulis nostri fuit; quem genuerat dum cancellarius Willelmi magni -regis esset. Qui, ut decebat, regaliter nutritus, et adhuc impubis -decanus noster effectus, in summam regis amicitiam et curiales dignitates -mox provectus est.”</p> - -<p>We may be sure that it was the existence of this son which -caused Bishop Robert to be reproached with looseness of life. -Yet Simon may very likely have been born in lawful wedlock, -though it is hardly safe to assume with Mr. Dimock that he certainly -was. But, when Robert had once become an object of monastic -dislike, stories grew as usual; it was found out that his tomb in -Lincoln minster was haunted. So says the so-called Bromton -(X Scriptt. 988), who is copied by Knighton (2364);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Episcopatum Lincolniensem, per mortem sancti Remigii vacantem, -<a name="Page_587" id="Page_587"></a><span class="pageno">587</span> -Roberto cognomento Bloet cancellario suo, viro quidem -libidinoso, dedit, qui prædictam ecclesiæ dedicationem Lincolniensis -postea segniter explevit. Hic demum apud Wodestoke a latere -regis recedens obiit et exenteratus est, cujus viscera apud monasterium -de Eynesham quod ipse fundaverit, cetera apud Lincolniam -sunt humata, ubi satis constabat loci custodes nocturnis umbris -esse agitatos, quousque ille locus missis et eleemosynis piaretur.”</p> - -<p>The reputation which Bishop Robert left behind him at Lincoln -we learn from Giraldus and John of Schalby in the seventh volume -of Dimock’s Giraldus. Giraldus himself (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 31) brings him in as -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“prudentia et probitate conspicuus.”</span> He records his gifts to his -church, and his doubling the number of its prebends. From a -Lincoln point of view, he highly approves of the translation of the -monks of Stow to Eynsham; but he seems not to like the separation -of Ely from the diocese of Lincoln (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 229), -and he speaks of Robert’s <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“inconsiderata largitio”</span> and <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“alia sui deliramenta”</span> -in charging his see with the gift of a mantle of sable, -worth a hundred pounds, to the King. John of Schalby (195) copies -Giraldus, but abridges him, and leaves out some of his epithets -both of praise and blame.</p> - -<p class="p2">The death of Bishop Robert in 1123 is recorded by several of -our writers, but there is no account so graphic as that in our -own tongue. The King is riding in his deerfold at Woodstock -with the two bishops, Robert of Lincoln and Roger of Salisbury, -on either side of him. The three ride and talk. The Bishop -of Lincoln suddenly sinks, and says to the King, “Lord King, -I die (Laferd kyng, ic swelte).” The King gets down from his -horse, lifts him in his arms, and has him carried into the house, -where he soon dies (“Se king alihte dune of his hors, and alehte -hine betweox his earmes, and let hine beran ham to his inne, and -wearð þa sone dead”). Does this “inne” mean the King’s own -house at Woodstock, or any separate quarters of the Bishop, like the -“hospitium” of Anselm at Gloucester and elsewhere?</p> - -<p class="p2">There is something odd in the Bishop’s last words being given -in English. The King knew that tongue, and the Bishop may -very likely have done so; but we can hardly fancy that they spoke -it to one another. -<a name="Page_588" id="Page_588"></a><span class="pageno">588</span></p> - -<p>The name “Bloet,” according to <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> de Rémusat (Anselme, 160), -is the same as “blond.”</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_AA" id="Note_AA"></a>NOTE AA. <abbr title="Volume one page">Vol. i. p.</abbr> 553.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Mission of Abbot Geronto.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I am</span> not aware that this mission of the Abbot of Dijon has -hitherto found any place in any narrative history of the times of -William Rufus. And I confess that it is not without a certain -misgiving that I bring it in. It is certainly remarkable that our own -writers should with one consent pass by an event of this kind; -but it would be yet more amazing if it were sheer mistake or -invention on the part of the foreign writer who records it. It is -one of those cases in which, without any actual contradiction, it is -very hard to bring a certain statement into its right place. There -is nothing in the story told by Hugh of Flavigny which is really -inconsistent with the narrative of Eadmer; our only difficulty is -how it came that, if these things happened, Eadmer, who could not -fail to have known of them, did not think them worthy of any -place in his very minute narrative. This difficulty we must get -over how we can. Otherwise the evidence of Hugh of Flavigny is -in a certain sense as good as that of Eadmer himself. He stood to -Abbot Geronto in much the same relation in which Eadmer stood -to Anselm. In his narrative, Geronto is sent by the Pope on a -mission to Normandy and England, and Hugh himself, a monk of -Geronto’s monastery, comes with him. For the mere facts therefore -of Geronto’s mission Hugh is as good a witness as Eadmer; but, as -a foreigner on a short visit, he could not be expected to have the -same thorough knowledge of English affairs as Eadmer, or any -other English, or even Norman, writer. There is to us at least -something very strange in his tone towards Anselm, or rather in -the lack of any mention of Anselm at all. He never speaks of him -by name, and the only fact which he records of him is the very -strange one which I have mentioned in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 535, that at some time, -seemingly at the reception of the pallium, Anselm took an oath to -the Pope, with a reservation of his duty to the King. One hardly -sees how far he means to blame Anselm. The person chiefly -<a name="Page_589" id="Page_589"></a><span class="pageno">589</span> -blamed is Cardinal Walter; Anselm comes in, in a strange casual -way, between the King and the Cardinal.</p> - -<p>I have given the whole or nearly the whole of Hugh’s story in -the foot-notes to those parts of the text which are founded upon his -account. He goes on a little later in his story (Pertz, <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 495, 496) -to record the death of William Rufus, and to say something more -about English affairs in general. It is plain that his friends in -England found him perfectly ready to believe the wildest tales that -they chose to tell him. At the same time, the tales that they did -tell him are such as could hardly have come into any man’s head to -tell, except in the reign of William Rufus. It is Hugh of Flavigny -who tells us those specially amazing stories to which I have referred -in <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 544 and <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 503. He has also (496) some odd notices of -the dogs of the city of London, which were small, but very fierce, and -which gathered together by night in front of Saint Paul’s church, so -that no one could dare to pass by. He has also a good deal to say -about those natural phænomena of the reign of which we have -heard a good deal from other writers. He tells the story of the -storm which visited the church of Saint Mary-le-bow, with some -further embellishment, that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quadros super muri altitudinem -sitos, supra quos tectum stabilitum erat, usque ad septem milliaria -evolare fecit.”</span> And while two servants of the church -were sleeping in one bed, a beam was driven down between them -into the earth without doing them any harm, except nearly -frightening them to death; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In eadem etiam ecclesia jacebat -quidem ædituus cum alio quodam in lecto uno, et inter medium -eorum, cum jacerent distante inter se spacio, una trabium vento -acta per medium lecti terram intravit, ut vix summitas ejus appareret, -nec læsit jacentes, nisi quod timore pene exanimati sunt.”</span></p> - -<p>Hugh’s Chronicle, in two books, reaches from the Christian æra -to the year 1102. He was born at Verdun in 1065. He was a -monk, first at Verdun, then at Flavigny in the diocese of Toul, -then at Dijon, and lastly Abbot of Flavigny. Jarento or Geronto—​I -hardly know how to spell his name—​was in the close confidence -of Gregory the Seventh and his successors. There is a letter of -Anselm’s (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 87) addressed to Geronto; but it contains nothing -bearing on his mission to England. It is all concerned with the -affairs of certain monks at Dijon and Chartres.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<a name="Page_590" id="Page_590"></a><span class="pageno">590</span> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_BB" id="Note_BB"></a>NOTE BB. <a href="#Page_9"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 9.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Embassies between William Rufus and Malcolm -in 1093.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> fullest and clearest narrative of the transactions between -William Rufus and Malcolm which led to their rupture at Gloucester -in 1093 comes from the Chronicle, while some particular -points are given at greater length by Florence. In the Chronicle -the story runs thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“Ða æfter þisson sende [se] cyng of Scotlande and þære forewarde -gyrnde þe him behaten wæs, and se cing W. him steofnode -to Gloweceastre and him to Scotlande gislas sende, and Eadgar -æþeling æfter, and þa men syððan ongean, þe hine mid mycclon -wurðscipe to þam cynge brohtan. As þa þa he to þam cynge com, -ne mihte he beon weorðe naðer ne ure cynges spæce ne þæra forewarde -þe him ær behatene wæron, and forði hi þa mid mycclon -unsehte tohwurfon.”</p> - -<p>Here we have very clearly an embassy of complaint sent by -Malcolm to William—​an invitation or summons, whichever it is to -be called, to the Gemót at Gloucester sent by William to Malcolm -and accompanied by hostages for his safety—​a second embassy -from William to Malcolm, with Eadgar at its head, in whose company -Malcolm’s ambassadors went back to Scotland and Malcolm -himself came to England. All this is cut short by Florence, who -however distinctly affirms the going to and fro of some embassies, -while it is from him that we get the date and a fuller account of -what happened at Gloucester. His narrative stands thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Scottorum Malcolmus, die festivitatis S. Bartholomæi -Apostoli [24 Aug.], regi Willelmo juniori, ut prius per legatos -inter eos statutum fuerat, in civitate Glaworna occurrit, ut, sicut -quidam primatum Angliæ voluerunt, pace redintegrata, stabilis -inter eos amicitia firmaretur; sed impacati ab invicem discesserunt; -nam Malcolmum videre aut cum eo colloqui, præ nimia superbia et -potentia, Willelmum despexit.”</p> - -<p><em>Colloqui</em> is the technical word which we so often come across. -The meeting of the two kings would have been a <em>colloquium</em> or -<em>parliament</em>. It is from Florence again that we get all the technical -law. His account goes on thus; -<a name="Page_591" id="Page_591"></a><span class="pageno">591</span></p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Insuper etiam illum [Malcolmum] ut secundum judicium tantum -suorum [Willelmi] baronum, in curia sua rectitudinem ei faceret, -constringere voluit; sed id agere, nisi in regnorum suorum confiniis, -ubi reges Scottorum erant soliti rectitudinem facere regibus Anglorum, -et secundum judicium primatum utriusque regni, nullo -modo Malcolmus voluit.”</p> - -<p>William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 311) loses the fact of the embassies -and the summons in a cloud of words;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Multis controversiis utrobique habitis, et fluctuante propter -utrorumque animositatem justitia, Malcolmus ultro Gloecestram -venit, æquis duntaxat conditionibus, multus pro pace precator.”</p> - -<p>With regard to more modern discussions, I do not know that I -can do more than give the reader the same references which I gave -in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 120. But Mr. Robertson (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 144 note) certainly -has reason when he says that “it does not follow that Malcolm -spoke feudal Latin because Florence wrote it.” One would be glad -to have the actual words in French, English, or, more precious -than all, Irish. (This sets one thinking what languages Malcolm -may have spoken. We know that he understood English, whether -he learned it at the court of Eadward, or afterwards from his wife. -In one or other of those schools he would most likely also pick -up French. Margaret herself may also have learned High Dutch, -and possibly Magyar, from her parents.) But I can make nothing of -Mr. Robertson’s strange comment that “it is singular to mark how -nearly all the English authorities accuse Malcolm of ‘a breach of -faith’ because he resented the conduct of William, whilst they pass -over without notice the glaring ‘breach of faith’ on the part of -their own king.” Who charges Malcolm with any breach of faith, -except William of Malmesbury in the almost casual passage, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> -250? And what more could he wish the Chronicler and Florence -to say against William Rufus than what they do say? Mr. Robertson’s -criticism is more to the purpose when he attacks the words -of William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 311; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nec quicquam obtinuit, nisi -ut in regnum indemnis rediret, dedignante rege dolo capere quem -virtute subegisset.”</span> He remarks that “the safe-conduct and the -hostages detract something from this much vaunted magnanimity, -but Malmesbury would sacrifice a good deal for the sake of a well-turned -period.” It is certainly hard to see what William had -done to Malcolm which could be called <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“virtute subegisse;”</span> but -<a name="Page_592" id="Page_592"></a><span class="pageno">592</span> -Mr. Robertson fails to notice that this particular scruple is characteristic -of William Rufus. Careless of his faith in so many other -cases, he is always careful to observe a safe-conduct.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_CC" id="Note_CC"></a>NOTE CC. <a href="#Page_16"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 16.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Death of Malcolm.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> last invasion of England by Malcolm was clearly made in -reprisal for the treatment which he had received at Gloucester. -The words of the Peterborough Chronicler are very remarkable. -They seem to describe a war which is acknowledged to be just in -itself, but which is carried on with needless cruelty;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“And se cyng Melcolm ham to Scotlande gewænde. Ac hraðe -<a name="line592_10" id="line592_10"></a>þaes þe he ham com he his fyrde gegaderode.”</p> - -<p>Most of the other writers fail to bring out the connexion both of -time and of cause and effect between the scene at Gloucester and -the invasion which led to Malcolm’s death at Alnwick. Perhaps -we may count Matthew Paris, the zealous panegyrist of Malcolm, -as an exception. He has nothing to tell us about Malcolm’s coming -to Gloucester; but, having mentioned William’s sickness there, -which he wrongly places in 1092, he goes on (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 43);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eodem anno pius rex Scotorum Malcolmus, cujus actus in benedictione -vivunt immortales, cum non immerito contra tirannum -Willelmum <abbr title="Two">II</abbr>. regem sibi injuriantem guerram movisset, interceptus -est subito et, positis insidiis, interemptus.”</p> - -<p>So in a later passage (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 47) he speaks of Robert of Mowbray -overcoming Malcolm “proditiose.” Moreover several even of the -English writers seem to imply that there was something treacherous -about the way in which Malcolm met his death. The words of the -Chronicler are, “hine þa Rodbeard se eorl of Norðhymbran mid his -mannan unwæres besyrede and ofsloh.” And directly after he describes -the grief of Margaret on hearing “hyre þa leofstan hlaford -and sunu þus <em>beswikene</em>.” William of Malmesbury mentions the -death of Malcolm twice, and in rather different tones. The first -time (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 250) he seems to jumble up together Malcolm’s two invasions, -leaving out all about the meeting at Gloucester. He had said -that through the whole reign of the Conqueror Malcolm <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“incertis -et sæpe fractis fœderibus ævum egit,”</span> and adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> -<a name="Page_593" id="Page_593"></a><span class="pageno">593</span> -“Filio Willelmi Willelmo regnante, simili modo impetitus, falso -sacramento insequentem abegit. Nec multo post, dum fidei immemor -superbius provinciam inequitaret, a Roberto de Molbreia -comite Northanhimbriæ, cum filio cæsus est.”</p> - -<p>In the second place (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 311), after describing the meeting at -Gloucester, he adds; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Idem proxima hyeme, ab hominibus Roberti -comitis Humbrensium, magis fraude quam viribus occubuit.”</span> No -one would think from this that Malcolm had gone back to Scotland, -got together his army, and invaded Northumberland. It -would rather suggest the idea that he was attacked on his -way back from Gloucester. And this comes out more strongly in -the very confused account of Orderic, 701 C. He mixes up -the events of 1091 and 1093. After the first conference by the -Scots’ water, the two kings go quietly together into England; then -we read;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Post aliquod tempus, dum Melcoma rex ad sua vellet remeare, -muneribusque multis honoratus a rege rediret pacifice, prope fines -suos Rodbertus de Molbraio, cum Morello nepote suo et militibus -armatis occurrit, et ex insperato inermem interfecit. Quod audiens -rex Anglorum, regnique optimates, valde contristati sunt, et pro -tam fœda re, tamque crudeli, a Normannis commissa, nimis erubuerunt. -Priscum facinus a modernis iteratum est. Nam sicut -Abner, filius Ner, a Joab et Abisai, de domo David pacifice rediens, -dolose peremptus est, sic Melcoma rex, de curia Guillelmi regis cum -pace remeans, a Molbraianis trucidatus est.”</p> - -<p>This is one of those sayings of Orderic by which we are now and -then fairly puzzled. He gets hold of a scriptural or classical parallel, -and seems to be altogether carried away by it. It is hard to see -the likeness between the cases of Malcolm and Abner; but it is -harder to see why the deed is in a marked way attributed to “Normanni,” -who seem to be distinguished from the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex Anglorum -regnique optimates.”</span> In what sense were Morel and Robert of -Mowbray Norman, in which the King and the great mass of the -“optimates” were not Norman just as much?</p> - -<p>Confused as these two last accounts are, they still suggest that -there was something about the way in which Robert and Morel -contrived the death of Malcolm which William Rufus would have -looked on as not quite consistent with the character of a “probus -miles.” The one word “beswikene” in the Chronicle doubtless -<a name="Page_594" id="Page_594"></a><span class="pageno">594</span> -goes for more than any amount of Latin rhetoric, though its force -is a little weakened by its not occurring in the actual narrative of -Malcolm’s death, but in the account of Margaret’s grief at hearing -of it, at which point most of our writers put on more or less of the -tone of hagiology. But the only writer who gives us any details -is Fordun (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 20), in a passage which professes to come from -Turgot, on which see the remarks of Mr. Hinde in his Simeon, -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 261. In his story we read how Malcolm,</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum maximam prædam ex Anglia, more solito, ultra flumen -These, de Clefeland, Richemond, et alibi sæpius adduceret, castrumque -de Aylnwick, sive Murealden, quod idem est, obsideret, obsessosque -sibi rebellantes oppido affligeret, hi, qui inclusi fuerant, -ab omni humano excludebantur auxilio.”</p> - -<p>The besieged, having no other chance, take to treachery. One -man offers himself to go on the desperate venture; he makes his -way to the Scottish camp, and asks for the King;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quærentibus causam inquisitionis dixit, se castrum regi traditurum, -et in argumentum fidei claves ejusdem in hasta sua coram -omnibus portavit oblaturus. Quo audito rex, doli nescius, incaute -a tentorio inermis exiliens et minus provide, occurrit proditori; -at ille, quæsita opportunitate, inermem regem armatus transfixit, -et, latibula silvæ vicinæ festinanter ingressus, eorum manus -evasit.”</p> - -<p>Then follows the death of the King’s son Eadward;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Turbato igitur exercitu, dolor dolorem accumulat: nam Eadwardus -regis primogenitus a Northumbris lethaliter vulneratur.”</p> - -<p>He dies three days later <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“apud Eardwardisle foresta de Jedwood,”</span> -and was buried at Dunfermline <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“juxta patrem.”</span></p> - -<p>It is really impossible that this can be a genuine bit of Turgot. -There is nothing anywhere else about a siege of Alnwick, and Mr. -Hinde pertinently raises the question whether there was anything -at Alnwick to besiege. At any rate, it is strange that the defenders -of Alnwick, or anybody else whom Malcolm might come across in -Northumberland, should be called “rebellantes” against him. There -is a very mythical sound about the alleged form of Malcolm’s death. -In the Tapestry (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 240) keys are handed to a -victorious besieger on the point of a spear; but it is from the walls -of the besieged place, and they are received in the like sort. They -surely would not be presented in this way in the King’s own camp. -<a name="Page_595" id="Page_595"></a><span class="pageno">595</span> -And, if Malcolm was killed in this way, how came Eadward to be -mortally wounded? Mr. Hinde adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“The ridiculous tale of the person who pierced the king’s eye, -receiving from that exploit the designation of ‘Piercy, quod Anglice -sonat perforare oculum,’ is interpolated in some <abbr title="manuscripts">MSS.</abbr> of Fordun. -This story must necessarily have been invented after the Percy -family became the possessors of Alnwick, and so gave point, if not -probability, to the fiction.”</p> - -<p class="p2">I suspect that Malcolm was killed in some ambush or in some -other way unlike open battle. Then sympathy for Margaret called -up—​except at Durham and other parts more nearly concerned—​sympathy -for Malcolm. Then the Chronicler, in this state of mind, -used the harsh word “beswikene,” and so a tale of actual treachery -grew up. The version in Fordun gives us the story in the form of a -detailed legend; in Orderic the tale itself is still vague; but the -events which went before are so altered as to make any attack on -Malcolm treacherous. In that version, he is going home from the -King’s court in the King’s peace. In the true version, he is invading -England, perhaps on just grounds in his own eyes, certainly -on grounds which made his invasion by no means wonderful. Still -resistance to him was a rightful operation of war, unless there was -any actual treachery in the form which the attack took. That -such there was we have no direct evidence; but there must have -been something or other to account for the tone of so many writers. -Florence is colourless; so is Henry of Huntingdon.</p> - -<p class="p2">The Hyde writer, as usual, takes a line of his own. He speaks -(301) of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quidam Robertus Northamhumbrorum comes, vir dives -et potens, qui regem Scotorum Malcolmum, patrem Matildis reginæ, -bellando cum toto pene exercitu interfecit.”</span> It is not unlikely that -the fact that Malcolm was not only the husband of the sainted -Margaret, but also the father of the popular Queen Eadgyth-Matilda, -won for him a measure of sympathy after his death which he had -not enjoyed while he was alive. Indeed we get this relation distinctly -set forth by the Continuator of William of Jumièges (<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 8), -who after recording the life-long imprisonment of Robert of Mowbray, -adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dictum est a pluribus, hanc talionem sibi redditam</span> -<a name="Page_596" id="Page_596"></a><span class="pageno">596</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">fuisse, quia regem Scotiæ, patrem videlicet nobilissimæ Mathildis -postea reginæ Anglorum, dolose peremerat.”</span></p> - -<p class="p2">Alnwick, as the place of Malcolm’s death, and of the capture of -another Scottish king in the next century, awakens a certain -amount of real interest beyond the range of mere legend and misapplied -sentiment. The late Mr. Hartshorne wrote with a strange -feeling of devotion towards anything that did profess and call -itself Percy; but he gives us the facts. All that need be known -about Alnwick will be found in his papers in the Archæological -Institute’s second Newcastle volume, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 143. Robert of Veci -appears in Domesday in several shires as far north as Lincoln, -but of course we cannot track him in the unsurveyed parts of -Northumberland. Of the original Percy we have heard something -in various parts in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 215, 295, 789; <abbr title="volume five page">vol. v. p.</abbr> 773. -The second set of Percies, those of Louvain, got to Alnwick by -a grant from Bishop Antony Beck in 1309 (Hartshorne, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 150, -152). Very little can be made of the Alnwick Chronicle printed -in Mr. Hartshorne’s Appendix. What can we say to a “William -Tisonne” who dies on the English side at Senlac, and who is the -brother of Richard Tisone who founds chapels in the year 1000, as -his father “Gisbright” founded abbeys before him? In this story -the first Norman lord of Alnwick is Ivo of Veci, who is described -as “miles de secretariis,” whatever that may mean, to the Conqueror, -and he gets Alnwick along with the daughter of the slain -William Tisonne. Alnwick may quite possibly have passed to a -Norman lord by marriage with an English heiress, but assuredly -her father was not called William and did not bear an hereditary -surname, and it is much to his credit if, in the teeth of his Earl, he -found his way to the great battle from a point so far north as -Alnwick.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_DD" id="Note_DD"></a>NOTE DD. <a href="#Page_28"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 28.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Burial of Margaret.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I do</span> not wish to commit myself to any view as to the authorship -of the writings attributed to Turgot. It is sometimes, -as I have more than once remarked, hard to believe that the -<a name="Page_597" id="Page_597"></a><span class="pageno">597</span> -passages which are worked into the text of Fordun, and which -are printed at the end of the Surtees Simeon as Turgot’s writing, -can really come from a contemporary writer. Still, whether -Turgot’s or not, they contain fragments of real information for -which, in the great meagreness of our notices of Scottish matters, -we may well be thankful. In this case, it is from one of these -passages that we learn for certain, what we might for ourselves -have been inclined to guess, that Margaret, so deeply reverenced -in England then and in Scotland in later times, was not popular -in Scotland in her own day. Of her death, as we have seen, we -have several accounts, the fullest and most trustworthy being in -her own Life by Turgot. Again, we have several notices, though -somewhat meagre ones, of the national Scottish movement which -placed Donald on the throne. But it is only from one of these other -bits of Turgot (if it be Turgot) that we could find out that the two -things had anything to do with one another, and that the first -thing which the national party did was to attempt to disturb the -burial of the holy Queen. There is nothing of this in the Life, a -fact which may possibly mark the difference between Turgot writing -hagiography, though I believe truthful hagiography, and the same -Turgot writing ordinary history. In the former character, he does -not invent or pervert; he simply leaves out an unpleasant fact -which in the other and humbler character he records.</p> - -<p>The account of Margaret’s burial in the Life (Surtees Simeon, -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 254) stands thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Corpus ipsius honorabiliter, ut reginam decebat, involutum, ad -Sanctæ Trinitatis, quam ipsa construxerat, ecclesiam deportavimus, -ibique, sicut ipsa jusserat, contra altare et sanctæ crucis (quod ibidem -erexerat) venerabile signum, sepulturæ tradidimus.”</p> - -<p>These words cannot come directly from Turgot himself, who was not -there, but from the priest (see <a href="#Page_27"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 27</a>) who told him the story. Again, -Turgot’s readers would most likely understand that by the church -of the Holy Trinity was meant the church of Dunfermline. Otherwise -one might easily read the passage as implying that Margaret -was buried in the same place in which she died, though no name -is given for either. It is from the other account (Fordun, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 21) -that we learn that the death happened at Edinburgh and the burial -at Dunfermline. Here we get a picture of Donald at the head of -the insurgents or patriots, or whatever we are to call them, entering -<a name="Page_598" id="Page_598"></a><span class="pageno">598</span> -Edinburgh by one gate, while the body of Margaret is carried out -by the other. The story runs thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum adhuc corpus sanctæ reginæ esset in castro [puellarum] -ubi illius felix anima ad Christum quem semper dilexerat migravit, -Donaldus Rufus vel Bane, frater regis, ejus audita morte, regnum -multorum manu vallatus invasit, et prædictum castrum, ubi regis -justos et legales sciebat heredes, hostiliter obsedit. Sed quia locus -ille natura sui in se valde munitus est, portas solummodo credidit -custodiendas, eo quod introitus aut exitus aliunde non de facili -pateat. Quod intelligentes qui intus erant, docti a Deo, meritis, ut -credimus, sanctæ reginæ, per posticum ex occidentali plaga sanctum -corpus deferebant. Ferunt autem quidam, in toto itinere illo -nebulam subnubilam omnem familiam illam circumdedisse, et ab -omnibus aspectibus hostium miraculose protexisse, ut nec itinerantibus -terra vel mari nihil obfuit, sed ad optatum prospere locum, -ecclesiam scilicet de Dunfermlyn, ubi nunc in Christo requiescit, -sicut ipsa prius jusserat, pervenientes deportarunt.”</p> - -<p>In the story of the mist we may clearly see a natural phænomenon -set down as a miracle (see Robertson, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 156). But there -seems no reason for doubting the general outline of the story, -namely, that Margaret was unpopular with the party headed by -Donald, and that they would have gladly disturbed her burial. By -comparing this story with the Life we see how easy it is to leave -out an important part of a tale without bringing in anything that -contradicts it.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_EE" id="Note_EE"></a>NOTE EE. <a href="#Page_31"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 31.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">Eadgyth-Matilda.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">That</span> the daughter of Malcolm and Margaret who afterwards -became the wife of Henry the First by the well-known name of -Matilda was baptized by the name of Eadgyth, rests wholly on the -authority of Orderic, who mentions it twice. After recording the -death of Malcolm (702 A), he gives an account of his daughters;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Duas filias, Edith et Mariam, Christianæ, sorori suæ, quæ Rumesiensis -abbatiæ sanctimonialis erat, educandas, sacrisque litteris -imbuendas miserat. Illic diutius inter monachas enutritæ sunt, et -<a name="Page_599" id="Page_599"></a><span class="pageno">599</span> -tam litteratoriam artem quam bonorum observantiam morum edidicerunt, -nubilemque ætatem pertingentes, solatium Dei devotæ -virgines præstolatæ sunt.”</p> - -<p>And directly after he calls her <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Mathildis quæ prius dicta est -Edith.”</span> It is a point on which Orderic was likely to be well informed, -as he is always careful and scrupulous in matters of nomenclature, -and often helps us to double names, as we have seen -in the case of Mark Bohemond. And the name Eadgyth is much -more in harmony than Matilda with the other names of Margaret’s -children. Orderic however does not mention the implied change of -name where one might have looked for it, namely where he records -her marriage in 784 A. She is there only <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“generosa virgo nomine -Mathildis;”</span> but in recording her death (843 B), he again says -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Mathildis regina, quæ in baptismate Edit dicta fuit.”</span> <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> Francisque -Michel, in his note on Benoît, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 344, refers also to the -Waverley Annals, 1086, for the earlier name; but there is nothing -of the kind there. There is Eadward and Eadgar, but not Eadgyth. -Is one English name held to be as good as another, even when -a confusion of sex is involved?</p> - -<p>In Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 56, where he describes the discussions -which went on before the marriage of Henry the First, we get -Eadgyth’s own story. She was brought up by her aunt Christina, -of whom we have already heard (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 695, where -I carelessly spoke of Christina as abbess), in the abbey of Wilton—​it -should surely be Romsey. She was not a nun, nor designed to be one, -but she was compelled by her aunt to wear the veil to shelter her from -the violence of the Normans. Whenever her aunt’s back was turned, -she tore it from her head, and trampled upon it, for which the stern -nun gave her niece a good deal of blows and bad language;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum adolescentula essem, et sub amitæ meæ Christianæ, quam -tu [Anselmus sc.] bene nosti, virga paverem, illa servandi corporis -mei causa contra furentem et cujusque pudori ea tempestate insidiantem -Normannorum libidinem nigrum panniculum capiti meo superponere, -et me illum abjicientem acris verberibus et nimis obscœnis -verborum conviciis sæpe cruciare simul et dehonestare solebat. -Quem pannum in ipsius quidem præsentia gemens ac tremebunda -ferebam, sed mox ut me conspectui ejus subtrahere poteram, arreptum -in humum jacere, pedibus proterere, et ita quo in odio fervebam, -quamvis insipienter, consueveram desævire.” -<a name="Page_600" id="Page_600"></a><span class="pageno">600</span></p> - -<p>Then her father comes, sees her with the veil, tears it from her -head, and says that he does not mean her to be a nun, but to be -the wife of Count Alan (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pater meus cum me, quemadmodum dixi, -velatam forte vidisset, furore succensus, injecta manu velum arripuit, -et dissipans illud, odium Dei imprecatus est ei qui mihi illud -imposuit, contestans se comiti Alano me potius in uxorem quam in -contubernium sanctimonialium prædestinasse”</span>).</p> - -<p>Here we are not told how she came under her aunt’s care, nor -what became of her after her father’s death. And there is something -odd in the general reference to the “Normans,” unless -it is meant as part of the outburst of special English feeling -in the later months of the year 1100. Another version, instead -of Normans in general, attributes the danger to a particular -Norman whom we should hardly have looked for. This version -is to be found in a most singular story, to which I have slightly -referred in the text (see <a href="#Page_32"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 32</a>) and also in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 169, -in the Narratio Restaurationis Abbatiæ S. Martini Tornacensis -(D’Achery, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 893). The story is brought in at the same point at -which it is brought in by Eadmer, at the time when Eadgyth—​if -that is to be her name—​is sought in marriage by King Henry. -The writer, Hermann, Abbot of Saint Martin’s, says that he had -heard the story as a young man from Anselm himself. As -Eadmer reports Eadgyth’s own statement, Hermann reports the -statement of the abbess—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“abbatissa in cujus monasterio puella -illa fuerat nutrita.”</span> If any trust can be put in the uncertified -list of abbesses of Romsey in the Monasticon, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 507, the -head of the sisterhood at that time would seem to have been -an English Æthelflæd. The maiden herself also is without a -name, and her brother is confounded with her father. She -is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“puella quædam, filia David regis Scotiæ.”</span> The Abbess’s -story is that the Scottish King entrusted his daughter to her -care, not to become a nun, but simply for education (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex David -pater ejus mihi eam commendavit, non ut sanctimonialis fieret, sed -ut solummodo in ecclesia nostra propter cautelam cum ceteris <a name="line600_6" id="line600_6"></a>puellis -nostris coætancis suis nutriretur et literis erudiretur”</span>). When -the girl is about twelve years old (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cum jam adolevisset,”</span> which is -explained afterwards to mean “duodennis”), the Abbess hears that -king William (defined as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex Willelmus, domini mei regis Henrici -germanus”</span>) has come to see her (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“propter eam videndam</span> -<a name="Page_601" id="Page_601"></a><span class="pageno">601</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">venisse”</span>). In the case of any decent king such a visit would -surely have been neither scandalous nor wonderful. The King is -at the abbey-gate with his knights, and asks to have it opened. -The Abbess fears that he may conceive some bad purpose towards -the maiden, but hopes that he will respect her if she wears the -monastic veil. She therefore persuades Eadgyth to wear the veil -for the time;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hæc audiens, nimiumque perterrita, ne forte ille, ut juvenis et -rex indomitus, qui omne quod animo sibi occurrisset illico facere -volebat, visa pulcritudine puellæ aliquam ei illicitam violentiam -faceret, qui tam improvisus et insperatus propter eam videndam -advenisset, in secretius cubiculum eam introduxi, rem ei sicut erat -aperui, eaque volente velum unum capiti ejus imposui, quatenus eo -viso rex ab illicito complexu revocaretur.”</p> - -<p>The King goes into the cloister, as if to look at the flowers -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quasi propter inspiciendas rosas et alias florentes herbas”</span>). He -sees Eadgyth with the veil, and goes away, showing, according to -the Abbess, that his visit had been on her account only (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“mox ut -eam vidit cum ceteris puellis nostris velum capite gestantem, -claustro exivit et ab ecclesia recessit, aperte ostendens se non nisi -propter eam venisse”</span>). Within a week King David came; seeing his -daughter with the veil on her head, he was very angry; he tore it -from her head, trampled it under-foot, and took his daughter -away.</p> - -<p>As the Abbot’s memory clearly failed him on one point, it may -have failed him in others. This is, as far as I know, the only -time in history or legend in which William Rufus is brought into -connexion with the name of any woman. It may well be that -Abbess Æthelflæd—​if that was her name—​did not know the secrets -of the Red King’s court, and reckoned him among ordinary, instead -of extraordinary, sinners.</p> - -<p class="p2">The accounts of Orderic and Hermann assert, and that of Eadmer -seems to imply, that Eadgyth at least, most likely Mary also, was -sent to be brought up by their aunt when they were quite children. -But there is something a little odd in the appearance of Malcolm -both in Eadmer and in Hermann, where he is spoken of as if it were -an every-day thing for a King of Scots to show himself at Romsey. -We may here perhaps help ourselves to a date. The visit of -<a name="Page_602" id="Page_602"></a><span class="pageno">602</span> -Malcolm must surely have been when he was in England in 1093. -Eadgyth then, according to Hermann, was about twelve years old. -Now, it seems from William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 389) that she had -a godfather whom we should hardly have looked for in the person -of Duke Robert. When could Robert have been godfather to a -daughter of Malcolm and Margaret? Surely when he was in Scotland -in the autumn of 1080 (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 671). That was -therefore the time of Eadgyth’s birth; she would then be under -thirteen when her father came into England. (Since this note was -printed, I see that <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> Gaston Le Hardy, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 41, takes this date for -granted.)</p> - -<p>The fact that Malcolm and Margaret themselves sent their -daughters into England seems to dispose of the account in Fordun -(<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 21; see <a href="#Page_30"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 30</a>), according to which their uncle Eadgar somehow -contrived to bring them to England after the death of their parents. -The only way in which the two versions could be reconciled would -be by supposing that, when Malcolm, according to Hermann, took -Eadgyth away from Romsey, he took her back to Scotland.</p> - -<p>In Eadgyth’s own statement in Eadmer, she says that her father -meant her to marry Count Alan. So Orderic (702 A) says;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Alanus Rufus Britannorum comes Mathildem, quæ prius dicta -est Edith, in conjugem sibi a rege Rufo requisivit; sed morte præventus -non obtinuit.”</p> - -<p>Mr. Robertson (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 152) makes merry over this passage, and takes -the opportunity to sneer at Orderic. How, he asks, could Alan, -who outlived Eadgyth-Matilda and died in 1119—she died in -1118—have been prevented by his own death from marrying her? -He objects also that Alan married the second time (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. -iv. p.</abbr> 647) in 1093, “before Matilda could have sought refuge in -England.” He adds, “Alan, however, was once a suitor for the -hand of Matilda, but to her own father Malcolm (according to her -own words), not to Rufus,” and goes on to tell about Orderic’s -“gossip,” “infinity of error,” and what not. But though Orderic -has made a slight slip, Mr. Robertson’s own error is much greater. -There can be little doubt that the Alan meant is not the Alan of -Britanny who married first Constance the daughter of the Conqueror -and then Ermengarde of Anjou, but Alan the Black the -second lord of Richmond (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 294, and Mrs. Green, -Princesses, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 25), a much more likely husband for the Scottish -<a name="Page_603" id="Page_603"></a><span class="pageno">603</span> -King to think of for his daughter. Now this Alan died in 1093, -just about the right time. Orderic has put <em>Rufus</em> instead of <em>Niger</em>, -which is about the extent of his offence—​perhaps confounding -Alan the Black with his brother Alan Fergeant, the first lord of -Richmond. But Mr. Robertson quite forgot that Malcolm sent his -daughters into England long before 1093. Thierry (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 152) saw -clearly which Alan it was.</p> - -<p>William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 418) has a singular passage, where he -tells us that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Matildis, filia regis Scotorum, a teneris annis inter -sanctimoniales apud Wiltoniam et Rumesium educata, literis quoque -fœmineum pectus exercuit. Unde, ut ignobiles nuptias respueret -plusquam semel a patre oblatas, peplum sacratæ professionis index -gestavit.”</span></p> - -<p>But who could look on a marriage with Count Alan as -“ignobilis”?</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_FF" id="Note_FF"></a>NOTE FF. <abbr title="Volume two pages">Vol. ii. pp.</abbr> <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</p> - -<p class="center sc">Tynemouth and Bamburgh.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> history of Tynemouth, and of Saint Oswine in relation to -Tynemouth, comes largely from the Life of Saint Oswine in the -Miscellanea Biographica published by the Surtees Society. This is -the work of a monk of Saint Alban’s who went to Tynemouth in -1111. There are also several Saint Alban’s documents printed in -the Monasticon, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 312. There is a large history of Tynemouth by -Mr. W. S. Gibson, from which much may be learned, though the -valuable facts and documents have largely to be dug out of a mass -of irrelevant matter.</p> - -<p>According to the Saint Alban’s writer, Eadwine built a wooden -church at Tynemouth, and there his daughter <em>Rosella</em> took the veil. -The name is strange enough, but we may perhaps see a confused -tradition of a <em>British</em> name, when we read that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“locus ubi nunc -cœnobium Tinemuthense est, antiquitus a <em>Saxonibus</em> dicebatur Penbalcrag, -i.e. caput valli in rupe. Nam circa hunc locum finis erat -valli Severiani.”</span> This building must be the same as that which is -referred to in the Life, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 11; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Delatus est ad ostium Tynæ fluminis, -locum videlicet ab incolis regionis ob imminentis rupis securitatem -ab hostibus celebrius frequentatum. Sed ob reverentiam gloriosæ</span> -<a name="Page_604" id="Page_604"></a><span class="pageno">604</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Virgini Mariæ inibi exhibitam tenerius amatum, ibique sepultus -est in oratorio ejusdem Virginis, quod constructum erat ad aquilonem -fluminis.”</span> He goes on to tell how Oswald rebuilt the wooden -church of stone, and how the monastery was more than once -destroyed by the Danes. The Saint Alban’s writer (<abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum">Mon. Angl.</abbr> -<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 312) speaks more specially of the Danes. The biographer carries -us at once to the time of Tostig;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Memoria sancti martyris Oswini, obsoleta et penitus deleta, -funditus ab hominum notitia evanuit. Jacuitque per multa annorum -curricula gleba sancti corporis sub abjectiori cespite tumulata -et usque ad tempora Thostii comitis et Ægelwini præsulis Dunelmi, -incuriæ pariter et ignorantiæ neglectu, debita veneratione est fraudata.”</p> - -<p>The writer has a curious remark to account for the neglect of -the saint; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Genti prædictæ nunc fideles, nunc infideles principabantur, -et juxta principum instituta, varia divinus cultus in -subjectarum plebium studiis sensit dispendia.”</span> This is doubtless -true of Deira, hardly so of Bernicia, where no heathen -prince reigned, though passing heathens did a good deal of -damage.</p> - -<p>He then gives a long account of the invention of the saint’s body, -which came about through the vision of a monk named Eadmund. -Judith, according to the character which she bears elsewhere (see -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 391), appears as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“devota Deo famula,” “præpotens -et devota femina,” “veneranda comitissa.”</span> Of Tostig we are -told that he succeeded Siward, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“non testamenti beneficio, sed -sancti regis Ædwardi dono regio.”</span> He is described as beginning -the new church which the monks of Saint Alban’s afterwards -finished (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 15); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cujus tamen fundamenti initia, ut dicitur, -comes Thostius jecerat, a fundamentis ædificaverunt.”</span> But his -deposition and death seem to be looked upon as a judgement for -not being present in person at the invention (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quia prædixtus comes -Thostius interesse sanctæ inventioni in ditione sua factæ noluit, -eodem anno culpis suis exigentibus ab Anglorum regno expulsus,”</span> -<abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr>), the exact date of which is given, March 15, 1065. It is -added, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Thostio comite proscripto, hæreditas ejus devoluta est ad -fiscum regium.”</span></p> - -<p>Simeon in his History of the Church of Durham, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 4, puts the -acts of Tostig and of Waltheof together under the head of Northumbrian -<a name="Page_605" id="Page_605"></a><span class="pageno">605</span> -earls; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ecclesiam sane sancti Oswini in Tinemuthe, -jamdudum donantibus Northymbriæ comitibus, monachi cum adhuc -essent in Gyrvum possederant, unde etiam ipsius sancti ossa ad se -transferentes in ecclesia sancti Pauli secum non parvo tempore -habuerunt, quæ postmodum ad priorem locum retulerunt.”</span> He -then goes on to record the confirmation by Earl Alberic, who <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“hoc -donum renovavit, ipsamque ecclesiam cum suo presbitero ecclesiæ -sancti Cuthberti perpetuo possidendam adjecit.”</span></p> - -<p>It would seem that the fall of Tostig hindered the completion of -his church, and that at the time of Waltheof’s grant it was still -without a roof; for he goes on to say, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quæ cum jam per quindecim -annos velut deserta sine tecto durasset, eam monachi culmine -imposito renovarunt, et per tres annos possederunt.”</span> On receiving -the confirmation of Alberic, a monk with a good Danish name was -sent to put things in better order (Simeon, Gesta Regum, 1121); -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ex capituli totius sententia monachus noster <em>Turchillus</em> illuc -mittitur, qui renovato ecclesiæ ipsius culmine, per multum tempus -habitavit ibidem.”</span></p> - -<p>I have referred to the charter of Waltheof and to the entry -in Simeon (Gesta Regum, 1080) in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 666. It is -printed, along with a charter of Bishop William confirming it, dated -April 27, 1085, in the time of Earl Alberic, whose confirmation is recorded, -in the Surtees book called Historiæ Dunelmensis Scriptores -Tres, <abbr title="pages 18, 19">pp. xviii, xix</abbr>. The signatures to both are nearly all English, -with the single exception of two to the charter of Waltheof. These -are Gilbert, the nephew (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 665) of Bishop Walcher, -and an unknown Walter. We meet with several other men that -we know, as Morkere’s father Ligulf and his brother Uhtred, and -Leofwine, written “Leobwinus,” the Dean of Durham. We notice -also “Ernan Biscope sune,” and three Englishmen with the knightly -title “Alwinus miles,” “Wlstanus miles,” and “Kinewlfus miles,” -but I do not understand <a name="line605_8" id="line605_8"></a><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“signum Aldredi comitis.”</span> Earl Ealdred, -the common grandfather of Waltheof and young Morkere, had been -murdered long ago, as the sons of Carl found to their cost. The -story is told again in Simeon, Gesta Regum, 1121.</p> - -<p>The next stage in the story is the taking away of Tynemouth -from the church of Durham. It is amusing to contrast the ways in -which this story is told at Durham and at Saint Alban’s. Simeon, -in the chapter just quoted, tells us that Earl Robert made the gift -<a name="Page_606" id="Page_606"></a><span class="pageno">606</span> -to Saint Alban’s <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“propter inimicitias quæ inter episcopum et ipsum -agitabantur”</span> (<abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> Gesta Regum, 1121). The cause of their ill-will, -a dispute about lands, comes out in the next chapter. Roger of -Wendover (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 39), who is copied by Matthew Paris (<abbr title="Historia Anglorum one">Hist. Ang. i.</abbr> 41, -and <abbr title="Chronica Majora two">Chron. Maj. ii.</abbr> 31), tells us how Earl Robert—“vir quidem Deo -devotus,” Matthew says—​gave Tynemouth to Saint Alban’s <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“divina -inspiratione tactus.”</span> The Gesta Abbatum (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 57) add that it was -done <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regis et archiepiscopi Lanfranci benevolentia.”</span> It would -seem that under Durham rule Tynemouth had been simply an impropriate -church, while in the hands of Saint Alban’s it became -a cell. The judgement on Abbot Paul is recorded in the Durham -History, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 4. The Gesta Abbatum, which record much about him, -both good and evil, say nothing about this. The Life of Oswine, -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 15, gives a full account of the ceremony of the translation of -Saint Oswine, with the date. Bishop Randolf of Durham was there, -Abbot Richard of Saint Alban’s, and “Abbas <em>Salesberiensis</em> Hugo,” -where we may see (see <abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum three">Mon. Angl. iii.</abbr> 495) the old confusion (see -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 799) between Salisbury and Selby.</p> - -<p>Tynemouth then, at the time when the revolt of Robert of Mowbray -began (see <a href="#Page_47"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 47</a>), was already a monastery and a cell to Saint -Alban’s, though the monks of Durham still held that they had been -wrongfully deprived of it. But it appears from the narrative that, -besides the monastery, there was also a castle. The account in the -Chronicle is, “And þone castel æt Tinemuðan besæt oððet he hine -gewann, and þæs eorles broðer þærinne and ealle þa þe him mid -wæron.” Florence says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex exercitu de tota Anglia congregato, -castellum prædicti comitis Rotberti, ad ostium Tinæ fluminis situm, -per duos menses obsedit; et interim, <em>quadam munitiuncula expugnata</em>, -ferme omnes meliores comitis milites cepit, et in custodia -posuit; dein obsessum castellum expugnavit, et fratrem comitis, et -equites, quos intus inveniebat, custodiæ tradidit.”</span> Florence seems -to me to have confounded the sieges of Tynemouth and of the New -Castle. By the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“castellum ad ostium Tinæ”</span> he would seem to -mean the New Castle, and by his “munitiuncula” he would seem -to mean the Earl’s fortress at Tynemouth. Now what was the -relation between the castle and the monastery? As things now -stand, castle and monastery are one. That is to say, the deserted -church—​or more strictly the two deserted churches, monastic and -parochial, once under one roof (see Archæological Journal, <abbr title="volume 37">vol. xxxvii.</abbr> -<a name="Page_607" id="Page_607"></a><span class="pageno">607</span> -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 250, <abbr title="Number">No.</abbr> 147, 1880)—standing on the northern promontory is -now surrounded by military buildings and the great gate-house. I -get my notion of the early arrangements of Tynemouth from several -old plans collected by Mr. Gibson. There is one which seems to be -of the sixteenth century, and, as the names are written in a curious -mixture of English, Latin, and Italian, it struck me that it might -be the work of an officer of those Italian mercenaries who were -employed in the civil wars of Edward the Sixth. This is the only -one which distinctly shows “the Castle,” on the southern promontory, -though all mark that point as taken in within the lines -of defence. It seems to me that the southern promontory must -have been the site of the original castle, and that the name of <em>Castle</em> -has shifted to the great gate-house, which fairly deserves it.</p> - -<p class="p2">With regard to the order of the sieges, Orderic, who gives us so -full an account of the siege of Bamburgh, tells us nothing about the -others. I gather from the words of the Chronicle that the New -Castle, which we find in the King’s hands directly after, was the -point which was first taken; “Sona þes þe he þider [to Norðhymbran] -com, he manege and forneah ealle þa betste of þes eorles hirede innan -anan fæstene gewann, and on hæftene gedyde.” Florence, as I have -said, seems to have misunderstood the words of the Chronicler, and -to have confounded Tynemouth and the New Castle. This last would -surely be, as the Chronicle implies, the first point of attack after the -army entered Northumberland in the sense which that word now -bears. Next in the narrative of the Chronicle follows the siege -and capture of Tynemouth, and then the great siege of Bamburgh. -Of this famous fortress I found something to say long ago in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. -vol. i. p.</abbr> 410, where Bamburgh appears as marking one stage in -the art of fortification. Bæda (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 16) witnesses that the place -took its name <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ex Bebbæ quondam reginæ vocabulo;”</span> so also the -Northumbrian writer copied by Simeon of Durham, 774;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Bebba civitas urbs est munitissima, non admodum magna, sed -quasi duorum vel trium agrorum spatium, habens unum introitum -cavatum, et gradibus miro modo exaltatum. Habet in summitate -montis ecclesiam præpulcre factam, in qua est scrinium speciosum -et pretiosum. In quo involuta pallio jacet dextera manus sancti -Oswaldi regis incorrupta, sicut narrat Beda historiographus hujus -gentis.”</p> - -<p><a name="Page_608" id="Page_608"></a><span class="pageno">608</span> -The reference here is to Bæda, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 6, where he tells the story of -Oswald’s bounty and the prophecy of Aidan, and adds how his hand -and arm, cut off after his death in the battle by Penda, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in urbe -regia quæ a regina quondam vocabulo Bebba cognominatur, loculo -inclusæ argenteo in ecclesia sancti Petri servantur, ac digno a cunctis -honore venerantur.”</span> So again, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 12, where Bamburgh is simply -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regia civitas.”</span> He goes on to speak of the well; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Est in occidente -et in summitate ipsius civitatis fons miro cavatus opere, dulcis -ad potandum et purissimus ad videndum.”</span> Florence also refers to -the origin of the name; with him it is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Bebbanbyrig, id est, Urbs -Bebbæ reginæ;”</span> and Orderic (704 A) draws a little picture of the -spot; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Munitissimum castrum, quod Babbenburg dicitur, obsederunt. -Et quoniam illa munitio inexpugnabilis erat, quia inaccessibilis -videbatur propter paludes et aquas, et alia quædam -itinerantibus contraria, quibus ambiebatur, rex novam munitionem -ad defensionem provinciæ et coartationem hostium construxit, et -militibus, armis, ac victualibus implevit.”</span> This last fact, the making -of the <span class="title">Malvoisin</span>, is recorded by the Chronicler and Florence, both -of whom give the name. The Chronicler says; “Ac þa þa se cyng -geseah þæt he hine gewinnan ne mihte, þa het he makian ænne -castel toforan Bebbaburh and hine <em>on his spæce</em> Malueisin het, þæt -is on Englisc yfel nehhebur, and hine swiðe mid his mannan gesætte, -and syððan suðweard for.” So Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ante Bebbanbyrig in -quam comes fugerat, castellum firmavit, id que Malveisin nominavit, -et in illo militibus positis, in Suthymbriam rediit.”</span> We may here -note the way in which the Chronicler assumes French as the -language of William Rufus, and also Florence’s somewhat archaic -way of speaking of “Suthymbria,” where the Chronicler says -simply “suðweard.” It is something like his mention of West-Saxonia -in 1091 (see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 305).</p> - -<p>The <span class="title">Malvoisin</span> was clearly such a tower as we often hear of, -temporary and of wood, but still not moveable, as is implied in -Florence’s word “firmavit.” But the name seems afterwards to -have been transferred to moveable towers; see Du Cange in Malveisin, -where he refers to the passage about the siege of Dover -in Roger of Wendover, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 380; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Misso prius ad patrem suum -propter petrariam, quæ ‘Malveisine’ Gallice nuncupatur, qua cum -machinis aliis Franci ante castrum locata muros acriter crebris -ictibus verberabant.”</span> In his account of the siege of Bamburgh -<a name="Page_609" id="Page_609"></a><span class="pageno">609</span> -(<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 46) Roger says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum castellum inexpugnabile advertit, ante -castellum illud castellum aliud <em>ligneum</em> construxit, quod Malveisin -appellavit, in quo partem exercitus sui relinquens inde recessit.”</span> -Matthew Paris copies this in the Chronica Majora in the -Historia Anglorum, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 48; his words are, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ante castellum illud -aliud sed <em>ligneum</em> construxit, ad præcludendum illis exitum, quod -patria lingua <em>Maleveisine</em> appellavit.”</span> Viollet-le-Duc (Military -Architecture of the Middle Ages, 24, <abbr title="English translation">Eng. trans.</abbr>) seems to imply -that moveable towers were known earlier than this time, but he -seems (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 30) to bring the petraria from the East.</p> - -<p>As for the details of the siege, the Chronicler and Florence tell -us nothing till we come to the escape of Robert from Bamburgh. -It is Orderic who gives us the picture of the state of mind of Robert -and his companions, which, if it belongs to any period of the siege, -must belong to the time before the King went southward. We see -the loyal troops busily working at the making of the <span class="title">Malvoisin</span>;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Conscii autem perfidiæ et fautores eorum detegi verentes conticuerunt, -et metu exsangues, quia conatus suos nihil valere perpenderunt, -regiis cohortibus immixti, ejus servitium, cujus exitium -optaverant, prompte aggressi sunt. Interea, dum rex in armis cum -agminibus suis ad bellum promptus constaret, et chiliarchos ac -centuriones, aliosque proceres Albionis, cum subditis sibi plebibus, -operi novæ munitionis indesinenter insistere compelleret, Rodbertus -de propugnaculis suis contrarium sibi opus mœstus conspiciebat, et -complices suos alta voce nominatim compellebat, ac ut jusjurandum -de proditionis societate conservarent, palam commonebat. Rex -autem cum fidelibus suis hæc audiens ridebat, et conscia reatus publicati -mens conscios et participes timore et verecundia torquebat.”</p> - -<p>Then the King goes away; in Orderic’s phrase, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rege ad -sua prospere remeante, et de moderamine regni cum suis amicis -solerter tractante,”</span> a rather odd description of the war in Wales. -Now comes Robert’s escape from Bamburgh. Orderic, who seems -to have no clear idea of any place except Bamburgh, merely says -that Robert, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“longæ obsidionis tædio nauseatus, noctu exilivit, et -de castro in castrum migrare volens in manus inimicorum incidit.”</span> -The Chronicle is fuller; “Ða sona æfter þam þe se cyng wæs suð -afaren feorde se eorl anre nihte ut of Bebbaburh towardes Tinemuðan, -ac þa þe innan þam niwun castele wæron his gewær wurdon, -and him æfter foran and onfuhton and hine gewundedon, and syððan -<a name="Page_610" id="Page_610"></a><span class="pageno">610</span> -gelæhton, and þa þe mid him wæron sume ofslogan sume lifes gefengon.” -But it is from Florence that we get the detailed account. -His story runs thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Post cujus discessum, comiti Rotberto vigiles Novi Castelli -promisere in id se permissuros illum intrare, si veniret occulte. -Ille autem lætus effectus, quadam nocte cum <abbr title="30">xxx.</abbr> militibus ut id -perageret exivit. Quo cognito, equites qui castellum custodiebant -illum insequentes, ejus exitum custodibus Novi Castelli per nuntios -intimaverunt. Quod ille nesciens, die dominica tentavit peragere -cœpta, sed nequivit, deprehensus enim erat. Eapropter ad monasterium -S. Oswini regis et martyris fugit, ubi sexto die obsessionis -suæ graviter in crure est vulneratus dum suis adversariis repugnaret, -quorum multi perempti, multi sunt vulnerati, de suis quoque nonnulli -vulnerati, omnes sunt capti; ille vero in ecclesiam fugit, de -qua extractus, in custodia est positus.”</p> - -<p>Here now comes the obvious difficulty as to the way in which -the Earl could have got into the monastery at Tynemouth after the -castle had been taken. The Chronicler indeed does not necessarily -imply that he got into Tynemouth at all. The fight which he -describes might have happened somewhere else and not at Tynemouth. -And if any one chooses to move the site of Robert’s resistance -and capture from Tynemouth to some unknown spot, there -is only the statement of Florence against him. That Robert was -taken, and taken after a stout resistance, is plain.</p> - -<p>With Robert’s capture, Orderic ends his story, as far as military -operations are concerned. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Captus a satellitibus regis, Rodbertus -finem belli fecit.”</span> In a very general way this is not untrue; it was -the capture of Robert which brought about the end of the war. -But it is odd that he should have left out the striking story of the -captive Earl being brought under frightful threats before the castle -which his wife was defending. This stands out clearly in the -Chronicle; “Ða þa se cyng ongean com, þa het he niman þone eorl -Rotbeard of Norðymbram, and to Bæbbaburh lædan, and ægðer -eage ut adon, buton þa þe þærinne wæron þone castel agyfan -woldan. Hine heoldan his wif and Moreal, se wæs stiward and -eac his mæg. Ðurh þis wearð se cartel þa agyfen.” Florence -translates this.</p> - -<p class="p2">Lastly comes the great difference of all as to Earl Robert’s last -<a name="Page_611" id="Page_611"></a><span class="pageno">611</span> -days. The Chronicler and Florence merely record his imprisonment -at Windsor, without saying how long it lasted. Florence says -only, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Comes forti custodiæ mancipandus ad Windlesoram est -ductus,”</span> followed by the passage about Morel quoted in <a href="#Page_55"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 55</a>. He -says nothing about the many accusations brought by Morel, or -about the special summons of all the tenants-in-chief to the trial, -of which the Chronicler speaks (see <a href="#Page_56"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 56</a>). The Chronicler, after -recording them, says; “And þone eorl Rotbert hét se cyng to -Windlesoran lædan, and þær innan þam castele healdan.” This is -consistent with any later destiny, with release and monastic profession -or with lifelong imprisonment. This last is asserted by -several authorities. Thus Orderic (704 A) says; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rodbertus…. -fere triginta annis in vinculis vixit, ibique scelerum suorum pœnas -luens consenuit.”</span> He then sets forth the sad state of his wife; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Mathildis uxor ejus, quæ cum eo vix unquam læta fuerat, quia in -articulo perturbationis desponsata fuerat, et inter bellicas clades -tribus tantum mensibus cum tremore viri thoro incubuerat, maritali -consolatione cito caruit, multisque mœroribus afflicta diu gemuit.”</span> -The Continuator of William of Jumièges (<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 8), who has nothing -to say about Matilda, equally bears witness to Robert’s lifelong imprisonment; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Captus a militibus Willelmi regis, ipsoque jubente -in ipsis vinculis diutius perseverans; regnante jam Henrico rege, -tandem in ipso ergastulo deficiens mortuus est.”</span> So William of -Malmesbury, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 319; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Captus et æternis vinculis irretitus est.”</span></p> - -<p>On the other hand, there clearly was a story according to which -Robert was released some time or other, and died a monk at Saint -Alban’s. It is somewhat remarkable that there is no mention of -this in any of the chief writings of Matthew Paris, neither in the -Historia Major nor the Historia Anglorum, nor the Lives of the -Abbots. But we find the story implied in the extract from his -<a name="line611_9" id="line611_9"></a>Additamenta in the Monasticon, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 312; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ibidem [at Tynemouth] -monachos congregavit de domo sancti Albani, tanquam ab electissima -domo inter omnia cœnobia Angliæ, ubi etiam se vovit -monasticum habitum suscepturum, et sepulturam in loco memorato. -Quæ omnia, Deo sibi propitio, feliciter consummavit.”</span> So -in the Abbreviatio Chronicorum (<abbr title="Historia Anglorum">Hist. Angl.</abbr> <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 175), a marginal -note is added to the name of Earl Robert; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sepultus est -apud sanctum Albanum.”</span> But, oddly enough, the most distinct -statement that he became a monk comes, not from any Saint Alban’s -<a name="Page_612" id="Page_612"></a><span class="pageno">612</span> -writer, but from one manuscript of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De Regibus Saxonum -Libellus”</span> at the end of the Surtees Simeon, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 214. King Henry -keeps Robert of Mowbray some while in prison; then <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rogatu -baronum suorum eundem resolvens, concessit illi mutare vitam habitumque -sæcularem. Qui ingressus monasterium Sancti Albani sub -professione monastica ibidem vitam finivit.”</span></p> - -<p>The story about Matilda’s second marriage and divorce comes -from Orderic. His story runs thus; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Vir ejus, ut dictum est, in -carcere vivebat, nec ipsa, eo vivente, secundum legem Dei alteri -nubere legitime valebat. Tandem, permissu Paschalis papæ, cui -res a curiosis enucleata patuit, post multos dies Nigellus de -Albineio ipsam uxorem accepit, et pro favore nobilium parentum -ejus, aliquamdiu honorifice tenuit. Verum, defuncto Gisleberto -de Aquila fratre ejus, vafer occasionem divortii exquisivit, eamque, -quia consanguinei sui conjux fuerat, repudiavit, et Gundream, sororem -Hugonis de Gornaco, uxorem duxit.”</span> If all this happened -at all, it must have happened between 1099 and 1118, the years -which mark the reign of Paschal.</p> - -<p>Matilda of Laigle could not well have been the sister of William -the Chaplain to whom Bishop Herbert Losinga writes his third -letter (<abbr title="Epistle">Ep.</abbr> Herberti, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 5). He there says; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De matrimonio sororis -vestræ non aliud respondeo vobis, quam id quod præsens ex ore -meo audivistis, suo videlicet ut vivente viro, secundum evangelium -et secundum sanctorum canonum usum, alii viro nubere non potest.”</span> -But the person spoken of could hardly have been thinking -of such a marriage, unless she had some special excuse, like this of -Matilda.</p> - -<p>The second wife of Nigel appears both as “Gundrea” and as “Gundreda.” -There is a great deal about her husband Nigel and her son -Robert, the founder of Byland Abbey, in the Monasticon, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 346–351. -The marriage of Nigel and Gundreda took place after Tinchebrai, -and as King Henry gave Nigel the castle of Mowbray, and much -else in Normandy and England which had belonged to Earl Robert, -their son Roger called himself Roger of Mowbray. Such a description -was likely to lead to confusion, and it may have led some to fancy -that later bearers of the name of Mowbray had something to do -with the famous Bishop and Earl of our story. The artificial Percy -is indeed connected with the real one by grandmothers; but the -artificial Mowbray was purely artificial. This Roger of Mowbray -<a name="Page_613" id="Page_613"></a><span class="pageno">613</span> -appears also in the Continuator of William of Jumièges, <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 8, who -tells us that Nigel himself became a monk at Bec.</p> - -<p class="p2">As Walknol has been casually mentioned in the text (<a href="#Page_47"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 47</a>) -there may be some interest in a document in the Cartulary of -Newminster published by the Surtees Society, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 178. The date -must be after 1137, the date of the foundation of Newminster. -The number of English names, and specially the two bearers of -scriptural names who are sons of English-named fathers, illustrate -points of which I have often had to speak;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De terra de Walknol in castro. Johannes filius Edwyni fabri, -salutem. Sciatis me concessisse, dedisse, et hac præsenti carta mea -confirmasse, Bartholomæo filio Edricii illam terram totam quæ jacet -in australi parte cimiterii capellæ beati Michaelis, in longitudine -a curtillo Eadmundi clerici usque ad terram quæ fuit Johannis -Stanhard, et in latitudine a cimiterio capellæ beati Michaelis usque -ad antiquam communem viam subtus versus austrum. Habendum -et tenendum eidem Bartholomæo et hæredibus suis de me et hæredibus -meis et assignatis in perpetuum, libere, quiete, et pacifice, -pro duabus marcis arg. quas michi dedit idem Bartholomæus in -manu in mea magna necessitate.”</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_GG" id="Note_GG"></a>NOTE GG. <a href="#Page_79"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 79.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Conquest of Glamorgan.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I gave</span> a note to the conquest of Glamorgan in the Appendix to -<abbr title="volume five">vol. v.</abbr> of the Norman Conquest, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 820. I look, as I did then, -upon the account in what I find it convenient to call the later -Brut as thoroughly legendary in its details, though I am perhaps -inclined to put rather more faith in the general story than I was -then. And I am not so much inclined as I was then to draw the -same wide distinction as Mr. Floyd draws between the expeditions -led by the King himself and those which partook more or less of the -character of private adventure. There was doubtless a difference, -when it was King William who called the whole force of England -to his standard, and when it was only either Earl Hugh or Robert -Fitz-hamon who set out on an expedition on his own account. But -<a name="Page_614" id="Page_614"></a><span class="pageno">614</span> -both processes were parts of the same general undertaking. Whatever -individual lords conquered, they conquered with the King’s approval, -to be held by them as his vassals and subjects. He himself stepped -in only on great occasions, when the Welsh seemed to be getting -too strong for the local lords. The same general work must have -been going on all over the country. The only strange thing is that -the conquest of Glamorgan, of whose general results there can be -no doubt, and of which we have so very full a legendary account, is -left out altogether in every really trustworthy history.</p> - -<p>Jestin ap Gwrgan must be accepted as a real man, on the -strength of his real sons and grandsons (for his sons see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. -vol. v. p.</abbr> 821); but that is all that can be said of him. We can -hardly carry our faith so far as Mr. John Williams ab Ithel, the -Editor of the Brut in the Chronicles and Memorials, who asks -us (<abbr title="twenty-three">xxiii</abbr>) to “consider the great age of the prince of Glamorgan -when he died. He is said to have married his first wife -<span class="muchsmaller">A.D.</span> 994”—​it is perhaps prudent to mention the æra—“and to -have died at the age of 111, according to others 129.” We Saxons -do not venture to believe in the kindred tales of our own Harold -and Gyrth. But we learn from Mr. Williams himself, at the very -beginning of his Preface, that “the voice of Tradition would not -lead us to suppose that the ancient Britons paid any very particular -attention to the study of chronology previous to the era of Prydain, -son of Aedd the Great, which is variously dated from the year 1780 -to 480 before the nativity of Christ.” If centuries went for so little -in the days of Prydain, it is not wonderful that decades did not -go for much in the days of Jestin. Nor are we surprised to find -that Mr. Williams knew the exact number of the descendants of -Jestin, who were, like those of Attila, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pene populus.”</span> All that we -can say of Jestin’s story, in relation to Robert Fitz-hamon and his -companions, is that there is no trustworthy evidence either for or -against the story of his invitation to the Norman knights, but that -the tale has a legendary sound, and that the date is in any case -wrong. If we should be inclined, according to one or two indications -(see <a href="#Page_84"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 84</a>), to place the conquest of Glamorgan several -years earlier, perhaps even before the death of the Conqueror, we -are only carried away yet further from the perfectly certain date of -the death of Rhys ap Tewdwr. All that we can say is that the -general story may be true, but that the list of settlers given in the -<a name="Page_615" id="Page_615"></a><span class="pageno">615</span> -later Brut (72 to 75) is largely due to family vanity. The Stradling -family, for instance, had nothing to do with the original conquest.</p> - -<p>The best account of the whole matter is to be found in Mr. -Clark’s first paper on “The Land of Morgan,” in the Archæological -Journal, <abbr title="thirty-four">xxxiv.</abbr> 11. I cannot however admit with him (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 18) that -“it seems probable that to the early Vikings, and not to the later -settlements of Flemings or English, is due the Teutonic element which -prevails in the topography of lower Pembroke and Gower.” I am -quite ready (see <a href="#Page_95"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 95</a>) to admit a certain Scandinavian element; -but the Flemish settlement in Pembrokeshire is undoubtedly -historical (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 855), while we have fair legendary -evidence for making the settlement in Gower West-Saxon (see <a href="#Page_103"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 103</a>). -The name of <em>Worm’s Head</em> given to the great promontory of Gower, -in marked distinction to the Scandinavian <em>Orm’s Head</em> in North -Wales, goes a long way to show that the Teutonic settlers in Gower -were either Flemish or Saxon, and not Scandinavian.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_HH" id="Note_HH"></a>NOTE HH. <a href="#Page_115"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 115.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">Godwine of Winchester and his son Robert.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I gave</span> a short note to the history of Robert son of Godwine in -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 819. On going again more minutely through the story, -I am even more struck than before by the singular way in which -different notices of Robert and Godwine hang together. It is one -of the best cases that I know of the argument from undesigned -coincidences. Besides the interest of the story in itself, it teaches -us, like many other stories, how, if we work with a proper caution, -we may dig truth out of quarters where we should hardly have -looked for it, and it may specially suggest matter for thought as -to the value of those pieces of Scottish history which one hardly -knows whether to call the writings of Turgot or Fordun, or of -any one else. I suspect that, if we simply read the story of Godwine -and Robert as it stands in Fordun, we should be inclined to -cast it aside altogether. The story undoubtedly has a legendary -air, and the details of the single combat are likely enough to have -received some legendary colouring even at the time. Some might -<a name="Page_616" id="Page_616"></a><span class="pageno">616</span> -even be a little startled at the appearance of Englishmen of knightly -rank at the court of William Rufus. But we see from Domesday -on the one hand, and from William of Malmesbury on the other, -that Godwine and Robert were real men, and we see that the -part which they play in Fordun’s story is exactly in accordance -with their real position.</p> - -<p>I have mentioned elsewhere (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 571; <abbr title="volume five page">vol. v. p.</abbr> -819) that there was a Godwine holding lands in Hertfordshire -of the Ætheling Eadgar. We also have in two places in William -of Malmesbury (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 251; <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 384) notices of “Robertus Anglus,” -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus filius Godwini miles audacissimus,”</span> who goes to the -crusade with the Ætheling, and who does the exploits which I -have spoken of in <a href="#Page_122"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 122</a>. Now if circumstantial evidence is -ever good for anything, one can hardly doubt that the Godwine -of Domesday is the same as the Godwine of William of Malmesbury -and as the Godwine of Fordun, and that the Robert son of -Godwine in Fordun is the same as the Robert son of Godwine in -William of Malmesbury. The three accounts are wholly independent, -but all bring Godwine and Robert into connexion with -Eadgar. It is almost inconceivable that Fordun’s story should -be mere invention, when it makes men of whom so little is -known act exactly in character with the little that is known of -them.</p> - -<p>In the account in Fordun (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 22, Surtees Simeon 263), Ordgar, -“Orgarus,” is described in the one text as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“miles degener Anglicus,”</span> -in the other as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“miles de genere Anglico,”</span> which is clearly -the better reading.</p> - -<p>The name of Ordgar appears only twice in Domesday. In -Oxfordshire, 161, Ordgar, a king’s thegn, holds two hides of the -worth of forty shillings. He had two slaves on his domain, and -half a carucate was held by two villains or churls. We then read, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Godwinus libere tenuit.”</span> This is pretty sure to be our Ordgar, -and it may very well be our Godwine, though we can say nothing -for certain about so common a name. If they are the same, here is -great likelihood, though no proof, that Godwine may have had -other ground for willingness to fight Ordgar, besides his loyalty -to the Ætheling. Ordgar, on the other hand, appears in Somerset, -93, as holding a hide which had passed to Robert of Courcelles, -and which, with a good deal more, was held by Anschitil. Ordgar -<a name="Page_617" id="Page_617"></a><span class="pageno">617</span> -was not the only Englishman who, among the endless forfeitures -and grants—​to say nothing of ordinary sales, bequests, and exchanges, -which went on <abbr title="Tempore Regis Willelmi">T. R. W.</abbr> as well as <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr>—​lost in one -part of England and gained in another.</p> - -<p>In Fordun’s story Eadgar is described as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“clito Eadgarus, <abbr title="videlicet">viz.</abbr> -genere gloriosus, nam sic ipsum nominabant.” “De genere gloriosus,”</span> -it will be marked, is a more literal translation of “Clito” -than it is of “Ætheling.” William is inclined to hearken to -Ordgar, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quia Eadgarus de regia stirpe fuerat progenitus, et -regno, jure Anglico, proximus.”</span> We then read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“nec incerta de -Eadgaro jam poterat esse sententia, si crimen impositum probari -potuisset.”</span> Eadgar is in great trouble for fear of not finding a -champion, when Godwine steps forward; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Miles de Wintonia, -Anglicus natione, genere non ignobilis, nomine Godwinus, veteris -parentelæ ipsius non immemor, opem se præstiturum in hac re tam -difficili compromisit.”</span></p> - -<p>The two knights now go forth, as I have described in the text, -and we have a significant comment on the lack of English patriotism -shown by Ordgar;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hinc etiam calumniatorem cum justa animadversione increpat, -qui Anglicus genere existens naturæ videretur impugnator, quem -enim ut dominum venerari debuerat, utpote de jure generis existens -cui se et omnia sua debuisset.”</p> - -<p>Then come the details of the combat. We hear no more of -Godwine after his victory and reward, which last is thus told; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Superati hostis terras et possessiones hereditario jure rex ei -concederet possidendas.” “Hereditario jure”</span> most likely simply -means, as usual, that the land was to go on to Godwine’s heirs. -It need not refer to the probable fact that part at least of Ordgar’s -lands had once belonged to Godwine.</p> - -<p>Robert first appears in Fordun, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 25, on the march to Scotland -(see <a href="#Page_119"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 119</a>). He is introduced as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quidam miles, Anglicus genere, -Robertus nomine, filius antedicti Godwini, paternæ probitatis imitator -et hæres.”</span> Then come his exploits and adventures in Britain, -as I have told them in the text. Afterwards must come his -crusading exploits as described by William of Malmesbury. In -the earlier of his two accounts (see <a href="#Page_122"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 122</a>) one might almost have -thought that King Baldwin had no companion except Robert. -The second passage, which gives them four other companions, has -<a name="Page_618" id="Page_618"></a><span class="pageno">618</span> -therefore the force of a correction; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex … quinque militibus -comitatus, in montana rependo, insidiantes elusit. Militum fuit -unus Robertus Anglus, ut superius dixi; cæteros notitiæ nostræ -fama tam longinqua occubuit. Ille cum tribus comprehensus -est; unus evasit cum rege.”</span> Another point which is worth notice -is that the period of the crusade at which Robert is brought in -exactly agrees with the story of his doings in Scotland and Northumberland. -A man who had difficulties with Flambard after he -became bishop in 1099 could not have been with the first crusaders -at Antioch and Jerusalem; he might have been quite in time to -help Baldwin at Rama.</p> - -<p class="p2">It would be worth the while of some Hertfordshire antiquary -to see whether anything can be made out as to the descent of -the lands held by Godwine, or as to any descendants of him and -Robert. But I saw a little time back a newly published history of -that county, which was eloquent about the grandmothers of various -obscure persons of our own time, but which had not a word to say -about the champion of Eadgar or the comrade of Baldwin.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_II" id="Note_II"></a>NOTE II. <a href="#Page_133"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 133.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Expedition of Magnus.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> expedition of Magnus, which, by leading him to the shores -of Anglesey, had a not unimportant bearing on English affairs, -is not spoken of at any great length by our own writers. The -Chronicler does not name the Norwegian king; but he does not -fail to mention the death of Earl Hugh of Shrewsbury, and, what -was practically its most important result, the succession of his -brother Robert. His words are; “And Hugo eorl wearð ofslagen -innan Anglesege fram ut wikingan and his broðer Rodbert wearð -his yrfenuma, swa swa he hit æt þam cynge ofeode.” Florence -is fuller;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eo tempore rex Norreganorum Magnus, filius regis Olavi, filii -regis Haroldi Harvagri, Orcadas et Mevanias insulas cum suo -adjecisset imperio, paucis navibus advectus illuc venit. At cum -ad terram rates appellere vellet comes Hugo de Scrobbesbyria, multis -<a name="Page_619" id="Page_619"></a><span class="pageno">619</span> -armatis militibus in ipsa maris ripa illi occurrit, et, ut fertur, mox -ab ipso rege sagitta percussus … interiit.”</p> - -<p>Florence, it will be seen, here makes the same confusion between -the names <em>Hardrada</em> and <em>Harfagra</em> which he made in 1066, and -which so many others made beside him. To the account in William -of Malmesbury, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 329, I have referred in <a href="#Page_134"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 134</a>. He alone it -is who mentions the presence of the younger Harold in the fleet -of Magnus. His words, which I quoted in <a href="#Page_124"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 124</a>, seem to come -from the same source as the account in Florence; but he gives the -story a different turn by distinctly making Magnus design an attack -on England;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Jam Angliam per Anglesiam obstinatus petebat; sed occurrerunt -ei comites, Hugo Cestrensis et Hugo Scrobesbiriensis; et -antequam continentem ingrederetur, armis eum expulerunt. Cecidit -ibi Hugo Scrobesbiriensis, eminus ferreo hastili perfossus.”</p> - -<p>Henry of Huntingdon would seem to translate the Chronicle; -but he makes a confusion as to the persons by whom Earl Hugh -was slain; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hugo consul Salopscyre occisus est ab Hibernensibus. -Cui successit Robertus de Belem frater ejus.”</span></p> - -<p>If we could suppose that the Archdeacon of Huntingdon had -paid so much attention to British affairs, we might fancy that -he confounded the fleet of Magnus with the wikings from Ireland -whom Cadwgan and Gruffydd hired a little time before. See <a href="#Page_128">p. -128</a>.</p> - -<p>The Welsh writers naturally tell the tale as part of their own -history. The Earls have come into Anglesey; then comes Magnus. -There are two different accounts in two manuscripts of the Annales -Cambriæ; that which the editor follows in the text runs thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Francis in insula morantibus, Magnus rex Germaniæ cum -exercitu venit in insulam volens. Sed ei nolenti Franci ei occurrentes -se invicem sagittis salutaverunt, hi de terra, illi de mari, -alter comes sagitta in facie percussus occubuit. Quo facto, Magnus -abivit.”</p> - -<p>The other manuscript reads;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Francis in insula morantibus, Magnus rex Germaniæ ad insulam -Mon venit et prœlium cum consulibus commisit; sed alter -consulum vulneratus in facie cecidit; alter vero cum majoribus -insulam dereliquit. Postea vero Magnus rex insulam Mon repente -reliquit.”</p> - -<p><a name="Page_620" id="Page_620"></a><span class="pageno">620</span> -The Brut says;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“The French entered the island, and killed some of the men -of the island. And whilst they tarried there, Magnus, King of -Germany, came, accompanied by some of his ships, as far as Mona, -hoping to be enabled to take possession of the countries of the -Britons. And when King Magnus had heard of the frequent -designs of the French to devastate the whole country, and to -reduce it to nothing, he hastened to attack them. And as they -were mutually shooting, the one party from the sea, and the other -party from the land, Earl Hugh was wounded in the face, by the -hand of the King himself. And then King Magnus, with sudden -determination, left the borders of the country.”</p> - -<p>It will be seen that both versions of the Annals call Magnus -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex Germaniæ.”</span> In the text of the Brut he is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Magnus brenhin -Germania.”</span> Another manuscript, worse informed as to his name, -better informed as to his kingdom, calls him <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Maurus brenhin -Norwei.”</span> This odd description of a Norwegian king as king of -Germany has been met with before in the Brut, 1056; but it -is not found in the Annals for that year. But it must have been -by a kindred flight that the annalist in 1066 called Harold Hardrada -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex Gothorum.”</span></p> - -<p class="p2">Our fuller accounts of the course of Magnus come from Orderic, -from the Manx Chronicle, and from the Saga of Magnus Barefoot -(Johnstone, 231; Laing, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 129). Orderic, as we have seen, looks -upon the expedition as being directly designed against Ireland. -The Norwegian writer mentions Ireland only quite incidentally. -Magnus plunders in Ireland, as everywhere else, on his way -to Man, but the object of the expedition is clearly marked -as being Man and the other islands which were so closely -connected with it, a connexion which is also most strongly set forth -in the pompous words of Orderic (767 D). We can have little -doubt in accepting the Manx writer’s version of the history of his -own island, rather than that of the Norwegian writer, to whom the -internal affairs of the island were of no great interest, or the wild -statement of Orderic (see <a href="#Page_141"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 141</a>) that Man was at this moment -a desert island. On the other hand, the Saga is the best authority -for the actual voyage of Magnus, though it is the Manx writer -who preserves the fact or legend of the irreverent dealings of -<a name="Page_621" id="Page_621"></a><span class="pageno">621</span> -Magnus towards his sainted kinsman. As to what happened in -Anglesey, I have already quoted the accounts of the English and -Welsh writers, and the Manx chronicler does not go into any -greater detail;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ad Moiniam insulam Walliæ navigavit, et duos Hugones -comites invenit in ea; unum occidit, alterum fugavit, et insulam -sibi subjugavit. Wallenses vero multa munera ei præbuerunt, et -valedicens eis ad Manniam remeavit.”</p> - -<p>The detailed accounts of the death of Earl Hugh come from the -Saga and from Orderic. Orderic, it must be remembered, is -writing on a subject of special interest to him, on account of his -close connexion from childhood with the house of Montgomery. -On the other hand, as we have seen (see <a href="#Page_143"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 143</a>), he does not well -understand the geography, and seems to fancy that Dwyganwy was -in Anglesey. But it will be at once seen that he conceives the -death of Earl Hugh in a quite different way from the author of -the Saga. In Orderic’s story, though there is a great deal of -preparation for fighting, there is no actual fighting at all, except -the one shot sent from the bow of the Norwegian King. His -version stands thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quadam vero die, dum supra littus indigenæ turbati discurrerent, -seque contra Nordicos, quos in navibus suis sævire contra -Anglos videbant, præpararent, Hugo comes, equum calcaribus -urgens, cœtus suos congregabat, et contra hostes, ne sparsim divisi -invaderentur, principali rigore coercebat. Interea barbarus Nordwigena, -ut comitem agiliter equitantem prospexit, instigante diabolo -stridulum missile subito direxit, egregiumque comitem, proh -dolor! percussit. Qui protinus corruit, et in fluctibus maris jam -æstuantis exspiravit. Unde dolor ingens exortus est.”</p> - -<p>This really seems hardly possible, and the Welsh account, as -well as the Norwegian, distinctly records fighting and shooting -of arrows on both sides. The Saga gives us the details, both in -prose and verse. The shooting of the King and the other archer -is described in prose as I have told it in <a href="#Page_144"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 144</a>, and both the -death of Earl Hugh and the general picture of the battle are -given in vigorous verse from the minstrelsy of Biorn Cripplehand -(<span lang="is" xml:lang="is">Biörn inn Krepphendi</span>). Besides the verses which Laing translates, -the Saga gives others from another poet, Gisl, who vigorously -describes the fight between the King and those whom he calls the -<a name="Page_622" id="Page_622"></a><span class="pageno">622</span> -<em>Welsh</em> Earls (Valsea Jarla), meaning doubtless rather Gal-Welsh -than Bret-Welsh;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Margan hŏfdo</div> -<div class="i0">Magnuss lidar</div> -<div class="i0">Biortom oddi</div> -<div class="i0">Baugvang skotit.</div> -<div class="i0">Vard hortoga</div> -<div class="i0">Hlif at springa</div> -<div class="i0">Kapps vel skiput</div> -<div class="i0">Fyrer konongs darri.</div> -<div class="i0">Bodkenner skaut</div> -<div class="i0">Badom hŏndum</div> -<div class="i0">Allr va hilmis</div> -<div class="i0">Herr prudliga</div> -<div class="i0">Stucku af almi</div> -<div class="i0">Þeims iŏfr sueigdi</div> -<div class="i0">Hvitmylingar</div> -<div class="i0">Adr Hugi felli.”</div> -</div> - -<p>The relations between Magnus and the Irish King Murtagh are -very puzzling. Orderic must have made some mistake when he -attributes the expedition of Magnus to a dispute with an Irish king -whose daughter he marries and sends back again (767 C, D). This -must surely be a confusion between Magnus himself and his son -Sigurd, who, according to the Saga, did marry the Irish king’s -daughter. But it is possible that Orderic’s story about the Irish -princess being sent back again, because her father did not fulfil -the marriage contract, may be true of Sigurd, though not of his -father. We should thus better understand the transactions which -go on a little later about the marriage of a daughter of Murtagh, -seemingly the same, to Arnulf son of Earl Roger (see <a href="#Page_442"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 442</a>). The -Manx writer has nothing to say about these marriages, but he -fills up the space between this expedition of Magnus and that -in which he fell with some very strange dealings between -Magnus and Murtagh. Magnus sends his shoes to the Irish -king, bidding him bear them on his shoulders in public as a sign -of subjection to their owner (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Murecardo regi Yberniæ misit calceamenta -sua, præcipiens ei ut ea super humeros suos in die natalis -Domini per medium domus suæ portaret in conspectu nunciorum -ejus, quatinus intelligeret se subjectum esse Magno regi”</span>). The -Irish are naturally angry; but their king takes matters more -quietly. He would willingly not only carry the shoes but eat -them, sooner than a single province of Ireland should be laid -waste. So he did as he was bid (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex, saniori consilio usus, -non solum, inquit, calceamenta ejus portare, verum etiam manducare -mallem, quam Magnus rex unam provinciam in Ybernia -destrueret. Itaque complevit præceptum et nuncios honoravit”</span>). -The Irish writers of course know nothing about the shoes; but -<a name="Page_623" id="Page_623"></a><span class="pageno">623</span> -the Chronicon Scotorum records a year’s peace made in 1098 -between Murtagh and Magnus (“Magnus ri Lochlainne”). The -Manx chronicler also goes on to say that a treaty followed the -ceremony of the shoes, but that the ambassadors of Magnus gave -such a report of the charms of Ireland, that he determined to -invade it again in breach of the treaty.</p> - -<p>This brings us to the date of the last expedition of Magnus. The -Chronicon Scotorum records the death of Magnus (“Magnus ri -Lochlainne ocus na Ninnsit”) in 1099 in an attack on Ulster. -But this date must be too early. The Norwegian account places -the second expedition of Magnus nine years after his accession in -Norway (Laing, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 143, Johnstone, 239). This would fix its date -to 1102. This is the date commonly given, with 1103, as the year -of his death. The Manx writer places the death of Magnus six -years after his first expedition (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regnavit in regno insularum sex -annis,”</span> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 7), which would put his death in 1104. But he gives -1102 as the date of his successor in the island kingdom, Olaf the -son of Godred Crouan (see <a href="#Page_137"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 137</a>). He was, it seems, at the English -court; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quo [Magno] mortuo, miserunt principes insularum -propter Olavum filium Godredi Crouan, de quo superius mentionem -fecimus, qui tunc temporis degebat in curia Henrici regis -Angliæ filii Willelmi, et adduxerunt eum.”</span></p> - -<p>The date of 1102 exactly falls in with the account of the attempt -of Robert of Bellême to obtain help from Magnus in that year (see -<a href="#Page_442"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 442</a>). For this I have followed the account in the Brut (1100; -that is 1102). But it would seem that the Welsh writer was mistaken -in saying that Magnus “sent over to Ireland, and demanded -the daughter of Murchath for his son; for that person was the -chiefest of the Gwyddelians; which he joyfully obtained; and he -set up that son to be king in the Isle of Man.” His death is recorded -in the next year, 1101 (1103), when “Magnus King of -Germany” (“Vagnus vrenhin Germania”) is made to invade Britain -and be killed by the Britons, who are said to have come “from the -mouths of the caves in multitudes like ants in pursuit of their spoils.” -Another manuscript for “Prydein” reads “Llẏchljẏn,” that is Denmark, -which does not make matters much better. The followers of -Magnus are called in the one manuscript “Albanians” (“yr Albanóyr”), -meaning doubtless Scots; in the other manuscript they -are men of Denmark (“gwyr Denmarc”). The Annales Cambriæ -<a name="Page_624" id="Page_624"></a><span class="pageno">624</span> -do not mention the dealings between Robert of Bellême and Magnus; -but there is an entry under 1103; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Magnus rex apud Dulin -[Dublin?] occiditur.”</span></p> - -<p>The death of Magnus in his second Irish expedition is told with -great detail in the Saga (Johnstone, 239–244; Laing, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 143–147). -Orderic also tells the story in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 812. The Irish, according to this -account, call in Arnulf of Montgomery to their help; but, when -Magnus is killed, the Irish try to kill Arnulf and his Norman companions. -Murtagh now takes away his daughter from Arnulf, and -marries her, according to the irregular fashion of the country, to a -kinsman (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ipsam petulantem cuidam consobrino suo illicite conjunxit”</span>). -But twenty years later, Arnulf, by that time an old -man, is reconciled to Murtagh, marries his daughter, and dies the -next day. This carries us beyond the range of my story, and I -must leave Irish, Norwegian, and Norman enquirers to see to it. -It concerns me more that it is now that Orderic mentions the great -treasure which Magnus had left with a rich citizen of Lincoln. -(See <a href="#Page_134"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 134</a>.) The Lincoln man seems to have thought that the -death of the Norwegian king gave his banker a right to his money; -but King Henry thought otherwise, and took the twenty thousand -pounds to his own hoard.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_KK" id="Note_KK"></a>NOTE KK. <abbr title="Volume two pages">Vol. ii. pp.</abbr> <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</p> - -<p class="center sc">The Relations between Hildebert and Helias.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">There</span> is a remarkable difference of tone between Orderic and -the Biographer of the Bishops of Le Mans in their way of -speaking of Helias. That the Count should be blamed for making -Bishop Howel a prisoner (see <a href="#Page_198"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 198</a>) is in no way wonderful; -the thing to be noticed is the way in which he several times -speaks of Helias during the episcopate of Hildebert; still more -remarkable is the way in which Hildebert speaks himself. Orderic -always puts the acts of Helias in the best light; the Biographer, -during certain parts of his story at least, seems well-pleased to -throw in any little insinuation against him. Perhaps the strangest -case of all is the way in which he leaves out all mention of the -double appointment to the see of Le Mans on the death of Howel -<a name="Page_625" id="Page_625"></a><span class="pageno">625</span> -(see <a href="#Page_211"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 211</a>), and of the action of Helias in that matter. One -would have thought that, even from an ecclesiastical point of -view, the story told more for Helias than against him. He put -forth a claim which any other prince of his time would have equally -put forward; he withdrew it in a way in which very few princes -of his time would have withdrawn it. But the Biographer (see -<a href="#Page_297"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 297</a>) lets us into the fact that there had been an opposition -to Hildebert’s election in the Chapter itself. Could his enemies -have been special partisans of Helias, and supporters of his -candidate? If so, it is rather strange, though quite possible, that -they should have been the accusers of Hildebert to Rufus, when -the charge brought against him was that of being a confederate -with Helias.</p> - -<p>The Biographer is quite loyal to Helias during the campaign of -1098. He brings out prominently (see <a href="#Page_213"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 213</a>, note) the cause of the -war, namely the election of Hildebert by the Chapter and his -acceptance by the Count, without any regard to the alleged claims -of the Norman Dukes. Helias was in fact fighting on behalf of -Hildebert. When Helias is taken prisoner, he raises a wail—“proh -dolor” (see above, <a href="#Page_223"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 223</a>)—which almost reminds us of -Florence’s wail over the death-wound of Harold. He brings out -strongly the Red King’s wrath against Hildebert, as shown in his -ravages at Coulaines (see <a href="#Page_234"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 234</a>). He brings out also, what -Orderic does not mention, the friendly relations between Hildebert -and Helias which are shown in the negotiations which led to -the Count’s release (see <a href="#Page_238"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 238</a>). We may perhaps infer that, during -this stage, the friendship between the Count and the Bishop -remained unbroken, and that the Biographer remains the Count’s -friend so long as the Bishop does.</p> - -<p>During the campaign of 1099 the Biographer’s tone becomes -quite different. He has not a word to say about the zeal of -the citizens of Le Mans on behalf of Helias, which comes out so -strongly in Orderic, and after him in Wace (see <a href="#Page_279"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 279</a>). He rather -implies that they fought against him. The enemies who meet him -at Pontlieue are <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“milites regis <em>cum populo</em>”</span> (see <a href="#Page_278"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 278</a>, note 2). -It is quite possible that, as the Normans had military possession of -the city, its levies may have been made, even against their will, to -take their place in the Norman ranks, and the presence of such -unwilling allies may have very likely helped to bring about the -<a name="Page_626" id="Page_626"></a><span class="pageno">626</span> -Norman defeat. Still the insertion of the words without any -comment or qualification gives the Biographer’s story a different -turn from that of Orderic. Yet the Biographer himself after -all allows that Helias entered Le Mans with the good-will of -the citizens, when he allows (see <a href="#Page_297"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 297</a>) the accusers of Hildebert -to say <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quando Helias comes <em>consentientibus civibus</em> civitatem -occupavit.”</span> He next leaves out the fact recorded by Orderic (see -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 297) that, before William Rufus had crossed the frontier, Hildebert -met him and was received to his peace, on affirming that -he had no share in the enterprise of Helias. There is nothing -wonderful in this. It is a case which often happens. The original -cause of a war is forgotten, and the fault of the original enemy is -forgiven, when a new enemy has given fresh offence. William was -so wroth at Helias for seizing Le Mans, that he forgot any quarrels -of earlier date. If Hildebert was clear on that score, William could -pass by all that had gone before. He was therefore at this -moment ready to forgive Hildebert in his wrath against Helias. -But the old enemies of Hildebert in the Chapter were ready, for the -sake of the old grudge, to turn against Helias. The chances are -that Hildebert had nothing to do with the return of Helias, but -that the towers of the cathedral were turned by Helias to military -uses. Hildebert most likely deemed—​and, as events proved, -more wisely than either the Count or the citizens—​that the enterprise -of Helias was rash, and therefore unjustifiable. This would -turn him, at least for the time, into an enemy of Helias, if not -into a partisan of Rufus. The Biographer takes up this tone. -It may be with a little feeling of spite that he records (see <a href="#Page_281"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 281</a>) -the way in which the loyalty of the citizens towards the Count not -unnaturally cooled after the fire. There is certainly such a feeling -in the passage (see <a href="#Page_287"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 287</a>) where he speaks of Helias as flying, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“saluti suæ consulens,”</span> while Orderic rather describes him as swept -away in a general flight. But this tone lasts only through the -year 1099. When Helias comes back in 1100, all seems to be made -up again; we now hear (Vet. An. 309, 311) of the “liberalitas” -of the “liberalis comes;” the Normans are “hostes” and Helias -brings back peace. That is to say, as the story shows, the Count -and the Bishop were again reconciled, and the Biographer follows -the lead of the Bishop.</p> - -<p>But we need not wonder at the tone of the Biographer, if we -<a name="Page_627" id="Page_627"></a><span class="pageno">627</span> -know the tone of the Bishop himself. In a letter printed in -Duchèsne’s French collection, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 247, Hildebert speaks of a space -of three years, “peractum triennium,” within which time Le Mans -has had six counts, all of them enemies to peace (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“tam modico -tempore sex in urbe sustinuimus consules, quorum nullus pacificum -prætendens ingressum, gladiis et igne curtam sibi vendicavit -potestatem.”</span> It is certainly very hard to reckon up six counts -in three years, seemingly the years 1096–1099. In twelve years -(1087–1099) not more than five counts—​William the Great, -Robert, Hugh, Helias, William Rufus—​can be made out, unless -Helias, with his two reigns, is reckoned twice over. Hildebert -then goes on;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Plebe coacta in favorem, tyrannum suscepit ex necessitate, non -ducem ex lege: in susceptum studia simulavit, non exhibuit. Fidem -reperit in ea, quia superior. Consul vero tanto gravius dominatus -est quanto brevius. Miles ejus simulatis usus injuriis, eos scelerum -judicavit expertes quos rerum. Et quia non parcit populis regnum -breve, finem rapinis inopia posuit, non voluntas.”</p> - -<p>This certainly reads most like a description of the reign of -Hugh; but in what follows we surely see the events of 1098 -and 1099;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ea clades usque ad sanctuarium Domini pervagata est, et primo -<em>quidquid extra muros nostræ fuerat potestatis</em>, vel evanuit in -favillas vel dissipatum est in rapinam. Deinde similibus cecidere -præjudiciis episcopales domus et ecclesiæ non paucæ. In reliquis -quibus ignis pepercit æque periclitata est et facultas pauperum et -reverentia sacerdotum. Omnia confracta sunt, omnia direpta, omnia -contaminata. Nihil eorum manus evasit qui gratis ad flagitium discurrunt, -ad honestum nec pretio.”</p> - -<p>To what does all this refer? It reads most like a description -of the Red King’s harryings at Coulaines in 1098 (see <a href="#Page_234"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 234</a>); but -no one is mentioned, whereas the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Anglicus”</span> and his -“tyrannis” are openly spoken of further on in the letter. And -it is strange, if in all this there is no reference to the fire of 1099. -Did Hildebert attribute the fire to Helias, and does that account -for any enmity towards him? Yet the version of the Biographer -as clearly makes the fire the work of the Normans as the version -of Orderic. Helias is not mentioned by name, nor is any recorded -act of his distinctly mentioned. The passage is obscure, most -<a name="Page_628" id="Page_628"></a><span class="pageno">628</span> -likely purposely obscure. It might be so construed as to attribute -all mischief to Helias; it might be so construed as not to lay -any particular act to his charge. But in any case Helias would -at least come under the general condemnation which is pronounced -upon all the counts of Maine, be they six or fewer. No friend of -Helias could have so spoken; and it is plain that, when Bishop -Hildebert wrote the letter, he was—​very naturally—​not a little -angry, if not with Helias in particular, yet at least with a class -of men among whom Helias must be reckoned.</p> - -<p>Of the rest of the letter I shall have to speak in another -Note.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_LL" id="Note_LL"></a>NOTE LL. <a href="#Page_238"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 238.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Surrender of Le Mans to William Rufus.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">It</span> is not very easy at first sight to reconcile our accounts of the -negotiations which led to the surrender of Le Mans in August 1098. -Yet there seems to be no direct contradiction of any moment. It -seems not impossible that the difference is merely one of those cases -where one writer gives prominence to some feature in the story -which another writer leaves out.</p> - -<p>According to all accounts, Le Mans was at this time in the -possession of Fulk of Anjou. Orderic (see <a href="#Page_237"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 237</a>) makes him -personally present in the city; the Biographer of the Bishops does -not say whether he was there or not. But in any case the city had -admitted his authority in May and had not yet thrown it off. Fulk -was therefore fully in a position to negotiate with William, while -Helias, who was a prisoner in William’s hands, was not strictly in a -position to negotiate with anybody. Yet the Biographer makes no -mention of Fulk as an actor or a party to the treaty, but only as -one of whose devices Helias was afraid. In his version Bishop -Hildebert and some of the chief men of Le Mans first, by the -King’s leave, visit the captive Count, and agree on terms with him; -then they draw up a treaty with the King according to those terms. -The tale runs thus (Vet. An. 306);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Helias timens ne Fulco comes proscriptioni ejus intenderet, -manduvit ad se episcopum et quosdam ex primoribus civitatis ex -<a name="Page_629" id="Page_629"></a><span class="pageno">629</span> -consensu regis, et cœpit agere cum eis, eosque suppliciter deprecari, -quatenus casibus illius condolentes, modis omnibus niterentur, -qualiter civitatem regi traderent, ipsumque a vinculis liberarent. -Timebat enim quod Fulco comes, regis deceptus muneribus, cum -eo pacem faceret, atque civitate tradita perpetuo damnaretur exsilio. -Episcopus autem et qui cum eo venerant, ejus angustias miserantes, -cum rege de ejus liberatione locuti, cum eo tale pactum fecerunt, ut -si eorum consilio atque ingenio sibi civitas traderetur, ipse Heliam -comitem quietum et liberum abire permitteret.”</p> - -<p>He adds, hurrying matters a little; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quod negotium industria -præsulis celerius quam sperabatur effectum, eodemque tempore et -regi civitas et consuli abeundi libertas reddita est.”</span></p> - -<p>Orderic, on the other hand (772 D), has a version in which there -is no mention of any dealings with Helias, but which makes William -and Fulk—​the latter, it would seem, under some pressure—​agree -on terms substantially the same as those stated in the other account. -His version runs thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Andegavenses autem cum Cenomannis consiliati sunt, et sese -Normannis in omnibus inferiores compererunt, unde colloquium -inter regem et consulem procuraverunt. Ibi tunc, auxiliante Deo, -necessaria pax inter eos facta est, et inde multis pro pluribus causis -utriusque populi gaudium ingens exortum est. Requisitum est et -concessum ut Helias comes et omnes qui capti fuerant ex utraque -parte redderentur, et Cenomannis et <em>omnia castra quæ Guillelmus -rex habuerat Rufo filio ejus subjugarentur</em>.”</p> - -<p>The joy of which Orderic speaks clearly did not extend to -Angers. The Chronicle of Saint Albinus (1098) puts things in -quite another light; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quam [Cenomanniam urbem] tribus mensibus -retentam, Cenomanensibus, more suo, sibi fraudantibus et a -se deficientibus, reddidit eam in amicitia præfato regi Anglorum, -qui ipsam urbem <em>magis pecunia quam viribus impugnabat</em> jamque -pene possidebat.”</span></p> - -<p>Here we have no mention of Helias or of any dealings with him, -nothing of any agreement between Fulk and William. The citizens -of Le Mans fall away from the Angevin Count and betray their -city to the King. And they fall away through the temptation -which the Red King knew well how to bring to bear upon his -other enemies, but of which there is no recorded instance in the -whole history of the war of Maine. See <a href="#Page_290"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 290</a>. -<a name="Page_630" id="Page_630"></a><span class="pageno">630</span></p> - -<p>The tone and effect of these stories is very different, and yet they -seem quite capable of being put together. It is simply that each -writer enlarges on the persons and things which he cares most -about. The Biographer of the Bishops of course enlarges on the -part taken by Hildebert; next to Hildebert, he has to tell of -Helias. A mission of Hildebert to Helias was a thing which he -could not leave out; the fact that the terms were settled between -his own Bishop and his own Count was more interesting to him -than the fact that those terms were put in the form of a formal treaty -between two foreign princes. He cannot leave out the Norman king, -but he can and does leave out the Angevin count. He speaks of -a treaty between William and Fulk as a thing which was likely to -happen; he leaves out the fact that it actually did happen. The -Angevin Chronicler is angry at the loss of Le Mans, and is glad -to speak of its loss as due altogether to Cenomannian treason -or fickleness. Orderic alone, who is, more strictly than either of -the others, telling the history of the campaign, and who is less -influenced by local passion one way or another, brings out the diplomatic -fact that the treaty was formally agreed to in a meeting -between King William and Count Fulk. It must have taken the -shape of an agreement of some kind between them, unless Fulk and -his troops had been driven out of Le Mans by force. But this -in no way shuts out the possibility of the dealings between Hildebert -and Helias which are described by the Biographer. The state -of things would seem to be this. The people of Le Mans, tired of -Fulk, unable to have Helias, think that the best thing is to submit -to William, but on terms which will secure at least the personal -freedom of their native prince. Hildebert and his companions are -allowed by William to confer with Helias. The results of the conference -are put into the shape of a treaty between William and Fulk. -Fulk is in no condition to resist William and the Cenomannian people -together; he therefore accepts the treaty, doubtless against his will. -Thus the accounts of Orderic and the Biographer seem simply to -fill up gaps in one another. The Angevin chronicler simply gives -a short and snarling summary of the actual result.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"><a name="Page_631" id="Page_631"></a><span class="pageno">631</span> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_MM" id="Note_MM"></a>NOTE MM. <a href="#Page_239"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 239.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Fortresses of Le Mans.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">A great</span> deal about the walls and the castle of Le Mans, as well -as about several other points in the county of Maine, will be found -in <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> Hucher’s book, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Études sur l’Histoire et les Monuments du -Département de la Sarthe</cite> (Le Mans and Paris, 1856). <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> Hucher -however hardly carries his researches beyond the city itself; so that, -while his remarks and the documents which he quotes tell us much -about the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regia turris,”</span> the castle close to the cathedral, he has -but little to tell us about the fortress of Mont-Barbé, which is for -our purpose of at least equal interest.</p> - -<p>I have quoted elsewhere (<abbr title="Norman Conquest three">N. C. iii.</abbr> 207) some of the passages -which record the building of at least two castles by the Conqueror, -the royal tower and that of Mont-Barbé. In the extract from -William of Jumièges for “<em>p</em>onte Barbato” we must read “<em>m</em>onte.” -Benoît, oddly enough, knew the name of Mont-Barbé, but did not -know that of the royal tower (35735);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Por ce i ferma deus chasteaus</div> -<div class="i0">Hauz, defensables, forz e beaus;</div> -<div class="i0">Li uns en out non Monbarbé:</div> -<div class="i0">Mais que issi fu apelé</div> -<div class="i0">Ne sai retraire ne ne truis.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Wace, on the other hand (15014), in his wild chronology of all -Cenomannian matters, makes William Rufus build this castle in -the expedition of 1099;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li Reis vint el Mans fièrement,</div> -<div class="i0">Son hostel prist vers Saint Vincent.</div> -<div class="i0">Por grever cels de la cité</div> -<div class="i0">Fist la mote devant Barbé.”</div> -</div> - -<p>But this story, though utterly out of its place, may possibly preserve -a fact. The royal tower was undoubtedly built by the Conqueror after -he had taken Le Mans in 1063 in order to secure the possession of the -city. But Mont Barbé looks rather like one of the besieging castles -made in order to get possession. Nothing is now left but the mound. -William may conceivably have found this mound ready made. If -not, his building of 1063 must have been of wood, though it may -very likely have had a stone successor. The mound, not far from -Saint Vincent’s abbey, stands in a private garden, and the visitor -to Le Mans, unless he has local guidance, may very likely fail to -<a name="Page_632" id="Page_632"></a><span class="pageno">632</span> -find it. I missed it at my first visit in 1868, which must be my -excuse for the rather vague language in the third volume of the -Norman Conquest. I saw it for the first time in 1876, through -the kindness of <abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> Henri Chardon, and again in 1879 with Mr. -Parker and Mr. Fowler.</p> - -<p>The question remains, Was there a Mons <em>Barbatulus</em> as well as -a Mons <em>Barbatus</em>? The passages quoted from Orderic and William -of Jumièges (<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 207) seem to imply it; only the odd -thing is that the words of William of Jumièges seem to leave out -the royal tower, and to speak of <em>Barbatus</em> and <em>Barbatulus</em> only. -And one might take the words of Wace, “La mote <em>devant</em> Barbé,” -to mean <em>Barbatulus</em> rather than <em>Barbatus</em>; only it would be hard -to find another <em>mota</em>. <em>Barbatulus</em> is conjecturally, but with every -likelihood, placed on the site of the present Lyceum, between -<em>Barbatus</em> and the city.</p> - -<p>The royal tower was built just outside the Roman wall, two of -whose bastions, known as <span class="title" lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Tour Margot</span>—after Margaret, the -promised bride of Robert?—and <span class="title">La Tour du Cavalier</span>, were taken -into its precinct. All these must be distinguished from the palace -of the Counts (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 205) which stands on the Roman -wall, almost in a line with the east end of the cathedral. It contains -a window of the twelfth century, of great width, a feature -characteristic of Le Mans. In this palace was the <em lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">sainte chapelle</em> -of the Counts.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_NN" id="Note_NN"></a>NOTE NN. <a href="#Page_240"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 240.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Dates of the Building of Le Mans Cathedral.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I have</span> more than once, in the History of the Norman Conquest, -had to speak of the dates of the various parts of the church of Saint -Julian at Le Mans. The subject is so closely connected with so -many names which appear in our story that an inquiry of this kind -can hardly be thought out of place. My later visits to Le Mans -have enabled me to examine and consider several points again; and -I am now inclined to think that there is very little, if anything, -standing in the present church of an earlier date than William the -Conqueror’s first taking of Le Mans in 1063. I have got some -<a name="Page_633" id="Page_633"></a><span class="pageno">633</span> -help from a local book, called <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Recherches sur la Cathédrale du -Mans. Par L’Abbé….”</span> (Le Mans, 1872); but its architectural -criticism is not of a high order. Another local book, <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“L’Ancien -Chapitre Cathédral du Mans, par Armand Bellée, Archiviste de la -Sarthe”</span> (Le Mans, 1875), is a very thorough piece of capitular -history, but it throws little light on the architecture.</p> - -<p>The earliest church of which we have any certain account was a -basilica of the ninth century. Saint Aldric, bishop from 832 -to 856, rebuilt the cathedral church, of which he consecrated the -eastern part in 834 and the rest in 835. I have for these dates to -trust the author of the <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Recherches sur la Cathédrale du Mans,”</span> -who quotes from a manuscript life of Aldric in the library at -Le Mans. (I have seen the volume, and I could wish that it -was in print.) The time allowed for the building is wonderfully -short; but Aldric, if he did all that is attributed to him by -the Biographer of the Bishops (Vet. An. 276), must have been -a man of wonderful energy. There is nothing said directly of -his works at Saint Julian’s; but they might almost be taken for -granted when we hear of the many churches which he built and -restored (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ædificia quæ prædictus pontifex multipliciter a novo -operatus est, et ecclesias sive nonnulla monasteria quæ a novo -fundavit atque perficere et ornare studuit, necnon et restaurationes -aliorum monasteriorum et ceterarum ecclesiarum,”</span> <abbr title="et cetera et cetera et cetera">&c. &c. &c</abbr>). In -the days of the next Bishop Robert (856–885) Le Mans was sacked -by the Northmen and the church burned. We are of course met -by the usual difficulty as to the amount of destruction which is -implied in words of this kind; but it naturally led to a restoration, -and to a new dedication, on which last point however it seems to -have been thought needful to consult the Pope (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Matrem ecclesiam, -a paganis incensam, diligenti studio renovavit, et ex consilio Romani -antistitis jam denuo celeberrime consecravit;”</span> 287*). We hear -again (296*) of a dedication under Bishop Mainard (940–960); but -not of any rebuilding, just as in some of the intermediate episcopates -(Vet. An. 288* <abbr title="et sequentia">et seqq.</abbr>) we hear a good deal about havoc and -desecration, but nothing about actual destruction. The church of -Aldric, allowing for the restorations of Robert and any later repairs, -seems plainly to have stood till the days of Vulgrin (1055–1067), -the earliest Bishop of Le Mans who has even an indirect share -in the building of the present church. No work of his, unless -<a name="Page_634" id="Page_634"></a><span class="pageno">634</span> -possibly the merest fragments, seems to be now standing; but he -was the beginner of a great work of rebuilding which gave us what -we now see.</p> - -<p>In the Life of Vulgrin (Vet. An. 312*) we are simply told that -in 1060 he began the foundations of a new church on a greater -scale (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quinto ordinationis suæ anno fundamenta matris ecclesiæ -ampliora quam fuerant, inchoavit, sed morte inopina superveniente -perficere non potuit”</span>). His foundations were badly laid and his -work was unskilful; so that, while attempts were making under his -successor Arnold (1067–1082) to prop it up, it fell down. Arnold -accordingly destroyed the whole work of Vulgrin, and began again -from a new foundation. The extent of his work is clearly marked. -He finished the eastern limb, as far as its walls and outer roof were -concerned; its internal adornments he left for his successor. Of -the transepts with their towers he merely laid the foundations;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fabrica novæ ecclesiæ quam præsul Vulgrinus inchoaverat, -fundamentorum mobilitate atque lapidum debilitate corrupta, innumera -crepidine ruinam suam cœpit terribiliter minitari; quam -dum artifices fulcire conantur, repentino fragore nocturno tempore -collapsa est…. Inde … episcopus totam cœpti operis fabricam -usque ad ima fundamenta destruens, denuo ipsam ecclesiam -fundamento firmiori et solidiori lapide construere cœpit, et parti -superiori quæ vulgo cancellum nominatur etiam tectum imposuit, -membrorum quoque quæ cruces vocantur atque turrium solidissima -fundamenta antequam moreretur instituens” (313*).</p> - -<p>That he added only the outer roof is plain from what we read of -his successor Howel (Vet. An. 289). As Howel adorned the “cancellum” -with a pavement and stained glass windows, he also added -a painted ceiling;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cancellum quod ejus antecessor construxerat pavimento decoravit -et cœlo, vitreas quoque per ipsum cancellum, per quod cruces -circum quoque laudabili sed sumptuosa nimium artis varietate -disponens.”</p> - -<p>So again, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 299;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cœpit … superiores partes ejusdem basilicæ diligenti sollicitudine -laborare, oratorium scilicet quod chorum vocitant sedemque -pontificalem, altaria congrua dimensione disponere, pavimenta substernere, -columnas ac laquearia gratissima varietate depingere, -parietes per circuitum dealbare.”</p> - -<p><a name="Page_635" id="Page_635"></a><span class="pageno">635</span> -Howel also finished the transepts and towers of which Arnold -had merely laid the foundations (Vet. An. 289);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fabricam novæ ecclesiæ … tanto studio aggressus est consummare -ut cruces atque turres, quarum antecessor ipsius … jecerat -fundamenta brevi tempore ad effectum perduxit.”</p> - -<p>We see then what the work of Vulgrin and Arnold was. It -touched the eastern part only; Aldric’s nave was left alone. The -original church was a basilica, most likely with three apses, but -without transepts. The new design was to rebuild the eastern -part on a greater scale with transepts, transept towers (like Geneva -and Exeter), and a choir ending in an apse with a surrounding -aisle and chapels—​as is shown by the mention of many altars. The -arrangement was that of the two other great churches of Le Mans, -<span class="title">La Couture</span> and Saint Julian in the Meadow, with the single exception -of the towers, which do not appear in either of those churches. -Arnold built the choir, and began the transepts and towers; Howel -adorned the choir and finished the transepts and towers. There is -nothing to imply that either of them touched the nave. The arcades -of Aldric’s basilica were therefore still standing when William the -Great came in 1063 and again in 1073. The work of Vulgrin in -the eastern part was doubtless going on at the earlier of those -two dates, and that of Arnold at the later.</p> - -<p>It must be plain to every one who has seen the building that -the work of these bishops in the eastern part of the church has -given way to the later choir and transepts. The choir was built -between 1218 and 1254, and its great extension to the east involved, -as at Lincoln, the destruction of part of the Roman wall. -The transepts were built at several times from 1303 to 1424. -They are among the very noblest works of the architecture of those -centuries; but we may be allowed to rejoice that, as the works -of Vulgrin and Arnold left Aldric’s nave standing, so the great -works of the thirteenth century and later have left the nave which -succeeded that of Aldric. With all its artistic loveliness, the -work of the later day cannot share the historic interest of the -works of the times of William and Howel, of Helias and Hildebert.</p> - -<p>In the present nave it is plain at the first glance that there are -two dates of Romanesque; a further examination may perhaps lead -to the belief that there are more than two. It is easy to see outside -that the aisles and the clerestory are of different dates. The -<a name="Page_636" id="Page_636"></a><span class="pageno">636</span> -masonry of the aisles is of that Roman type which, in places like -Le Mans, where Roman models were abundant, remained in use -far into the middle ages, and which in some places can hardly be -said to have ever gone out of use at all. The masonry of the clerestory -is ashlar. The difference is equally clear between the plain -single windows of the aisles and the highly finished coupled windows -of the clerestory. Inside, the eye soon sees that the design has -undergone a singular change. Without the pulling down of any -part, the church put on a new character. Columns supporting -round arches after the manner of a basilica were changed into a -series of alternate columns and square piers supporting obtusely -pointed arches. Each pair of arches therefore forms a couplet, and -answers to a single bay of the pointed vaulting and a single pair of -windows in the clerestory. The object clearly was to give the -building as nearly the air of an Angevin nave, like that of La -Couture (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 619), as could be given where there -were real piers and arches. Now this reconstruction, one which -brings in the pointed arch, cannot possibly be earlier than the -episcopate of William of Passavant, Bishop from 1143 to 1187. -He was a great builder; he translated the body of Saint Julian -(Vet. An. 366); he celebrated a dedication of the church (Ib. 370), -which my local book fixes, seemingly from manuscripts, to 1158, a -date a little early perhaps for such advanced work, but not impossible. -To William of Passavant then we must attribute the recasting -of the nave, and whatever else seems to be of the same date. -To this last head belongs the great south porch, and, I should be -inclined to add, the lower part of the southern, the only remaining, -tower, though some assign it to Hildebert. The question now -comes, What was the nave which William of Passavant recast in -this fashion, and whose work was it?</p> - -<p>We have seen that we cannot attribute any work in the nave to -any prelate earlier than Howel. He must have found the nave -of the ninth century still standing. Did he do anything in that -part of the church? He performed a ceremony of dedication in -1093 (Vet. An. 300); but that would be fully accounted for by -his works in the eastern part. On the other hand, Hildebert -celebrated in 1120 (Vet. An. 320) a specially solemn dedication, -and the words used seem to imply that the church was now -complete in all its parts. The words of Orderic (531 D) seem -<a name="Page_637" id="Page_637"></a><span class="pageno">637</span> -express. Howel began to build the church (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“episcopalem basilicam -… condere cœpit”</span>); Hildebert finished it (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“basilicam -episcopii quam prædecessor ejus inchoaverat, consummavit, et -cum ingenti populorum tripudio veneranter dedicavit”</span>). It is -doubtless not strictly true that Howel began the church, words -which shut out the work of Vulgrin and Arnold; but the time -when Orderic wrote makes him a better authority for Hildebert’s -finishing than for Howel’s beginning, and the expression -might easily be used if Howel began that particular work, namely -the nave, which Hildebert finished. I do not think that we need -infer from certain expressions of the Biographer that Hildebert left -the nave, or any essential part of the building, unfinished. He -says indeed (Vet. An. 320);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hildebertus opus ecclesiæ, quod per longa tempora protractum -fuerat, suo tempore insistens consummare, dedicationem ultra quam -res exposcebat accelerans, multa inibi necessaria inexpleta præteriit.”</p> - -<p>Comparing this with the words of Orderic, this surely need not -mean more than that, though the fabric was perfect, yet much of -the ornamental work was left unfinished. Hildebert, in short, left -the nave much as Arnold left the choir. At least the nave was -in this case when he dedicated the church. For he had time -after the dedication to make good anything that was imperfect.</p> - -<p>We should then infer from Orderic that the nave which William -of Passavant recast was begun by Howel and finished by Hildebert. -This may give us the key to a passage in the Biographer on which -we might otherwise be inclined to put another meaning. After -describing Howel’s building of the transepts in the words quoted -above in <a href="#Page_635"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 635</a>, he goes on (289);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eisque [crucibus] celeriter culmen imponens, exteriores etiam -parietes, quos alas vocant, per circuitum consummavit.”</p> - -<p>One might have been tempted to take this of transept aisles; -but, weighing one thing with another, it seems to be best understood -as meaning that Howel rebuilt the whole of the outer walls -of the nave and its aisles. This would give to him the whole -extent of the <em>quasi</em>-Roman work of the aisles, together with the -great western doorway. The interior work of the aisles seems also -to agree with his date. We must therefore suppose that Howel -rebuilt the nave aisles only, still leaving the arches of Aldric’s -basilica. Then Hildebert rebuilt or thoroughly restored the nave -<a name="Page_638" id="Page_638"></a><span class="pageno">638</span> -itself, with the columns and arches and whatever they carried in -the way of triforium and clerestory. We may therefore suppose -that the existing columns, as distinguished from the square piers, -are his work, though the splendid capitals of many of them must -have been added or carved out of the block in the recasting by -William of Passavant.</p> - -<p>There is however one fragment of the nave arcades which is older -than Hildebert, very likely older than Howel. This is to be seen in -the first pier from the east. I need not say that the eastern bay of -a nave often belongs to an older work than the rest, being in truth -part of the eastern limb continued so far—​perhaps for constructive -reasons, to act as a buttress—​perhaps for ritual reasons, to mark the -ritual choir—​very often for both reasons combined. One of the best -examples is that small part of the nave of Durham abbey which -belongs to the work of William of Saint-Calais (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. -p.</abbr> 631). At this point then in the nave of Le Mans, we find half -columns with capitals and bases of a strangely rude kind, more like -Primitive Romanesque (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 613, 618, 628) than -anything either Norman or Angevin. These are assuredly not the -work of Hildebert. There is one argument for assigning them to -Howel, namely that something of the same kind is to be found in -the remains of the northern tower of which I shall speak in another -Note (see below, <a href="#Note_RR">Note RR</a>). But if any one holds them to be the -work of Arnold or of Vulgrin, or even looks on them as a surviving -fragment of the basilica of the days of Lewis the Pious, I shall not -dispute against him.</p> - -<p>I must add however that, between Hildebert and William of -Passavant, we have, according to the use of Le Mans, to account -for two fires—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“solita civitatis incendia,”</span> as the Biographer (Vet. -An. 349) calls them—​and their consequences. In 1134 there was a -fire which, according to the Biographer (350), was more fearful than -any which had ever happened at Le Mans since the city was built, -not even excepting the great one of 1098. Everything perished. -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tota Cenomannensis civitas cum omnibus ecclesiis quæ intra -muros continebantur, evanuit in favillas.”</span> We read of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“matris -ecclesiæ destructio”</span> and “combustio,” all the more lamentable -because of its beauty—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ipsa enim tam venustate sui quam claritate -tunc temporis vicinis et remotis excellebat ecclesiis.”</span> So -Orderic (899 B); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tunc Cenomannis episcopalis basilica, quæ</span> -<a name="Page_639" id="Page_639"></a><span class="pageno">639</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">pulcherrima erat, concremata est.”</span> The then Bishop, Guy of -Étampes (1126–1136), spent two hundred pounds in trying to -repair the damage; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ad cujus restaurationem <abbr title="200">cc.</abbr> libras Cenomannenses -dedit, sine mora contulit, et omnibus modis desudavit -quomodo ipsa ad perpetuitatem decenter potuisset restaurari.”</span> -Under the next Bishop, Hugh of Saint-Calais (1146–1153), there -was another fire, the account of which is very curious (Vet. An. -349);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ignis circa meridiem a vico sancti Vincentii prosiliens, sibi -opposita usque ad muros civitatis et domos episcopales, tegmenque -sacelli beati Juliani adhuc stramineum, cum fenestris vitreis concremavit -et macerias, et in summis imagines sculptas lapidibus -deturbavit.”</p> - -<p>The people break open the shrine of Saint Julian in order to -save his body, which they carry to the place where the Bishop was. -The Bishop seems to have repaired the episcopal buildings before -he touched the church, and the details have some interest in the -history of domestic architecture (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“domum petrinam ex parte sancti -Audoëni positam, decenti solariorum interpositu numerosas fenestras -habentium cum sua camera continuavit”</span>). Presently we read;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Beatissimum patrem nostrum Julianum ipso die a lignea -basilica in occidentali membro ecclesiæ intra macerias facta, post -incendium in qua fere triennio requieverat, in redivivam sollenniter, -clero cantibus insultante, populo congaudente, transtulerunt -ecclesiam.”</p> - -<p>We do not hear of any more building, but there is a long list -(Vet. An. 354) of the ornaments which Bishop Hugh gave to the -Church.</p> - -<p>Some of the expressions used in these passages are very odd. -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sacellum beati Juliani”</span> is a strange phrase for the cathedral -church, and yet the thatched roof and the glass windows must -be spoken of a building and not of a mere shrine. It is Saint -Julian’s church itself whose roof and windows are spoken of. But -the phrase <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“lignea basilica,”</span> which makes one think of Glastonbury, -must not lead us to think that any wooden church of early days -was then standing at Le Mans. The whole story seems quite -intelligible, without supposing any really architectural work between -Hildebert and William of Passavant. The language of the Biographer -in describing the fire of 1134 is, as so often happens, very -<a name="Page_640" id="Page_640"></a><span class="pageno">640</span> -much exaggerated. His own account shows that the walls of the -church were left standing. It looks on the whole as if the roof -was destroyed in 1134. It was hastily repaired with thatch. It -was burned again, and the clerestory (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“fenestræ vitreæ”</span>) with it, -at the next fire in 1146–1153. The whole church perhaps remained -for a while unfit for divine service. Then some wooden structure -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“lignea basilica”</span>) was raised within the walls of the nave (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in -occidentali membro ecclesiæ intra macerias facta”</span>). Meanwhile -Bishop Hugh repaired the choir (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rediviva ecclesia”</span>), seemingly -doing nothing to the nave. Bishop William, finding things in this -state, rebuilt the clerestory and vaulted it Angevin fashion. So -to do required that every alternate column of the nave should -be built up into a square pier. This again required a change in -the line of the arches, and, according to the fashion just coming -in, they were made obtusely pointed. If any one thinks that the -superb foliage of the nave capitals must be later than 1158, he -may hold that they were cut out afterwards, or he may even -hold that Bishop William’s dedication in that year belongs only to -the eastern parts—​where something was clearly done in his time -or thereabouts—​and that the whole recasting of the nave came -later in his long episcopate.</p> - -<p class="p2">I am not writing an architectural history of the church of Saint -Julian, and I have perhaps, as it is, gone more into detail than -my subject called for. I think that any one who has been at -Le Mans will forgive me. But there are many architectural points -in this wonderful church on which I have not entered. There -is much also in the other two minsters of Le Mans which throws -much light on the work at Saint Julian’s. I have merely tried -in a general way to assign to their most probable dates and -founders the different parts of a church which so often meets us -in our present history.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_OO" id="Note_OO"></a>NOTE OO. <a href="#Page_242"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 242.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Interview between William Rufus and Helias.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">We</span> have two chief accounts of this remarkable interview, one -in Orderic, 773 B, the other in William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 320. -<a name="Page_641" id="Page_641"></a><span class="pageno">641</span> -As with some of the other anecdotes of William Rufus, Orderic -tells the story in its place as part of his regular narrative, while William -of Malmesbury brings it in, along with the story of his crossing -to Touques, as a mere anecdote, to illustrate the King’s <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“præclara -magnanimitas.”</span> And he tells the tale very distinctly out of its -place, for he puts it after the voyage to Touques, that is in the -campaign of 1099, whereas it is clear that it happened during the -campaign of 1098. One’s feelings are a little shocked when he -speaks of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“auctor turbarum, Helias <em>quidam</em>,”</span> which reminds one -of the meeting between the Count’s earlier namesake and another -tyrant (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“venit Achab in occursum Eliæ. Et cum vidisset eum, ait; -Tune es ille, qui conturbas Israël?”</span> 3 <abbr title="Kings eighteen">Regg. xviii.</abbr> 16). To be sure -he does afterwards speak of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“alta nobilitas”</span> of the Count -of Maine.</p> - -<p>There is a good deal of difference in the details of the dialogue -in the two accounts. That in William of Malmesbury is much -shorter, and consists wholly of an exchange of short and sharp -sayings between the speakers, which are certainly very characteristic -of William Rufus. There is nothing in this version of the offer -of Helias to enter the King’s service, or of the counsel given by -Robert of Meulan. In Orderic’s version Helias speaks first, with -the offer of service, beginning <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex inclute, mihi, quæso, subveni -pro tua insigni strenuitate;”</span> and we read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Liberalis rex hoc -facile annuere decrevit, sed Rodbertus Mellenticus comes pro felle -livoris dissuasit.”</span> Then, after speeches on both sides which are -not given, comes the defiance of Helias, in these words;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Libenter, domine rex, tibi servirem, si tibi placeret, gratiamque -apud te invenirem. Amodo mihi, quæso, noli derogare, si aliud -conabor perpetrare. Patienter ferre nequeo quod meam mihi -ablatam hæreditatem perspicio. Ex violentia prævalente omnis -mihi denegatur rectitudo. Quamobrem nemo miretur si calumniam -fecero, si avitum honorem totis nisibus repetiero.”</p> - -<p>All this is represented in William of Malmesbury by two -sentences;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cui [Heliæ] ante se adducto rex ludibundus, ‘Habeo te, -magister,’ dixit. At vero illius alta nobilitas quæ nesciret in tanto -etiam periculo humilia sapere, humilia loqui; ‘Fortuitu,’ inquit, -‘me cepisti; sed si possem evadere, novi quid facerem.’”</p> - -<p>This is very characteristic of Rufus; is it equally so of Helias? -<a name="Page_642" id="Page_642"></a><span class="pageno">642</span> -Surely the two speeches given to him by Orderic—​allowing for a -little improvement in the process of turning them into Latin—​much -better suit his character and position. And we can hardly fancy -that Helias’ offer to enter William’s service, the King’s inclination -to accept it, and the evil counsel given by Robert of Meulan—​all -likewise thoroughly characteristic—​are all mere invention.</p> - -<p>The last speech of Rufus is much fuller in William of Malmesbury -than in Orderic. Orderic simply says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cui turgidus rex -ait, ‘Vade, et age quidquid mihi potes agere.’”</span> In the other version -this becomes;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tum Willelmus, præ furore extra se positus, et obuncans -Heliam, ‘Tu,’ inquit, ‘nebulo, tu, quid faceres? Discede, abi, fuge; -concedo tibi ut facias quidquid poteris; et, per vultum de Luca, -nihil, si me viceris, pro hac venia tecum paciscar.’”</p> - -<p>He adds, without any mention of a regular safe-conduct,</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nec inferius factum verbo fuit, sed continuo dimisit evadere, -miratus potius quam insectatus fugientem.”</p> - -<p class="p2">I have in the text followed the version of Orderic, venturing -only to add the eminently characteristic words with which William -of Malmesbury begins and ends. They in no way disturb the -main dialogue as given by Orderic. But I must add that William -of Malmesbury warns us against supposing that William Rufus, -either in this speech or in his speech on the voyage to Touques, -knowingly quoted Lucan. His words are curious;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quis talia de illiterato homine crederet? Et fortassis erit -aliquis qui, Lucanum legens, falso opinetur Willelmum hæc -exempla de Julio Cæsare mutuatum esse: sed non erat ei tantum -studii vel otii ut literas unquam audiret; immo calor mentis -ingenitus, et conscia virtus, eum talia exprimere cogebant. Et -profecto, si Christianitas nostra pateretur, sicut olim anima Euforbii -transisse dicta est in Pythagoram Samium, ita possit dici quod -anima Julii Cæsaris transierit in regem Willelmum.”</p> - -<p>That is to say, Cæsar and William Rufus, being the same kind of -men, uttered the same kind of words. The passage of Lucan referred -to is where Domitius (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 512) is brought before Cæsar at Corfinium;</p> - -<div class="poem" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> -<div class="i0a">“Vive, licet nolis, et nostro munere, dixit,</div> -<div class="i0">Cerne diem, victis jam spes bona partibus esto,</div> -<div class="i0">Exemplumque mei: vel, si libet, arma retenta,</div> -<div class="i0">Et nihil hac venia, si viceris ipse, paciscor.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p class="unindent"><a name="Page_643" id="Page_643"></a><span class="pageno">643</span> -That William Rufus should quote Lucan, as his brother Henry -could most likely have done, was so very unlikely that William of -Malmesbury need hardly have warned us against such a belief. -At the same time it does not seem impossible that he might have -heard of Cæsar without having read Lucan. But we must -remember that whatever William Rufus said was said in French, -and not in Latin. Without supposing either that Rufus had -read Lucan or that the soul of Cæsar had passed into his body, -we may believe that William of Malmesbury or his informant -could not resist the temptation of translating his speech into the -words of a really appropriate passage of a favourite author; then, -when he had done this, the singular apology which I have quoted -might seem needful.</p> - -<p class="p2">It must be remembered that William of Malmesbury puts this -story altogether out of place. It is put yet further out of its place -by Wace (15106), who makes the capture of Helias follow the -siege of Mayet (see <a href="#Page_289"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 289</a>). His version brings in some new details. -Helias, having been taken prisoner, makes (15120) a boastful speech -to his keepers, swearing by the patron saint of his city that, if he -had not fallen by chance into an ambuscade, he would soon have -driven the King of England out of all his lands beyond the sea -(15120);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Mais or vos dirai une rien:</div> -<div class="i0">Par monseignor Saint-Julien,</div> -<div class="i0">Se jo ne fusse si tost pris,</div> -<div class="i0">Mult éust poi en cest païs.</div> -<div class="i0">El rei eusse fait tant guerre,</div> -<div class="i0">Ke dechà la mer d’Engleterre</div> -<div class="i0">Plein pié de terre n’en éust,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne tur ne chastel ki suen feust;</div> -<div class="i0">Maiz altrement est avenu,</div> -<div class="i0">Il a cunquis è jo perdu.”</div> -</div> - -<p>When this is told to the King, he causes Helias to be brought -before him; he gives him a horse, and bids him mount and ride -whither he will; only he had better take care that he is not caught -again, as he will not be let out of prison a second time;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Dunc le fist li reis amener,</div> -<div class="i0">E des buies le fist oster,</div> -<div class="i0">Son palefrei fist demander</div> -<div class="i0">E mult richement enseler;</div> -<div class="i0">El conte dit: Dans quens, muntez</div> -<div class="i0">Alez kel part ke vos volez,</div> -<div class="i0">Fetes al mielx ke vos porrez,</div> -<div class="i0">Maiz altre feiz mielx vos gardez;</div> -<div class="i0">Kar se jo vos prene altre feiz,</div> -<div class="i0">Jamez de ma prison n’iestreiz.</div> -<div class="i0">Ne voil mie ke vos kuideiz</div> -<div class="i0">Ke de guerre sorpris seiz,</div> -<div class="i0">Mais vos n’ireiz jà nule part,</div> -<div class="i0">Ke jo près dos ne vos gart.”</div> -<div class="i2">(<abbr title="verses">vv.</abbr> 15134–15147.)</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p class="unindent"><a name="Page_644" id="Page_644"></a><span class="pageno">644</span> -In this version the horse is something new, though not at all -out of place, as Helias could not well get away without a horse, -and he could not have had any horse at his command at the -moment. We may note also that William is here made, whether -seriously or in mockery, to give Helias the title of Count, -“Dans quens.” But the story has very much come down from -the level of either of the other versions. The boastful speech to -the keepers is not at all in the style of Helias, and it is a poor -substitute either for the dignified offer and defiance in Orderic -or for the lively dialogue in William of Malmesbury. This last -we should gladly have had in Wace’s version, as there would have -been some faint chance of recovering a scrap or two more of the -original French to match the “Dans quens,” which has a genuine -ring on the one hand, as the “magister” and the “nebulo” of -William of Malmesbury have on the other.</p> - -<p class="p2">Geoffrey Gaimar too (Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 37) has -a version in which Helias, when a prisoner, makes a boastful -speech to the effect that, if it had not been by an ambush, he would -never have been taken;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li quiens des Mans ert en prison,</div> -<div class="i0">Aüner voleit grant rançon;</div> -<div class="i0">Mès ceo diseit que, s’il séust</div> -<div class="i0">Qe l’om issi prendre le deust,</div> -<div class="i0">Tut autrement se contenist,</div> -<div class="i0">Li rois les Mans jà ne préist.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">He is brought before the King, to whom he says that he is much -beloved in his land, and that, if he were only able to assemble -his men, no king could subdue him in it. William lets him go -to see what he can do, and gives up to him Le Mans and all the -castles of the country;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Quant fut conté devant le roi,</div> -<div class="i0">Si le fist mener devant soi;</div> -<div class="i0">Par bel amur li ad demandé</div> -<div class="i0">S’il estoit issi vaunté</div> -<div class="i0">Cil respondit: ‘Sire, jo’l dis,</div> -<div class="i0">Mult sui amé en cest païs.</div> -<div class="i0">Il n’ad souz ciel si fort roi,</div> -<div class="i0">Si par force venist sus moi,</div> -<div class="i0">Qu’il ne perdist, si jeo le seusse,</div> -<div class="i0">Pur quei ma gent assemblé eusse.’</div> -<div class="i0">Li rois, quant l’ot, si prent à rire:</div> -<div class="i0">Par bel amur et nient par ire,</div> -<div class="i0">Li comanda q’il s’en alast,</div> -<div class="i0">Préist les Mans, s’il guerreiast.</div> -<div class="i0">Et cil fui lez, si s’en ala.</div> -<div class="i0">Touz ses chastels renduz li a</div> -<div class="i0">Li rois par bone volonté,</div> -<div class="i0">Rendit les Mans la forte cité.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p class="unindent">Helias calls on his barons to help him in war with the King; -but they decline, and advise him to give up the city and all the -<a name="Page_645" id="Page_645"></a><span class="pageno">645</span> -castles, and to become the King’s man. He does so; otherwise -the poet says that the King would have thrown aside his friendship, -and that he would have taken the castles and put all concerned -to a vile death;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Et cil manda pur ses barons,</div> -<div class="i0">Moveir voloit les contençons,</div> -<div class="i0">Mès si baron li ont loé</div> -<div class="i0">Qu’il rende au roi la cité</div> -<div class="i0">Et les chasteus de son païs,</div> -<div class="i0">Son hom lige seit tuz dis.</div> -<div class="i0">Li quens Elyes issi fist,</div> -<div class="i0">Onc ses homes n’en contredist.</div> -<div class="i0">Et s’il issi ne l’éust fet</div> -<div class="i0">Mult fust entre els en amur plet;</div> -<div class="i0">Li rois par force les préist</div> -<div class="i0">Et de vile mort les occeist.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p class="unindent">I need hardly stop to show how utterly unhistorical all this is. -But the <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“bel amur,”</span> the challenge, the release of the Count and -the surrender of the city and the castles, the general looking on -war as a kind of game, are all highly characteristic of the chivalrous -King. The last words indeed give us the other side of chivalry; -but I confess that they seem to me to be unfair to William Rufus, -however well they might suit Robert of Bellême. Geoffrey Gaimar -lived to see times when the doings of Robert of Bellême, exceptional -in his own day, had become the general rule.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_PP" id="Note_PP"></a>NOTE PP. <a href="#Page_284"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 284.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Voyage of William Rufus to Touques.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">This</span> story is told by a great many writers; but, as in the story -of the interview of William Rufus and Helias, our two main versions -are those of Orderic (775 A) and of William of Malmesbury (iv. -320). And, as in the case of that story, with which William of -Malmesbury couples it, he tells it simply as an illustrative anecdote, -while with Orderic it is part of his regular narrative. And again -William throws one of the speeches into the form of a familiar -classical quotation, and the curious apology quoted in the last -note is made to apply to this story as well as to the other. -At the same time there is no actual contradiction between -the two versions. The messenger—​Amalchis according to Orderic—​reaches -England and finds the King in the New Forest. -He thus (775 A) describes the delivery of the message; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ille -mari transfretato Clarendonam venit, regi cum familiaribus suis</span> -<a name="Page_646" id="Page_646"></a><span class="pageno">646</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">in Novam Forestam equitanti obviavit, et alacriter inquirenti rumores, -respondit, Cœnomannis per proditionem surrepta est. Verum -dominus meus Balaonem custodit, et regalis familia omnes munitiones -sibi assignatas sollerter observavit, auxiliumque regalis potentiæ -vehementer desiderat, in hostile robur quod eos undique -includit et impugnat.”</span> William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 320) does not -mention the place; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Venationi in quadam silva intentum nuntius -detinuit ex transmarinis partibus, obsessam esse civitatem Cinomannis, -quam nuper fratre profecto suæ potestati adjecerat.”</span> This -is a somewhat inadequate summary of the Cenomannian war.</p> - -<p>Now comes the King’s answer, in which I have ventured in the -text to bring in both the speeches which are attributed to Rufus on -first hearing the news of the loss of Le Mans. In Orderic the story -stands thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“His auditis, rex dixit, ‘Eamus trans mare, nostros adjuvare. -Eodem momento inconsultis omnibus equum habenis regiravit, ipsumque -calcaribus urgens ad pontum festinavit, et in quandam -vetustam navim quam forte invenit, sine regio apparatu velut -plebeius intravit et remigare protinus imperavit. Sic nimirum nec -congruentem flatum nec socios nec alia quæ regiam dignitatem -decebant exspectavit; sed omnis metus expers fortunæ et pelago -sese commisit, et sequenti luce ad portum Tolchæ, Deo duce, salvus -applicuit.’”</p> - -<p>He then goes on with the graphic details of the landing at -Touques and the ride to Bonneville, which find no place in William -of Malmesbury. William’s version is as follows;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Statim ergo ut expeditus erat retorsit equum, iter ad mare convertens. -Admonentibus ducibus exercitum advocandum, paratos -componendos, ‘Videbo,’ ait, ‘quis me sequetur; putatis me non -habiturum homines? si cognovi juventutem meam, etiam naufragio -ad me venisse volet.’ Hoc igitur modo pene solus ad mare pervenit. -Erat tunc nubilus aer et ventus contrarius; flatus violentia terga -maris verrebat. Illum statim transfretare volentem nautæ exorant -ut pacem pelagi et ventorum clementiam operiatur. ‘Atqui,’ inquit -rex, ‘numquam audivi regem naufragio interiisse.’ Quin potius -solvite retinacula navium, videbitis elementa jam conspirata in -meum obsequium. Ponto transito, obsessores, ejus audita fama, -dissiliunt.”</p> - -<p>Then follows the interview with Helias, quite out of place. -<a name="Page_647" id="Page_647"></a><span class="pageno">647</span></p> - -<p>Here we have several separate details in each version; but they -quite fit into one another. Of Rufus’ two speeches before he rides -off, each seems to need the support of the other. The speech to -the sailors lurks as it were in the words of Orderic, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“remigare protinus -imperavit,”</span> and his other words, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“fortunæ et pelago sese -commisit,”</span> suggest the same general idea which comes out in them. -They suggest the well-known story of Cæsar which William of -Malmesbury seems to have in his head, which is told by Florus -(<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 37), Appian (<abbr title="Bellum Civile two">Bell. Civ. ii.</abbr> 57), and Plutarch (Cæsar, 38). The -Latin writer says only <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quid times? Caesarem vehis?”</span> while the two -Greek writers bring in the word <span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="tychê">τύχη</span> -(<span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="Ithi, gennaie, tolma kai dedithi -mêden. Kaisara phereis kai tên Kaisaros tychên sympleousan">Ἴθι, γενναῖε, τόλμα καὶ δέδιθι μηδέν. -Καίσαρα φέρεις καὶ τὴν Καίσαρος τύχην συμπλέουσαν</span>). Our -writers are not likely to have read either of the Greek books, and -there is enough about “Fortuna” in the passage of Lucan (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> -577–593) which William of Malmesbury at least must have had in -his eye, and where the few words of Appian and the fewer of Florus -grow into a speech of many lines. The odd thing however is that -the actual words do not seem to come from anything in Lucan, but -to be in a manner made up out of two passages of Claudian. We -get the sentiment in one (De III <abbr title="Consulatu Honorii">Cons. Hon.</abbr> 96);</p> - -<div class="poem" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> -<div class="i0a">“O nimium dilecte Deo, cui fundit ab antris</div> -<div class="i0">Æolus armatas hiemes, cui militat æther,</div> -<div class="i0">Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti.”</div> -</div> - -<p>But the actual words come nearer to the other (De IV <abbr title="Consulatu Honorii">Cons. Hon.</abbr> -284);</p> - -<div class="poem" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> -<div class="i0a">“Nonne vides, operum quo se pulcherrimus ille</div> -<div class="i0">Mundus amore ligat, nec vi connexa per ævum</div> -<div class="i0">Conspirant elementa sibi?”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">Just as in the other story, we may suppose that Rufus said something -which, in the course of improving into Latin, suggested the -words of the two Latin poets. The saying that he had never heard -of a king being drowned surely has the genuine stamp of the Red -King about it. And it is to be remembered that there is a passage -which evidently refers to the same story in a grave contemporary, -who takes his quotations, not from heathen poets but from the New -Testament. Eadmer (54) attributes to William Rufus, as a general -privilege, something like what in our own day we have been used -to call “Queen’s weather;”</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a name="Page_648" id="Page_648"></a><span class="pageno">648</span> -“Ventus insuper et ipsum mare videbantur ei obtemperare. -Verum dico, non mentior, quia quum de Anglia in Normanniam -transire vel inde cursum prout ipsum voluntas sua ferebat, redire -volebat, mox, illo adveniente, et mari appropinquante, omnis tempestas, -quæ nonnunquam immane sæviebat, sedabatur, et transeunti -mira tranquillitate famulabatur.”</p> - -<p>It is worth notice that the same idea is found, besides Lucan and -Claudian, in a third Latin writer, who is much less likely to have -been known to either Orderic or William of Malmesbury. This is -in the Panegyric addressed by Eumenius to the elder Constantius -(Pan. Vet. <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 14). He is describing the voyage of Constantius to -Britain to put down Allectus, when, as in the cases of Cæsar and -William Rufus, the weather was bad;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quis enim se, quamlibet iniquo mari, non auderet credere, te -navigante? Omnium, ut dicitur, accepto nuntio navigationis tuæ, -una vox et hortatio fuit; ‘Quid dubitamus? quid moramur? Ipse -jam solvit, jam provehitur, jam fortasse pervenit. Experiamur -omnia, per quoscumque fluctus eamus. Quid est, quod timere -possimus? Cæsarem sequimur.’”</p> - -<p>Eumenius of course had the story of the earlier Cæsar in his -mind.</p> - -<p>In all these versions the saying of William Rufus seems to be -quoted as an instance of his pride and irreverence. Matthew Paris -alone (<abbr title="Historia Anglorum">Hist. Angl.</abbr> <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 166) gives his speech an unexpectedly pious -turn. To the shipman, who addresses him as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“hominum audacissime”</span> -and asks <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“numquid tu ventis et mari poteris imperare?”</span> he answers, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Non frequenter</span> [no longer “never” but “hardly ever”] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">auditum -est, reges Christianos Deum invocantes fluctibus fuisse submersos. -Aliqui de oppressis et obsessis apud Cenomannem orant pro me, quos -Deus, etsi non me, clementer exaudiet.”</span> Matthew also makes the -news be brought to the King, not when he is hunting, but when he -is at a feast.</p> - -<p class="p2">The story is found, in one shape or another, in all the riming -chronicles. Wace (14908), who tells the whole story of Helias’ -entry into Le Mans with great spirit, but utterly out of place, -gives a vivid picture of the coming of the messenger;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“En Engleterre esteit li reis,</div> -<div class="i0">Mult out Normanz, mult out Engleis;</div> -<div class="i0">Brachez aveit fet demander,</div> -<div class="i0">En boiz voloit aler berser.</div> -<a name="Page_649" id="Page_649"></a><span class="pageno">649</span> -<div class="i0">Eis vus par là un sergeant</div> -<div class="i0">Ki d’ultre mer veneit errant;</div> -<div class="i0">Li reis l’a mult tost entercié;</div> -<div class="i0">El Mans garder l’aveit leissié,</div> -<div class="i0">Crié li a è dist de luing;</div> -<div class="i0">Ke font el Mans, out il busuing?</div> -<div class="i0">Sire, dist-il, li Mans est pris,</div> -<div class="i0">Li quens Helies s’est enz mis,</div> -<div class="i0">La cité a Helies prise,</div> -<div class="i0">E la tor ad entor assise;</div> -<div class="i0">Normanz ki dedenz sa defendent.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">The passage in its general effect, and to some extent in its actual -words, recalls the better known description (10983; <abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three">N. C. vol. iii. -p.</abbr> 258) of the news of Eadward’s death and Harold’s election being -brought to William the Great. It is perhaps to make the two -scenes more completely tally that Rufus, who, in Orderic and -William of Malmesbury, is already engaged in hunting, is in this -version merely going out to hunt. Of his father it was said;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Mult aveit od li chevaliers</div> -<div class="i0">E dameisels et esquiers.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">But the son,</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Mult out <em>Normanz</em>, mult out <em>Engleis</em>.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">This reminds us of the other passage (see above, <a href="#Page_533"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 533</a>) where “Normans” -and “English” are made to help the fallen Rufus before Saint -Michael’s Mount. And the question again presents itself; What -did Wace exactly mean by Normans and English? We must remember -his position. Wace was a writer locally Norman, the -chronicler of the Norman Conquest, writing when, in England -itself, the distinction of races had nearly died out. His way of -thinking and speaking, as that of one accustomed to past times, -would most likely be different both from that of the time of which -he is writing and from that which would be familiar to either -Normans or English—​whether <em>genere</em> or <em>natione</em>—in his own time. -In Rufus’ day “Normanz et Engleiz” would have meant “Normanni -et Angli <em>genere</em>;” but it is not likely that many “Angli -<em>genere</em>” would be in the immediate company of the King. In -Wace’s own day, “Normanz et Engleiz” already meant “Normanni -et Angli <em>natione</em>;” only there would hardly have been any occasion -for using the phrase. Wace very likely used the phrase in a slightly -different sense in the two passages. Before the Mount, in describing -a warlike exploit, he most likely meant simply Norman and English -<em>natione</em>. In the present passage his mind perhaps floated between -the two meanings.</p> - -<p>The King hears the news brought by the sergeant; he gives up -<a name="Page_650" id="Page_650"></a><span class="pageno">650</span> -his purpose of hunting that day, and swears his usual oath by the -face of Lucca that those who have done him this damage shall pay -for it;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li reis mua tot son corage</div> -<div class="i0">Dès ke il oï li message.</div> -<div class="i0">Li vo de Luche en a juré</div> -<div class="i0">Ke mult sera chier comperé.</div> -<div class="i0">Cest serement aveit en us,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne faiseit nul serement plus.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">He bids the messenger to cross the sea as fast as he can, to go to -Le Mans and to tell his forces there that by God’s help he will be -there to help them in eight days;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“D’ore en wit jors el Mans serai,</div> -<div class="i0">Dunc se Dex plaist les secorrai.”</div> -</div> - -<p>He then—​being in England, it must be remembered—​asks the -nearest way to Le Mans. On the direct line which is shown him, -there is a well-built house. He says that he will not for a hundred -marks of silver turn a hundred feet out of the way. So he has the -house pulled down, and rides over the site to Southampton—​not -alone, in this version, but with a following;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Une maiziere li mostrerent,</div> -<div class="i0">Ço distrent ke il Mans ert là,</div> -<div class="i0">E ço dist ke par la ira;</div> -<div class="i0">Por cenz mars d’argent, ço diseit,</div> -<div class="i0">Del Mans cenz piez n’esluingnereit</div> -<div class="i0">De là, ù il ses piez teneit,</div> -<div class="i0">Quant li besuing del Mans oeit,</div> -<div class="i0">Dunc fist abatre la maiziere,</div> -<div class="i0">Ki mult esteit bone et entiere;</div> -<div class="i0">La maiziere fu abatue</div> -<div class="i0">E fete fu si grant l’issue</div> -<div class="i0">Ke li Reis Ros è li vassal</div> -<div class="i0">I passerent tuit à cheval.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">Absurd as this story is, and utterly irreconcileable with the earlier -versions, there is still a ring of William Rufus about it. And we -may safely accept Southampton as the haven from which he set out. -But the zeal for taking the straightest road which was so strong on -him by land seems to have passed away by sea, as he goes not to -Touques but to Barfleur, certainly not the nearest point for getting -from Southampton to Le Mans. The story of the voyage is told in -much the same way as in William of Malmesbury, the speech to -the sailors standing thus;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Unkes, dist-il, n’oï parler</div> -<div class="i0">De Rei ki fu néié en mer;</div> -<div class="i0">Fetes vos nés el parfont traire,</div> -<div class="i0">Essaïez ke porreiz faire.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">Geoffrey Gaimar (<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Chroniques Anglo-Normandes</span>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 32) makes the -messenger bring a letter, which the King seemingly gives to Randolf -Flambard to read; -<a name="Page_651" id="Page_651"></a><span class="pageno">651</span></p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“‘Tenez cest bref, sire reis.’</div> -<div class="i0">Li reis le prist, tost le fruissat,</div> -<div class="i0">Ranulf Flambard le bref baillat.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">He sends the messenger back with a letter; he rides to Southampton, -orders a force to be got together to follow him, and himself crosses -with a company of twelve hundred rich knights. Otherwise the -tale is essentially the same. But it is worth noticing that Geoffrey, -when he gets among sea-faring folk, uses two English words (the -steersman we have already met with in his English garb in Domesday; -see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 763);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Et il od mesnée privée,</div> -<div class="i0">Vint à la mier, si l’ad passée,</div> -<div class="i0">Encontre vent la mier passa.</div> -<div class="i0">Le <em>stieresman</em> li demanda</div> -<div class="i0">S’il voleit contre vent aler</div> -<div class="i0">Et périller enz en la mier.</div> -<div class="i0">Li rois respont; ‘N’estœt parler,</div> -<div class="i0">Onques ne veistes roi néer,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne jéo n’ierc jà le primer.</div> -<div class="i0">Fetes vos <em>eschipes</em> nager.’</div> -<div class="i0">Tant ont nagé et governé</div> -<div class="i0">Q’en Barbefloe e sont arivé.</div> -<div class="i0">Il out de privée meisnée</div> -<div class="i0">Mil-et-ii cenz à cele fiée.</div> -<div class="i0">Tuit erent riches chevaliers;</div> -<div class="i0">Sacez, li rois les out mult chers.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Benoît (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 40379) gives no details peculiar to himself; but he -is worth comparing with the others as a piece of language;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Si fu de passer corajos,</div> -<div class="i0">Volunteris e desiros:</div> -<div class="i0">Mais mult furent li vent contraire</div> -<div class="i0">E la mers pesme e deputaire.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">But the central speech about a king being drowned is in much the -same words as in the other riming versions;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“E li reis corajos e proz</div> -<div class="i0">Responeit e diseit a toz</div> -<div class="i0">C’unques n’aveit oï parler</div> -<div class="i0">De ré qui fust neiez en mer,</div> -<div class="i0">N’il ne sera jà li premiers.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="unindent">This writer does not mention Southampton, Touques, Barfleur, or -any particular port.</p> - -<p class="p2">The doctrine that kings were never drowned might seem to be -contradicted by the popular interpretation of the fate of the Pharaoh -of Exodus. But the text certainly does not imply that the Pharaoh -himself was drowned. On the other hand, there is somewhere the -story of an Irish king who, setting out with his fleet, was met by -Noah’s flood—​conceived seemingly as something like the bore in -the Severn—​and was drowned. -<a name="Page_652" id="Page_652"></a><span class="pageno">652</span></p> - -<p>It is worth while comparing this story of William Rufus with -the behaviour of our next king of the same name in a case somewhat -like this, when he too was sailing from England to the land -of his birth. When William the Third was in danger in an open -boat off the isle of Goree, we read (Macaulay, <abbr title="History or England four">Hist. Eng. iv.</abbr> 2);</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“The hardiest mariners showed signs of uneasiness. But William, -through the whole night, was as composed as if he had been in the -drawing-room at Kensington. ‘For shame,’ he said to one of the -dismayed sailors: ‘are you afraid to die in my company?’”</p> - -<p>The difference between the two speeches is characteristic. But -the parallel of Cæsar was seized on in both cases. Among the -pageants when William entered the Hague (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 5), when the events -of his own life were represented, this scene was shown;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“There, too, was a boat amidst the ice and the breakers; and -above it was most appropriately inscribed, in the majestic language -of Rome, the saying of the great Roman, ‘What dost thou fear? -Thou hast Cæsar on board.’”</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_QQ" id="Note_QQ"></a>NOTE QQ. <a href="#Page_289"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 289.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Siege of Mayet.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I visited</span> Mayet with Mr. Fowler and Mr. Parker in July, 1879, -when we examined many other of the castles and sites of castles in -that neighbourhood. But we could not pitch on the actual site of -the siege of Mayet with the same confidence with which we fixed -most of the sites of our present story. The evidence is by no -means so clear as it is in the case of most of the Cenomannian -towns and fortresses. There are in truth too many sites to choose -from.</p> - -<p>The small town of Mayet is not rich in antiquities. Its ancient -church has been, first desecrated, and then swept away. Nor is the -town itself immediately commanded by any fortress, like those of -Fresnay, Beaumont, and Ballon. But two spots lie to the east of -the town which cannot fail to have had some share in our history. -A large house of the <i>Renaissance</i>, with portions of an earlier castle -worked into it, stands at the foot of a low hill at some distance -from the town, and with a good deal of swampy ground lying -<a name="Page_653" id="Page_653"></a><span class="pageno">653</span> -between them. This boasts itself to be the site of the fortress -where the second Cenomannian expedition of William the Red -came to so strange and lame an ending. But there are no traces -of eleventh-century work remaining, and the site itself is most -unlike the site of an eleventh-century fortress. The hill immediately -above the house, far lower than Ballon or any of its fellows, -does make some feeble approach to the favourite peninsular shape, -and fancy at least has traced, amid the havoc made by the plough, -some faint signs of ditches and made ground. On the high ground -on the other side of the swamp, less completely cut off from the town, -rises a mound, of whose artificial construction and military purpose -there can be no doubt, and where ancient objects of various kinds are -said to have been found. But this mound seems far too small to -have been the site of such a stronghold as the castle of Mayet appears -in our story. Could we believe it to have been thrown up during -William’s siege, as a besieging mound, like those of which we have -so often heard, its interest as regards our story would be almost as -great as if it were the site of the head castle itself. But it seems -too far off for any purpose save that of keeping the garrison in -check; if the besieged castle stood on the opposite hill or at its -foot, the stress of the siege must have taken place at some point -much nearer to its site. The siege of Mayet is so singular a story, -and so important in the history of this war, that it is disappointing -not to be able to fix its topography with any confidence. But it is -unluckily true that he who traces out the siege of Mayet cannot do -so with the same full assurance that he is treading the true historic -ground which he feels at Ballon and Fresnay.</p> - -<p class="p2">In the details of the siege I have strictly followed Orderic, save -that I have ventured to bring in the very characteristic story of -Robert of Bellême which is told by Wace. But it cannot well -have had the effect which Wace (15074) attributes to it, that of -causing the army to disperse, and so making the King raise the -siege;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Partant sunt del siège méu</div> -<div class="i0">A peine fussent retenu.</div> -<div class="i0">Li siège par treis dis failli,</div> -<div class="i0">Li reis si tint mal bailli</div> -<div class="i0">Del siège k’il ne pout tenir,</div> -<div class="i0">E de l’ost k’il vit despartir.</div> -<div class="i0">Ne pout cels de l’ost arester</div> -<div class="i0">Ne il n’oserent retorner;</div> -<div class="i0">Par veies fuient è par chans,</div> -<div class="i0">Dunc est li reis venu el Mans.”</div> -</div> - -<p><a name="Page_654" id="Page_654"></a><span class="pageno">654</span> -The order of events in Wace is really wonderful. After Robert -has gone to the East, William Rufus reigns in peace, seemingly -over Maine as well as Normandy. Helias seizes Le Mans; the -news is brought to William; he sails to Barfleur; he recovers -Le Mans (having on his road the singular adventure described in -14998 of Pluquet’s text, 9899 of Andresen’s); he besieges Mayet; he -returns to Le Mans; he ravages the land; Helias is taken prisoner; -he is brought before the King and released, and then William goes -back to England to be shot by Walter Tirel.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_RR" id="Note_RR"></a>NOTE RR. <a href="#Page_297"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 297.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">William Rufus and the Towers of Le Mans Cathedral.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">Was</span> the bidding of William Rufus actually carried out in this -matter? Did Bishop Hildebert pull down the towers or not? -Unluckily Orderic tells us nothing about the story, and the -language of the Biographer seems to me to be purposely obscure.</p> - -<p>Hildebert himself mentions the matter in a passage which I -quoted in the text (<a href="#Page_298"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 298</a>), in which he complains of the horrors of -a voyage to England. He says (Duchèsne, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 248);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Longum est enarrare quam constanti tyrannide rex Anglicus -in nos sævierit, qui, temperantia regis abjecta, decreverit non -prius pontifici parendum quam pontificem compelleret in sacrilegium. -Quia etenim turres ecclesiæ nostræ dejicere nolumus,” <abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr></p> - -<p>One can make no certain inference from this, except that -Hildebert was not disposed to pull down the towers when he wrote -the letter, seemingly in England. The Biographer is fuller. I -have quoted (see <a href="#Page_298"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 298</a>) the passages which describe the commands -and offers of Rufus; we then read;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Verumtamen Hildebertus magnis undique coartabatur angustiis, -quia sibi et de regis offensione periculum, et de turris destructione -sibi et ecclesiæ suæ imminere grande prævidebat opprobrium: -propter quod a rege dilationem petebat, donec super his consilium -accepisset. Qua vix impetrata, cernens sibi nequaquam esse utile -in illis regionibus diutius immorari, breviter ad suam reversus -est ecclesiam…. Interea præsul de præcepto regis vehementer -anxius, de urbis incendio, de domorum et omnium rerum suarum -<a name="Page_655" id="Page_655"></a><span class="pageno">655</span> -destructione, de civium expulsione; primo tamen de clericorum, -quos violentia regis ab urbe eliminaverat, dispersione, mæstissimus, -Dei omnipotentis clementiam jugiter precabatur, ut ab ecclesia -et populo sibi commisso iram indignationis suæ dignaretur -avertere.”</p> - -<p>He then goes on to tell how wonderfully God saved them all -by the sudden death of Rufus and the final coming of Helias. But -he does not directly say whether the towers were pulled down or -not. His way of telling the story might suggest the thought -that the towers were pulled down, but that he did not like to -say so.</p> - -<p>To my mind the appearances of the building look the same way. -We have seen that the towers of Howel were clearly at the ends -of the transepts. Of the single tower now standing at the end -of the south transept, the lower part is of the twelfth century; -most likely the work of William of Passavant (see above, <a href="#Page_636"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 636</a>). -The ruined building at the end of the other transept has columns -and capitals of a much earlier character, agreeing with the work of -Howel. A base of the same early kind as the single pair of piers -spoken of in the nave (see above, <a href="#Page_638"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 638</a>) may be the work of -Howel; it may be either a relic of Arnold’s foundations or a -scrap of something much earlier. It has been objected that this -ruined building does not seem to have been a tower. And I -must allow that it must have been a tower of a somewhat unusual -kind. But the appearances are quite consistent with the notion of -a transept with aisles, and with its main body ending in an <i>engaged</i> -tower.</p> - -<p>If these ruins are not the remains of one of Howel’s towers, -his towers must have stood nearer to the body of the church than the -existing southern tower stands, and the ruins to the north-west must -belong to the episcopal palace or some other building. If this be -so, something of the interest of the place is lost, but the argument -seems almost stronger. It would have been nothing wonderful -if the later rebuilding of the transepts had swept away all -trace of the work of the eleventh and twelfth century, so that -the fabric should in no way show whether any Romanesque towers -were ever pulled down or ever built. But it is not so. We see -that a late Romanesque tower was built to replace one of the -towers of Howel, while the other, according to this view, has -<a name="Page_656" id="Page_656"></a><span class="pageno">656</span> -vanished without trace or successor. This would seem to point -even more strongly than the other view to the belief that two -towers were built, that both were pulled down, that afterwards -one was rebuilt and the other not.</p> - -<p class="p2">It is the business of the topographer of Le Mans rather than -of the historian of William Rufus to settle what the remains at -the end of the north transept are, if they are not the remains of -Howel’s tower. But it may be noticed that Howel was a considerable -builder or restorer in the adjoining palace (Vet. An. 298), -and that the palace itself had a tower hard by the church. -William of Passavant (Vet. An. 373) made certain arrangements -about the three chapels of the palace—​Saint David’s itself has only -two—​one of which is described as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“tertia altior, quæ in turri -sita ecclesiam cathedralem vicinius speculabatur.”</span> In any case -this group of buildings and ruins at the north-east corner of Saint -Julian’s is one of the most striking to be found anywhere. There -are these puzzling fragments of the days of the counts and bishops -of our story; there is the mighty eastern limb of the present church, -begun when Maine had passed away from all fellowship with Normandy -and England, when Le Mans was the city of a Countess, -widow of Richard, vassal of Philip. There is the northern transept, -begun when Maine and Normandy were wholly swallowed up by -France, finished at the very moment when Maine had again an -English lord (Recherches, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 122). And earlier than all, there is -the Roman wall which the vast choir has overleaped, but which -still remains outside the church. And, as if to bring together the -earliest and the latest times, one of its bastions is strangely -mixed up with work of an almost English character, which seems -plainly to proclaim itself as belonging to the reign of Henry, Sixth -of England and Second of France. Truly, setting aside exceptional -spots like Rome and Athens, like Spalato and Trier and Ravenna, -no city of Christendom is fuller of lessons, alike in art and in -history, than the city of Helias, the birth-place of Henry Fitz-Empress.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"><a name="Page_657" id="Page_657"></a><span class="pageno">657</span> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_SS" id="Note_SS"></a>NOTE SS. <a href="#Page_320"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 320.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Death of William Rufus.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I have</span> briefly compared the chief versions of the death of -William Rufus, and the writers from whom they come, in Appendix -U. in the fifth volume of the Norman Conquest. I will now go -somewhat more fully into the matter.</p> - -<p>I still hold, as I held then, that no absolute certainty can be -come to as to the actor, intentional or otherwise, in the King’s -death. Our only sure statement is to be found in the vague and -dark words of the Chronicle, which look most like an intentional -murder, but which do not absolutely imply it. If Rufus was -murdered, it is hopeless to seek for any record of his murderer. -We may guess for ever, and that is all. At any rate there can be no -ground for fastening a charge of murder on Walter Tirel; for, if -we except the dark hint in Geoffrey Gaimar (see <a href="#Page_325"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 325</a>), all those -who make him the doer of the deed make it a deed done by -accident. And the consent in favour of the belief that Rufus died -by an accidental shot of Walter Tirel is very general and very -weighty. It is the account of all our highest authorities, except -the very highest of all. And even with the version of the Chronicle -it does not stand in any literal contradiction. We have to set -against it Walter’s own weighty denial (see below, <a href="#Page_674"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 674</a>), and the -fact that there were other versions which named other persons. We -have also to set against it the circumstance that, if Rufus did die -by any conspiracy, never mind on whose part, it was obviously -convenient to encourage belief in such a story as the received one. -(See <a href="#Page_326"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 326</a>.) If there were anywhere English or Norman murderers, -nothing could better serve their purpose, or the purpose -of any who encouraged or sheltered them, than to attribute the -deed to one who was French rather than either English or Norman, -and to describe it as accidental on his part. And if, as one can -hardly doubt, Walter Tirel was known to have been in the King’s -near company on the day of his death, he was an obvious person -to pick out for the character of the accidental slayer.</p> - -<p>I can therefore do nothing but leave the doubtful story to the -judgement of the reader. To that end I have given a summary -<a name="Page_658" id="Page_658"></a><span class="pageno">658</span> -of the chief versions in the text. The account of the early part -of the day, as given by William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 333), which -I have followed in <a href="#Page_327"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 327</a>, fits in perfectly well with the account in -Orderic (782 A), which begins only after dinner. Nor is there -any difference, except in details of no importance, between the -accounts of the King’s actual death as given by William and by -Orderic (see <a href="#Page_333"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 333</a>). In both the King dies by a chance shot of -Walter’s, but William makes the King and Walter shoot at two -different stags, while in Orderic’s version they both shoot at the -same stag. It is from William of Malmesbury that we get the -graphic detail of the King sheltering his eyes from the sun’s rays. -His whole account stands thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Jam Phœbo in oceanum proclivi, rex cervo ante se transeunti, -extento nervo et emissa sagitta, non adeo sævum vulnus inflixit; -diutile adhuc fugitantem vivacitate oculorum prosecutus, opposita -contra violentiam solarium radiorum manu. Tunc Walterius -pulcrum facinus animo parturiens, ut, rege alias interim intento, -ipse alterum cervum qui forte propter transibat prosterneret, -inscius et impotens regium pectus (Deus bone!) lethali arundine -trajecit. Saucius ille nullum verbum emisit; sed ligno sagittæ -quantum extra corpus extabat effracto, moxque supra vulnus cadens, -mortem acceleravit. Accurrit Walterius; sed, quia nec sensum nec -vocem hausit, perniciter cornipedem insiliens, beneficio calcarium -probe evasit.”</p> - -<p>Orderic is shorter;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum rex et Gualterius de Pice cum paucis sodalibus in nemore -constituti essent, et armati prædam avide expectarent, subiter -inter eos currente fera, rex de statu suo recessit, et Gualterius -sagittam emisit. Quæ super dorsum feræ setam radens rapide -volavit, atque regem e regione stantem lethaliter vulneravit. Qui -mox ad terram cecidit, et sine mora, proh dolor! expiravit.”</p> - -<p>Florence really adds nothing to the account in the Chronicle, -except so far that he adds the name of Walter Tirel. He brings -in the event with some chronological pomp, but he cuts the -actual death of the King short. He is in a moralizing fit, and -takes up his parable at much greater length than is usual -with him;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Deinde <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> non. Augusti, feria <abbr title="five">v.</abbr>, indictione <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr>, rex Anglorum -Willelmus junior, dum in Nova Foresta, quæ lingua Anglorum -<a name="Page_659" id="Page_659"></a><span class="pageno">659</span> -Ytene nuncupatur, venatu esset occupatus, a quodam Franco, -Waltero cognomento Tirello, sagitta incaute directa percussus, -vitam finivit, et Wintoniam delatus, in veteri monasterio, in ecclesia -S. Petri est tumulatus. Nec mirum, ut populi rumor affirmat, -hanc proculdubio magnam Dei virtutem esse et vindictam.”</p> - -<p>He then goes on with a great deal of matter, much of which -I have referred to in various places. He speaks of the making -of the New Forest, of the death of young Richard, the natural -phænomena of the reign, the recent appearances of the devil, and -the iniquities of Randolf Flambard. It is here that he notices -(see <a href="#Page_335"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 335</a>) that a church had once stood on the spot where the -King died. Henry of Huntingdon too brings in the event with -some stateliness, as the last act of a great drama. But he gives -no special details, beyond bringing in, like Orderic, Florence, and -William, the name of Walter Tirel;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Millesimo centesimo anno, rex Willelmus xiii. regni sui anno, -vitam crudelem misero fine terminavit. Namque cum gloriose et -patrio honore curiam tenuisset ad Natale apud Glouecestre, ad -Pascha apud Wincestre, ad Pentecosten apud Londoniam, ivit -venatum in Novo foresto in crastino kalendas Augusti, ubi -Walterus Tyrel cum sagitta cervo intendens, regem percussit -inscius. Rex corde ictus corruit, nec verbum edidit.”</p> - -<p>He then goes on to describe at length the evils of the reign, -partly in his own words, partly in those of the Chronicle, and -records what followed in a kind of breathless haste, keeping the -Chronicle before him, but giving things a turn of his own;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sepultus est in crastino perditionis suæ apud Wincestre, et -Henricus ibidem in regem electus, dedit episcopatum Wincestriæ -Willelmo Giffard, pergensque Londoniam sacratus est ibi a Mauricio -Londoniensi episcopo, melioratione legum et consuetudinum optabili -repromissa.”</p> - -<p>The object of piling facts on one another in this fashion is to -bring the record of Henry’s promised reforms as near as may be -to the picture of the evil doings of Rufus.</p> - -<p>By the time that Wace wrote, there were several stories to be -chosen from. The King gives arrows to his companions, and -specially to Walter Tirel. They go out to hunt in the morning, -contrary to the accounts both of Orderic and of William of Malmesbury -(15164 Pluquet, 10069 Andresen);</p> - -<a name="Page_660" id="Page_660"></a><span class="pageno">660</span> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“A un matin qu’il fu leuez,</div> -<div class="i0">Ses compaignons a demandez,</div> -<div class="i0">A toz a saetes donees,</div> -<div class="i0">Que li esteient presentees.</div> -<div class="i0">Gaulter Tirel, un cheualier</div> -<div class="i0">Qui en la cort esteit mult chier,</div> -<div class="i0">Une saete del rei prist</div> -<div class="i0">Donc il l’ocist si com l’en dist.”</div> -</div> - -<p>He distinctly says that he does not know who shot the arrow, but -that it was commonly said to be Walter Tirel, with some of the -variations in detail which we have already seen, as for instance -whether the arrow glanced from a tree or not;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Ne sai qui traist ne qui laissa,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne qui feri, ne qui bersa,</div> -<div class="i0">Mais co dist l’en, ne sai sel fist,</div> -<div class="i0">Que Tirel traist, le rei ocist.</div> -<div class="i0">Plusors dient qu’il trebucha,</div> -<div class="i0">En sa cote s’empeecha,</div> -<div class="i0">E sa saete trestorna</div> -<div class="i0">E al chaeir el rei cola.</div> -<div class="i0">Alquanz dient que Tirel uolt</div> -<div class="i0">Ferir un cerf qui trespassout.</div> -<div class="i0">Entre lui e le rei coreit:</div> -<div class="i0">Cil traist qui entese aueit;</div> -<div class="i0">Mais la saete glaceia,</div> -<div class="i0">La fleche a un arbre freia,</div> -<div class="i0">E la saete trauersa,</div> -<div class="i0">Le rei feri, mort le rua.</div> -<div class="i0">E Gauter Tirel fost corut</div> -<div class="i0">La ou li reis chai e iut.”</div> -</div> - -<p>The other French rimers are this time, though certainly less -trustworthy than Wace, of more importance in one way, as showing -that there was in some quarters, as there well might be in Normandy, -a more charitable feeling towards the Red King than we -find in the English writers. I have given in the text the substance -of the accounts of Geoffrey Gaimar and Benoît de Sainte-More. -The version of Geoffrey Gaimar (Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> -54) I do not remember to have ever seen referred to, except in -<abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> Michel’s note to Benoît. It is so curious in its details that it is -worth giving at length. It is absolutely impossible to believe it -in the teeth of opposite statements of so much higher authority, -yet it is strange if all its graphic touches are a mere play of -fancy;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“En la foreste estoit li rois,</div> -<div class="i0">En l’espesse, juste un maroi.</div> -<div class="i0">Talent li prist d’un cerf berser</div> -<div class="i0">Qu’en une herde vist aler,</div> -<div class="i0">Dejuste une arbre est descendu,</div> -<div class="i0">Il méisme ad son arc tendu.</div> -<div class="i0">Partut descendent li baron,</div> -<div class="i0">Li autre ensement d’environ.</div> -<div class="i0">Wauter Tirel est descenduz;</div> -<div class="i0">Trop près de roi, lez un sambuz,</div> -<div class="i0">Après un tremble s’adossa.</div> -<div class="i0">Si cum la herde trespassa</div> -<div class="i0">Et le grant cerf a mes li vint,</div> -<div class="i0">Entesa l’arc qu’en sa main tint,</div> -<div class="i0">Une seete barbelée</div> -<div class="i0">Ad tret par male destinée.</div> -<div class="i0">Jà avint si qu’au cerf faillit</div> -<div class="i0">De ci qu’au queor le roi férit.</div> -<div class="i0">Une seete au queor li vint</div> -<div class="i0">Mès ne savom qi l’arc sustint;</div> -<a name="Page_661" id="Page_661"></a><span class="pageno">661</span> -<div class="i0">Mès ceo distrent li autre archer</div> -<div class="i0">Qu’ele eissi del arc Wauter.</div> -<div class="i0">Semblant en fut, car tost fuit;</div> -<div class="i0">Il eschapa. Li rois chéit,</div> -<div class="i0">Par <abbr title="3">iij.</abbr> foiz s’est escriez,</div> -<div class="i0">Le corps diũ a demandez;</div> -<div class="i0">Mès n’i fut qui le li donast,</div> -<div class="i0">Loingnz fut del mouster en un wast;</div> -<div class="i0">Et nequedent un venéour</div> -<div class="i0">Prist des herbes od tut la flour,</div> -<div class="i0">Un poi en fist au roi manger,</div> -<div class="i0">Issi le quida acomunier.</div> -<div class="i0">En Dieu est ço et estre doit:</div> -<div class="i0">Il avoit pris pain bénoit</div> -<div class="i0">Le dimenge de devant:</div> -<div class="i0">Ceo li deit estre bon garant.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Geoffrey, it should be noticed, has nothing to say about dreams -and warnings; the <em>gab</em> between the King and Walter Tirel seems -in his version to take their place (see <a href="#Page_322"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 322</a>). But in the other -account which deals kindly with Rufus, that of Benoît de Sainte-More -(see <a href="#Page_332"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 332</a>), the warning dream, in this case assigned to the -King himself, plays an important part. So also does Gundulf, -the expounder of the dream. His presence is thus explained -(40523);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Veirs est e chose coneue</div> -<div class="i0">C’une haors avoit eue</div> -<div class="i0">Od l’evesque de Rovecestre,</div> -<div class="i0">Qui chapelains est e deit estre</div> -<div class="i0">L’arcevesque de Cantorbire:</div> -<div class="i0">E por c’ert vers le rei en ire</div> -<div class="i0">Que <em>Saint Anseaume</em> aveit chacié</div> -<div class="i0">E fors de la terre essilié.</div> -<div class="i0">Cil evesque de Rovecestre</div> -<div class="i0">Ert à lui venuz à Wincestre</div> -<div class="i0">Por pais requerre e demander,</div> -<div class="i0">Mais ne la poeit pas trover;</div> -<div class="i0">E li bons hom plein de pitié</div> -<div class="i0">Out mult Nostre-Seignor preié</div> -<div class="i0">Que de cele grant mesestance</div> -<div class="i0">Eust e cure e remembrance.”</div> -</div> - -<p>We may note that Anselm, not yet canonized, is already called -<em>saint</em> in a formal way.</p> - -<p>The King is to hunt the next day in the New Forest; in the -night he has the dream, which is told with a singular variation. -He first sees the dead body of a stag on the altar; then it changes -into that of a man (40560);</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Quant il regardout sor l’autel,</div> -<div class="i0">Si i veeit, ce li ert vis,</div> -<div class="i0">Un mult grant cerf qui ert ocis,</div> -<div class="i0">Por eschiver le grant renei</div> -<div class="i0">Que il voleit faire de sei,</div> -<div class="i0">Alout e si ’n voleit manger;</div> -<div class="i0">Kar c’erent tuit si desirer.</div> -<div class="i0">La où il i tendeit la main,</div> -<div class="i0">Si li ert vis s’ert bien certain,</div> -<div class="i0">Que c’ert cors d’ome apertement</div> -<div class="i0">Ocis e nafré et sanglent.”</div> -</div> - -<p>Gundulf, “li evesques, li sainz hom,” then preaches a sermon -of some length, which the King listens to with unexpected docility; -he promises amendment of life, and receives absolution; -<a name="Page_662" id="Page_662"></a><span class="pageno">662</span></p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Simple e od bone volunté</div> -<div class="i0">Out li reis en pais esculté,</div> -<div class="i0">Bien sont e conut la raison</div> -<div class="i0">De cele interpretation,</div> -<div class="i0">Assez pramist amendement</div> -<div class="i0">Donc de sa vie doucement</div> -<div class="i0">Al saint evesque a pardoné</div> -<div class="i0">Tote sa male volonté</div> -<div class="i0">Quant sa grace out e son congé.</div> -<div class="i0">Mult s’en torna joios e lié.”</div> -</div> - -<p>In this version there is no special mention of Anselm and the -synod; the exhortation of Gundulf is quite general. In the account -given by Giraldus (De <abbr title="instructione principum page">Inst. Prin. p.</abbr> 174)—who, it must be borne -in mind, has two dreams, one dreamed by the King, and another -by a premature canon of Dunstable—​this is strongly brought out. -The bishop, whose name is not given, exhorts the King at much -less length than Gundulf does in the rimes of Benoît, and the -promise of reformation stands thus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum episcopus consilium ei daret quatenus, convocatis illico -episcopis regni sui et clero universo, eorundem consilio se Domino -per omnia conciliaret, missisque statim nuntiis venerabilem sanctumque -virum Anselmum Cantuariensem archiepiscopum, quem -ea tempestate, quod libertates ecclesiæ tueri volebat, exulare compulerat, -ab exilio revocaret, respondens rex se cum regni sui proceribus -consilium inde in brevi habiturum.”</p> - -<p>In Benoît’s version the King’s companions now urge him to -go out to hunt. The description is very graphic;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“E si vaslet furent hoesé</div> -<div class="i0">E en lor chaceors munté,</div> -<div class="i0">Les arcs ès mains, gamiz e presz,</div> -<div class="i0">E detrès eus lor bons brachez;</div> -<div class="i0">Abaient chens e sonent corns,</div> -<div class="i0">Monté atendent le rei fors.”</div> -</div> - -<p>He refuses for a while, and sets forth his troubled mind with some -pathos;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Avoi! fait-il, seignors, avoi!</div> -<div class="i0">Uncor sui-je plus maus assez</div> -<div class="i0">E plus cent tant que vos ne quidez;</div> -<div class="i0">Mais c’est la fin, remis m’en sui,</div> -<div class="i0">Que je n’irai mais en bois ui.</div> -<div class="i0">Ne voil por rien qu’alé i seie</div> -<div class="i0">Ne que jamais la forest veie.”</div> -</div> - -<p>He goes forth, and, as I have said in the text (<a href="#Page_332"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 332</a>), is shot -by the arrow glancing from a tree. Benoît knew through what -agency;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Mais tant li mostre li reis Ros</div> -<div class="i0">Que c’il r’a d’aïr entesée</div> -<div class="i0">Une sajette barbelée,</div> -<div class="i0">E deiables tant l’a conveié[e]</div> -<div class="i0">Qu’à un gros raim fiert e glaceie.</div> -<div class="i0">Le rei feri delez le quor.”</div> -</div> - -<p>His speech to his accidental slayer is most pious; -<a name="Page_663" id="Page_663"></a><span class="pageno">663</span></p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Va-t’en, fui-tei senz demorer,</div> -<div class="i0">Kar mort m’as par ma grant enfance.</div> -<div class="i0">Ci a Deus pris de mei venjance:</div> -<div class="i0">Or li cri merci e soplei</div> -<div class="i0">Qu’il ait oi merci de mei</div> -<div class="i0">Par sa sainte chere douçor,</div> -<div class="i0">Kar mult sui vers lui peccheor.”</div> -</div> - -<p>In the earlier of Giraldus’ two stories, one which has much in -common with this of Benoît, the arrow strikes the King accidentally, -but there is nothing about its glancing from a tree. As he looks on -William Rufus as the maker of the New Forest, he describes his -going forth to hunt there with some solemnity;</p> - -<p class="blockquote"><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Protinus contra dissuasionem in prædictam forestam, ubi tot -ecclesias destituerat, totosque fideles qui glebæ ibidem ab antiquo -ascripti fuerant immisericorditer exheredaverat, venatum ivit. Nec -mora, soluta per interemptionem contentione ubi deliquit, casuali -cujusdam suorum ictu sagittæ letaliter percussus decubuit; miles -enim directo in feram telo, nutu divino cælum pariter et telum -regente, non feram eo sed ferum et absque modo ferocem, transpenetravit.”</span> -(<abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> the extracts in <a href="#Page_337"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 337</a>.)</p> - -<p>Having got thus far, pretty nearly in Benoît’s company, Giraldus -goes on to tell his other story which brings in the Prior of Dunstable. -But Dunstable, in its own Annals, did not claim an earlier -founder than Henry the First. We are therefore left to guess as -to the origin of a story which speaks of the priory of Dunstable as -already existing in the time of Rufus, and even as enjoying exceptional -favour at his hands. The <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“miles quidam”</span> of the former -story here becomes Ralph of Aix, who is brought in after much the -same fashion in which Walter Tirel is in those versions of the story -which mention him.</p> - -<p class="p2">These are the chief varieties in the story of the death of Rufus; -but the tale is so famous, it has taken such a hold on popular -imagination from that day to our own, that it may be well to do -as we have done in some earlier cases, and to trace some of the -forms which the story took in the hands of writers of later times.</p> - -<p>The Hyde writer (302), who always has notions of his own about -all matters, has nothing special to tell us about the death of Rufus—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Norman-Anglorum -rex Willelmus,”</span> in his odd style—​but the -story of the dream takes a new shape. A monk in Normandy, in -extreme sickness, sees the usual vision of the Lord and the suppliant -woman, here called less reverentially <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“puella vultu sole speciosior,”</span> -<a name="Page_664" id="Page_664"></a><span class="pageno">664</span> -who complains of the evil doings of Rufus and asks for vengeance -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“celerrimam de eo expetiit vindictam, asserens se a canibus ejus et -lupis potius quam ministris diu esse laniatam”</span>). He has a further -dream about the sins of his own abbot, whom he rebukes, and -causes a letter to be sent to the King. The King mocks, but less -pithily and characteristically than he does in Orderic (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quicumque -sorti vel somniis crediderit, sicut semper vivet suspiciosus et -inquietus, ita semper revertitur”</span>). On this manifestation of unbelief -follows the judgement (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Deus Omnipotens telum quod diu vibraverat -misericorditer, tandem super regem projecit terribiliter”</span>). He -is shot casually in his hunting (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“venatum pergens, <em>venatus est</em>, et -ex improviso sagitta percussus;”</span>—​where surely <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“venatus est”</span> is -meant to be passive). He dies without confession or communion; -he is buried, and Henry reigns in his stead. Then, as a kind -of after-thought, comes in the mention of Walter Tirel;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fertur autem quod eodem die venatum pergenti obtulit munus -sagittarum quidam adveniens, quarum unam Waltero Tirello viro -Ponteiensi in munere dedit secumque venire coegit. Denique silvam -ingressi, dum gregem bestiarum accingunt et invicem trahunt, -eadem sagitta, idem Walterus regem vicinus, ut aiunt, percussit et -subito extinxit.”</p> - -<p>The author of the “Brevis Relatio” (Giles, 11) cuts the actual -death of Rufus very short, and mentions no particular actor, but -he connects it in a somewhat singular way with the presence of -Henry;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Contigit vero postea ut Robertus comes Normanniæ Hierosolymam -iret, totamque Normanniam fratri suo Willelmo regi Anglorum -invadiaret, et tunc Henricus fratri suo omnino se conferret -atque cum eo ex toto remaneret. Dum itaque cum eo esset post -aliquantum temporis contigit ut quadam die rex Willelmus venatum -iret, ibique, nescio quo judicio Dei, a quodam milite sagitta percussus -occumberet. Quem statim frater suus Henricus Wintoniam referri -fecit, ibique in ecclesia Sancti Petri ante majus altare sepulturæ -tradidit.”</p> - -<p>The introduction of Henry in the former part of the extract is -the more remarkable, because the writer has either copied the -account given by Robert of Torigny in the Continuation of William -of Jumièges (<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 9), or else he has borrowed from the same source. -Robert’s words are;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a name="Page_665" id="Page_665"></a><span class="pageno">665</span> -“Igitur, sicut supra diximus, cum Robertus dux Normannorum -anno ab incarnatione Domini mxcvi, Hierusalem perrexisset, et -ducatum Normanniæ Willelmo fratri suo regi Anglorum invadiasset: -contigit post aliquantum temporis, ut idem rex quadam -die venatum iret in Novam forestam, ubi <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> nonas Augusti missa -sagitta incaute a quodam suo familiari in corde percussus, mortuus -est anno ab incarnatione Domini <abbr title="1100">mc.</abbr> regni autem sui <abbr title="13">xiii</abbr>…. -Occiso itaque Willelmo rege, ut præmisimus, statim frater suus -Henricus corpus ejus Wintoniam deferri fecit ibique in ecclesia -sancti Petri ante majus altare sepulturæ tradidit.”</p> - -<p>The words which I have left out record the death of the elder -Richard, the son of the Conqueror, in the New Forest—​the -younger Richard, the son of Robert, is not mentioned—​and the -belief that the deaths of the two brothers were the punishment of -the destruction of houses and churches done by their father. One -phrase is remarkable; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Multas villas et ecclesias <em>propter eandem -forestam amplificandam</em> in circuitu ipsius destruxerat.”</span> Here is -nothing about Walter Tirel or any one else by name, and this is the -more to be noticed, because in his own Chronicle, where he seems to -have had before him the account of Henry of Huntingdon, who -mentions Walter Tirel, he leaves out the name. Henry’s words -are; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ivit venatum in Novo foresto in crastino kalendas Augusti, -ubi Walterus Tyrel cum sagitta cervo intendens, regem percussit -inscius. Rex corde ictus corruit, nec verbum edidit.”</span> This in -Robert’s version becomes <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus rex Anglorum in Nova -Foresta, sibi multum dilecta, cum sagitta incaute cervo intenderetur, -in corde percussus interiit, nec verbum edidit.”</span> He then goes on -to copy part of Henry of Huntingdon’s description of the doings of -Rufus somewhat further on.</p> - -<p>Among the monastic chroniclers and annalists, the History of -Abingdon (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 43) seems to see in the Red King’s death a judgement -on him for some dealings connected with the lands of that abbey. -A man described as Hugo de Dun had, by the help of the Count -of Meulan (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Comitis Mellentis Rotberti senioris ope adjutus”</span>), got -into his hands some lands of the abbey at Leckhampsted, as had -also the better known Hugh of Buckland, Sheriff of Berkshire (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“eo -quod et Berchescire vicecomes et publicarum justiciarius compellationum -a rege constitutus existeret”</span>). The writer then goes on;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quadam itaque die rex Willelmus dum cibatus venatum exerceret, -<a name="Page_666" id="Page_666"></a><span class="pageno">666</span> -suorum unus militum, quasi ad cervum sagittam emittens, -regem e contra stantem sibique non caventem eadem sagitta in -corde percussit. Qui mox ad terram corruens exspiravit.”</p> - -<p>The legend received at Saint Alban’s (Gesta Abbatum, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 65) seems -to have rolled together the dream of the monk at Gloucester and -the revelation of William’s death to the abbot of Clugny (see <a href="#Page_343"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 343</a>). -Anselm at Clugny has a vision in which many of the saints of -England bring their complaints against King William before the -tribunal of God. Then the story takes a local turn;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Iratus Altissimus respondit,--Accede, Anglorum protomartyr. -Et accedente Albano, tradidit Deus sagittam ardentem, dicens; -vindica te, et omnes sanctos Angliæ, læsos a tyranno. Accipiens -autem Albanus sagittam de manu Domini, projecit eam in terram, -quasi faculam, dicens; Accipe, Satan, potestatem in ipsum Willelmum -tyrannum. Et eadem die, mane, obiit rex transverberatus -per medium pectoris sagitta. Dixit autem arcitenenti, Trahe, -diabole. Erat tunc temporis, episcopo Wolstano defuncto, episcopatus -Wygorniæ nimis afflictus sub manu regis, et multæ aliæ -ecclesiæ, sedente tunc Paschali papa.”</p> - -<p>I do not know why the Saint Alban’s writer should have specially -mentioned the church of Worcester, which certainly had a Bishop -(see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 542) at the time of William’s death. But neither -should I at <a href="#Page_43"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 43</a> of this volume have mentioned Saint Alban’s -among the churches vacant at that time. For the four years’ -vacancy which followed the death of Paul was ended in 1097 by the -election of Richard. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Determinata lite quæ in conventu exorta -fuerat inter Normannos, qui jam multiplicati invaluerunt, et Anglos, -qui, jam senescentes et imminuti, occubuerant”</span> (<abbr title="Gesta abbatum one">Gest. Abb. i.</abbr> 66). -Here is a glimpse of the internal state of the convent which would -be most precious if it came from a writer of the year 1097, but -which must be taken for what it may be worth in the mouth of -Matthew Paris or one whom he followed. This abbot Richard was -on good terms with Rufus as well as with his successor (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmi -Secundi et Henrici Primi regum, amicitia familiari fultus, multos -honores et possessiones adeptus est, et adeptas viriliter tuebatur”</span>). -Presently we get a second shorter entry of the Red King’s -death;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tempore quoque hujus abbatis Ricardi, Willelmus rex—​immo -tyrannus—​ultione divina, obiit sagittatus.”</p> - -<p><a name="Page_667" id="Page_667"></a><span class="pageno">667</span> -The Winchester Annals which really should, just as much as the -Hyde writer, have given us something original at such a moment, -have nothing more to tell us than that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“hoc anno rex a sagitta -perforates est in Nova Foresta a Waltero Tirel et sepultus in -ecclesia Sancti Swithuni Wintoniæ.”</span> The Margam Annals merely -mark that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“hoc anno interfectus est rex Angliæ Willelmus junior, -rex Rufus vulgo vocatus, non. Augusti, anno regni sui <abbr title="13">xiii.</abbr> cum esset -annorum plus <abbr title="40">xl.</abbr>”</span> This reckoning falls in with what I said in <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. -p.</abbr> 141, and <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 111. Dunstable, which is so strangely -dragged into the tale by Giraldus, and Bermondsey, which has -some special things to record during the reign, have nothing -fresh to tell us, only Dunstable mentions Walter Tirel and Bermondsey -does not. Osney and Worcester merely copy the -usual story. Thomas Wykes has been quoted already. Roger of -Hoveden simply copies Florence. Ralph the Black and Roger of -Wendover at least give a little variety by copying the account -in William of Malmesbury. It is not till we get to the English and -French rimers, Robert of Gloucester and Peter Langtoft, that we -come to anything worthy of much notice or anything showing any -imagination. Robert of Gloucester tells the story of the dream, -attributing it to a monk, but not saying of what monastery. The -appearance on the altar loses perhaps somewhat of its awfulness -when it is made into the ordinary rood of the church.</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0">“Þat þe kẏng eode into a chẏrche, as fers man and wod,</div> -<div class="i0">And wel hokerlẏche bẏ held þe folc þat þere stod.</div> -<div class="i0">To þe rode he sturte, and bẏgan to frete and gnawe</div> -<div class="i0">Þe armes vaste, and þẏes mẏd hẏs teþ to drawe.</div> -<div class="i0">Þe rode ẏt þolede long, ac suþþe atte laste</div> -<div class="i0">He pulte hẏm wẏt vot, and adoun vp rẏgt hẏm caste.”</div> -</div> - -<p>This is surely no improvement on the older version of the story. -Robert does not forget the bodily appearances of the devil recorded -by Florence, but at his distance of time he does not draw the -national distinction which the earlier writer drew;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Vor þe Deuel was þer byuore þer aboute ẏseẏe</div> -<div class="i0">In fourme of bodẏ, and spec al so mẏd men of þe countreẏe.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p>He then goes on to tell the story, clearly after William of -Malmesbury, but everywhere with touches of his own. They have -the interest of being in any case the earliest detailed account, true -<a name="Page_668" id="Page_668"></a><span class="pageno">668</span> -or false, of the story in our own tongue. Thus the account of the -King’s not going to hunt before dinner takes this shape;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“So þat þe kẏng was adrad and bẏleuede vor such cas</div> -<div class="i0">To wende er non an honteþ, þe wule he vastyng was.</div> -<div class="i0">Ac after mete, þo he adde ẏete and ẏdronke wel,</div> -<div class="i0">He nom on of hẏs priues, þat het Water Tẏrel,</div> -<div class="i0">And a uewe oþere of hẏs men, and nolde non lenger abẏde,</div> -<div class="i0">Þat he nolde to hẏs game, tẏde wat so bẏtẏde.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p>The actual account of his death stands thus;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0">“He prẏkede after vaste ẏnou toward þe West rẏgt.</div> -<div class="i0">Hẏs honden he huld byuore hẏs eẏn vor þe sonne lẏgt.</div> -<div class="i0">So þat þẏs Water Tẏrel, þat þer bysẏde was neẏ,</div> -<div class="i0">Wolde ssete anoþer hert, þat, as he sede, he seẏ.</div> -<div class="i0">He sset þe kẏng in atte breste, þat neuer eft he ne speke,</div> -<div class="i0">Bote þe ssaft, þat was wẏþoute, grẏslẏch he to brec,</div> -<div class="i0">And anowarde hẏs wombe vel adoun, and deẏde without spech,</div> -<div class="i0">Wẏþoute ssrẏft and hosel, anon þer was Gode’s wreche.</div> -<div class="i0">Þo Water Tẏrel ẏseẏ, þat he was ded, anon</div> -<div class="i0">He atornde, as vaste as he mẏgte, þat was hẏs best won.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p>Peter of Langtoft (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 446) has some touches of his own. Among -other things, the days of the week have got wrong, in order to -bring in a precept as to the proper observance of the weekly fast-day. -We also get a purely imaginary Bishop of Winchester;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Par un Jovedy à vespre le ray ala cocher</div> -<div class="i0">En la Nove Forest, où devayt veneyer.</div> -<div class="i0">Si tost fu endormy, comença sounger</div> -<div class="i0">K’il fust en sa chapele, soul saunz esquyer,</div> -<div class="i0">Les us furent fermés k’yl ne pout passer;</div> -<div class="i0">Si graunt faym avayt, ke l’estout manger,</div> -<div class="i0">Ou mourir de faym, ou tost arager.</div> -<div class="i0">Il n’ad payn ne char, ne pessoun de mer;</div> -<div class="i0">Il prent et devoure le ymage sur le auter,</div> -<div class="i0">La Marye et le fiz, saunz rens là lesser.</div> -<div class="i0">Al matyn, kaunt il leve, le eveske fet maunder,</div> -<div class="i0">Ode de Wyncestre, et ly va counter</div> -<div class="i0">Tut cum ly avynt en sun somoyller.</div> -<div class="i0">Le eveske ly dist, ‘Sir rays, Deus est rays saunz per;</div> -<div class="i0">Tu l’as coroucez, te covent amender</div> -<div class="i0">Par penaunce, et desore plus sovent amer.</div> -<div class="i0">Par Vendredy en boys ne devez mes chacer,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne à la ryvere of faucoun chuvaucher;</div> -<div class="i0">Tel est ta penaunce, et tu le days garder.’</div> -<a name="Page_669" id="Page_669"></a><span class="pageno">669</span> -<div class="i0">Le eveske ad pris congé, et vait à sun maner;</div> -<div class="i0">Après la messe oye, ala le rays juer,</div> -<div class="i0">Sa penaunce oblye, fet maunder ly archer,</div> -<div class="i0">Walter Tirel i fust, ke set del mister,</div> -<div class="i0">Ad sun tristre vayt, la beste va wayter,</div> -<div class="i0">Un cerf hors de l’herd comença launcer;</div> -<div class="i0">Et ly Frauncays Tyrel se pressayt à seter,</div> -<div class="i0">Quide ferir la beste, et fert le rays al quer</div> -<div class="i0">Kaunt le eveske l’oyt dire, fist trop mourne cher.</div> -<div class="i0">Le cors à, Wyncestre fist le eveske porter,</div> -<div class="i0">Et mettre en toumbe al mouster saynt Per.</div> -<div class="i0">[Prioms qe sire Dieu pardoun li voile doner.]”</div> -</div> - -<p>This last line, fittingly according to the belief of William’s own -time, is wanting in some manuscripts.</p> - -<p>From the writer known as Bromton we might have looked for -some new form of the legend, but he gives us (X Scriptt. 996) -only the usual story about Walter Tirel, with a rhetorical character -of William and an account of his evil doings. One or two -expressions however are remarkable;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In quodam loco ubi priscis temporibus ecclesia fuerat constructa, -et tempore patris sui cum multis aliis ecclesiis, et quatuor -domibus religiosis, et tota illa patria in solitudinem redacta, vitam -crudelem fine miserrimo terminavit. Jure autem in medio injustitiæ -suæ inter feras occiditur, qui ultra modum inter homines -ferus erat. Nam stabilitis contra malefactores silvarum, forestarum, -et venationis, legibus duris, zelotepia sua agente, custos boscorum et -ferarum pastor communiter vocabatur.”</p> - -<p>To Knighton’s curious account I have referred already (see -<a href="#Page_333"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 333</a>). But he tells the story twice. His first version (X Scriptt. -2372) contains nothing remarkable; the second (2373) is quite -worth notice. He attributes to Rufus the making of the New -Forest, which he describes in words which are not, as far as one -can see, copied from any of the usual sources. He enforced the -forest laws with great harshness, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quod pro dama hominem suspenderet, -pro lepore <abbr title="20 solidi">xx.<span class="decoration">s.</span></abbr> plecteretur, pro cuniculo <abbr title="10 solidi">x.<span class="decoration">s.</span></abbr> daret.”</span> -Then the last scene is brought in with some solemnity; but the -age which he assigns to the Red King is quite impossible;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Igitur, ut ante dictum est, <abbr title="3">iii.</abbr> nonarum Augusti, per Cistrensem -[sic] anno gratiæ <span class="muchsmaller">MC.</span> regni sui <abbr title="13">xiii.</abbr> ætatis <abbr title="53">liii.</abbr> venit in novum herbarium -suum, scilicet novam forestam, cum multa familia stipatus, -<a name="Page_670" id="Page_670"></a><span class="pageno">670</span> -venandi gratia set sibi gratia dura. Cum arcubus et canibus stetit -in loco suo, et quidam miles sibi nimis familiaris Walterus Tyrel -nomine, prope eum ex opposito loco, ut moris est venantium, cæterique -sparsim unusquisque cum arcu et sagitta in manu expecteoli -[sic] pro præda capienda. Interea accidit miræ magnitudinis cervum -præ cæteris præstantiorem regi appropinquare, videlicet inter regem -et dictum militem, at rex tetendit arcum volens emittere sagittam, -credens se interficere cervum, set, fracta corda in arcu regis, cervus, -de sonitu quasi attonitus, restitit circumcirca respiciens, et inde -rex aliqualiter motus dixit militi ut cervum sagittaret. Miles vero -se sustinuit. At rex objurganter cum magno impetu præcepit -ei, dicens, ‘Trahe, trahe, arcum ex parte diaboli, et extendas -sagittam, alias te pœnitebit,’ At ille emisit sagittam, volens interficere -cervum, percussit regem per medium cordis, et occidit eum, -ibidemque expiravit. Walterus evasit, nemine insequente. Rex -vero vehitur apud Wyntoniam super redam caballariam impositus. -In cujus sepultura luctus defuit. Omnes gaudium de ejus morte -arripiunt, adeo quod vix erat quispiam qui lacrimam emiserit, sed -omnes de morte ejus lætati sunt.”</p> - -<p>This is well told; but how much more men knew about the -matter at the end of the fourteenth century than they did in the -last year of the eleventh.</p> - -<p class="p2">To turn to foreign writers, the Annales Cambriæ say simply -that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus rex Angliæ, a quodam milite suo cervum petente -sagitta percussus, interiit”</span>—​or, in another manuscript, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus -rex Anglorum, <em>improviso ictu</em> sagittæ a quodam milite in venatu -occubuit.”</span> The difference is to be noted. The Brut records the -death of William the Red, King of the Saxons (Gẃilim Goch, -brenhin y Saeson), and says that “as he was on a certain day -hunting, along with Henry, his youngest brother, accompanied -by some of his knights, he was wounded with an arrow by -Walter Tyrell, a knight of his own, who, unwittingly, as he was -shooting at a stag, hit the king and killed him.”</p> - -<p>The Annales Blandinienses in Pertz, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 27, record how <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“secundus -Willelmus rex Anglorum in venatione ab uno milite suo ex -improvisu sagitta vulneratus obiit; cui successit Henricus frater -suus.”</span> The Saint Denis History (Pertz, <abbr title="nine">ix.</abbr> 405) has a further -touch; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus Rufus, rex Anglorum, venationi intentus sagitta</span> -<a name="Page_671" id="Page_671"></a><span class="pageno">671</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">incaute emissa occiditur. Cui Henricus frater ejus <em>velocissime successit</em>, -ne impediretur a Roberto fratre suo, jam de Hierosolimitana -expeditione reverso.”</span> Another writer in the same volume (<abbr title="nine">ix.</abbr> 392), -Hugh of Fleury, has a remarkable account, quite in the spirit -of the English writers, but seemingly not directly copied from any -of them;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Anglorum Guillelmus, magnifici regis Guillelmi successor -et filius, dum venationem exercet in silva quæ adjacet Vindoniæ -urbi, a quodam milite sagitta percussus interiit. Ille tamen miles -qui sagittam jecit illum inscientem percussit. Cervam quippe -sagittare parabat, sed sagitta retrorsum acta regem insperate percussit, -et illum inopinabiliter interemit. Quod divino nutu contigisse -non dubium est. Erat enim rex ille armis quidem strenuus -atque munificus, sed nimis lasciviens et flagitiosus. Verum antequam -interiret, magnis sibi signis præostensis, si voluisset, corrigi -debuisset. Nam dum sibi subitus, peccatis suis exigentibus, immineret -interitus, in eadem insula in qua manebat sanguinis unda -fœtida per spatium unius diei emanavit, <em>ipso præsente</em>, quod dicebatur -ejus portendere mortem. Ipso etiam tempore apparuerunt alia -signa stupenda in eadem insula, quibus, sicut jam dictum est, -terreri et vitam suam corrigere debuisset. Quæ juventa stolidus -et honore superbus contempsit, et semper incorrigibilis mansit. -Unde Dei justo judicio subite et intempestiva morte preventus -occubuit. Cui successit frater ejus junior Henricus, vir sapiens -atque modestus.”</p> - -<p>Hugh of Flavigny, whom we have already had often to quote, -adds (Pertz, <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 495) one detail which I do not think appears -elsewhere. The King goes to see the well which sent up blood -(the event is wrongly put under 1099);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anno inc. dom. 1099 obiit Urbanus papa, successit Paschalis. -Obiit etiam Willelmus junior rex Anglorum. Quo etiam anno in -Anglia fons verum sanguinem olidum et putentem manare visus -est. Ad quod spectaculum cum fere tota insula cucurrisset, insolita -rei novitate stupefacta, rex præfatus advenit et vidit, nec tamen -ei profuit vidisse. Autumabat vulgus promiscuum portentum istud -mortem regis portendere, quod etiam ei dicebatur a referentibus; -sed homo secularis et in quem timor Dei non ceciderat, voluptatibus -carnis et superbiæ deditus, divinorum præceptorum contemptor -et adversarius, qui tamen satis regii fuisset animi, si non -<a name="Page_672" id="Page_672"></a><span class="pageno">672</span> -Deum postposuisset fastu regni inflatus, nec cogitabat se moriturum.”</p> - -<p>He carries on this vein a little further, and then gives the account -of his death;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quia Deum deseruit, sanctam ecclesiam opprimens et eam sibi -ancillari constituens, a Deo quoque derelictus est; in silva quæ -adjacet Wintoniæ civitati, dum venationem exercet, sagitta a -quodam percussus, quo lethali vulnere decidit et exanimatus est, -pœnitentia et communione carens, et apud eamdem urbem sepultus.”</p> - -<p>The Angevin chroniclers record the death of Rufus without -comment or detail. The Biographer of the Bishops of Le Mans -(Vet. An. 309), who looks at the matter chiefly with reference to -Bishop Hildebert, moralizes at some length; but his statement of -fact is no more than this;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dum quadam die in silvam venandi gratia perrexisset, ab uno -ex militibus qui secum ierant sagitta percussus, interiit.”</p> - -<p>This is really hardly more than the few words of the English -Chronicler. Alberic of Trois Fontaines, from whom we might -have looked for something, merely copies William of Malmesbury -and others. Gervase of Tilbury (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 20, Leibnitz, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 945) mentions -another agent in the death-blow;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Defuncto patre successit Guillelmus <i>primogenius</i> in regnum, -vir impius, ecclesiarum persecutor, immisericors circa imbelles, qui -archiepiscopum Cantuariensem plurimum persecutus, <em>ab angelo -percutiente peremtus</em>, Guintoniæ sepultus est, sub infamiæ perpetuo -monumento.”</p> - -<p class="p2">As for Walter Tirel, he has his place in ordinary memory so -thoroughly as the slayer of William Rufus and as nothing else, -that it is rather hard to take in that his position as the slayer -of William Rufus is very doubtful, while there are undoubted, -though meagre, notices of him in other characters. We have already -seen him entertaining Anselm in one of his Picard dwellings. The -fullest account of his family comes from Orderic, who, when he is -commenting on the laxity of the Norman clergy and bishops in his -time, gives us the story of Walter’s father (574 D). Dean Fulk was -a pupil of Bishop Ivo of Chartres, and inherited a knight’s fee -from his father. Then we read how <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“illius temporis ritu, nobilem</span> -<a name="Page_673" id="Page_673"></a><span class="pageno">673</span> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">sociam nomine Orieldem habuit, ex qua copiosam prolem generavit.”</span> -Walter was one of a family of ten, seemingly the youngest of eight -sons. He was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cognomento Tirellus,”</span> clearly a personal and not -a hereditary or local surname.</p> - -<p>If the Dean of Evreux kept proper residence, his son would -be Norman <em>natione</em>, whatever he was <em>genere</em>; but most accounts -of Walter connect him with France rather than with Normandy. -Abbot Suger, who knew him personally, speaks of him (Duchèsne, -<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 283 C) as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“nobilissimus vir Galterius Tirellus.”</span> In Florence -(1100) he is simply <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quidam Francus, Walterus cognomento -Tirellus.”</span> William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 333) says that, on the day -of the King’s death, he was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“paucis comitatus, quorum familiarissimus -erat Walterius cognomento Tirel, qui de Francia, liberalitate -regis adductus, venerat.”</span> His possession of Poix appears from -Orderic, 782 A, where he is described as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“de Francia miles -generosus, Picis et Pontisariæ dives oppidanus, potens inter optimates -et in armis acerrimus; ideo regi familiaris conviva et ubique -comes assiduus.”</span> Walter Map (De Nugis Cur. 222) calls him -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“miles Achaza juxta Pontissaram Franciæ,”</span> which I suppose means -Achères. (But in Orderic, 723 B, we have another Walter and -also a Peter brought into connexion with Achères.) Walter’s -connexion with that district suggests that the King had bought -him over to his side, or had taken him prisoner during the campaign -in the Vexin. Geoffrey Gaimar (<abbr title="Chroniques Anglo-Normandes one">Chron. Anglo-Norm. i.</abbr> 51) dwells -on his possession of Poix;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Wauter estoit un riches hom,</div> -<div class="i0">De France ert per del région.</div> -<div class="i0">Piez estoit soen un fort chastel,</div> -<div class="i0">Assez avoir de son avel.</div> -<div class="i0">Au roi estoit venu servir</div> -<div class="i0">Douns et soudées recoverir,</div> -<div class="i0">Per grant cherté ert recuilliz,</div> -<div class="i0">Assez ert bien del roi chériz.</div> -<div class="i0"><em>Pur ceo q’estranges homs estoit,</em></div> -<div class="i0"><em>Le gentil roi le chérissoit.</em>”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p class="unindent">His marriage comes from Orderic (783 A); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Adelidam filiam -Ricardi de sublimi prosapia Gifardorum conjugem habuit, quæ -Hugonem de Pice, strenuissimum militem, marito suo peperit.”</span></p> - -<p>The question now comes whether Walter Tirel appears in Domesday. -There is in Essex (41) an entry, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Laingaham tenet Walterus -Tirelde. R. quod tenuit Phin dacus pro <abbr title="2">ii.</abbr> hidis et dimidia et pro -uno manerio.”</span> This comes among the estates of Richard of Clare, -and I suppose that “R.” in the entry should be “de R.” as in -<a name="Page_674" id="Page_674"></a><span class="pageno">674</span> -several others. If this be our Walter Tirel, his estate was not -very great, and he did not hold as a tenant-in-chief. One cannot -make much out of the extract from an East-Saxon county history -in Ellis, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 394. Lappenberg (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 207) has more to say about this -entry and other bearers of the name of Tirel. It cannot much -matter that <span lang="de" xml:lang="de">“der Name Tirrel ist in der Liste der Krieger zu -Battle Abbey.”</span> It is of more importance when he refers to the -Pipe Roll of Henry (56), where we read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Adeliz uxor Walteri -Tirelli reddit compotum de <abbr title="10">x.</abbr> marcis argenti de eisdem placitis -de La Wingeham.”</span> This comes in Essex, and I suppose that the -“Laingaham” of Domesday and the “La Wingeham” of the Pipe -Roll are the same place. If so, the two entries, combined with -the notice in Orderic, look very much as if they all belong to one -Walter and one Adelaide. If this be so, Walter Tirel was a landowner -in England, though on no great scale; and whatever was -his own case, his wife or widow was living and holding his land -in 1131.</p> - -<p>Walter’s denial of any share in the King’s death comes from -the personal knowledge of Abbot Suger (Duchèsne, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 283); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Imponebatur -a quibusdam cuidam nobilissimo viro Galterio Tirello, -quod eum sagitta perfoderat. Quem cum nec timeret, nec speraret, -jurejurando sæpius audivimus, et quasi sacrosanctum asserere, quod -ea die nec in eam partem silvæ in qua rex venabatur, venerit, nec -eum in silva omnino viderit.”</span></p> - -<p>John of Salisbury in his Life of Anselm, <abbr title="100 12">c. xii</abbr> (Giles, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 341), refers -to this denial on the part of Walter. He speaks of the fate of Julian, -likening Anselm to Basil, and goes on; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quis alterutrum miserit -telum, adhuc incertum est quidem. Nam Walterus Tyrrellus ille, -qui regiæ necis reus a plurimis dictus est, eo quod illi familiaris -erat et tunc in indagine ferarum vicinus, et fere singulariter adhærebat, -etiam quum ageret in extremis, se a cæde illius immunem -esse, invocato in animam suam Dei judicio, protestatus est. Fuerunt -plurimi, <em>qui ipsum regem jaculum quo interemptus est misisse -asserunt</em>; et hoc Walterus ille, etsi non crederetur ei, constanter -asserebat.”</span> He adds a comment which might be taken in two -senses; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Et profecto quisquis hoc fecerit, Dei ecclesiæ suæ calamitatibus -compatientis dispositioni fideliter obedivit.”</span></p> - -<p>The very confused story which makes William Rufus the maker -of the New Forest, and Walter Tirel the adviser of the deed, comes -<a name="Page_675" id="Page_675"></a><span class="pageno">675</span> -from Walter Map’s account (De Nugis, 222) of the death of William -Rufus, where a good many things are brought close together; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willielmus secundus, rex Angliæ, regum pessimus, Anselmo pulso -a sede Cantiæ, justo Dei judicio a sagitta volante pulsus, quia -dæmonio meridiano deditus, cujus ad nutum vixerat, onere pessimo -levavit orbem. Notandum autem quod <em>in silva Novæ Forestæ</em></span> -[<abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 841], <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">quam ipse Deo et hominibus abstulerat, -ut eam dicaret feris et canum lusibus, a qua triginta sex matrices -ecclesias extirpaverat, et populum earum dederat <em>exterminio</em>. Consiliarius -autem hujus ineptiæ Walterus Tyrell, miles Achaza juxta -Pontissaram Franciæ, qui, non sponte sua sed Domini, de medio -fecit eum ictu sagittæ, quæ feram penetrans cecidit in belluam Deo -odibilem.”</span> “Exterminium” must of course be taken, not of a -massacre, but of a mere driving out. Giraldus too (De Inst. Princ. -173) attributes the making of the New Forest and the driving out -of the people to William Rufus;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hic Novam in australibus Angliæ partibus Forestam, quæ -usque hodie durat, primus instituit; multis ibidem ecclesiis, in -quibus divina ab antiquo celebrari obsequia et ipsius præconia -sublimari, desertis omnino et destitutis multisque ruricolis et -glebæ ascriptis a paternis laribus et agris avitis miserabiliter profugatis -et proscriptis.”</p> - -<p>We have seen already (see <a href="#Page_337"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 337</a>) how this confusion was further -improved in the thirteenth century at the hands of Thomas -Wykes, and what rhetorical use of it was made later still by Henry -Knighton.</p> - -<p class="p2">As usual, so-called local tradition knows a vast deal about the -matter. The exact place where Rufus fell is known, and is marked -by a stone. The tree from which, in some versions, the arrow -is said to have glanced, is also known, and its site, or a successor, -may be seen. It is of course impossible to say that these things -are not so; but one knows too much of the utter worthlessness -of the modern guesses which commonly pass for local tradition to -attach much value to such stories. I have been on the spot; but, -when there is no real evidence to fix the event to one spot rather -than another of a large district, it is another matter from tracing -out the signs of real history at Le Mans and at Rochester, at -Bamburgh and at Saint Cenery. There is also a wild story about -<a name="Page_676" id="Page_676"></a><span class="pageno">676</span> -a payment made by some neighbouring manor as a penalty, because -some one shod Walter’s horse instead of stopping him. The payment -is doubtless real enough; the alleged cause for it shows a -knowledge of details beyond that of Knighton or Geoffrey Gaimar. -The critical historian, after making his way through all these tales, -can only come back to the safe statement of the English Chronicler -with which he set out.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_TT" id="Note_TT"></a>APPENDIX TT. <a href="#Page_338"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 338</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Burial of William Rufus.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">Some</span> of the accounts of William’s burial have been already -mentioned in the text, or in the last Note. It may have been -noticed that some of them seem anxious to claim for Henry a -share in the burial of his brother. The singular narrative of -Geoffrey Gaimar (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 56), where he follows up his attempt to make -out a late repentance for Rufus by giving him a specially solemn -and Christian burial, has been given in brief in the text. The barons -and the rest are mourning, when Gilbert of Laigle bids them stop -(“Taisez, seigneurs, pur Jhésu Xpist”) and turn to burying their -master. Then the story goes on;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Donc véissez valez descendre</div> -<div class="i0">Et venéours lur haches tendre.</div> -<div class="i0">Tost furent trenche li fussel</div> -<div class="i0">De quai firent li mainel.</div> -<div class="i0">Deus blertrons troevent trenchez;</div> -<div class="i0">Bien sont léger et ensechez,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne sont trop gros, mès longs estoient;</div> -<div class="i0">Tut à mesure les conreient,</div> -<div class="i0">De lur ceintures e de peitrels</div> -<div class="i0">Lient estreit les mainels,</div> -<div class="i0">Puis firent lit en la bière.</div> -<div class="i0">De beles flours et de feugère,</div> -<div class="i0">Ij palefreis ont amenez,</div> -<div class="i0">Od riches freinz, bien enseelez;</div> -<div class="i0">Sur ceus ij. couchent la bière;</div> -<div class="i0">N’ert pas pesante mès légère;</div> -<div class="i0">Puis i estendent un mantel</div> -<div class="i0">Qui ert de paille tut novel.</div> -<div class="i0">Le fiz Aimon le défoubla,</div> -<div class="i0">Robert, qi son seignur ama,</div> -<div class="i0">Sur la bière cuchent le roi,</div> -<div class="i0">Qe portoient le palefroi.</div> -<div class="i0">Enséveli fu en un tiret,</div> -<div class="i0">Dont Willam de Montfichet.</div> -<div class="i0">Le jour devant ert adubbé,</div> -<div class="i0">N’avoit esté k’un jor porté,</div> -<div class="i0">Le mantel gris donc il osta.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p>After some more lamentations, they set out on their journey and -reach Winchester;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<a name="Page_677" id="Page_677"></a><span class="pageno">677</span> -<div class="i0a">“Tresque Wincestre n’ont finé,</div> -<div class="i0">Iloeques ont le roi posé</div> -<div class="i0">Enz el mouster Seint-Swithun.</div> -<div class="i0">Là s’assemblèrent li baron.</div> -<div class="i0">Et la clergié de la cité</div> -<div class="i0">Et li évesque et li abbé.</div> -<div class="i0">Li bons évesques Walkelin</div> -<div class="i0">Gaita le roi tresq’au matin.</div> -<div class="i0">O lui, moigne, clerc et abbé,</div> -<div class="i0">Bien ont léu et bien chanté</div> -<div class="i0">Leudemain font cele départie.</div> -<div class="i0">Tiele ne vit homme de vie,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne tant messes ne tiel servise</div> -<div class="i0">N’ert fet tresq’au jour de juise</div> -<div class="i0">Pur un roi, come pur li firent.</div> -<div class="i0">Tut autrement l’ensévelirent</div> -<div class="i0">Qe li baron n’avoient fet.</div> -<div class="i0">Là où Wauter out à lui tret.</div> -<div class="i0">Qui ceo ne creit aut à Wincestre,</div> -<div class="i0">Oïr porra si voir pœt estre.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p>This is a pretty story enough; but we may be sure that all -its other details are as mythical as the part assigned to the dead -Bishop Walkelin. The only question of any importance is whether -there is any contradiction between the two more important narratives, -that of Orderic and that of William of Malmesbury in the place -where he is directly telling the story. The Chronicler and Florence -simply mention the burial without detail or comment. The account -of William of Malmesbury is the shorter of the two. The King -has been shot, and Walter Tirel has fled. Then the story goes on -(<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 333);</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nec vero fuit qui persequeretur, illis conniventibus, istis miserantibus, -omnibus postremo alia molientibus; pars receptacula sua -munire, pars furtivas prædas agere, pars regem novum jamjamque -circumspicere. Pauci rusticanorum cadaver, in rheda caballaria -compositum, Wintoniam in episcopatum devexere, cruore undatim -per totam viam stillante. Ibi infra ambitum turris, multorum -procerum conventu, paucorum planctu, terræ traditum.”</p> - -<p>Orderic (782 D) tells very much the same story;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Mortuo rege, plures optimatum ad lares suos de saltu manicaverunt, -et contra futuras motiones quas timebant res suas ordinaverunt. -Clientuli quidem cruentatum regem vilibus utcunque -pannis operuerunt, et veluti ferocem aprum, venabulis confossum, -de saltu ad urbem Guentanam detulerunt. Clerici autem et -monachi atque cives, duntaxat egeni, cum viduis et mendicis, -obviam processerunt, et pro reverentia regiæ dignitatis in veteri -monasterio Sancti Petri celeriter tumulaverunt.”</p> - -<p>The words of William of Malmesbury, it will be noticed, are quite -general. They do not assert the usual religious ceremony, but -neither do they exclude it. It is Orderic who in a marked way -asserts the popular excommunication. His words are;</p> - -<p lang="la" xml:lang="la"><a name="Page_678" id="Page_678"></a><span class="pageno">678</span> -“Porro ecclesiastici doctores et prælati, sordidam ejus vitam et -tetrum finem considerantes, tunc judicare ausi sunt, et ecclesiastica, -veluti biothanatum, absolutione indignum censuerunt, quem vitales -auras carpentem salubriter a nequitiis castigare nequiverunt. Signa -etiam pro illo in quibusdam ecclesiis non sonuerunt, quæ pro infimis -pauperibus et mulierculis crebro diutissime pulsata sunt. De -ingenti ærario, ubi plures nummorum acervi de laboribus miserorum -congesti sunt, eleemosynæ pro anima cupidi quondam possessoris -nullæ inopibus erogatæ sunt.”</p> - -<p>Here is no contradiction; only Orderic asserts a very remarkable -feature in the case of which William takes no notice. To me it -seems more likely that William of Malmesbury, whose business it -clearly was (see above, <a href="#Page_491"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 491</a>) to make out as good a case for -William Rufus as he could without asserting anything positively -false, should leave out a circumstance which told so much against the -King, than that Orderic, or those from whom he heard the story, -should invent or imagine it. On the other hand, the very fact that -the story of the popular excommunication is so very striking and -solemn and in every way befitting does make us tremble the least -bit in admitting it as a piece of authentic history.</p> - -<p>We must not however forget that William of Malmesbury in a -later passage (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393) does seem to imply that the burial of Rufus -was accompanied by the ordinary ceremonies. In recording the -election of Henry, he says that it happened <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“post justa funeri regio -persoluta.”</span> But it may fairly be doubted whether an <em lang="la" xml:lang="la">obiter dictum</em> -of this kind is entitled to the same weight which would undoubtedly -have belonged to a direct statement in his regular narrative. The -words are, after all, somewhat vague, and if we compare this passage -in William of Malmesbury with the entry in the Chronicle, it -sounds very much as if it were merely a translation in a grander -style of the simple words “syðþan he bebyrged wæs.” The same -feeling as that which is expressed in Orderic’s account comes out in -a singular passage of the Saxon Annalist (Pertz, <abbr title="six">vi.</abbr> 733); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willehelmus -rex de Anglia sagitta interfectus est. Heinricus vero frater -ejus in eodem loco pro remedio animi sui volens monasterium -constituere, prohibitus est. Apparuit enim ei, et duo dracones -ferentes eum, dicens, nichil sibi prodesse, eo quod suis temporibus -omnia destructa essent, quæ antecessores sui in honorem Domini -construxerant.”</span></p> - -<p><a name="Page_679" id="Page_679"></a><span class="pageno">679</span> -I suppose that there need be no difficulty about the “clientuli” -of Orderic as compared with the “rusticani” of William, though the -word “clientuli” by itself might rather have suggested some of the -King’s inferior followers. But one is amazed to find Sir Francis -Palgrave (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 686, 687) telling us the name of the churl who -brought in the body, “a neighbouring charcoal-burner, Purkis.” -And he goes on to say;</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“We are not told that Purkis received any reward or thanks -for his care. His family still subsists in the neighbourhood, -nor have they risen above their original station, poor craftsmen -or cottagers. They followed the calling of coal-burners until -a recent period; and they tell us that the wheel of the Cart -which conveyed the neglected corpse was shown by them until the -last century.”</p> - -<p>I have often heard of this local legend about Purkis, but really -so palpable a fiction ought not to have found its way into the pages -of a scholar like Sir Francis Palgrave. There are some stories -which need no argument against them, but which the evidence of -nomenclature at once upsets. Purkis is on the face of him as -mythical as Crocker and Crewis and Copleston—​I am not sure -whether I have remembered the first two names right, and it is not -worth turning to any book to see. By the way in which the story -is told, one would fancy that Purkis is meant for a surname, and it -may be that those who believe in him think that he was baptized -John or Thomas. In inventing legends it is at least better to -invent legends which are possible. If any one chooses to say that -the cart was driven by Godwine or Æthelstan, we cannot say that it -was not.</p> - -<p class="p2">It is after this that Orderic goes on to speak of the classes of -people who did mourn for the Red King, and how gladly they -would have done summary vengeance on his slayer, if he had not -been far out of their reach;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Stipendiarii milites et nebulones ac vulgaria scorta quæstus suos -in occasu mœchi principis perdiderunt, ejusque miserabilem obitum, -non tam pro pietate quam pro detestabili flagitiorum cupiditate, -planxerunt, Gualteriumque Tirellum, ut pro lapsu sui defensoris -membratim discerperent, summopere quæsierunt. Porro ille, perpetrato -facinore, ad pontum propere confugit, pelagoque transito, -<a name="Page_680" id="Page_680"></a><span class="pageno">680</span> -munitiones quas in Gallia possidebat expetiit, ibique minas et -maledictiones malevolentium tutus irrisit.”</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_UU" id="Note_UU"></a>NOTE UU. <a href="#Page_347"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 347.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Election of Henry the First.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">The</span> details of the accession of Henry come chiefly from Orderic -(782 D), though, oddly enough, he does not record the election in so -many words. But there can be no doubt as to the fact of a regular, -though necessarily a very hasty, election. The words of the -Chronicle are distinct; “And syðþan he bebyrged wæs þa witan þe -þa neh handa wæron, his broðer Heanrig to cynge gecuran.” So -Henry of Huntingdon; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Henricus, ibidem in regem electus.”</span> -Florence strangely slurs over the election, saying only, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“successit -junior frater suus Heinricus.”</span> William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393) -is quite distinct;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In regem electus est, aliquantis tamen ante controversiis inter -proceres agitatis atque sopitis, annitente maxime comite Warwicensi -Henrico, viro integro et sancto, cujus familiari jamdudum usus -fuerat contubernio.”</p> - -<p>Here we hear only of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“proceres;”</span> but we get the important -facts of the division among the electors, and of the special agency -of the Earl of Warwick, which falls in with the notice of Orderic -(783 B) that the Count of Meulan accompanied the King-elect to -London. The Beaumont brothers act together. But Orderic, in -his zeal to describe the picturesque scene between Henry and William -of Breteuil, leaves out any distinct record of the election. It -is however implied in the words which follow the passage quoted -in <a href="#Page_347"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 347;</a></p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tandem, convenientibus amicis et sapientibus consiliariis, hinc -et inde lis mitigata est, et saniori consultu, ne pejor scissura fieret, -arx cum regalibus gazis filio regis Henrico reddita est.”</p> - -<p>The assembly which settled the matter, and which gave up the -royal treasury to Henry, was beyond all doubt the assembly which, -according to William of Malmesbury, elected Henry king. It was -only to a king or king-elect that they would decree the surrender -of the treasure. Indeed one might be tempted to make a slight -<a name="Page_681" id="Page_681"></a><span class="pageno">681</span> -change in the order of events as told by Orderic. One is tempted -to suspect that the assembly voted the election of Henry, that he -went, armed with this vote, to demand the treasure, and that it -was then that William of Breteuil withstood him. This however is -simply conjecture. But there can be no doubt as to the election of -Henry by such an assembly as could be got together at the -moment. Nor do I see any reason to doubt Orderic’s story as to -the scene between Henry and William of Breteuil. At all events, -Orderic has made it the occasion of putting forward some very -sound constitutional doctrine, which is just as valuable, even if any -severe critic should reject the story as a fact.</p> - -<p class="p2">I have spoken elsewhere (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 845) of two tales -in Matthew Paris with regard to Henry’s accession, of which -Thierry made a characteristic use. I have nothing to add to what -I said then.</p> - -<p class="p2">There can, I think, be no doubt that the celebrant at Henry’s -coronation was Maurice Bishop of London. The Chronicler, -Florence, Orderic, and Henry of Huntingdon, all mention Maurice -and no other prelate, though of course some other bishops would -take a secondary part in the ceremony. The Archbishop of York -would have been the regular celebrant during the vacancy of Canterbury; -but, as Thomas died so soon afterwards, the natural inference -is that he was too sick to come. And indeed, if he was in his own -province, he could not, even if he had been in the best of health, -have come to Westminster at such short notice. Even Thomas -Stubbs does not claim the consecration of Henry for his namesake, -unless indeed he means (X Scriptt. 1707) to insinuate it in a very -dark way. He mentions the vacancy of Canterbury after the death -of Lanfranc, and adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ex antiquo tamen extitit consuetudo inter duos Angliæ metropolitanos, -ut altero defuncto alter in provincia defuncti archiepiscopalia -faceret, utpote episcopos consecrare, regem coronare, coronato -rege natalis domini, paschæ et pentecostes majorem missam cantare. -Hæc interim fecit Thomas archiepiscopus, nec quisquam -episcoporum erat qui hæc in sua ipsius diocesi præsente archiepiscopo -præsumeret.”</p> - -<p>He then mentions the bishops whom Thomas consecrated, Hervey -<a name="Page_682" id="Page_682"></a><span class="pageno">682</span> -of Norwich—​that is, Herbert of Thetford—​Ralph of Chichester, and -Hervey of Bangor. If he had really thought that Thomas had -crowned a king, he would surely have said so distinctly. I can -therefore attach no importance to the strange statement of the two -Ely writers (Anglia Sacra, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 613; Stewart, Liber Eliensis, 284) -that Henry was consecrated by Maurice, but crowned by Thomas -(<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“a Mauritio Lundoniensi episcopo in regem est consecratus, sed -a Thoma Eboracensi coronatus”</span>). But the distinction between -consecration and coronation may be worth the attention of ritual -students.</p> - -<p class="p2">It was an easy mistake of a Welsh writer (see the Brut, 1098, -that is 1100) to transfer the election from Winchester to London; -“From thence [Winchester] he went to London, and took possession -of it, which is the chiefest and crown of the whole kingdom of -England [Lloeger]. Then the French and Saxons [Ffreinc a -Saeson] all flocked together to him, and by royal council appointed -him king in England [vrenhin yn Lloeger].”</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_WW" id="Note_WW"></a>APPENDIX WW. <a href="#Page_384"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 384</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Objections to the Marriage of Henry and -Matilda.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">Our</span> two fullest accounts of this matter are those of Eadmer and -of Hermann of Tournay (D’Achery, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 894, see above, <a href="#Page_600"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 600</a>). -Eadmer’s is the account, not only of a contemporary, but, we cannot -doubt, of an eye-witness. Hermann wrote in another land, -long afterwards, when the wars of Stephen and Matilda and the -pleadings in the papal court (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 857) had called men’s -minds back to the story of the marriage of Matilda’s parents. His -memory, as we see, failed him as to details. He did not remember -either of the names of Eadgyth-Matilda; he mistakes her brother -David for her father; he makes her (D’Achery, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 894) the mother -of both the sons of Henry who were drowned in the White Ship. -It is quite plain that his remembrance of what he had heard from -Anselm forty or fifty years before was coloured by later ways of -looking at things.</p> - -<p><a name="Page_683" id="Page_683"></a><span class="pageno">683</span> -It is quite plain from Eadmer’s account that Eadgyth herself -had not the slightest feeling against the marriage, but that she -was eager for it; she disliked neither King Henry nor his crown. -Nor has Anselm any objection, as soon as the evidence shows that -no rule of the Church would be broken by the marriage. That -he was strict in requiring such evidence was only natural and right; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Affirmabat nulla se unquam ratione in hoc declinandum ut suam -Deo sponsam tollat et eam terreno homini in matrimonium jungat”</span> -(Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 56). But when the evidence shows that -Eadgyth was not <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dei sponsa,”</span> he makes no further objection. -Nothing is proved by his use of a negative form, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“judicium vestrum -non abjicio”</span> (<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 58). The sentimental objection which -Hermann puts into his mouth seems quite out of character. -Anselm takes the common-sense view; If she is a nun, she must -not marry; if she is not a nun, she may. One can believe that -Anselm would in his heart have preferred that any virgin should -abide in the state which he deemed the higher. But he would -hardly have stooped to say; “This marriage is perfectly lawful; -but the veil has touched her head; so you had better marry -somebody else.” In this and in the prophecy we surely see the -beginning of the growth of a legend. Some legends of Anselm -seem to have arisen in his life-time. This one could not, as no -ill-luck happened to the children of the marriage till after Anselm -was dead.</p> - -<p>I am not sure that a very slight touch in the same direction -may not be seen in the account of William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 418; -the words follow the passage quoted above, <a href="#Page_603"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 603</a>; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum rex -suscipere vellet eam thalamo, res in disceptationem venit; nec -nisi legitimis productis testibus, qui eam jurarent sine professione -causa procorum velum gessisse, archiepiscopus adduci potuit ad -consentiendum.”</span></p> - -<p>William, it is to be noticed, does not repeat the English -pedigree, on which in his former notice (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393) he was less -emphatic than Eadmer. I do not know what can be meant by -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ignobiles nuptiæ.”</span> Hardly Count Alan; hardly Earl William -of Warren or Surrey, who is also spoken of.</p> - -<p class="p2">Thierry (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 152) has an elaborate romance, in which the father -of Western theology comes in casually as <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“un moine du Bec,</span> -<a name="Page_684" id="Page_684"></a><span class="pageno">684</span> -<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">nommé Anselme.”</span> Here Eadgyth dislikes the marriage, but -sacrifices herself for the good of her people. All this comes from -Matthew Paris, who has two amazing stories. In one (<abbr title="Historia Anglorum">Hist. Angl.</abbr> -<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 188), though Malcolm and Margaret have been killed off at the -proper time, they appear again in full life when King Henry -seeks their daughter—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“filia elegantissimæ speciei, et, quod pluris -erat, vitæ sanctissimæ.”</span> She was brought up in a monastery, perhaps -as a nun (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in sanctimonialium claustro propter honestatem -educata, et, ut dicitur, velo sacro Deo dicato ac jam professa”</span>). -King Henry woos her with much fervour of passion (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ipsam -propter ipsius mores et faciei venustatem sitienter adoptavit, et -instanter petiit in uxorem”</span>). The parents dare not withstand such -a lover; they go to ask their daughter’s own wishes. She rebukes -them in fearful and mysterious words for speaking of any such -matter (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“increpans patrem et matrem de zelotipiæ præsumptione, -nec ipsos debere de corpore suo fructum mortalitatis exposcere, -vel fructum posteritatis infructuosum”</span>). At this the father is -sad; the mother is pleased by the decision of her daughter (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“matri -propositum puellare complacuit”</span>). The King’s passion only waxes -warmer; like Balak, he sends more honourable messengers; he -commands, prays, promises, till he stumbles into a hexameter -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“missis sollemnioribus nuntiis, urgentius adolescentulam in -reginam expostulans, imperium, promissa, preces, confudit in -unum”</span>). Malcolm, knowing that his wife will never agree to -the marriage, turns, without her knowledge, to the abbess by -whom his daughter had been brought up. The reverend mother -is prevailed on to argue the point at length, and to set forth -every possible argument, personal and political, on behalf of the -marriage;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Proponens utilitatem inde proventuram, scilicet regnorum -fœdera, regum mutuam dilectionem, pacis tranquillitatem, propagationis -posteritatem, reginalem dignitatem, honoris magnificentiam, -divitiarum affluentiam, amoris desiderium, amatoris pulcritudinem.”</p> - -<p>Father and abbess together are too much for the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“beata virgo -Matilda.”</span> She yields, but only <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“maledicens fructui sui ventris -affuturo.”</span> Anselm marries them, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“nuptiis sollemniter, ut decuit, -celebratis;”</span> but a contemporary note in the margin is added, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nota nuptias illicitas.”</span> And we are told that the disturbances -<a name="Page_685" id="Page_685"></a><span class="pageno">685</span> -which presently followed, the invasion of Robert and anything -else, were all judgements on this unlawful marriage;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Facta est commotio magna in regno, quasi Deo irato, quoniam -rex Henricus zelotipaverat, et, sicut fratrem Robertum de regno -supplantando alienaverat, sic Christum de sponsa sua defraudaverat.”</p> - -<p>It is to be noticed that the writer who brings in all this action -of Malcolm under the year 1101 had long before (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 43) recorded -his death in its proper place, or rather before its proper place, as -he puts it in 1092 instead of 1093.</p> - -<p>The other account comes in the Chronica Majora, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 121. It -is chiefly remarkable for two speeches, the second of which is put -into the mouth of Matilda herself. Matthew had just copied a -business-like bit from Roger of Wendover (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 169), recording the -marriage without comment; he then goes on to say that Matilda -was married against her will, being won over by the importunity -of kinsfolk and friends. The words are, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“parentum et amicorum -consiliis vix adquiescens; tandem tædio affecta, adquievit.”</span> -(“Parentes” may be taken by the charitably disposed in the wider -French sense, but it must be remembered that in the other version -Malcolm and Margaret are brought in as living in the year 1100.) -This version is quite certain that Matilda had made a vow, but -leaves it open whether she had actually taken the veil (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum -Christiana matertera sancta sanctissime in claustro religionis -educata fuerat, et votum virginitatis Deo spoponderat, et, ut multi -perhibent, velum susceperat professæ religionis”</span>). The kinsfolk -and friends make a solemn appeal on patriotic grounds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“O mulierum generosissima ac gratissima, per te reparabitur -Anglorum genialis nobilitas, quæ diu degeneravit, et fœdus magnorum -principum redintegrabitur, si matrimonio prælocuto consentias. -Quod si non feceris, causa eris perennis inimicitiæ -gentium diversarum, et sanguinis humani effusionis irrestaurabilis.”</p> - -<p>Matilda, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“virgo clementissima,”</span> gets angry, and, in the bitterness -of her soul, uses yet stronger language than she does in the -other version;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ex quo sic oportet fieri, utcunque consentio, sed fructum -ventris mei, quod est horribile dictu, diabolo commendo. Me enim -Deo vovi, quod non sinistis, immo sponsum meum, quem elegi, -<a name="Page_686" id="Page_686"></a><span class="pageno">686</span> -ausu temerario, immemores causæ sancti Matthæi apostoli, zelotipatis.”</p> - -<p>We are then told of the vehement love of the King for the wife -whom he had thus wrongfully married;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sic igitur nuptiæ magnifice, ut decuit, celebrabantur, et tanto -ardentius exarsit rex in ipsius amorem, quanto scelestius adamavit. -Secundum illud poeticum</p> - -<div class="poem" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> -<div class="i0a">“Nitimur in vetitum semper.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p class="unindent" lang="la" xml:lang="la">Peccato igitur exigente, facta est commotio subito in regno.”</p> - -<p>From this point Matthew goes on copying Roger of Wendover’s -account of Robert’s invasion, but putting in bits of colouring of his -own. When Henry sends his fleet to meet that of Robert, we are -told that he does it <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“conscientiam habens multipliciter cauteriatam.”</span> -And when some of the sailors (see <a href="#Page_404"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 404</a>)—​who are enlarged -by Robert of Wendover into <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pars major exercitus”</span>—​go over to -Robert, the reason for their so doing is said to be <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quia rex jam -tyrannizaverat.”</span></p> - -<p>There is something very strange in this echo at so late a time of -objections which one would have thought that both common sense -and the authority of Anselm would have set aside for ever. Was -there any lurking wish in the thirteenth century to weaken the -title of the Angevin kings, even on so stale a ground as the doubtful -validity of the marriage of so distant an ancestress? We must -remember that something of the kind really happened in Scotland -long after. The right of the Stewarts was murmured against at -a very late time on the ground of the doubtful marriage of -Robert the Second. And we have seen that in an intermediate -time, during the reign of Stephen, the validity of the elder Matilda’s -marriage, and the consequent legitimacy of the younger Matilda, -were called in question by Stephen’s supporters in arguments -before the papal court. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 857.</p> - -<p class="p2">There is something singular in the way in which the marriage -is entered in the Winchester Annals (1100), among a crowd of -other facts not put in exact chronological order; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Matildis, Malcolmi -regis filia Scotiæ, de monacha Wiltoniæ non tamen professa, -regina Angliæ facta est.”</span> One almost thinks of the wild story -about Eadgyth of Wilton which I have spoken of in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. -p.</abbr> 267. -<a name="Page_687" id="Page_687"></a><span class="pageno">687</span> -But the words have a parallel in the language of the Brut -(1098, that is 1110), which, after the account of Henry’s election, -adds,</p> - -<p>“And immediately he took for his wife Mahalt, daughter of -Malcolm, king of Prydyn, by Queen Margaret her mother [‘Vahalt -uerch y Moel Cólóm, brenhin Prydein’—​another manuscript more -reasonably has ‘y Pictieit’—​‘o Vargaret urenhines y mam’]. And -she, by his marrying her, was raised to the rank of queen; for -William Rufus [Gúilim Goch] his brother, in his lifetime, had consorted -with concubines, and on that account had died without an -heir.” <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> <a href="#Page_503"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 503.</a></p> - -<p class="p2">I have said, what is perfectly true, that Orderic is the only writer -who directly mentions that Matilda had once borne the name of -Eadgyth. But I think that I have lighted on a most curious trace -of the fact in a later writer. Peter Langtoft (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 448) mentions the -return of Robert, and adds;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“La femme le duk Robert fu en proteccioun</div> -<div class="i0">Le counte de Cornewaylle, fillye [fu] Charloun</div> -<div class="i0">Seygnur de Cecylle, Egyth la dame ad noun;</div> -<div class="i0">Robert la prent e mene à sa possessioun.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p>The name appears in various spellings in different manuscripts, -Edgith, Egdith, and what not. It was perhaps not very wonderful -that, in Peter Langtoft’s day, a Count of Conversana should grow -into a lord of Sicily, and that a lord of Sicily should be thought to -be of necessity called Charles. But why should Sibyl be turned -into Edith? I can think of no reason except that the next -lines are;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Cel houre en Escoce un damoysele estait,</div> -<div class="i0">Fillye al ray Malcolme, de ky maynt hom parlayt.</div> -<div class="i0">Taunt fu bone et bele, ke Henry le esposayt,</div> -<div class="i0">Ray de Engleterre, Malde home l’appelayt.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p class="unindent">Surely the poet had read somewhere that Matilda had been called -Edith, and then mixed up her and Sibyl together. But why Sibyl -should be in the protection of the “Count of Cornwall”—​meaning, -if anybody, William of Mortain—​it is not easy to see. Had he -read in Orderic (784 B, C) that Robert and Sibyl went together to -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“mons sancti Michaelis archangeli de periculo maris,”</span> and took it -<a name="Page_688" id="Page_688"></a><span class="pageno">688</span> -for the Cornish mount? Robert of Brunne (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 95, Hearne) translates;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Noþeles þe erle of Cornwaile kept his wife þat while</div> -<div class="i0">Charles douhter scho lord of Cezile,</div> -<div class="i0"><em>Dame Edith bright as glas</em>: Roberd þouht no gile,</div> -<div class="i0">Bot com on gode manere tille his broþer Henry,</div> -<div class="i0">He wife þat soiorned here he led to Normundie.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center"><a name="Note_XX" id="Note_XX"></a>NOTE XX. <a href="#Page_412"><abbr title="Volume two page">Vol. ii. p.</abbr> 412.</a></p> - -<p class="center sc">The Treaty of 1101.</p> - -<p><span class="sc">I do</span> not know that there is any necessary contradiction between -the detailed narrative of Orderic (788), who alone speaks of the personal -interview between the brothers, and the shorter accounts of the -other writers, who have more to say about the action of the wise -men on each side. Nothing is more likely than that the terms -of the treaty should be discussed by commissioners on both sides, -and then finally agreed on in a personal meeting of the two princes. -The only point of difficulty is that Orderic seems to imply that -nobody on either side could be trusted, except the princes themselves. -He begins with Henry’s message to ask why Robert had -entered his kingdom (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cur Angliæ fines cum armato exercitu -intrare præsumpserit”</span>). Robert’s answer reminds one of the -answer of Edward son of Henry the Sixth to Edward the Fourth -(Hall, 301; Lingard, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 189). His words are; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Regnum patris -mei cum proceribus meis ingressus sum, et illud reposco debitum -mihi jure primogenitorum.”</span></p> - -<p>The armies are now face to face, and the negotiations begin. -In the Chronicle the reconcilation clearly seems to be the work -of the head men; “Ac þa heafod men heom betwenan foran and -þa broðra gesehtodan.” So Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sapientiores utriusque -partis, habito inter se salubri consilio, pacem inter fratres composuere.”</span> -William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 395) adds a special reason -for peace; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Satagentibus sanioris consilii hominibus, qui dicerent -pietatis jus violandum si fraterna necessitudo prælio concurreret, -paci animos accommodavere; reputantes quod, si alter occumberet, -alter infirmior remaneret, cum nullus fratrum præter ipsos superesset.”</span> -<a name="Page_689" id="Page_689"></a><span class="pageno">689</span> -There is here nothing to throw any doubt on the good -faith of anybody, and no negotiators are mentioned by name. It -is Wace (15508 Pluquet, 10423 Andresen) who mentions negotiators -on Robert’s side whom we certainly should not have looked for;</p> - -<div class="poem"> -<div class="i0a">“Conseillie out comunement</div> -<div class="i0">Qu’il le feront tot altrement;</div> -<div class="i0">Les dous freres acorderont,</div> -<div class="i0">Ia por els ne se combatront.</div> -<div class="i0">Robert, qui Belesme teneit</div> -<div class="i0">E qui del duc s’entremeteit,</div> -<div class="i0">E cil qui Moretoig aueit,</div> -<div class="i0">Qui a s’enor aparteneit</div> -<div class="i0">—Will, co dient, out non—</div> -<div class="i0">E Robert, qui fu filz Haimon,</div> -<div class="i0">Ouoc altres riches barons,</div> -<div class="i0">Donc io ne sai dire les nons,</div> -<div class="i0">Qui del rei e del duc teneient</div> -<div class="i0">E amedous seruir deueient,</div> -<div class="i0">De l’accorder s’entremeteient,</div> -<div class="i0">Por la bataille qu’il cremeient.</div> -<div class="i0">Del rei al duc souent aloent</div> -<div class="i0">E la parole entre els portoent;</div> -<div class="i0">La pais aloent porchacant</div> -<div class="i0">E la concorde porparlant.”</div> -</div><!--end poem--> - -<p>It is Orderic alone who implies that Henry asked for a personal -interview, and gives his reason;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Seditiosi proditores magis bellum quam pacem optabant. Et -quia plus privatæ quam publicæ commoditati insistebant, versipelles -veredarii verba pervertebant, et magis jurgia quam concordiam -inter fratres serebant. Porro sagax Henricus istud advertit, unde -fratris colloquium ore ad os petiit; et convenientes fraterni amoris -dulcedo ambos implevit.”</p> - -<p>He then goes on to describe the meeting of the brothers;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Soli duo germani spectantis in medio populi collocuti sunt, -et ore quod corde ruminabant sine dolo protulerunt. Denique -post pauca verba mutuo amplexati sunt, datisque dulcibus basiis, -sine sequestro concordes effecti sunt. Verba quidem hujus colloquii -nequeo hic inserere, quia non interfui, sed opus, quod de tantorum -consilio fratrum processit, auditu didici.”</p> - -<p>He then gives the terms of the treaty, and adds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Remotis omnibus arbitris soli fratres scita sua sanxerunt, et, -cunctis in circumitu eos cum admiratione spectantibus, decreverunt -quod sese, ut decet fratres, invicem adjuvarent, et omnia patris sui -dominia resumerent, scelestosque litium satores pariter utrinque -punirent.”</p> - -<p>The colouring of Orderic in these passages can hardly be -reconciled with the other accounts. They clearly speak of the -terms as agreed upon between the chief men of both sides, while -Orderic implies that, on account of their untrustworthiness, the -princes met and settled matters for themselves. But it is possible -<a name="Page_690" id="Page_690"></a><span class="pageno">690</span> -to accept Orderic’s fact without accepting his colouring. Or we -may suppose that there were among the negotiators some who -wished to hinder peace, but that those who laboured for it got the -better in the end. Then, we may suppose, they agreed upon terms, -and the King and the Duke met to ratify the treaty. As for the -terms of the treaty, they are, as usual, given in the best and most -formal way in the Chronicle. The brothers agree,</p> - -<p class="blockquote">“On þa gerád þet se cyng forlet eall þæt he mid streangðe innan -Normandig togeanes þam eorle heold, and þæt ealle þa on Englelande -heora land ongean heafdon, þe hit ær þurh þone eorl forluron, and -Eustaties eorl eac eall his fæderland her on lande, and þet se eorl -Rotbert ælce geare sceolde of Englalande þreo þusend marc seolfres -habban, and loc hweðer þæra gebroðra oðerne oferbide wære -yrfeweard ealles Englalandes and eac Normandiges, buton se forðfarena -yrfenuman heafde be rihtre æwe.”</p> - -<p>Florence says nothing about the mutual succession of the two -brothers, nor does he mention Eustace by name. He also leaves -out the cession of Henry’s Norman dominions;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pacem inter fratres ea ratione composuere ut <abbr title="3">iii.</abbr> mille marcas, -id est <abbr title="2000"><span class="muchsmaller">MM.</span></abbr> libras argenti, singulis annis rex persolveret comiti, et -omnibus suos pristinos honores quos in Anglia pro comitis fidelitate -perdiderant, restitueret gratuito, et cunctis quibus honores in Normannia -causa regis fuerant ablati, comes redderet absque pretio.”</p> - -<p>Nothing in the treaty seems to have struck William of Malmesbury, -except the yearly payment of three thousand marks by the -King to the Duke. And even that he brings in quite incidentally, -as if to account for its being very shortly given up;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sed et trium millium marcarum promissio lenem comitis -fallebat credulitatem, ut, procinctu soluto, de tanta pecunia menti -blandiretur suæ, quam ille posteriori statim anno voluntati reginæ -libens, quod illa peteret, condonavit.”</p> - -<p>One is reminded of the story which William elsewhere (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 251) -tells, without any date, of Robert’s friend Eadgar; “Quantula -simplicitas ut libram argenti, quam quotidie in stipendio accipiebat, -regi pro uno equo perdonaret.” No doubt in both cases the horse -and the gift to the Queen were mere decent pretences for stopping -the payment; but the gift to Matilda is quite of a piece with -Robert’s conduct to her at Winchester (see <a href="#Page_406"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 406</a>). The Chronicler -two years later (1103) records Robert’s surrender of his pension;</p> - -<p class="blockquote"><a name="Page_691" id="Page_691"></a><span class="pageno">691</span> -“Ðises geares eac com se eorl Rotbert of Normandig to sprecene -wið þone cyng [the common Domesday form in English] her on -lande, and ær he heonne ferde he forgeaf þa þreo þusend marc þe -him <em>seo cyng</em> Heanrig be foreweard ælce geare gifan sceolde.”</p> - -<p>Here we have no mention of Matilda, unless she anyhow lurks -in the feminine article so oddly assigned to her husband.</p> - -<p>Orderic helps us to the more distinct resignation by Robert -of his claims on the English crown, which is however implied -in all the other accounts—​to the release of Henry from his homage -to Robert—​and to the stipulation about Domfront, which was -naturally more interesting to him than it was to those who wrote -in England. He does not mention the mutual heirship of the -brothers. He also confounds marks and pounds;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In primis Rodbertus dux calumniam quam in regno Angliæ -ingesserat fratri dimisit, ipsumque de homagio, quod sibi jamdudum -fecerat, pro regali dignitate absolvit. Henricus autem rex tria -milia librarum sterilensium sese duci redditurum per singulos -annos spopondit, totumque Constantinum pagum et quidquid in -Neustria possidebat, præter Danfrontem, reliquit. Solum Danfrontem -castrum sibi retinuit, quia Danfrontanis, quando illum -intromiserunt, jurejurando pepigerat quod nunquam eos de manu -sua projiceret, nec leges eorum vel consuetudines mutaret.”</p> - -<p class="p2">I am glad to end with the mention of one of the noblest spots of -which I have had to speak in my story, and with one of the most -honourable features in the history of King Henry.</p> -</div><!--end chapter--> -<!--Blank Page--> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 class="p4 h3head">FOOTNOTES.</h3> -<hr /> - -<p class="p4 footnote"> <a name="footnote_1" id="footnote_1"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1"><span class="muchsmaller">[1]</span></a> - In this chapter we have to make more use than usual of the Scottish, -British, and Northumbrian writers. I do not undertake to go very deeply -into any purely literary questions about them. I have simply used them -for facts, and have dealt with their statements according to the usual rules -of criticism. The Scottish and Northumbrian writers will be found in Mr. -Skene’s edition of Fordun and in the Surtees Society’s edition of Simeon. -This last contains, among other things, Turgot’s Life of Saint Margaret and -the passages from Fordun which profess to be extracts from Turgot. The -Surtees’ text and Mr. Skene’s text do not always agree, but their differences -are not often of much importance for my purposes. It is certainly -strange if some of these passages really come from a contemporary writer. -For Welsh matters we are, to my mind, better off. Unhappily I do not -know enough of the Welsh tongue really to make use of the originals, -though I am not utterly at the mercy of the translator as to proper names -and technical terms. In the Chronicles and Memorials are two volumes -of most valuable matter which need a fresh editor. It is not my business -to enter into any questions as to their authorship, how far it is due to -Caradoc of Llancarfan or anybody else. In any case the Latin <cite>Annales -Cambriæ</cite>, meagre as they are, form a thoroughly good and trustworthy -record, but the Editor seems in many places to have been unable either -to read his manuscript or to construe his Latin. Many of the readings too -which are most valuable historically are thrust into notes. The Welsh -<cite>Brut y Tywysogion</cite>, published in the same series by the same Editor, is a -fuller version of the Annals, and also I believe essentially trustworthy. I have -been obliged to quote this in the translation, though often with some doubts -as to its accuracy. In the preface a good deal of matter by the late Mr. -Aneurin Owen is reprinted without acknowledgement. There is also another -<cite>Brut y Tywysogion</cite>, otherwise “The Gwentian Chronicles of Caradoc of -Llancarvan,” translated by Mr. Owen and published by the Cambrian -Archæological Association. Here we have the translating and editing of -a really eminent Welsh scholar, but the book, as a historical authority, is -very inferior to either the Latin Annals or the other Brut. A great deal of -legendary matter, some of which must be of quite a late date, has been -thrust in. I quote the more trustworthy Brut in the Chronicles and -Memorials as the <em>elder</em>, and that published by the Cambrian Archæological -Association as the <em>later</em> Brut.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_2" id="footnote_2"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_2"><span class="muchsmaller">[2]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1093. See <a href="#Note_BB">Appendix BB</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_3" id="footnote_3"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_3"><span class="muchsmaller">[3]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 304.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_4" id="footnote_4"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_4"><span class="muchsmaller">[4]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1093. See <a href="#Note_BB">Appendix BB</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_5" id="footnote_5"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_5"><span class="muchsmaller">[5]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 307.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_6" id="footnote_6"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_6"><span class="muchsmaller">[6]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 298.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_7" id="footnote_7"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_7"><span class="muchsmaller">[7]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 410.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_8" id="footnote_8"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_8"><span class="muchsmaller">[8]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 421.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_9" id="footnote_9"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_9"><span class="muchsmaller">[9]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 259.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_10" id="footnote_10"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_10"><span class="muchsmaller">[10]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 355.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_11" id="footnote_11"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_11"><span class="muchsmaller">[11]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 417.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_12" id="footnote_12"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_12"><span class="muchsmaller">[12]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 237.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_13" id="footnote_13"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_13"><span class="muchsmaller">[13]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 629.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_14" id="footnote_14"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_14"><span class="muchsmaller">[14]</span></a> - So says the Northern interpolator of Florence whom we are used to -call Simeon, 1093; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ecclesia nova Dunelmi est incepta tertio idus Augusti -feria quinta, episcopo Willelmo et Malcholmo rege Scottorum et Turgoto -priore ponentibus primos in fundamento lapides.”</span> Fordun (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 20) says -the same in a passage which purports to come from Turgot, and of which -we shall have to speak again. It is certainly remarkable, as Mr. Hinde -remarks in his note on the passage in the Gesta Regum (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 104), that -in the History of the Church of Durham (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 8) Simeon makes no mention -of Malcolm. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eo die episcopus, et qui post eum secundus erat in ecclesia -prior Turgotus, cum cæteris fratribus primos in fundamento lapides -posuerunt. Nam paulo ante, id est, <abbr title="4">iiii.</abbr> Kal. Augusti feria <abbr title="6">vi.</abbr> idem -episcopus et prior, facta cum fratribus oratione, ac data benedictione, -fundamenta cœperant fodere.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_15" id="footnote_15"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_15"><span class="muchsmaller">[15]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1093. See <a href="#Note_BB">Appendix BB</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_16" id="footnote_16"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_16"><span class="muchsmaller">[16]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_17" id="footnote_17"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_17"><span class="muchsmaller">[17]</span></a> - This is from Florence. See <a href="#Note_BB">Appendix BB</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_18" id="footnote_18"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_18"><span class="muchsmaller">[18]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_BB">Appendix BB</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_19" id="footnote_19"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_19"><span class="muchsmaller">[19]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one pages">N. C. vol. i. pp.</abbr> 58, 119, 576, 579.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_20" id="footnote_20"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_20"><span class="muchsmaller">[20]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1093. See <a href="#Note_BB">Appendix BB</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_21" id="footnote_21"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_21"><span class="muchsmaller">[21]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_CC">Appendix CC</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_22" id="footnote_22"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_22"><span class="muchsmaller">[22]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 297.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_23" id="footnote_23"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_23"><span class="muchsmaller">[23]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_CC">Appendix CC</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_24" id="footnote_24"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_24"><span class="muchsmaller">[24]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one pages">N. C. vol. i. pp.</abbr> 315, 648.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_25" id="footnote_25"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_25"><span class="muchsmaller">[25]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_CC">Appendix CC</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_26" id="footnote_26"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_26"><span class="muchsmaller">[26]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1091. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hine sloh Moræl of Bæbbaburh se wæs þæs -eorles stiward and Melcolmes cinges godsib.”</span> See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three pages">N. C. vol. iii. pp.</abbr> -456, 777.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_27" id="footnote_27"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_27"><span class="muchsmaller">[27]</span></a> - On the history of Tynemouth, see <a href="#Note_FF">Appendix FF</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_28" id="footnote_28"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_28"><span class="muchsmaller">[28]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 250. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Humatus multis annis apud Tinemuthe, nuper -ab Alexandro filio Scotiam ad Dunfermlin portatus est.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_29" id="footnote_29"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_29"><span class="muchsmaller">[29]</span></a> - <abbr title="Simeon of Durham">Sim. Dun.</abbr> Gesta Regum, 1093. “In cujus morte justitia judicantis -Dei aperte consideratur, ut videlicet in illa provincia cum suis -interiret, quam sæpe ipse vastare avaritia stimulante consuevit, quinquies -namque illam atroci depopulatione attrivit, et miseros indigenas in -servitutem redigendos abduxit captivos.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_30" id="footnote_30"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_30"><span class="muchsmaller">[30]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Exercitus illius vel gladiis confoditur, vel qui gladios fugerunt -inundatione fluminum, quæ tunc pluviis hiemalibus plus solito excreverant, -absorti sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_31" id="footnote_31"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_31"><span class="muchsmaller">[31]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Corpus regis, cum suorum nullus remaneret qui terra illud -cooperiret, duo ex indigenis carro impositum in Tynemuthe sepelierunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_32" id="footnote_32"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_32"><span class="muchsmaller">[32]</span></a> - <abbr title="Simeon of Durham">Sim. Dun.</abbr> Gesta Regum, 1093. “Sic factum est ut, ubi multos vita -et rebus et libertate privaverat, ibidem ipse Dei judicio vitam simul cum -rebus amitteret.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_33" id="footnote_33"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_33"><span class="muchsmaller">[33]</span></a> - I am sorry that Mr. Burton (<abbr title="History of">Hist.</abbr> Scotland, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 416) should have -thought it necessary to tell the story of Margaret and her biographer in -somewhat mocking tones. I can see nothing but what is exquisitely -beautiful and touching in her life as written by Turgot, for Turgot I -suppose it really is.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_34" id="footnote_34"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_34"><span class="muchsmaller">[34]</span></a> - Turgot, <abbr title="Vita Margaritae 6">Vit. Marg. vi.</abbr> (Surtees Simeon, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 241), enlarges on this head; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fateor, magnum misericordiæ Dei mirabar miraculum, cum viderem -interdum tantam orandi regis intentionem, tantam inter orandum in -pectore viri sæcularis compunctionem.”</span> He adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quæ ipsa respuerat -eadem et ipse respuere, et quæ amaverat, amore amoris illius amare.”</span> -William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 311) speaks to the same effect; Malcolm and -Margaret were <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ambo cultu pietatis insignes, illa præcipue.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_35" id="footnote_35"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_35"><span class="muchsmaller">[35]</span></a> - So witnesses Turgot in the chapter just quoted; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Libros in quibus ipsa -vel orare consueverat vel legere, ille, ignarus licet literarum, sæpe manu -versare solebat et inspicere: et dum ab ea quis illorum esset ei carior -audisset, hunc et ipse cariorem habere, deosculari, sæpius contrectare.”</span> -Then follows about the bindings.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_36" id="footnote_36"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_36"><span class="muchsmaller">[36]</span></a> - Turgot is of course full on this head throughout, and we have a further -witness from our own Florence (1093) and Orderic (701 D). From the -last we get her bounty to Iona—​that barbarous name is more intelligible -than any other. In his words it is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Huense cœnobium quod servus Christi -Columba, tempore Brudei, regis Pictorum, filii Meilocon, construxerat.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_37" id="footnote_37"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_37"><span class="muchsmaller">[37]</span></a> - Turgot, in his fourth chapter, enlarges on the strict order which -Margaret kept in her household, especially among her own attendant -ladies. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Inerat enim reginæ tanta cum jocunditate severitas, tanta cum -severitate jocunditas, ut omnes qui erant in ejus obsequio, viri et feminæ, -illam et timendo diligerent et diligendo timerent. Quare in præsentia -ejus non solum nihil execrandum facere, sed ne turpe quidem verbum -quisquam ausus fuerat proferre. Ipsa enim universa in se reprimens -vitia, cum magna gravitate lætabatur, cum magna honestate irascebatur.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_38" id="footnote_38"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_38"><span class="muchsmaller">[38]</span></a> - Orderic (703 B, C) has his panegyric on the three brothers, and -specially on David; but it is William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 400) who is -especially emphatic on the unparalleled purity of life of all three. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Neque -vero unquam in acta historiarum relatum est tantæ sanctitatis tres fuisse -pariter reges et fratres, maternæ pietatis nectar redolentes; namque præter -victus parcitatem, eleemosynarum copiam, orationum assiduitatem, ita -domesticum regibus vitium evicerunt, ut nunquam feratur in eorum -thalamos nisi legitimas uxores isse, nec eorum quenquam pellicatu aliquo -pudicitiam contristasse.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_39" id="footnote_39"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_39"><span class="muchsmaller">[39]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury, ibid">Will. Malms, ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Solus fuit Edmundus Margaritæ filius a bono -degener.”</span> We shall hear of him and his doings presently.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_40" id="footnote_40"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_40"><span class="muchsmaller">[40]</span></a> - Turgot, <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 243. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Scottorum quidam, contra totius ecclesiæ consuetudinem, -nescio quo ritu barbaro missam celebrare consueverunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_41" id="footnote_41"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_41"><span class="muchsmaller">[41]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> (Surtees Simeon, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 243). <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Qui [Malcolmus] quoniam perfecte -Anglorum linguam æque ac propriam noverat, vigilantissimus in hoc -concilio utriusque partis interpres extiterat.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_42" id="footnote_42"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_42"><span class="muchsmaller">[42]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid seven">Ib. vii.</abbr> (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 242). <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Obsequia regis sublimiora constituit, ut eum procedentem -sive equitantem multa cum grandi honore agmina constiparent, -et hoc cum tanta censura, ut quocumque devenissent, nulli eorum cuiquam -aliquid liceret rapere, nec rusticos aut pauperes quoslibet quolibet modo -quisquam illorum opprimere auderet vel lædere.”</span> He describes at some -length the new-fashioned splendour which she brought into the Scottish -court, and adds; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Et hæc quidem illa fecerat, non quia mundi honore -delectabatur, sed, quod regia dignitas ab ea exigebat, persolvere cogebatur.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_43" id="footnote_43"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_43"><span class="muchsmaller">[43]</span></a> - Take for instance our own Chronicle, 1093; “Da þa seo gode cwen -Margarita þis gehyrde, hyre þa leofstan hlaford and sunu þus beswikene, -heo wearð oð deað on mode geancsumed, and mid hire prestan to cyrcean -eode, and hire gerihtan underfeng, and æt Gode abæd þæt heo hire gast -ageaf.” Florence and Orderic are much to the same effect.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_44" id="footnote_44"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_44"><span class="muchsmaller">[44]</span></a> - These details come from Turgot, <abbr title="chapter 12, 13">chap. xii, xiii.</abbr> He was not -himself present, having seen her for the last time some while before her -death, but late enough to bear witness (<abbr title="chapter 12">chap. xii.</abbr>) to her expectation of -death. The story of her last moments was told to Turgot by a priest who -was specially in the Queen’s favour, who was present at her death, and -who afterwards became a monk at Durham as an offering for her soul. -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Post mortem reginæ, pro ipsius anima perpetuo se Christi servitio tradidit; -et ad sepulchrum incorrupti corporis sanctissimi patris Cuthberti suscipiens -habitum monachi, seipsum pro ea hostiam obtulit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_45" id="footnote_45"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_45"><span class="muchsmaller">[45]</span></a> - Turgot, <abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ipsa quoque illam, quam Nigram Crucem nominare, -quamque in maxima semper veneratione habere consuevit, sibi afferri præcepit.”</span> -Another manuscript has <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Crucem Scotiæ nigram.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_46" id="footnote_46"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_46"><span class="muchsmaller">[46]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quinquagesimum psalmum ex ordine decantans;”</span> that is the fifty-first -in our reckoning.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_47" id="footnote_47"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_47"><span class="muchsmaller">[47]</span></a> - “Ille quod verum erat dicere noluit, ne audita morte illorum continuo -et ipsa moreretur; nam respondebat, eos benevalere.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_48" id="footnote_48"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_48"><span class="muchsmaller">[48]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sed in omnibus his non peccavit labiis suis, neque stultum quid contra -Deum locuta est.”</span> We must always remember the common habit of reviling -God and the saints which it was thought rather a special virtue to be -free from. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 24, note.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_49" id="footnote_49"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_49"><span class="muchsmaller">[49]</span></a> - “In laudem et gratiarum actionem prorupit, dicens: ‘Laudes et gratias -tibi, omnipotens Deus, refero, qui me tantas in meo exitu angustias tolerare, -hasque tolerantem ab aliquibus peccati maculis, ut spero, voluisti -mundare.’”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_50" id="footnote_50"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_50"><span class="muchsmaller">[50]</span></a> - The place is not mentioned by Turgot in the Life. According to -Fordun (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 21), who professes to copy Turgot, Margaret died <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in castro -puellarum;”</span> see the Surtees Simeon, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 262.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_51" id="footnote_51"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_51"><span class="muchsmaller">[51]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quod mirum est, faciem ejus, quæ more morientium tota in morte -palluerat, ita post mortem rubor cum candore permixtus perfuderat, ut non -mortua sed dormiens credi potuisset,”</span> <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> the picture of her uncle Eadward. -See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 15.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_52" id="footnote_52"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_52"><span class="muchsmaller">[52]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_DD">Appendix DD.</a></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_53" id="footnote_53"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_53"><span class="muchsmaller">[53]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_AA">Appendix AA.</a></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_54" id="footnote_54"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_54"><span class="muchsmaller">[54]</span></a> - Three parties are clearly described by Mr. E. W. Robertson, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 155. -There were the remnants of the partisans of the house of Moray, the house -of Macbeth, the party of the North, and the partisans of the reigning house, -divided into a strictly Scottish and an English party. The success of -Donald must have been owing to a momentary union of the first two of -these parties. I hardly know what to make of the statement in the Turgot -extracts (Simeon, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 262) that Donald arose <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“auxilio regis Norwegiæ.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_55" id="footnote_55"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_55"><span class="muchsmaller">[55]</span></a> - He appears in Fordun (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 21) as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Donaldus Rufus vel Bane, frater -regis.”</span> One cannot too often remind oneself of the true position of Macbeth. -I was perhaps a little hard on him in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 55.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_56" id="footnote_56"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_56"><span class="muchsmaller">[56]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1093. “Þa Scottas þa Dufenal to cynge gecuron, Melcolmes -broðer, and ealle þa Englisce út adræfdon, þe ǽr mid þam cynge -Melcolme wæron.” So Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Omnes Anglos qui de curia regia extiterunt -de Scottia expulerunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_57" id="footnote_57"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_57"><span class="muchsmaller">[57]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 315. And compare the alleged design for a -massacre of Normans, <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 281.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_58" id="footnote_58"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_58"><span class="muchsmaller">[58]</span></a> - In the passages just quoted only English are mentioned. We hear of -English and French directly afterwards, when the strangers are driven out -in Duncan’s time. This difference may be accidental, or it may be meant to -mark a specially Norman element under Duncan which had not shown itself -under Malcolm.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_59" id="footnote_59"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_59"><span class="muchsmaller">[59]</span></a> - Fordun, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 21. “Filios et filias regis et reginæ sororis suæ congregatos -in Angliam secum secretius traduxit, et eos per cognatos et cognitos, non -manifeste sed quasi in occulto nutriendos, destinavit. Timuit enim, ne -Normanni, qui tunc temporis Angliam invaserant, sibi vel suis malum -molirentur, eo quod Angliæ regnum eis hereditario jure debebatur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_60" id="footnote_60"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_60"><span class="muchsmaller">[60]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_EE">Appendix EE</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_61" id="footnote_61"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_61"><span class="muchsmaller">[61]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 244, 294–309.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_62" id="footnote_62"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_62"><span class="muchsmaller">[62]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 169.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_63" id="footnote_63"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_63"><span class="muchsmaller">[63]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_EE">Appendix EE</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_64" id="footnote_64"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_64"><span class="muchsmaller">[64]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_EE">Appendix EE</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_65" id="footnote_65"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_65"><span class="muchsmaller">[65]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 57. “Quem pannum in ipsius quidem præsentia -gemens ac tremebunda ferebam, sed mox ut me conspectui ejus subtrahere -poteram, arreptum in humum jacere, pedibus proterere, et ita quo in odio -fervebam, quamvis insipienter, consueveram desævire. Isto, non alio modo, -teste conscientia mea, velata fui.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_66" id="footnote_66"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_66"><span class="muchsmaller">[66]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_EE">Appendix EE</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_67" id="footnote_67"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_67"><span class="muchsmaller">[67]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 435.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_68" id="footnote_68"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_68"><span class="muchsmaller">[68]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 438.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_69" id="footnote_69"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_69"><span class="muchsmaller">[69]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 517; <abbr title="volume five page">vol. v. p.</abbr> 121. <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 400; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ille -[Willelmus] Duncanum, filium Malcolmi nothum, militem fecit.”</span> So Fordun, -<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 24; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Duncanus, Malcolmi regis filius nothus, cum obses erat -in Anglia cum rege Willelmo Rufo, armis militaribus ab eo insignitus.”</span> -See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 785.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_70" id="footnote_70"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_70"><span class="muchsmaller">[70]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 13, 305.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_71" id="footnote_71"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_71"><span class="muchsmaller">[71]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1093. “Da þa Dunecan Melcolmes cynges sunu þis eall -gehyrde þus gefaren, se on þæs cynges hyrede W. wæs, swa swa his fæder -hine ures cynges fæder ær to gisle geseald hæfde, and her swa syððan belaf, -he to þam cynge com, and swilce getrywða dyde, swa se cyng æt him habban -wolde.” So Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quibus auditis, filius regis Malcolmi, Dunechan, -regem Willelmum, cui tunc militavit, ut ei regnum sui patris concederet -petiit, et impetravit, illique fidelitatem juravit.”</span> William of Malmesbury -(<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 400) perhaps goes a step too far in saying that William <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Duncanum -… regem Scottorum mortuo patre constituit.”</span> Fordun (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 24) takes care -to leave out the homage; Duncan is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ejus [Willelmi] auxilio suffultus;”</span> -that is all.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_72" id="footnote_72"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_72"><span class="muchsmaller">[72]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1093. “And swa mid his unne to Scotlande fór, mid -þam fultume þe he begytan mihte, <em>Engliscra and Frenciscra</em> [see note, <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> -30], and his mæge Dufenal þes rices benam, and to cynge wærð underfangen.” -So Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ad Scottiam cum multitudine Anglorum ac Normannorum -properavit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_73" id="footnote_73"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_73"><span class="muchsmaller">[73]</span></a> - “Ac þa Scottas hi eft sume gegaderoden, and forneah ealle his mænu -ofslogan, and he sylf mid feawum ætbærst.” So Florence.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_74" id="footnote_74"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_74"><span class="muchsmaller">[74]</span></a> - “Syððan hi wurdon sehte on þa gerád, þæt he næfre eft <em>Englisce ne -Frencisce</em> into þam lande ne gelogige.” So Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Post hæc illum regnare -permiserunt, ea ratione ut amplius in Scottiam nec Anglos nec Normannos -introduceret, sibique militare permitteret.”</span> Mr. Robertson (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 158) -fixes the date of this revolution to May, 1094, which is very likely in itself. -But it seems to come from the confused statement of Fordun (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 24) that -Donald reigned six months (November 1093-May 1094), and then Duncan -a year and six months, which is a year wrong anyhow.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_75" id="footnote_75"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_75"><span class="muchsmaller">[75]</span></a> - See Robertson, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 158, without whose help I might not have recognized -a Mormaor in the person described by Fordun (<abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr>) as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“comes de Mesnys, -nomine Malpei, Scottice Malpedir.”</span> William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 400) witnesses -to the share of Eadmund, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“qui Duvenaldi patrui nequitiæ particeps, -fraternæ non inscius necis fuerit, pactus scilicet regni dimidium.”</span> See above, -<a href="#Page_22"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 22</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_76" id="footnote_76"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_76"><span class="muchsmaller">[76]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1094. “Ðises geares eac þa Scottas heora cyng Dunecan -besyredon and ofslogan, and heom syððan eft oðre syðe his fæderan Dufenal -to cynge genamon, þurh þes lare and totihtinge he wearð to deaðe beswicen.” -So Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Interim Scotti regem suum Dunechan, et cum eo nonnullos, -suasu et hortatu Dufenaldi per insidias peremerunt, et illum sibi regem rursus -constituerunt.”</span> Fordun adds the place of his death and burial; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Apud Monthechin</span> -[Monachedin on the banks of the Bervie, says Mr. Robertson] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cæsus -interiit et insula Iona sepultus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_77" id="footnote_77"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_77"><span class="muchsmaller">[77]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 474.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_78" id="footnote_78"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_78"><span class="muchsmaller">[78]</span></a> - Orderic (703 A, B) brings in his account of the rebellion of Earl Robert -with a general remark on the pride and greediness of the Normans who had -received large estates in England. He then describes their dissatisfaction -with the rule of William Rufus in words which are not altogether discreditable -to the King; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Invidebant quippe et dolebant quod Guillelmus Rufus -audacia et probitate præcipue vigeret, nullumque timens subjectis omnibus -rigide imperaret.”</span> That is to say, such justice and such injustice as he did—​and -in the case of Robert of Mowbray we shall find him doing justice—​were -both dealt out without respect of persons. Orderic does not specially mention -the hunting-laws; but William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 319) speaks of their -harshness, and adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quapropter multa severitate quam nulla condiebat -dulcedo, factum est ut sæpe contra ejus salutem a ducibus conjuraretur.”</span> -He then goes on to speak of Robert of Mowbray. I hardly see the ground -for the word “sæpe.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_79" id="footnote_79"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_79"><span class="muchsmaller">[79]</span></a> - <abbr title="Henry of Huntingdon seven">Hen. Hunt. vii.</abbr> 4. “Robertus consul Nordhymbra, in superbiam elatus, -quia regem Scottorum straverat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_80" id="footnote_80"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_80"><span class="muchsmaller">[80]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 654.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_81" id="footnote_81"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_81"><span class="muchsmaller">[81]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 249, 256.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_82" id="footnote_82"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_82"><span class="muchsmaller">[82]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_16"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 16</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_83" id="footnote_83"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_83"><span class="muchsmaller">[83]</span></a> - See the extract from the Chronicles in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 55, note 2.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_84" id="footnote_84"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_84"><span class="muchsmaller">[84]</span></a> - He is on the list in Florence, 1096.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_85" id="footnote_85"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_85"><span class="muchsmaller">[85]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 704 C. See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 33.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_86" id="footnote_86"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_86"><span class="muchsmaller">[86]</span></a> - So says Florence, 1095. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Northymbrensis comes Rotbertus de Mulbrei -et Willelmus de Owe, cum multis aliis, regem Willelmum regno vitaque -privare, et filium amitæ illius, Stephanum de Albamarno, conati sunt regem -constituere, sed frustra.”</span> On the pedigree, see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 632.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_87" id="footnote_87"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_87"><span class="muchsmaller">[87]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 279.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_88" id="footnote_88"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_88"><span class="muchsmaller">[88]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 576.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_89" id="footnote_89"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_89"><span class="muchsmaller">[89]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 703 C. “Primus cum complicibus suis futile consilium iniit, -et manifestam rebellionem sic inchoavit. Quatuor naves magnæ quas -canardos vocant, de Northwegia in Angliam appulsæ sunt. Quibus Rodbertus -et Morellus nepos ejus ac satellites eorum occurrerunt, et pacificis -mercatoribus quidquid habebant violenter abstulerunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_90" id="footnote_90"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_90"><span class="muchsmaller">[90]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Illi autem, amissis rebus suis, ad regem accesserunt, duramque -sui querimoniam lacrimabiliter deprompserunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_91" id="footnote_91"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_91"><span class="muchsmaller">[91]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 703 C. “Qui mox imperiose mandavit Rodberto ut mercatoribus -ablata restitueret continuo. Sed omnino contempta est hujusmodi -jussio, magnanimus autem rex quantitatem rerum quas amiserant inquisivit, -et omnia de suo eis ærario restituit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_92" id="footnote_92"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_92"><span class="muchsmaller">[92]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1095. “And þa to Eastran heold se cyng his hired on -Winceastre, and se eorl Rodbeard of Norðhymbran nolde to hirede cuman, -and se cyng forðan wearð wið hine swiðe astyrod, and him to sænde, and -heardlice bead, gif he griðes weorðe beon wolde, þæt he to Pentecosten to -hired come.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_93" id="footnote_93"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_93"><span class="muchsmaller">[93]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “On þisum geare wæron Eastron on <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> kal. Apr̃. and þa uppon -Eastron, on Sc̃e Ambrosius mæsse night, þæt is ii. noñ Apr̃. wæs gesewen -forneah ofer eall þis land, swilce forneah ealle þa niht, swiðe mænifealdlice -steorran of heofenan feollan, naht be anan oððe twam, ac swa þiclice þæt -hit nan mann ateallan ne mihte.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_94" id="footnote_94"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_94"><span class="muchsmaller">[94]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 478.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_95" id="footnote_95"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_95"><span class="muchsmaller">[95]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 527 <abbr title="et sequentia">et seqq.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_96" id="footnote_96"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_96"><span class="muchsmaller">[96]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two pages">N. C. vol. pp.</abbr> 149, 621.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_97" id="footnote_97"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_97"><span class="muchsmaller">[97]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 530.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_98" id="footnote_98"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_98"><span class="muchsmaller">[98]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1095. “Hereæfter to Pentecosten wæs se cyng on Windlesoran, -and ealle his witan mid him, butan þam eorle of Norðhymbran, -forðam se cyng him naðer nolde ne gislas syllan ne uppon trywðan geunnon, -þæt he mid griðe cumon moste and faran.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_99" id="footnote_99"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_99"><span class="muchsmaller">[99]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “And se cyng forði his fyrde bead, and uppon þone eorl to Norðhymbran -fór.” Orderic (703 D) seems also to mark the presence both of the -national force and of mercenaries; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tunc rex, nequitiam viri ferocis intelligens, -exercitum aggregavit et super eum validam militiæ virtutem conduxit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_100" id="footnote_100"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_100"><span class="muchsmaller">[100]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 32.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_101" id="footnote_101"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_101"><span class="muchsmaller">[101]</span></a> - See the extract in <a href="#footnote_79">note 1</a>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 38. The same seems to be the idea of -the Hyde writer, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 301; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Malcolmum … bellando cum toto pene exercitu -interfecit, dum bellare contra regem Willelmum temptat fortuito, ab eo -est captus et carceri mancipatus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_102" id="footnote_102"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_102"><span class="muchsmaller">[102]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 537. This fact comes out only in the two letters from -Anselm to Walter of Albano; <abbr title="Epistles Anselm three">Epp. Ans. iii.</abbr> 35, 36. In the first he says -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quotidie expectamus ut hostes de ultra mare in Angliam per illos portus, -qui Cantuarberiæ vicini sunt, irruant.”</span> He speaks to the same effect in -the next letter. They were <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in periculo vastandi vel perdendi terram.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_103" id="footnote_103"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_103"><span class="muchsmaller">[103]</span></a> - The presence of the Archbishop of York and the Cardinal comes from -the second letter. There the Cardinal and Anselm part from the King -and Thomas. From the former letter we see that the place was Nottingham.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_104" id="footnote_104"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_104"><span class="muchsmaller">[104]</span></a> - <abbr title="Epistles three">Ep. iii.</abbr> 35. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dominus meus rex ore suo mihi præcepit, antequam ab illo -apud Notingeham discederem, et postquam Cantuarberiam redii, mihi mandavit -per litteras proprio sigillo signatas, ut Cantuarberiam custodiam, et -semper paratus sim ut quacunque hora nuntium eorum qui littora maris ob -hoc ipsum custodiunt audiero, undique convocari jubeam equites et pedites, -qui accurrentes violentiæ hostium obsistant.”</span> So in <abbr title="Epistles">Ep.</abbr> 36; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex mihi -præcepit ut illam partem regni sui in qua maxime irruptionem hostium -quotidie timemus, diligenter custodirem, et quotidie paratus essem hostibus -resistere si irruerent.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_105" id="footnote_105"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_105"><span class="muchsmaller">[105]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 703 D. “Ut rex finibus Rodberti appropinquavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_106" id="footnote_106"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_106"><span class="muchsmaller">[106]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 68.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_107" id="footnote_107"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_107"><span class="muchsmaller">[107]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> “Gislebertus de Tonnebrugia, miles potens et dives, -regem seorsum vocavit, et pronus ad pedes ejus corruit, eique nimis obstupescenti -ait,” <abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_108" id="footnote_108"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_108"><span class="muchsmaller">[108]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 327.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_109" id="footnote_109"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_109"><span class="muchsmaller">[109]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 703 D. “Præfato barone indicante, quot et qui fuerant proditores, -agnovit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_110" id="footnote_110"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_110"><span class="muchsmaller">[110]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 704 A. “Delusis itaque sicariis, qui regem occidere moliti sunt, -armatæ phalanges prospere loca insidiarum pertransierunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_111" id="footnote_111"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_111"><span class="muchsmaller">[111]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 672.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_112" id="footnote_112"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_112"><span class="muchsmaller">[112]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 667.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_113" id="footnote_113"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_113"><span class="muchsmaller">[113]</span></a> - Wallsend is often mentioned in the Durham charters, beginning with -the grants of Bishop William to his own monks; Scriptores Tres, iv. -<em>Wallcar</em>—that is, in local language, the meadow by the wall—​has got sadly -degraded into <em>Walker</em>. See <a href="#Note_CC">Appendix CC</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_114" id="footnote_114"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_114"><span class="muchsmaller">[114]</span></a> - On Bamburgh, see <a href="#Note_FF">Appendix FF</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_115" id="footnote_115"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_115"><span class="muchsmaller">[115]</span></a> - The Farn Islands, close off Bamburgh, must not be confounded with -Lindisfarn, some way to the north. Bæda (Vit. Cuthb. 17) carefully distinguishes -them; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Farne dicitur insula medio in mari posita, quæ non, -sicut Lindisfarnensium incolarum regio, bis quotidie accedente æstu oceani, -quem rheuma vocant Græci, fit insula, bis renudatis abeunte rheumate littoribus -contigua terræ redditur, sed aliquot millibus passuum ab hac semi-insula -ad eurum secreta, et hinc altissimo et inde infinito clauditur oceano.”</span> -See <abbr title="Historia Ecclesiastica three">Hist. Eccl. iii.</abbr> 16, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 27, 29, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 1. It is spoken of as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“insula Farne, -quæ duobus ferme millibus passuum ab urbe [Bamburgh] procul abest.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_116" id="footnote_116"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_116"><span class="muchsmaller">[116]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 291.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_117" id="footnote_117"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_117"><span class="muchsmaller">[117]</span></a> - Will. Gem. <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 8. See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 552.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_118" id="footnote_118"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_118"><span class="muchsmaller">[118]</span></a> - Florence says only, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Moreal vero factæ traditionis causam regi detexit.”</span> -The Chronicler is fuller; “Moreal wearð þa on þes cynges hirede, and þurh -hine wurdon manege, ægðer ge gehadode and eac læwede, geypte þe mid -heora ræde on þes cynges unheldan wæron.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_119" id="footnote_119"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_119"><span class="muchsmaller">[119]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1095. “Þa se cyng sume ær þære tíde hét on hæftneðe -gebringan.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_120" id="footnote_120"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_120"><span class="muchsmaller">[120]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Syððan swiðe gemahlice ofer eall þis land beodan, þæt ealle þa þe -of þam cynge land heoldan, eallswa hi friðes weorðe beon woldan, þæt hi -on hirede to tide wæron.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_121" id="footnote_121"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_121"><span class="muchsmaller">[121]</span></a> - The change of place seems clear from the Chronicle. The entry for -1096 begins; “On þison geare heold se cyng Willelm his hired to Xp̃es -mæssan on Windlesoran, and Willelm biscop of Dunholme þær forðferde -to geares dæge. And on Octab’ Epyphañ wæs se cyng and ealle his witan -on Searbyrig.” Florence is to the same effect. See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 542.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_122" id="footnote_122"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_122"><span class="muchsmaller">[122]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 394, 406.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_123" id="footnote_123"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_123"><span class="muchsmaller">[123]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 102; <abbr title="volume five page">vol. v. p.</abbr> 415.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_124" id="footnote_124"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_124"><span class="muchsmaller">[124]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid volume five page">Ib. vol. v. p.</abbr> 420.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_125" id="footnote_125"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_125"><span class="muchsmaller">[125]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 408.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_126" id="footnote_126"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_126"><span class="muchsmaller">[126]</span></a> - The vision of Boso fills the ninth chapter of the fourth book of Simeon’s -Durham history. He sees first, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Per campum latissimum totius hujus provinciæ -indigenas congregatos, qui equis admodum pinguibus sedentes, et -longas, sicut soliti sunt, hastas portantes, earumque collisione magnum -facientes strepitum, multa ferebantur superbia.”</span> One might have taken -these mounted spearmen for Normans; but we read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Multo majori -quam priores superbia secuti sunt Francigenæ, qui et ipsi frementibus equis -subvecti et universo armorum genere induti, equorum frementium sonitu -et armorum collisione immanem late faciebant tumultum.”</span> Lastly came -the worst class of all; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Deinde per extensum aliquot miliariis campum -innumeram feminarum multitudinem intueor, quarum tantam turbam dum -admirarer, eas presbyterorum uxores esse a ductore meo didici. Has, -inquit, miserabiles et illos qui ad sacrificandum Deo consecrati sunt, nec -tamen illecebris carnalibus involvi metuerunt, væ sempiternum et gehennalium -flammarum atrocissimus expectat cruciatus.”</span> But how vast must -have been the number of priests in the bishopric, if their wives, seemingly -not on horseback, filled up so much room. The monks of Durham, -on the other hand, were seen in a beautiful flowery plain, all except two -sinners, whose names are not given, but who were to be reported to the -Prior in order that they might repent.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_127" id="footnote_127"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_127"><span class="muchsmaller">[127]</span></a> - The nature of the omen does not seem very clear; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In loco vastæ ac -tetræ solitudinis, magna altitudine domum totam ex ferro fabrifactam -aspexi, cujus janua dum sæpius aperiretur sæpiusque clauderetur, ecce -subito episcopus Willelmus efferens caput, ubinam Gosfridus monachus -esset a me quæsivit.”</span> This monk Geoffrey must surely be the same as the -one we heard of before as concerned in Bishop William’s former troubles -(see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 116). This gives the confirmation of an undesigned coincidence -to that story.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_128" id="footnote_128"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_128"><span class="muchsmaller">[128]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume">N. C. vol.</abbr> <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> p 674.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_129" id="footnote_129"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_129"><span class="muchsmaller">[129]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid volume five page">Ib. vol. v. p.</abbr> 631.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_130" id="footnote_130"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_130"><span class="muchsmaller">[130]</span></a> - It is curious that, while the Durham writer implies the summons by -the use of the word “placitum” in the account of Boso’s vision, he gives -no account of the summons in his own narrative. The gap is filled up by -William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 273; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Non multo post orto inter ipsum -et regem discidio, ægritudine procubuit apud Gloecestram. Ibi tunc erat -curia, et jussus est episcopus exhiberi, ut causam suam defensaret.”</span> The -place of King William’s sickness in 1093 is here confounded with the place -of Bishop William’s sickness in 1096. But Gloucester was the right place -for holding the Gemót, though it was held at Windsor.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_131" id="footnote_131"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_131"><span class="muchsmaller">[131]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> “Cui cum responsum esset infirmitate detineri -quo minus veniret: ‘Per vultum de Luca fingit se,’ inquit. Enimvero ille -vera valitudine correptus morti propinquabat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_132" id="footnote_132"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_132"><span class="muchsmaller">[132]</span></a> - <abbr title="Simeon of Durham">Sim. Dun.</abbr> <abbr title="Historiæ Dunelmensis four">Hist. Eccl. Dun. iv.</abbr> 10. We have already had the date of -his death in the Chronicle. He died <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“instante hora gallicantus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_133" id="footnote_133"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_133"><span class="muchsmaller">[133]</span></a> - See Simeon, <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr>, and <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 273. The names of the -bishops come from Simeon.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_134" id="footnote_134"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_134"><span class="muchsmaller">[134]</span></a> - Simeon, <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Placuit ergo illis, ut in capitulo tumulari deberet, -quatenus in loco quo fratres cotidie congregarentur, viso ejus sepulchro, -carissimi patris memoria in eorum cordibus cotidie renovaretur.”</span> William -of Malmesbury speaks to the same effect. But no amount of good -works could save him from being crushed by Wyatt and the Durham -Chapter.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_135" id="footnote_135"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_135"><span class="muchsmaller">[135]</span></a> - Simeon is eloquent on the grief at his death; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nullus enim, ut reor, -tunc inter illos erat, qui non illius vitam, si fieri posset, sua morte redimere -vellet.”</span> The puzzling contradictions as to the character of this bishop follow -him to the grave.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_136" id="footnote_136"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_136"><span class="muchsmaller">[136]</span></a> - Orderic (704 D) speaks of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“consules et consulares viri,”</span> who were -known to have had a share in the conspiracy, and were now ashamed of -themselves; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Porro hæc subtiliter rex comperiit, et <em>consultu sapientum</em> -hujusmodi viris pepercit. Nec eos ad judicium palam provocavit, ne furor -in pejus augmentaretur,”</span> <abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_137" id="footnote_137"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_137"><span class="muchsmaller">[137]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 61.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_138" id="footnote_138"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_138"><span class="muchsmaller">[138]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 704 C. “Hugonem, Scrobesburensium comitem, privatim -affatus corripuit, et acceptis ab eo tribus millibus libris, in amicitiam callide -recepit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_139" id="footnote_139"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_139"><span class="muchsmaller">[139]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1096. “Þær beteah Gosfrei Bainard Willelm of Ou þes -cynges mæg, þæt he heafde gebeon on þes cynges swicdome.” So Florence. -Stephen’s name is not here mentioned; but we have already seen (see <a href="#Page_39"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 39</a>) -what the exact charge was, and Odo, Stephen’s father, is significantly mentioned -just after.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_140" id="footnote_140"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_140"><span class="muchsmaller">[140]</span></a> - The Chronicle seems to make the accuser the challenger; “And hit -him ongefeaht, and hine on orreste ofercom, and syððan he ofercumen -wæs, him het se cyng þa eagan ut adón, and syþðan belisnian.” But -perhaps the meaning is really the same as in the account of William of -Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 319); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus de Ou, proditionis apud regem accusatus -delatoremque ad duellum provocans, dum se segniter expurgat, cæcatus et -extesticulatus est.”</span> Orderic says merely, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“palam de nequitia convictus -fuit,”</span> without saying how.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_141" id="footnote_141"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_141"><span class="muchsmaller">[141]</span></a> - Unless anything special was done, or meant to be done, to Grimbald -after the siege of Brionne. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two pages">N. C. vol. ii. pp.</abbr> 270–273.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_142" id="footnote_142"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_142"><span class="muchsmaller">[142]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one pages">N. C. vol. i. pp.</abbr> 490, 491, 496.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_143" id="footnote_143"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_143"><span class="muchsmaller">[143]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 704 C. “Hoc nimirum Hugone Cestrensium comite pertulit -instigante, cujus sororem habebat, sed congruam fidem ei non servaverat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_144" id="footnote_144"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_144"><span class="muchsmaller">[144]</span></a> - See his character in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 490.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_145" id="footnote_145"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_145"><span class="muchsmaller">[145]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 159.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_146" id="footnote_146"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_146"><span class="muchsmaller">[146]</span></a> - All the accounts agree as to the punishment. Florence says specially, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“oculos <em>eruere</em> et testiculos abscidere;”</span> so it was the worst form of blinding. -The Hyde writer (301) employs an euphemism; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex oculis privavit et -per omnia inutilem reddidit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_147" id="footnote_147"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_147"><span class="muchsmaller">[147]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1093. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“And sume man to Lundene lædde, and þær -spilde.”</span> This last word seems to imply mutilation of any kind, whether -blinding or any other.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_148" id="footnote_148"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_148"><span class="muchsmaller">[148]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 30.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_149" id="footnote_149"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_149"><span class="muchsmaller">[149]</span></a> - Their names come over and over again in the Gloucester Cartulary. See -the <a href="#Index">Index</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_150" id="footnote_150"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_150"><span class="muchsmaller">[150]</span></a> - Liber de Hyda, 301. “Ernulfus de Hednith [sic], statura procerus, -industria summus, possessionibus suffultus, apud regem tam injuste quam -invidiose est accusatus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_151" id="footnote_151"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_151"><span class="muchsmaller">[151]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Denique cum se bello legitimo per unum ex suis contra unum ex -hominibus regis facto defendisset atque vicisset.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_152" id="footnote_152"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_152"><span class="muchsmaller">[152]</span></a> - Liber de Hyda, 301. “Tanto dolore et ira est commotus ut, abdicatis omnibus -quæ regis erant in Anglia, ipso rege invito et contradicente, discederet.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_153" id="footnote_153"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_153"><span class="muchsmaller">[153]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 302. “Vincit Dominus, quare medicus me non continget, nisi ille -pro cujus amore hanc peregrinationem suscepi.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_154" id="footnote_154"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_154"><span class="muchsmaller">[154]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1096. “Ðær wearð eac Eoda eorl of Campaine, þæs cynges -aðum, and manege oðre, belende.” Florence says; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Comitem Odonem de -Campania, prædicti scilicet Stephani patrem, Philippum Rogeri Scrobbesbyriensis -comitis filium, et quosdam alios traditionis participes, in custodiam -posuit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_155" id="footnote_155"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_155"><span class="muchsmaller">[155]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “And his stiward Willelm hætte se wæs his modrian sunu, het se -cyng on rode ahón.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_156" id="footnote_156"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_156"><span class="muchsmaller">[156]</span></a> - <abbr title="Florentii Wigorniensis">Flor. Wig.</abbr> 1097. “Dapiferum illius Willelmum de Alderi, filium amitæ -illius, traditionis conscium, jussit rex suspendi.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_157" id="footnote_157"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_157"><span class="muchsmaller">[157]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms. four iv.</abbr> 319. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Plures illa delatio involvit, innocentes plane -et probos viros. Ex his fuit Willelmus de Alderia, speciosæ personæ homo -et compater regis.”</span> So the Hyde writer (301); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmum etiam de -Aldriato, ejusdem Willelmi dapiferum, de eadem conjuratione injuste, ut -aiunt, accusatum patibulo suspendi præcepit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_158" id="footnote_158"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_158"><span class="muchsmaller">[158]</span></a> - Liber de Hyda, 302. “Erat enim idem corpore et animo et genere -præclarus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_159" id="footnote_159"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_159"><span class="muchsmaller">[159]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Cum principes dolore permoti … de ejus vita regem rogassent, -volentes eum ter auro et argento ponderare, rex nullis precibus, nullis muneribus, -ab ejus morte potuit averti.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_160" id="footnote_160"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_160"><span class="muchsmaller">[160]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury four">Will. Malms. iv.</abbr> 319. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Is patibulo affigi jussus, Osmundo episcopo -Salesbiriæ confessus, et per omnes ecclesias oppidi flagellatus est.”</span> The -account in the Hyde Writer is to the same effect as that of William, but -shorter, and without any verbal agreement.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_161" id="footnote_161"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_161"><span class="muchsmaller">[161]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Dispersis ad inopes vestibus, ad suspendium nudus ibat, delicatam -carnem frequentibus super lapides genuflectionibus cruentans.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_162" id="footnote_162"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_162"><span class="muchsmaller">[162]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Tunc dicta commendatione animæ, et aspersa aqua benedicta, -episcopus discessit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_163" id="footnote_163"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_163"><span class="muchsmaller">[163]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Ille appensus est admirando fortitudinis spectaculo, ut nec moriturus -gemitum, nec moriens produceret suspirium.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_164" id="footnote_164"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_164"><span class="muchsmaller">[164]</span></a> - Will. Gem. <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 34; <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 814 A.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_165" id="footnote_165"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_165"><span class="muchsmaller">[165]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 704 C. “Morellus, domino suo vinculis indissolubiter injecto, -de Anglia mœstus aufugit, multasque regiones pervagatus pauper et exosus -in exsilio consenuit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_166" id="footnote_166"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_166"><span class="muchsmaller">[166]</span></a> - See very emphatically in the Chronicle, 1097.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_167" id="footnote_167"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_167"><span class="muchsmaller">[167]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury four">Will. Malms. iv.</abbr> 311. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Contra Walenses … expeditionem movens, -nihil magnificentia sua dignum exhibuit, militibus multis desideratis, jumentis -interceptis. Nec tum solum, sed multotiens, parva illi in Walenses -fortuna fuit, quod cuivis mirum videatur, cum ei alias semper alea bellorum -felicissime arriserit.”</span> This last is hardly true of his French and Cenomannian -campaigns. The writer goes on to attribute the failure of Rufus in -Wales mainly to the nature of the country, and to say that Henry the -First found out the right way of dealing with the Welsh, by planting the -Flemings in their country.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_168" id="footnote_168"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_168"><span class="muchsmaller">[168]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1097. “Ac þa ða se cyng geseah þæt he nan þingc -his wiiles þær geforðian ne mihte, he ongean into þison lande fór, and hraðe -æfter þam, he be þam gemæron castelas let gemakian.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_169" id="footnote_169"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_169"><span class="muchsmaller">[169]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 478.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_170" id="footnote_170"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_170"><span class="muchsmaller">[170]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 481.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_171" id="footnote_171"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_171"><span class="muchsmaller">[171]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 479.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_172" id="footnote_172"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_172"><span class="muchsmaller">[172]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 396.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_173" id="footnote_173"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_173"><span class="muchsmaller">[173]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two pages">N. C. vol. ii. pp.</abbr> 483, 707.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_174" id="footnote_174"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_174"><span class="muchsmaller">[174]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 483.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_175" id="footnote_175"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_175"><span class="muchsmaller">[175]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 164.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_176" id="footnote_176"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_176"><span class="muchsmaller">[176]</span></a> - “That stubborn British tongue which has survived <em>two</em> conquests,” is, -I think, a phrase of Hallam’s.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_177" id="footnote_177"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_177"><span class="muchsmaller">[177]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 122, and <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 489.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_178" id="footnote_178"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_178"><span class="muchsmaller">[178]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 501.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_179" id="footnote_179"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_179"><span class="muchsmaller">[179]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 676.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_180" id="footnote_180"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_180"><span class="muchsmaller">[180]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid volume four page">Ib. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 489; <abbr title="five page">v. p.</abbr> 109.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_181" id="footnote_181"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_181"><span class="muchsmaller">[181]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid volume two page">Ib. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 708; <abbr title="five page">v. p.</abbr> 777.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_182" id="footnote_182"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_182"><span class="muchsmaller">[182]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 501.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_183" id="footnote_183"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_183"><span class="muchsmaller">[183]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume four pages">vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 676, 777.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_184" id="footnote_184"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_184"><span class="muchsmaller">[184]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 121.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_185" id="footnote_185"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_185"><span class="muchsmaller">[185]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> 1088, 1089 [1089–1091]. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Menevia fracta est a gentilibus -insulanis.”</span> The Brut is to the same effect, and has a warm panegyric -on the bishop. The dates in the Welsh Chronicles are here wrong, but -only by the fault of the editor. The entries are made quite regularly year -by year, and they agree with those in the English writers.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_186" id="footnote_186"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_186"><span class="muchsmaller">[186]</span></a> - Brut y Tywysogion, 1089; it should be 1092.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_187" id="footnote_187"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_187"><span class="muchsmaller">[187]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms. four iv.</abbr> 310. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quod eum Scottorum et Walensium tumultus -vocabant, in regnum se cum ambobus fratribus recepit.”</span> See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. -p.</abbr> 295.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_188" id="footnote_188"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_188"><span class="muchsmaller">[188]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_GG">Appendix GG</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_189" id="footnote_189"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_189"><span class="muchsmaller">[189]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_GG">Appendix GG</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_190" id="footnote_190"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_190"><span class="muchsmaller">[190]</span></a> - The descendants of Jestin appear very clearly in Giraldus, <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Camb.</abbr> -<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 6 (<abbr title="volume six page">vol. vi. p.</abbr> 69); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quatuor Caradoci filii Jestini filiis, et Resi principis -ex sorore nepotibus, his in finibus herili portione, sicut Gualensibus mos est, -pro patre dominantibus, Morgano videlicet, et Mereducio, Oeneo, Cadwallano.”</span> -Morgan appears soon after (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 69) as guiding Archbishop Baldwin -and his companion Giraldus over the dangerous quicksands of his Avon.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_191" id="footnote_191"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_191"><span class="muchsmaller">[191]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_GG">Appendix GG</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_192" id="footnote_192"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_192"><span class="muchsmaller">[192]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 186.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_193" id="footnote_193"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_193"><span class="muchsmaller">[193]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 62.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_194" id="footnote_194"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_194"><span class="muchsmaller">[194]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 250.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_195" id="footnote_195"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_195"><span class="muchsmaller">[195]</span></a> - He has an entry to himself in Essex (Domesday, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 54 <span class="decoration">b</span>). He appears -again in 100 <span class="decoration">b</span>, and in the town of Colchester (106) he holds <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“<abbr title="1">i.</abbr> domum, et <abbr title="1">i.</abbr> -curiam, et <abbr title="1">i.</abbr> hidam terræ, et <abbr title="15">xv.</abbr> burgenses.”</span> A building with some trace of -Romanesque work used to be shown as “Hamo’s Saxon hall or curia.” -Why more “Saxon” than everything else in that Saxon land it was not -easy to guess. In Ellis he is made to be the same as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Haimo vicecomes”</span> -who appears in Kent and Surrey (Domesday, 14, 36). This last witnesses a -letter of Anselm’s (<abbr title="Epistles three">Epp. iii.</abbr> 71) to the monks of Canterbury, along with -another Haimo, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“filius Vitalis,” “Wimundus homo vicecomitis,”</span> and a -mysterious <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus filius Watsonis”</span>—​what name is meant? In <abbr title="Epistles four"> -Epp. iv.</abbr> 57 a letter is addressed to him by Anselm, complaining of damage done -by his men to the Archbishop’s property at Canterbury and Sandwich. Or -is this “vicecomes” in Kent the same as Haimer or Haimo—​he is written -both ways—​the “vicecomes” (in another sense) of Thouars, who plays an -important part before and after the great battle? See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three pages">N. C. vol. iii. pp.</abbr> -315, 457, 551.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_196" id="footnote_196"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_196"><span class="muchsmaller">[196]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 197.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_197" id="footnote_197"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_197"><span class="muchsmaller">[197]</span></a> - In this way we may put a meaning on the account in the Tewkesbury -History quoted in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 762. Brihtric had not any honour of -Gloucester.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_198" id="footnote_198"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_198"><span class="muchsmaller">[198]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 578 D; William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 3. She -was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“spectabilis et excellens fœmina, domina tunc viro morigera, tunc etiam -fœcunditate numerosæ et pulcherrimæ prolis beata.”</span> She was the mother-in-law -of his patron.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_199" id="footnote_199"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_199"><span class="muchsmaller">[199]</span></a> - See Mr. Clark, Archæological Journal, <abbr title="volume 35 page">vol. xxxv. p.</abbr> 3 (March, 1878).</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_200" id="footnote_200"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_200"><span class="muchsmaller">[200]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 398. “Monasterium Theochesbiriæ suo favore non -facile memoratu quantum exaltavit, ubi et ædificiorum decor, et monachorum -charitas, adventantium rapit oculos et allicit animos.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_201" id="footnote_201"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_201"><span class="muchsmaller">[201]</span></a> - See the Gloucester History, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 93, 122, 223, 226, 334, 349; <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 125. The -gift of the church of Saint Cadoc at Llancarfan is mentioned over and over -again. At <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 334 there is an alleged confirmation of this gift by William -the Conqueror in 1086. Can this be trusted so far as to make us carry -back the conquest of Glamorgan into his day, or are we to suppose that a -wrong date has crept in? In the Monasticon, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 67, is a charter of Nicolas -Bishop of Llandaff (1148–1153) confirming the grants of a crowd of churches -in Glamorgan to the abbey of Tewkesbury. Among them is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ecclesia de -Landiltwit,”</span> that is Llaniltyd or Llantwit Major.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_202" id="footnote_202"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_202"><span class="muchsmaller">[202]</span></a> - See Mr. Clark, Archæological Journal, <abbr title="thirty-four">xxxiv.</abbr> 17.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_203" id="footnote_203"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_203"><span class="muchsmaller">[203]</span></a> - See Mr. Clark. Archæological Journal, <abbr title="thirty-four">xxxiv.</abbr> 25.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_204" id="footnote_204"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_204"><span class="muchsmaller">[204]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 676.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_205" id="footnote_205"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_205"><span class="muchsmaller">[205]</span></a> - In the second Brut he appears as Wiliam de <em>Lwndwn</em> in 1088 (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 72), -Wiliam de <em>Lwndrys</em> in 1094 (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 78).</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_206" id="footnote_206"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_206"><span class="muchsmaller">[206]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 782.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_207" id="footnote_207"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_207"><span class="muchsmaller">[207]</span></a> - See Mr. Clark, Archæological Journal, <abbr title="thirty-four pages">xxxiv. pp.</abbr> 22, 30.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_208" id="footnote_208"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_208"><span class="muchsmaller">[208]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 854, <abbr title="thirty-nine">xxxix.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_209" id="footnote_209"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_209"><span class="muchsmaller">[209]</span></a> - See the Margam Annals, 1130 (<abbr title="Annales monastici one">Ann. Mon. i.</abbr> 13), and <abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum five">Mon. Angl. - v.</abbr> 258.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_210" id="footnote_210"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_210"><span class="muchsmaller">[210]</span></a> - Margam Annals, 1147; <abbr title="Annales monastici one">Ann. Mon. i.</abbr> 14.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_211" id="footnote_211"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_211"><span class="muchsmaller">[211]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 34.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_212" id="footnote_212"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_212"><span class="muchsmaller">[212]</span></a> - See the wonderful story in Giraldus, <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae one">It. Camb. i.</abbr> 2 (<abbr title="volume six page">vol. vi. p.</abbr> 32).</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_213" id="footnote_213"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_213"><span class="muchsmaller">[213]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 36. The wonders of the lake, now known as Llangorse pool, fill -up more than two pages.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_214" id="footnote_214"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_214"><span class="muchsmaller">[214]</span></a> - <abbr title="Chronicon">Chron.</abbr> de Bello, 34. He is described as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“vir magnificus Bernardus -cognomento de Novo Mercato.”</span> His gift is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ecclesia … sancti Johannis -Evangelistæ extra munitionem castri sui de Brecchennio sita.”</span> But the -gift was made only <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ejusdem prædictæ ecclesiæ Belli monachi, nomine -Rogerii, apud eum aliquamdiu forte commanentis, importuna suggestione.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_215" id="footnote_215"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_215"><span class="muchsmaller">[215]</span></a> - We have seen (see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 34) Bernard spoken of as son-in law of -the old enemy Osbern of Herefordshire. Could Osbern have married the -elder Nest, perhaps as a second wife? Or was the younger Nest a second -wife of Bernard?</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_216" id="footnote_216"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_216"><span class="muchsmaller">[216]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 679; <abbr title="volume three pages">vol. iii. pp.</abbr> 710, 777.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_217" id="footnote_217"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_217"><span class="muchsmaller">[217]</span></a> - See the story in Giraldus, <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Camb.</abbr> <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 2 (<abbr title="volume six page">vol. vi. p.</abbr> 29). The son -was disinherited, and the honour of Brecknock passed to the husband of the -daughter, whom her mother allowed to be Bernard’s child. He speaks of -her as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nesta nomine, quam Angli vertendo <em>Anneis</em> vocavere.”</span> In the Battle -Chronicle (35) she appears as a benefactress by the name of <em>Agnes</em>. She -gave to Battle <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“de propria hereditate quamdam villulam extra Walliam in -Anglia sitam [in Herefordshire], quæ Berinton vocatur.”</span> She gave it <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“forte -invalitudine tacta.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_218" id="footnote_218"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_218"><span class="muchsmaller">[218]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_78"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 78</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_219" id="footnote_219"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_219"><span class="muchsmaller">[219]</span></a> - Brut y Tywysogion, 1091 (1093). “And then fell the kingdom of -the Britons.” (Teyrnas y Brytanyeit.) Florence, recording the same -event, adds; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ab illo die regnare in Walonia reges desiere;”</span> but he himself -in 1116 says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Owinus rex Walanorum occiditur.”</span> <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> -in anno, where the royal title is not given to Owen. Indeed in the -present entry the Annals call Rhys only <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rector dextralis partis;”</span> that -is, of South Wales.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_220" id="footnote_220"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_220"><span class="muchsmaller">[220]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 121.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_221" id="footnote_221"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_221"><span class="muchsmaller">[221]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> 1091 (1093). “Post cujus obitum Cadugaun filius -Bledint prædatus est Demetiam pridie kalendarum Maii.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_222" id="footnote_222"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_222"><span class="muchsmaller">[222]</span></a> - Brut y Tywysogion. So <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Circiter Kalendas Julii Franci -primitus Demetiam et Keredigean tenuerunt, et castella in eis locaverunt, -et abinde totam terram Britonum occupaverunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_223" id="footnote_223"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_223"><span class="muchsmaller">[223]</span></a> - On the beavers in the Teif, see a long account in Giraldus, <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Camb.</abbr> -<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 3. <abbr title="Compare">Cp</abbr>. <abbr title="Topographica Hibernica one">Top. Hib. i.</abbr> 26. He discusses the lawfulness of eating the -beaver’s tail on fast-days, without coming to so decided a conclusion -as when he rules (<abbr title="Topographica Hibernica one">Top. Hib. i.</abbr> 15) that the barnacle might not be eaten.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_224" id="footnote_224"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_224"><span class="muchsmaller">[224]</span></a> - It is very hard to put Irish kings in their right places; but there -is no doubt that this Murtagh—​I take the shortest way of spelling his -name—​is the same as the Murtagh of Connaught, head King of Ireland, -though Giraldus calls him King of Leinster, of whom we shall hear a good -deal before long.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_225" id="footnote_225"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_225"><span class="muchsmaller">[225]</span></a> - <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae two">It. Camb. ii.</abbr> 1 (<abbr title="six">vi.</abbr> 109). <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Rufus … Kambriam suo in tempore -animose penetrans et circumdans, cum a rupibus istis Hiberniam forte -prospiceret, dixisse memoratur: Ad terram istam expugnandam, ex -navibus regni mei huc convocatis, pontem adhuc faciam.”</span> The Irish -king, when he hears, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cum aliquamdiu propensius inde cogitasset, fertur -respondisse: Numquid tantæ comminationis verbo rex ille ‘Si Deo -placuerit’ adjecit?”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_226" id="footnote_226"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_226"><span class="muchsmaller">[226]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 166.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_227" id="footnote_227"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_227"><span class="muchsmaller">[227]</span></a> - <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Camb.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> “Tanquam prognostico gaudens certissimo, Quoniam, -inquit, homo iste de humana tantum confidit potentia, non divina, ejus -adventum non formido.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_228" id="footnote_228"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_228"><span class="muchsmaller">[228]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 676.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_229" id="footnote_229"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_229"><span class="muchsmaller">[229]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 526.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_230" id="footnote_230"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_230"><span class="muchsmaller">[230]</span></a> - On Bishop Wilfrith, see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 209, and <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 534. We -shall hear of him again.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_231" id="footnote_231"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_231"><span class="muchsmaller">[231]</span></a> - I refer to such names as Hasgard and Freystrop. The <em>fords</em> in this -district are of course <em>fiords</em>. The names of Hereford and Haverfordwest -have sometimes been confounded, but the <em>ford</em> comes from a different -quarter in the two names.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_232" id="footnote_232"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_232"><span class="muchsmaller">[232]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 75.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_233" id="footnote_233"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_233"><span class="muchsmaller">[233]</span></a> - He does justice to his birthplace in <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Camb.</abbr> <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 12 (<abbr title="volume six page">vol. vi. p.</abbr> 92), -and proves by a <em>sorites</em> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ut Kambriæ totius locus sit hic amœnissimus.” -“Pembrochia”</span> here appears as part of Demetia.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_234" id="footnote_234"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_234"><span class="muchsmaller">[234]</span></a> - Sir Rhys ap Thomas, the hero of Carew (Caerau) in Henry the -Seventh’s time, is chiefly of local fame. But his name has made its way -into general history. See Hall’s Chronicle, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 410, and several other -places.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_235" id="footnote_235"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_235"><span class="muchsmaller">[235]</span></a> - <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Camb.</abbr> <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 12 (<abbr title="volume six page">vol. vi. p.</abbr> 89). <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Provincia Pembrochiensis principale municipium, -totiusque provinciæ Demeticæ caput, in saxosa quadam et oblonga -rupis eminentia situm, lingua marina de Milverdico portu prosiliens in capite -bifurco complectitur. Unde et Pembrochia <em>caput maritimæ</em> sonat. Primus -hoc castrum Arnulfus de Mungumeri, sub Anglorum rege Henrico primo, -ex virgis et cespite, tenue satis et exile construxit.”</span> The date is of course -wrong, as the castle of Pembroke appears both in the Annales Cambriæ -and in the Brut in 1094, and as Giraldus himself describes the castle -as in being soon after the death of Rhys ap Tewdwr. He perhaps confounds -Arnulf’s first rude work with the stronger castle built by Gerald -on the same site in 1105. This, according to the Brut, was fortified with -a ditch and wall and a gateway with a lock on it.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_236" id="footnote_236"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_236"><span class="muchsmaller">[236]</span></a> - Giraldus describes his namesake, the husband of his grandmother, as -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“vir probus prudensque, Giraldus de Windesora, constabularius suus -[Arnulfi] et primipilus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_237" id="footnote_237"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_237"><span class="muchsmaller">[237]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 482.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_238" id="footnote_238"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_238"><span class="muchsmaller">[238]</span></a> - I have discussed this matter at length in <a href="#Note_BB">Appendix BB</a>. (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 851) of -the fifth volume of the Norman Conquest. Miss Williams (History of -Wales, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 209), like Sir Francis Palgrave, knows more about Nest than -I can find in any book. But the tale in the Brut of her being carried -off by Owen in 1106 (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 210) is very graphic.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_239" id="footnote_239"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_239"><span class="muchsmaller">[239]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 501.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_240" id="footnote_240"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_240"><span class="muchsmaller">[240]</span></a> - So says the Brut, 1094 (1096). Is this William the son of that Baldwin -from whom Montgomery took its Welsh name?</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_241" id="footnote_241"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_241"><span class="muchsmaller">[241]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 464.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_242" id="footnote_242"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_242"><span class="muchsmaller">[242]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1094. “Eac on þisum ylcan geare þa Wylisce men hi -gegaderodon, and wið þa Frencisce þe on Walon oððe on þære neawiste -wæron and hi ǽr belandedon, gewinn úp ahofon, and manige festena and -castelas abræcon, and men ofslogon, and syððan heora gefylce weox, hí hí -on ma todældon. Wið sum þæra dæle gefeaht Hugo eorl of Scrobscire, and -hi aflymde. Ac þeah hweðer þa oðre ealles þæs geares nanes yfeles ne -geswicon þe hi dón mihton.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_243" id="footnote_243"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_243"><span class="muchsmaller">[243]</span></a> - Brut y Tywysogion, 1092 (1094). The translation runs; “Whilst -William remained in Normandy, the Britons resisted the domination of the -French, not being able to bear their cruelty, and demolished their castles in -Gwynedd, and <em>iterated</em> their depredations and slaughters among them.” The -Latin annalist says only; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Britanni jugum Francorum respuerunt. Wenedociam, -Cereticam et Demetiam ab iis et eorum castellis <em>emundaverunt</em>.”</span> -Both these writers have oddly mistaken the state of things in Normandy. -One manuscript of the Annales says that William went into Normandy, and -that the revolt happened, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ibi morante et fratrem suum expugnante,”</span> while -the Brut says more wildly that “King William Rufus [Gwilim Goch], who -first by a most glorious war prevailed over the Saxons, went to Normandy to -keep and defend the kingdom [teyrnas] of Robert his brother, who had gone -to Jerusalem [Kærcesalem] to fight against the Saracens and other barbarous -nations and to protect the Christians, and to acquire greater fame.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_244" id="footnote_244"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_244"><span class="muchsmaller">[244]</span></a> - <abbr title="Florentii Wigorniensis">Flor. Wig.</abbr> 1094. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ad hæc etiam primitus North-Walani, deinceps -West-Walani et Suth-Walani, servitutis jugo, quo diu premebantur, excusso, -et cervice erecta, libertatem sibi vindicare laborabant. Unde collecta -multitudine, castella quæ in West-Walonia firmata erant frangebant et in -Cestrensi, Scrobbesbyriensi, et Herefordensi provincia frequenter villas -cremabant, prædas agebant, et multos ex Anglis et Normannis interficiebant.”</span> -The names of Gruffydd and Cadwgan come from the later -Brut, which copies Florence or comes from the same source.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_245" id="footnote_245"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_245"><span class="muchsmaller">[245]</span></a> - <abbr title="Florentii Wigorniensis">Flor. Wig.</abbr> 1094. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fregerunt et castellum in Mevania insula, eamque -suæ ditioni subjiciebant.”</span> This confirms the statement of the later Brut -about the building of the castle of Aberlleiniog (see <a href="#Page_97"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 97</a>); but he says -nothing about Anglesey here.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_246" id="footnote_246"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_246"><span class="muchsmaller">[246]</span></a> - “In the wood of Yspwys,” says the Brut.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_247" id="footnote_247"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_247"><span class="muchsmaller">[247]</span></a> - So both the Annales and the Brut. The name of William son of Baldwin -comes from the Brut two years later.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_248" id="footnote_248"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_248"><span class="muchsmaller">[248]</span></a> - Brut y Tywysogion, 1092 (1094). “And the people and all the cattle -of Dyved they brought away with them, leaving Dyved and Ceredigion a -desert.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_249" id="footnote_249"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_249"><span class="muchsmaller">[249]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 476.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_250" id="footnote_250"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_250"><span class="muchsmaller">[250]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> 1095. “Franci devastaverunt Gober et Kedweli et -Stratewi. Demetia, Ceretica, et Stratewi deserta manent.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_251" id="footnote_251"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_251"><span class="muchsmaller">[251]</span></a> - I have no better direct authority for this than the later Brut, which -says under 1094--the chronology is very confused—​that “the Frenchmen -led their forces into Gower, Cydweli, and the Vale of Tywi, and devastated -those countries, and William de Londres [William de Lwndrys] built a -strong castle in Cydweli.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_252" id="footnote_252"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_252"><span class="muchsmaller">[252]</span></a> - This comes under the year 1099, and is attributed to “Harry Beaumont -[Harri Bwmwnt].” Is this the Earl of Warwick? I know no other -“Henricus de Bello Monte.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_253" id="footnote_253"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_253"><span class="muchsmaller">[253]</span></a> - This is from the same entry in the later Brut. After mentioning the -castles, it is added that Harry Beaumont “established himself there and -brought Saxons from Somersetshire [Saeson o wlad yr Haf] there, where -they obtained lands; and the greatest usurpation of all the Frenchmen -was his in Gower.” Nothing can be made of this writer’s dates, even when -we accept his facts with a little trembling.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_254" id="footnote_254"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_254"><span class="muchsmaller">[254]</span></a> - This account comes only from the younger Brut (79). It is in fact -part of the legend of the conquest of Glamorgan. But that legend, as we -have seen, has elements of truth in it, and this particular story seems to fit -in well with the general course of events. The men of Morganwg and -Gwaenllwg—​that is the modern Wentloog, the land between Rhymny and -Usk—​rose and destroyed the castle, Pagan of Turberville leading them.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_255" id="footnote_255"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_255"><span class="muchsmaller">[255]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 501.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_256" id="footnote_256"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_256"><span class="muchsmaller">[256]</span></a> - It is strange that the mention of this great British success comes only -from the English accounts. Just after the King had left Bamburgh, he -heard (<abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1095) “þæt þa Wylisce men on Wealon sumne -castel heafdon tobroken Muntgumni hatte, and Hugon eorles men ofslagene, -þe hine healdon sceoldan.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_257" id="footnote_257"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_257"><span class="muchsmaller">[257]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> <abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr> “He forði oðre fyrde hét fearlice abannan.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_258" id="footnote_258"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_258"><span class="muchsmaller">[258]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “And æfter Sc̃e Michaeles mæsse into Wealan ferde, and his fyrde -toscyfte, and þæt land eall þurhfor, swa þæt seo fyrde eall togædere com -to Ealra Halgena to Snawdune. Ac þa Wylisce a toforan into <em>muntan</em> -and moran ferdan, þæt heom man to cuman ne mihte.” On the use of the -word <em>muntas</em> see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 517.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_259" id="footnote_259"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_259"><span class="muchsmaller">[259]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “And se cyng þa hamweard gewende, forþam he geseah þæt he -þær þes wintres mare don ne mihte.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_260" id="footnote_260"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_260"><span class="muchsmaller">[260]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> 1095. “Mediante autumno rex Anglorum Willielmus -contra Britones movit exercitum, quibus Deo tutatis, vacuus ad sua -rediit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_261" id="footnote_261"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_261"><span class="muchsmaller">[261]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> 1096. “Willielmus filius Baldewini in domino (?) Ricors -obiit, quo mortuo castellum vacuum relinquitur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_262" id="footnote_262"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_262"><span class="muchsmaller">[262]</span></a> - Brut y Tywysogion, 1094 (1096). The words are most emphatic in the -manuscript of the Annales quoted as C; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Britones Brecheniauc et Guent et -Guenliauc jugum Francorum respuunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_263" id="footnote_263"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_263"><span class="muchsmaller">[263]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1096. “Eac on þison geare þa heafod men þe þis land -heoldan oftrædlice fyrde into Wealon sendon, and mænig man mid þam -swiðe gedrehtan, ac man þær ne gespædde, butan man myrringe and feoh -spillinge.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_264" id="footnote_264"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_264"><span class="muchsmaller">[264]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Franci exercitum movent in Guent, et nihil impetrantes -vacui domum redeunt, et in Kellitravant versi sunt in fugam.”</span> -The name of the place is given in the text of the Annals as “Celli Darnauc;” -the Brut as “Celli Carnant.” I do not know its site.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_265" id="footnote_265"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_265"><span class="muchsmaller">[265]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Iterum venerunt in Brechinauc et castella fecerunt in ea, sed in -reditu apud Aberlech versi sunt in fugam a filiis Iduerth filii Kadugaun.”</span> -The Brut gives their names as Gruffydd and Ivor.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_266" id="footnote_266"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_266"><span class="muchsmaller">[266]</span></a> - So says the Brut, 1094 (1096).</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_267" id="footnote_267"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_267"><span class="muchsmaller">[267]</span></a> - These details of the siege of Pembroke come from Giraldus, <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae one">It. Camb. -i.</abbr> 12. As he has mistaken the date of the whole matter by putting it in -the reign of Henry, so he has mistaken the special date of the siege, which -he places soon after the death of Rhys ap Tewdwr, that is in 1093. His -stories may belong to the movement of 1094; but they seem to come more -naturally here. When the knights have deserted, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ex desperatione scapham -intrantes navigio fugam attemptassent, in crastino mane Giraldus eorum -armigeris arma dominorum cum feodis dedit, ipsosque statim militari cingulo -decoravit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_268" id="footnote_268"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_268"><span class="muchsmaller">[268]</span></a> - They are brought <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ad ultimam fere inediam.”</span> Then Gerald, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ex -summa prudentia spem simulans et solatia spondens, quatuor qui adhuc -supererant bacones a propugnaculis frustatim ad hostes projici fecit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_269" id="footnote_269"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_269"><span class="muchsmaller">[269]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Die vero sequente ad figmenta recurrens exquisitiora, literas -sigillo suo signatas coram hospitio Menevensis episcopi, cui nomen Wilfredus, -qui forte tunc aderat, tanquam casu a portitore dilapsas inveniri -procuravit.”</span> I suppose this means that the Bishop was in a house outside -the besieged castle; otherwise it is not clear how the Welsh could have got -hold of the letter. It seems also to imply that the Bishop was on friendly -terms with the besieged. But the whole story is a little dark.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_270" id="footnote_270"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_270"><span class="muchsmaller">[270]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quo per exercitum literis lectis audito, statim obsidione dispersa -ad propria singuli sunt reversi.”</span> Directly after—“nec mora”—Gerald -marries Nest. If we could at all trust her grandson’s chronology, this -would throw some light on her relation to Henry.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_271" id="footnote_271"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_271"><span class="muchsmaller">[271]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> 1096. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Penbrochiam devastaverunt et incolumes domum -redierunt.”</span> The cattle come from the Brut.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_272" id="footnote_272"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_272"><span class="muchsmaller">[272]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> 1097. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Geraldus <em>præfectus</em> de Penbroc Meneviæ fines -devastavit.”</span> In the other manuscript he is <em>dapifer</em>, and in the Brut -<em>ystiwart</em>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_273" id="footnote_273"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_273"><span class="muchsmaller">[273]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 572.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_274" id="footnote_274"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_274"><span class="muchsmaller">[274]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_275" id="footnote_275"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_275"><span class="muchsmaller">[275]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1097. “Se cyng Willelm … mid mycclum here into -Wealon ferde, and þæt land swiðe mid his fyrde þurhfór, þurh sume þa -Wyliscean þe him to wæron cumen, and his lædteowas wæron.” Eadmer -(<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 37), to whom the details of a Welsh war did not greatly matter, -makes overmuch of these seeming successes; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex … super Walenses -qui contra eum surrexerant excercitum ducit, eosque post modicum in deditionem -suscipit, et pace undique potitus est.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_276" id="footnote_276"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_276"><span class="muchsmaller">[276]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 582.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_277" id="footnote_277"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_277"><span class="muchsmaller">[277]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1097. “Ða Wylisce men syððon hi <em>fram</em> þam cynge -gebugon.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_278" id="footnote_278"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_278"><span class="muchsmaller">[278]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Heom manege ealdras of heom sylfan gecuron. Sum þæra wæs -Caduugaun gehaten, þe heora weorðast wæs: se wæs Griffines broðer sunu -cynges.” On the use of “sum,” see Earle, Parallel Chronicles, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 357. It -is surely a little hard when Giraldus (<abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Camb.</abbr> <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 2. <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 28) speaks of his -grandmother’s grandfather as one <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cujus tyrannis totam aliquamdiu Gualliam -oppresserat.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_279" id="footnote_279"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_279"><span class="muchsmaller">[279]</span></a> - See N. C. <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 506.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_280" id="footnote_280"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_280"><span class="muchsmaller">[280]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 396.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_281" id="footnote_281"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_281"><span class="muchsmaller">[281]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 399.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_282" id="footnote_282"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_282"><span class="muchsmaller">[282]</span></a> - <abbr title="Florentii Wigorniensis">Flor. Wig.</abbr> 1097. “Post pascha”—​he seems to have mixed up the -two expeditions of the year—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“cum equestri et pedestri exercitu secundo -profectus est in Waloniam, ut omnes masculini sexus internecioni daret; at -de eis vix aliquem capere aut interimere potuit.”</span> <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 481.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_283" id="footnote_283"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_283"><span class="muchsmaller">[283]</span></a> - The Brut here waxes so spirited that one is sorry not to have a better -knowledge of the original. “The French dared not penetrate the rocks and -the woods, but hovered about the level plains. At length they returned -home empty, without having gained anything; and the Britons, happy and -unintimidated, defended their country.” The Annals say, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus rex -Angliæ secundo in Britones excitatur, eorum omnium minans excidium; -Britones vero divino protecti munimine in sua remanent illæsi, rege -vacuo redeunte.”</span> The other <abbr title="manuscript">MS.</abbr> has, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“nihil impetrans vacuus domum -rediit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_284" id="footnote_284"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_284"><span class="muchsmaller">[284]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1097. “Þærinne wunode fram middesumeran forneah -oð August.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_285" id="footnote_285"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_285"><span class="muchsmaller">[285]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “And mycel þærinne forleas on mannan and on horsan and eac -on manegan oðran þingan.” Florence softens a little; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De suis nonnullos, -et equos perdidit multos.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_286" id="footnote_286"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_286"><span class="muchsmaller">[286]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 572, 575.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_287" id="footnote_287"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_287"><span class="muchsmaller">[287]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_71"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 71</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_288" id="footnote_288"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_288"><span class="muchsmaller">[288]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 583.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_289" id="footnote_289"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_289"><span class="muchsmaller">[289]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_9"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 9</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_290" id="footnote_290"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_290"><span class="muchsmaller">[290]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_30"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 30</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_291" id="footnote_291"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_291"><span class="muchsmaller">[291]</span></a> - On the story of Godwine and Ordgar, see <a href="#Note_HH">Appendix HH</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_292" id="footnote_292"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_292"><span class="muchsmaller">[292]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 620.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_293" id="footnote_293"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_293"><span class="muchsmaller">[293]</span></a> - Fordun, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 22 (<abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 221, Skene). “Fit mox hinc inde magnus -armorum apparatus, pugnaturi conveniunt; Orgarus favore regis elatus, -regiis satellitibus hinc inde vallatus, insignibus etiam armorum ornamentis -splendidus procedit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_294" id="footnote_294"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_294"><span class="muchsmaller">[294]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Silentio per præconem omnibus imposito, et vadiis utrorumque -a judice in certaminis locum projectis, ut Deus, secretorum cognitor, hujus -causæ veritatem ostenderet, proclamante, postremo res armis, et causa -superno judici committitur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_295" id="footnote_295"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_295"><span class="muchsmaller">[295]</span></a> - There is no need to go through all the details. The strangest is when the -hilt of Godwine’s sword breaks off; the blade drops; he picks it up, but naturally -cannot use it without cutting his fingers. It is an odd coincidence -that his son drops his whole sword in his exploit at Rama.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_296" id="footnote_296"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_296"><span class="muchsmaller">[296]</span></a> - Fordun, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 22. “Abstracto namque cultro qui caliga latebat, ipsum perfodere -conatur; cum ante initum congressum juraverit se nihil nisi arma -decentia militem in hoc duello gestaturum.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_297" id="footnote_297"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_297"><span class="muchsmaller">[297]</span></a> - “Mox perjurii pœnas persolvit. Cultro siquidem erepto, cum spes reum -desereret, crimen protinus confitetur. Attamen hæc confessio nihil ad vitam -illi profuit elongandam, undique vero, vulnere succedente vulneri, perfodebatur, -donec animam impiam vis doloris et magnitudo vulnerum -expelleret.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_298" id="footnote_298"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_298"><span class="muchsmaller">[298]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 561, 893.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_299" id="footnote_299"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_299"><span class="muchsmaller">[299]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1097. “Ða uppon Sc̃e Michaeles mæssan <abbr title="4">iiii.</abbr> noñ Octobre, -ætywde án selcuð steorra, on æfen scynende, and sona to setle gangende. -He wæs gesewen suðweast, and se leoma þe him ofstód wæs swiðe lang -geþuht, suðeast scinende, and forneah ealle þa wucan on þas wisan ætywde, -manige men leton þæt hit cometa wære.” Here the comet shines very -brightly, but it shines alone. William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 328) adds; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“apparuerunt et aliæ stellæ quasi jacula inter se emittentes.”</span> (We had -shooting stars two years before; see <a href="#Page_41"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 41</a>.) Florence adds yet another -portent; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nonnulli signum mirabile et quasi ardens, in modum crucis, eo -tempore se vidisse in cælo affirmabant.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_300" id="footnote_300"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_300"><span class="muchsmaller">[300]</span></a> - Both the Chronicler and Florence mark that the departure of Anselm -soon followed the appearance in the heavens; but it is William of Malmesbury -who is most emphatic; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ille fuit annus quo Anselmus lux Angliæ, -ultro tenebras erroneorum effugiens, Romam ivit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_301" id="footnote_301"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_301"><span class="muchsmaller">[301]</span></a> - So I should understand the words of the Chronicle, “ferde Eadgar -æþeling mid fyrdes þurh þæs cynge fultum into Scotlande.” But Florence -says that the King <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“clitonem Eadgarum ad Scottiam cum exercitu misit.”</span> -Fordun (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 5) makes him go, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“collectis undique ingentibus amicorum copiis, -auxilioque Willelmi regis vallatus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_302" id="footnote_302"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_302"><span class="muchsmaller">[302]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_111"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 111</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_303" id="footnote_303"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_303"><span class="muchsmaller">[303]</span></a> - Fordun tells this tale (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 25); the younger Eadgar tells the vision to -the elder, who acts accordingly.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_304" id="footnote_304"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_304"><span class="muchsmaller">[304]</span></a> - We have surely passed the bounds of history when Robert, accompanied -by two other knights, charges the enemy, slays the foremost (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“fortissimi -qui ante aciem quasi defensores stabant”</span>), puts Donald and the rest to flight, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“et sic incruentam victoriam, Deo propitio, meritis sancti Cuthberti feliciter -obtinuit.”</span> The Chronicler says that Eadgar “þet land mid stranglicum -feohte gewann.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_305" id="footnote_305"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_305"><span class="muchsmaller">[305]</span></a> - Fordun, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 26. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ab ipso quidem ipse Donaldus captus est et cæcatus, -ac carceri perpetuo damnatur.”</span> “Ipso” is the younger Eadgar; this treatment -of Donald would have been more pardonable in the elder. See more in -Robertson, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 159.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_306" id="footnote_306"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_306"><span class="muchsmaller">[306]</span></a> - See Robertson, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 159, and N. C. <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 529; <abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 449; <abbr title="volume three page">vol. iii. -p.</abbr> 431; <abbr title="volume four page">vol. iv. p.</abbr> 170.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_307" id="footnote_307"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_307"><span class="muchsmaller">[307]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum">Mon. Angl.</abbr> <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 163, 165.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_308" id="footnote_308"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_308"><span class="muchsmaller">[308]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury five">Will. Malms. v.</abbr> 400. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Captus vel perpetuis compedibus detentus, -ingenue pœnituit; et ad mortem veniens, cum ipsis vinculis se tumulari -mandavit, professus se plexum merito pro fratricidii delicto.”</span> <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> the burial -of Grimbald in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 273.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_309" id="footnote_309"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_309"><span class="muchsmaller">[309]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1097. “Eadgar æþeling … þone cyng Dufenal út -adræfde, and his mæg Eadgar, se wæs Melcolmes sunu cynges and Margarite -þære cwenan, he þær <em>on þæs cynges Willelmes heldan</em> to cynge sette.” -I do not find the words in Italics represented either by Fordun or by Mr. -Robertson. They are not forgotten by Sir F. Palgrave, English Commonwealth, -<abbr title="two 334">ii. cccxxxiv.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_310" id="footnote_310"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_310"><span class="muchsmaller">[310]</span></a> - The Chronicler tells us that Eadgar “syþþan ongean into Engleland -fór.” And he had just before drawn a vivid picture of the state of -England; “Ðis wæs on eallon þingan swiðe hefigtyme geár, and ofer -geswincfull on ungewederan, þa man oððe tilian sceolde oððe eft tilða -gegaderian, and on ungyldan þa næfre ne ablunnon.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_311" id="footnote_311"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_311"><span class="muchsmaller">[311]</span></a> - Fordun, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 26.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_312" id="footnote_312"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_312"><span class="muchsmaller">[312]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> This grant is made <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“episcopo et suis successoribus Dunelmensibus,”</span> -in distinction to the grant of Coldingham, which was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“monachis Dunelmensibus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_313" id="footnote_313"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_313"><span class="muchsmaller">[313]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “De licentia regis ad terram a rege sibi datam in Laudonia -moratus est, et dum castellum ibidem ædificare niteretur, a provincialibus -subito et baronibus tandem Dunelmensibus circumventus, eodem Ranulfo -episcopo agente, captus est; in qua tamen captione magnam suæ virtutis -memoriam apud totius regionis incolas dereliquit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_314" id="footnote_314"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_314"><span class="muchsmaller">[314]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Quod rex Edgarus rediens ut audivit, illum ex præcepto regis -Angliæ liberatum, secum in Scociam reduxit cum honore, et quicquid ante -episcopo donaverat, omnino sano consilio sibimet reservabat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_315" id="footnote_315"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_315"><span class="muchsmaller">[315]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 564.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_316" id="footnote_316"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_316"><span class="muchsmaller">[316]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 269.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_317" id="footnote_317"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_317"><span class="muchsmaller">[317]</span></a> - This siege and sally is described by William of Tyre, <abbr title="ten">x.</abbr> 17, 18, Gesta -Dei per Francos, 786.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_318" id="footnote_318"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_318"><span class="muchsmaller">[318]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury three">Will. Malms. iii.</abbr> 251. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Qui [Baldwinus] cum obsidionis injuriam ferre -nequiret, per medias hostium acies effugit, solius Roberti opera liberatus -præuntis, et evaginato gladio dextra lævaque Turchos cædentis; sed cum, -successu ipso truculentior, alacritate nimia procurreret, ensis manu excidit; -ad quem recolligendum cum se inclinasset, omnium incursu oppressus, -vinculis palmas dedit.”</span> <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 384.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_319" id="footnote_319"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_319"><span class="muchsmaller">[319]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Inde Babylonem (ut aiunt) ductus, cum Christum abnegare -nollet, in medio foro ad signum positus, et sagittis terebratus, martyrium -sacravit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_320" id="footnote_320"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_320"><span class="muchsmaller">[320]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 565.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_321" id="footnote_321"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_321"><span class="muchsmaller">[321]</span></a> - The story of Robert of Saint Alban’s is told in Benedict, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 341, -R. Howden, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 307.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_322" id="footnote_322"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_322"><span class="muchsmaller">[322]</span></a> - Fordun, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 26. “Erat autem iste rex Edgarus homo dulcis et amabilis, -cognato suo regi sancto Edwardo per omnia similis, nihil durum, nihil tyrannicum -aut amarum in suos exercens subditos, sed eos cum maxima caritate, -bonitate, et benevolentia rexit et correxit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_323" id="footnote_323"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_323"><span class="muchsmaller">[323]</span></a> - See Robertson, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 163. The passage in Æthelred of Rievaux to which he -refers comes in the speech of Robert of Bruce to David (X Scriptt. 344; see -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 269). It seems to imply that David needed English help to keep -his principality. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tu ipse rex cum portionem regni quam idem tibi frater -moriens delegavit, a fratre Alexandro reposceres, nostro certe terrore quidquid -volueras sine sanguine impetrasti.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_324" id="footnote_324"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_324"><span class="muchsmaller">[324]</span></a> - Mr. Robertson gives her the name of Sibyl. William of Malmesbury, -<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 400, gives an odd account of her; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Alexandrum successorem Henricus -affinitate detinuit, data ei in conjugium filia notha; de qua ille viva nec -sobolem, quod sciam, tulit nec ante se mortuam multum suspiravit; defuerat -enim fœminæ, ut fertur, quod desideraretur, vel in morum modestia, -vel in corporis elegantia.”</span> I cannot find her in the list of Henry’s daughters -in Will. Gem. <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 29.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_325" id="footnote_325"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_325"><span class="muchsmaller">[325]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 602; <abbr title="volume five page">vol. v. p.</abbr> 209.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_326" id="footnote_326"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_326"><span class="muchsmaller">[326]</span></a> - See Robertson, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 172.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_327" id="footnote_327"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_327"><span class="muchsmaller">[327]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 237, 238.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_328" id="footnote_328"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_328"><span class="muchsmaller">[328]</span></a> - See Robertson, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 123 <abbr title="et sequentia">et seqq.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_329" id="footnote_329"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_329"><span class="muchsmaller">[329]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 305.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_330" id="footnote_330"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_330"><span class="muchsmaller">[330]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 260–263.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_331" id="footnote_331"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_331"><span class="muchsmaller">[331]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 267.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_332" id="footnote_332"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_332"><span class="muchsmaller">[332]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_109"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 109</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_333" id="footnote_333"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_333"><span class="muchsmaller">[333]</span></a> - Eadwine, as Bæda witnesses (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 5), held the two <em>Mevaniæ</em>. But <em>Mona</em> -appears as Welsh whenever the island is spoken of in either British or -English Chronicles. Nennius (or the writer who goes by that name) has a -heading (Mon. <abbr title="Historia Brittonum">Hist. Brit.</abbr> 52 D) of <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Monia insula quæ Anglice Englesei -vocatur, id est, insula Anglorum.”</span> In our Chronicles it is <em>Mon-ige</em> in the -year 1000. Our present story (1098) happens “innan Anglesege.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_334" id="footnote_334"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_334"><span class="muchsmaller">[334]</span></a> - I get this phrase from the elder Brut, but I follow the order of events -in the Annales Cambriæ, 1098. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Omnes Venedoti in Mon insula se receperunt, -et ad eos tuendos de Hibernia piratas invitaverunt, ad quos expugnandos -missi sunt duo consules, Hugo comes urbis Legionum, et alter -Hugo, qui contra insulam castrametati sunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_335" id="footnote_335"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_335"><span class="muchsmaller">[335]</span></a> - One manuscript of the Annals has “Gentiles de Ybernia.” See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. -pp.</abbr> 121, 122.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_336" id="footnote_336"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_336"><span class="muchsmaller">[336]</span></a> - They are “Hugi Prúdi oc Hugi Digri” in the Saga (Johnstone, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 234). -In the younger Brut, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 84, the earls are called “Huw iarll Caerllion a -Huw goch [red] o’r Mwythig.” By Caerleon is of course meant Chester. -The elder Brut confounds the two earls. The bulk of Earl Hugh of Chester -we have long known. In Orderic’s account (768 B) he is <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hugo Dirgane, -id est, Grossus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_337" id="footnote_337"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_337"><span class="muchsmaller">[337]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_97"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 97</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_338" id="footnote_338"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_338"><span class="muchsmaller">[338]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 124.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_339" id="footnote_339"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_339"><span class="muchsmaller">[339]</span></a> - The priory of Penmon was described in 1849 by Mr. Longueville -Jones in three articles in the Archæologia Cambrensis, <abbr title="volume four pages">vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 44, -128, 198, and in an earlier article in the Archæological Journal, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 118. -The date of the original building cannot be very far off either way from -the times with which we are dealing. The tower-windows are a kind of -transition from Primitive Romanesque to Norman. A doorway of later -Norman character seems to be an insertion.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_340" id="footnote_340"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_340"><span class="muchsmaller">[340]</span></a> - There is a minute description of the castle, by Mr. Longueville Jones, -in Archæologia Cambrensis <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 143. The building of a castle at this time is -distinctly asserted in one manuscript of the elder Brut. But the other Brut -under 1096 speaks of Earl Hugh of Chester as already lord of Aberlleiniog -(Arglwydd Aberlleiniawc).</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_341" id="footnote_341"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_341"><span class="muchsmaller">[341]</span></a> - One manuscript of the Annals (1098 C) seems to make them builders -of the castle; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Gentiles pretio corrupti consules in insulam introduxerunt -et castra ibi fecerunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_342" id="footnote_342"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_342"><span class="muchsmaller">[342]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Relicta insula, Hiberniam aufugerunt.”</span> The elder -Brut adds that it was “for fear of the treachery of their own men.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_343" id="footnote_343"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_343"><span class="muchsmaller">[343]</span></a> - Here Florence (1098) comes to our help. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Interea comites Hugo de -Legeceastra et Hugo de Scrobbesbyria Mevaniam insulam, quæ consuete -vocatur Anglesege, cum exercitu adierunt, et multos Walanorum quos in -ea ceperunt occiderunt, quosdam vero, manibus vel pedibus truncatis testiculisque -abscisis, excæcaverunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_344" id="footnote_344"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_344"><span class="muchsmaller">[344]</span></a> - Giraldus, <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Camb.</abbr> <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 7 (<abbr title="six">vi.</abbr> 129 <abbr title="edit">ed.</abbr> Dimock). <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Est in hac insula -ecclesia sancti Tevredauci confessoris, in qua comes Hugo Cestrensis, -quoniam et ipse fines hos Kambriæ suo in tempore subjugaverat, cum canes -nocte posuisset, insanos omnes mane recepit, et ipsemet infra mensem miserabiliter -exstinctus occubuit.”</span> The two Hughs are here confounded, as -Hugh of Chester was certainly not killed. But the story of the hounds -sounds specially like him, as he seems to have been even more given to the -chase than other men of his day. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 491.</p> - -<p class="footnote">A little earlier in the same chapter Giraldus has a tale about Hugh of -Shrewsbury and a wonderful stone, which must belong to this same expedition, -though Giraldus places it in the time of Henry the First.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_345" id="footnote_345"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_345"><span class="muchsmaller">[345]</span></a> - <abbr title="Florentii Wigorniensis">Flor. Wig.</abbr> 1098. “Quendam etiam provectæ ætatis presbyterum, nomine -Cenredum, a quo Walani in iis quæ agebant consilium accipiebant, de ecclesia -extraxerunt, et ejus testiculis abscisis et uno oculo eruto, linguam illius -absciderunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_346" id="footnote_346"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_346"><span class="muchsmaller">[346]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Die tertia, miseratione divina illi reddita est loquela.”</span> See -Milman, Latin Christianity, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 332, 478.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_347" id="footnote_347"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_347"><span class="muchsmaller">[347]</span></a> - Florence, directly after, notes that Hugh of Shrewsbury <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“die <abbr title="7">vii.</abbr> quo -crudelitatem in præfatum exercuerat presbyterum, interiit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_348" id="footnote_348"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_348"><span class="muchsmaller">[348]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 122, 663, 684.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_349" id="footnote_349"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_349"><span class="muchsmaller">[349]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“De legali connubio Eustanum et Olavum genuit, -quibus regnum magnamque potentiam dimisit. Tertium vero, nomine -Segurd, Anglica captiva sed nobilis ei peperit, quem Turer, Inghevriæ -filius, regis Magni nutritius, nutrivit.”</span> The Saga however (Laing, 339) -calla Eystein “the son of a mean mother,” and gives the name of Sigurd’s -mother as Thora.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_350" id="footnote_350"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_350"><span class="muchsmaller">[350]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 812.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_351" id="footnote_351"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_351"><span class="muchsmaller">[351]</span></a> - Compare the story of Turgot in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 662.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_352" id="footnote_352"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_352"><span class="muchsmaller">[352]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 143, 317, 754.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_353" id="footnote_353"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_353"><span class="muchsmaller">[353]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 14.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_354" id="footnote_354"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_354"><span class="muchsmaller">[354]</span></a> - The only mention of Harold the son of Harold which I have come -across occurs in William of Malmesbury’s account (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 329) of the invasion -of Magnus, where <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex Noricorum Magnus cum Haroldo filio Haroldi regis -quondam Angliæ, Orcadas insulas et Mevanias, et si quæ aliæ in oceano -jacent, armis subegit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_355" id="footnote_355"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_355"><span class="muchsmaller">[355]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 326.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_356" id="footnote_356"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_356"><span class="muchsmaller">[356]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="volume two page">vol. ii. p.</abbr> 481.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_357" id="footnote_357"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_357"><span class="muchsmaller">[357]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="volume three pages">vol. iii. pp.</abbr> 476, 487. Roger of Montgomery was in command of -the French contingent, though it is the personal exploits of Robert of Meulan -which are specially spoken of.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_358" id="footnote_358"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_358"><span class="muchsmaller">[358]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 D. “Hic filiam regis Irlandæ uxorem duxerat. Sed -quia rex Irensis pactiones quas fecerant non tenuerat, Magnus rex stomachatus -filiam ejus ei remiserat. Bellum igitur inter eos ortum est.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_359" id="footnote_359"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_359"><span class="muchsmaller">[359]</span></a> - Laing, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 133. This is placed after the death of Earl Hugh.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_360" id="footnote_360"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_360"><span class="muchsmaller">[360]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_361" id="footnote_361"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_361"><span class="muchsmaller">[361]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three pages">N. C. vol. iii. pp.</abbr> 347, 373.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_362" id="footnote_362"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_362"><span class="muchsmaller">[362]</span></a> - <abbr title="Chronicon">Chron.</abbr> Manniæ, 4. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Scotos vero ita perdomuit, ut nullus qui -fabricaret navem vel scapham ausus esset plus quam tres clavos inserere.”</span> -Mr. E. W. Robertson (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 165) adds; “Such are the words of -the Chronicle; their exact meaning I do not pretend to understand.” -Neither do I, but Mr. Robertson was more concerned in the matter -than I am.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_363" id="footnote_363"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_363"><span class="muchsmaller">[363]</span></a> - <abbr title="Chronicon Manniæ page">Chron. Man. p.</abbr> 4. His repentance is thus described; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Post hæc Lagmannus, -pœnitens quod fratris sui oculos eruisset, sponte regnum suum -dimisit, et signo crucis dominicæ insignitus, iter Jerosolimitanum arripuit, -quo et mortuus est.”</span> This is singularly like the story of Swegen the son -of Godwine.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_364" id="footnote_364"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_364"><span class="muchsmaller">[364]</span></a> - <abbr title="Chronicon Manniæ">Chron. Man.</abbr> 5. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Omnes proceres insularum, audientes mortem Lagmanni, -miserunt legatos ad Murecardum Obrien, regem Yberniæ, postulantes -ut aliquem virum industrium de regali stirpe in regem eis mitteret, donec -Olavus filius Godredi cresceret.”</span> Murtagh sends Donald with a great deal -of good advice; but we read that. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“postquam ad regnum pervenit, parvi -pendens præcepta domini sui, cum magna tyrannide abusus est regno, et -multis sceleribus perpetratis, tribus annis enormiter regnavit.”</span> Then the -leaders conspire, and drive him out.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_365" id="footnote_365"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_365"><span class="muchsmaller">[365]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_366" id="footnote_366"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_366"><span class="muchsmaller">[366]</span></a> - <abbr title="Chronicon">Chron.</abbr> Manniæ, 1098 (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 5). <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eodem anno commissum est prœlium -inter Mannenses apud Santwat, et aquilonares victoriam obtinuerunt. In -quo bello occisi sunt Other comes et Macmarus, principes ambarum partium.”</span> -From the names, this sounds like a war between Scandinavians and Celts. -May we translate “aquilonares” by “Northmen,” or does it mean merely -the northern part of the island?</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_367" id="footnote_367"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_367"><span class="muchsmaller">[367]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_368" id="footnote_368"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_368"><span class="muchsmaller">[368]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 344.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_369" id="footnote_369"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_369"><span class="muchsmaller">[369]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="volume four page">vol. iv. p.</abbr> 520.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_370" id="footnote_370"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_370"><span class="muchsmaller">[370]</span></a> - See the story in Laing, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 347, 352. Ælfgifu of Northampton, who -was then in Norway with her son Swegen (see N. C. <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 480), was -naturally inclined to unbelief.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_371" id="footnote_371"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_371"><span class="muchsmaller">[371]</span></a> - This story is told by the Manx Chronicler, 6. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Episcopo et clero -resistente, ipse rex audacter accessit, et vi regia aperiri sibi scrinium fecit. -Cumque et oculis vidisset, et manibus attrectasset incorruptum corpus, -subito timor magnus irruit in eum et cum magna festinatione discessit.”</span> -This is singularly like the story of William and Saint Cuthberht, which I -have just referred to.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_372" id="footnote_372"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_372"><span class="muchsmaller">[372]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 341.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_373" id="footnote_373"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_373"><span class="muchsmaller">[373]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 345.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_374" id="footnote_374"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_374"><span class="muchsmaller">[374]</span></a> - Laing, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 129, 133.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_375" id="footnote_375"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_375"><span class="muchsmaller">[375]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr>; Johnstone, 231. <span lang="is" xml:lang="is">“En hann setti eptir Sigurd son sinn til <em>höfdingia</em> -ysir eyonom, oc seck hönom rádoneyti.”</span> It is as well to have the exact -Norsk titles of the governor and his council.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_376" id="footnote_376"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_376"><span class="muchsmaller">[376]</span></a> - Johnstone, 232. <span lang="is" xml:lang="is">“Magnus konongr kom Eidi sino vid eyna Helgo, oc -gaf þar grid oc frid öllum mönnum oc allra manna varnadi.”</span> A not very -intelligible story follows, how he opened the door of the little church, but -did not go in, but at once locked the door and ordered that no one should -ever go in again, which was faithfully obeyed. Here, as ever in Celtic holy -places, we find the group of several churches.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_377" id="footnote_377"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_377"><span class="muchsmaller">[377]</span></a> - Johnstone, <abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr>; Laing, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 130.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_378" id="footnote_378"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_378"><span class="muchsmaller">[378]</span></a> - <abbr title="Chronicon Manniæ">Chron. Man.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 6. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Galwedienses ita constrinxit, ut cogeret eos materias -lignorum cædere et ad litus portare ad munitiones construendas.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_379" id="footnote_379"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_379"><span class="muchsmaller">[379]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 D. “Hiberniam ingredi voluit; sed, Irensibus in maritimis -littoribus ad bellum paratis, alias divertit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_380" id="footnote_380"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_380"><span class="muchsmaller">[380]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Insulam Man, quæ deserta erat, inhabitavit, populis replevit, -domibus et aliis necessariis ad usus hominum graviter instruxit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_381" id="footnote_381"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_381"><span class="muchsmaller">[381]</span></a> - <abbr title="Chronicon Manniæ">Chron. Man.</abbr> 6. “Cum applicuisset ad insulam sancti Patricii, venit -videre locum pugnæ, quam Mannenses paulo ante inter se commiserant, -quia adhuc multa corpora occisorum inhumata erant. Videns autem insulam -pulcherrimam, placuit in oculis ejus, eamque sibi in habitationem -elegit, munitiones in ea construxit, quæ usque hodie ex ejus nomine nuncupantur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_382" id="footnote_382"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_382"><span class="muchsmaller">[382]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 D. “Alias quoque Cycladas, in magno mari velut extra -orbem positas, perlustravit, et a pluribus populis inhabitari regio jussu -coegit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_383" id="footnote_383"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_383"><span class="muchsmaller">[383]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Maritimæ vero plebes, quæ in Anglia littus infiniti Amphitritis -incolebant in boreali climate, ut barbaricas gentes et incognitas naves viderunt -ad se festinare, præ timore nimio vociferatæ sunt, et armati quique de -regione Merciorum convenerunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_384" id="footnote_384"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_384"><span class="muchsmaller">[384]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 D. “Quondam princeps militiæ Magni regis cum sex -navibus in Angliam cursum direxit, sed rubeum scutum, quod signum pacis -erat, super malum navis erexit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_385" id="footnote_385"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_385"><span class="muchsmaller">[385]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 768 A. “Maxima multitudo de comitatu Cestræ et Scrobesburiæ -congregata est, et in regione Dagannoth secus mare ad prœlium præparata -est.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_386" id="footnote_386"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_386"><span class="muchsmaller">[386]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_387" id="footnote_387"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_387"><span class="muchsmaller">[387]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_388" id="footnote_388"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_388"><span class="muchsmaller">[388]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_389" id="footnote_389"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_389"><span class="muchsmaller">[389]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_390" id="footnote_390"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_390"><span class="muchsmaller">[390]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_391" id="footnote_391"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_391"><span class="muchsmaller">[391]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 768 B. “Cujus mortem Magnus rex ut comperiit, vehementer -cum suis planxit, et Hugoni Dirgane, id est Grosso, pacem et securitatem -mandavit. Exercitum, inquit, non propter Anglos sed Hibernos ago, nec -alienam regionem invado, sed insulas ad potestatem meam pertinentes -incolo.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_392" id="footnote_392"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_392"><span class="muchsmaller">[392]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Normanni tandem et Angli cadaver Hugonis diu quæsierunt, -pontique fluctu retracto, vix invenerunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_393" id="footnote_393"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_393"><span class="muchsmaller">[393]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Hic solus de filiis Mabiliæ mansuetus et amabilis fuit, et iv. -annis post mortem Rogerii patris sui paternum honorem moderatissime -rexit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_394" id="footnote_394"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_394"><span class="muchsmaller">[394]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_395" id="footnote_395"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_395"><span class="muchsmaller">[395]</span></a> - Johnstone, 236. <span lang="is" xml:lang="is">“Aunguls-ey er þridiongr Brettlandz,”</span> This is strange -measurement even if Wales alone is meant, much more if by “Brettlandz” -we are to understand the whole isle of Britain.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_396" id="footnote_396"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_396"><span class="muchsmaller">[396]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_397" id="footnote_397"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_397"><span class="muchsmaller">[397]</span></a> - Brut y Tywysogion, 1096. “So the French [y Freinc] reduced all, -as well great as small, to be Saxons [Sæson].” But in the Latin Annals, -1098, the words are, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Franci vero majores et minores secum ad Angliam -perduxerunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_398" id="footnote_398"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_398"><span class="muchsmaller">[398]</span></a> - Johnstone, 236; Laing, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 132.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_399" id="footnote_399"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_399"><span class="muchsmaller">[399]</span></a> - The treaty is noticed by the Irish writers. Chronicon Scotorum, 1098. -“A year’s peace was made by Muircertach Ua Briain with Magnus, King -of Lochlann.” On the marriage, see above, <a href="#Page_136"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 136</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="is" xml:lang="is"> <a name="footnote_400" id="footnote_400"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_400"><span class="muchsmaller">[400]</span></a> - Johnstone, 237. “Oc gaf hönom konongs nafn, oc setti hann yfir -Orkneyar oc oni Sudreyar, oc seck hann i hendur Hák Pálssyni frænda -sinom.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_401" id="footnote_401"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_401"><span class="muchsmaller">[401]</span></a> - “Mælkolf Skota konong” he appears in the Norsk text (236). The -ceremony of crossing the isthmus is minutely described, and it is said that -ships were often drawn across it.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_402" id="footnote_402"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_402"><span class="muchsmaller">[402]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 768 C. “Quo [Hugone] defuncto, Robertus Belesmensis, -frater ejus, Guillelmum Rufum requisivit, eique pro comitatu fratris iii. -millia librarum sterilensium exhibuit. Et comes factus, per quatuor annos -immania super Gualos exercuit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_403" id="footnote_403"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_403"><span class="muchsmaller">[403]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 768 C. “Angli et Guali, qui jamdudum ferales ejus ludos -quasi fabulam ridentes audierunt, nunc ferreis ejus ungulis excoriati, plorantes -gemuerunt, et vera esse quæ compererant sentientes experti -sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_404" id="footnote_404"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_404"><span class="muchsmaller">[404]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Ipse quanto magis opibus et vernulis ampliatus intumuit, tanto -magis collimitaneis, cujuscunque ordinis fuerint, auferre fundos suos exarsit, -et terras quas prisci antecessores sanctis dederant, sibi mancipavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_405" id="footnote_405"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_405"><span class="muchsmaller">[405]</span></a> - Orderic bears him this witness, 766 B, C, in recording the fortification -of Gisors, of which we shall have to speak presently, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“<em>ingeniosus artifex</em> -Rodbertus Belesmensis disposuit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_406" id="footnote_406"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_406"><span class="muchsmaller">[406]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_100"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 100</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_407" id="footnote_407"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_407"><span class="muchsmaller">[407]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 506.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_408" id="footnote_408"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_408"><span class="muchsmaller">[408]</span></a> - See the Chronicles, 895. In Winchester, Canterbury, and Abingdon the -name is Quatbridge. “Þæt hic gedydan æt Cwatbrycge be Sæfryn and þæt -geweorc worhtan.” Worcester has “æt Brygce.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_409" id="footnote_409"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_409"><span class="muchsmaller">[409]</span></a> - This is distinctly marked by Florence, 1101. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Arcem quam in occidentali -Sabrinæ fluminis plaga, in loco qui Brycge dicitur lingua Saxonica, -Ægelfleda Merciorum domina quondam construxerat, fratre suo Eadwardo -Seniore regnante, Scrobbesbyriensis comes Rotbertus de Beleasmo, Rogeri -comitis filius, contra regem Heinricum, ut exitus rei probavit, muro lato et -alto summoque restaurare cœpit.”</span> The work of the Lady is recorded in -the Canterbury and Abingdon Chronicles, 912. “Her cóm Æþelflæd -Myrcna hlæfdige on þone halgan æfen muentione Sc̃e Crucis to Scergeat, and -þar ða burh <em>getimbrede</em>, and þæs ilcan géares þa æt Bricge.” It was therefore -not a mere earthwork to be <em>wrought</em>, but a wall of some kind, whether -of wood or of stone, to be <em>timbered</em>. This marks the position of Bridgenorth -itself as distinguished from the earthwork at Oldbury.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_410" id="footnote_410"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_410"><span class="muchsmaller">[410]</span></a> - Domesday, 254. “Ipse comes tenet Ardintone; Sancta Milburga -tenuit <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr> Ibi … nova domus, et burgum Quatford dictum. Nil -reddit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_411" id="footnote_411"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_411"><span class="muchsmaller">[411]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 499.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_412" id="footnote_412"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_412"><span class="muchsmaller">[412]</span></a> - A singular story is preserved in Bromton (X Scriptt. 988). When -Earl Roger’s second and better-behaved wife Adeliza was coming for the -first time to England, she was in danger of shipwreck. Her chaplain, who -was on board, had a vision, in which a certain matron told him that, in -order to lull the storm, his lady must vow to build a church to Saint Mary -Magdalene on the spot where she should first meet her husband, a spot -which was to be marked in a manner not unknown either at Glastonbury -or at Alba Longa; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Præcipue ubi concava quercus cum tugurio porcorum -crescit.”</span> The vow is made; the Countess meets the Earl hunting; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“apud -Quatford, quæ tunc deserta fuit, in loco ubi dicta quercus crescebat venanti -domino suo primo occurrit.”</span> The church was founded and endowed; but -it afterwards became annexed to the collegiate chapel in the castle at -Bridgenorth. Some further details about this college are given. See also -<abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum">Mon. Angl.</abbr> <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 1463. The foundation at Bridgenorth is attributed to -Robert of Bellême.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_413" id="footnote_413"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_413"><span class="muchsmaller">[413]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 768 C. “Oppidum de Quatfort transtulit, et Brugiam, munitissimum -castellum, super Sabrinam fluvium condidit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_414" id="footnote_414"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_414"><span class="muchsmaller">[414]</span></a> - It appears in Domesday, 255, in the form of “Aldeberie.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_415" id="footnote_415"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_415"><span class="muchsmaller">[415]</span></a> - These windows are a distinct case of traces of the primitive Romanesque -even in a military building, just as in Oxford Castle. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 636.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_416" id="footnote_416"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_416"><span class="muchsmaller">[416]</span></a> - Just as in the case of Conan at Rouen, we must get rid of the notion -of anybody standing on the top of a flat tower. An English traveller on -the continent is struck by seeing military towers with high roofs; but it is -simply because in England the roofs have been destroyed.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_417" id="footnote_417"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_417"><span class="muchsmaller">[417]</span></a> - I have not myself seen this site. Mr. Clark writes to me; “The -township of that name is within the Shropshire parish of Llan y-mynech -but a part of an island of Denbigh. The site, coveted on account of some -silver mines, was conquered soon after the Great Survey, and annexed to -the palatine earldom of Salop, though after the conquest of Wales it was -transferred to Denbigh. The castle stood upon Offa’s Dyke, and was protected -on the immediate south by the Vyrnwy, and a mile or two to the west by -its tributary the Tarrat. Three British camps to the north and west -show how at least as early as the Mercian days the position had been -watched.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_418" id="footnote_418"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_418"><span class="muchsmaller">[418]</span></a> - His lands in Nottinghamshire (Domesday, 284) cover more than five -pages. At one place, Ættune, we read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“habuerunt <abbr title="10">x.</abbr> taini quisque aulam -suam.”</span> In other places, 285, 286, we have entries of the same kind -of five thegns, six thegns, and seven thegns. Land in Nottinghamshire -would seem to have been greatly divided <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr> The first entry in Yorkshire, -319, in “Lastone and Trapum,” we read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ibi habuit comes Edwinus -aulam; nunc habet Rogerius de Busli ibi in dominio.”</span> In 320, in Hallun, -for which we may read Sheffield, it is said, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ibi habuit Wallef comes -aulam.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote">The Norman lordship of Roger is written in many ways; he appears -as “Rogerus de Buthleio,” “de Busli,” and other forms. In the French -Ordnance map the name of the place is given as <span class="place">Bully</span>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_419" id="footnote_419"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_419"><span class="muchsmaller">[419]</span></a> - See Domesday, 319, and <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 290.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_420" id="footnote_420"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_420"><span class="muchsmaller">[420]</span></a> - Domesday, 320. “Hanc terram habet Rogerius de Judita comitissa.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_421" id="footnote_421"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_421"><span class="muchsmaller">[421]</span></a> - Domesday, 113. This is Sanford in Devonshire, which had been held -by a Brihtric, whether the son of Ælfgar or any other. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Regina dedit -Rogerio cum uxore sua.”</span> Very unlike lands in Yorkshire, it had doubled -its value since Brihtric’s time.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_422" id="footnote_422"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_422"><span class="muchsmaller">[422]</span></a> - Domesday, 319. It is “Tyckyll” in Florence, 1102. The history -of the place may be studied in Mr. John Raine’s History of Blyth.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_423" id="footnote_423"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_423"><span class="muchsmaller">[423]</span></a> - Bæda, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 12. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In finibus gentis Merciorum, ad orientalem plagam -amnis qui vocatur Idlæ.”</span> There Eadwine smote Æthelfrith. Bæda’s description -marks Nottinghamshire as Mercian.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_424" id="footnote_424"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_424"><span class="muchsmaller">[424]</span></a> - I have had to mention Blyth in my paper on the Arundel case in the -Archæological Journal, <abbr title="thirty-seven">xxxvii.</abbr> 244 (1880). The monastic part at the east -end is gone, and the effect of the parochial part strangely changed by -later additions. No one would think from the first glance at the outside -that the nave of a Norman minster lurked there.</p> - -<p class="footnote">There are two notices of Blyth in the Normanniæ Nova Chronica under -1088 and 1090. The first merely records a grant of the church to the Trinity -monastery (also called Saint Katharine) at Rouen; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“a viro venerabili Rogerio -de Bully et ab Munold [sic] uxore sua.”</span> The second records the gift a second -time, and adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ibi constituit <abbr title="13">xiii.</abbr> monachos.”</span> He had had dealings with -the house before. In the cartulary of the monastery, <abbr title="Number 43 page">No. xliii. p.</abbr> 444, he -sells the tithe of Bully [Buslei], <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quemadmodum sibi jure hæreditario competebat,”</span> -for threescore and twelve pounds and a horse (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pro libris denariorum -<abbr title="40">lx.</abbr> et <abbr title="12">xii.</abbr> et <abbr title="1">i.</abbr> equo”</span>). The signatures, besides those of Duke William -and Count Robert of Eu, are mainly local, as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hernaldi cujus pars decimæ,”</span> -“Huelini de Brincourt,”—Neufchâtel that was to be. Mr. A. S. Ellis suggests -that this sale was to supply the lord of Bully with the means of crossing -in 1066. It is odd that there is no mention of Blyth in the cartulary.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_425" id="footnote_425"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_425"><span class="muchsmaller">[425]</span></a> - Compare Florence, 1102, with Orderic, 806 C. No one without local -knowledge would guess that “Blida” and “Tyckyll” meant the same -place.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_426" id="footnote_426"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_426"><span class="muchsmaller">[426]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 768 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Blidam totamque terrain Rogerii de Buthleio -cognati sui jure repetiit, et a rege grandi pondere argenti comparavit.”</span> -Mr. A. S. Ellis, in a paper reprinted from the Yorkshire Archæological -Journal, headed “Biographical Notices on the Yorkshire Tenants named in -Doomsday Book,” suggests that what Robert really bought was the <em>wardship</em> -of Roger’s son. The history of the family will be found in Mr. Raine’s -book and in Mr. Ellis’s paper.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_427" id="footnote_427"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_427"><span class="muchsmaller">[427]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 537.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_428" id="footnote_428"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_428"><span class="muchsmaller">[428]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 768 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sicut idem vir multis possessionibus in terris est -locupletatus, sic majori fastu superbiæ sequax Belial inflatus, flagitiosos -et crudeles ambiebat insatiabiliter actus.”</span> There is no need to take “flagitiosus” -in the special sense.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_429" id="footnote_429"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_429"><span class="muchsmaller">[429]</span></a> - The authorities for this chapter take in such French and Cenomannian -records as we have. Suger’s Life of Lewis the Sixth, in the fourth volume -of the French Duchèsne, gives us but few facts as to the French war, but -he draws a vivid general picture. For Maine we have the Lives of Bishops -Howel and Hildebert in the History of the Bishops of Le Mans in Mabillon’s -Vetera Analecta. The accounts there given have to be compared -throughout with the narrative of the French and Cenomannian wars in -Orderic. The strictly English writers tell us nothing about France, next to -nothing about Maine. Something may be gleaned from the writers in -French rime, as Wace and Geoffrey Gaimar; but Wace has by no means -the same value now which he had during the actual time of the Conquest.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_430" id="footnote_430"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_430"><span class="muchsmaller">[430]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 99.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_431" id="footnote_431"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_431"><span class="muchsmaller">[431]</span></a> - See N. C. <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 249.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_432" id="footnote_432"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_432"><span class="muchsmaller">[432]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 130.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_433" id="footnote_433"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_433"><span class="muchsmaller">[433]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 263.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_434" id="footnote_434"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_434"><span class="muchsmaller">[434]</span></a> - Lewis is in Suger constantly spoken of as “Dominus Ludovicus;” special -titles for kings’ sons had not yet been invented.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_435" id="footnote_435"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_435"><span class="muchsmaller">[435]</span></a> - William of Malmesbury tells the story (<abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 257); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pacem cum Philippo -rege comparavit [Robertus Friso], data sibi in uxorem privigna, de qua -ille Lodovicum tulit qui modo regnat in Francia; nec multo post pertæsus -connubii (quod illa præpinguis corpulentiæ esset), a lecto removit, uxoremque -Andegavensis comitis contra fas et jus sibi conjunxit.”</span> The reason -here given for separation seems a strange one, especially on the part of -Philip. Henry the Eighth, according to some accounts, is said at one stage -to have sought for a wife of his own size. The Queen appears in Orderic -(699 B) as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“generosa et religiosa conjux.”</span> It appears from Geoffrey Malaterra -(<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 8) that Philip next wished to marry Emma, the daughter of Count -Robert of Sicily; but the trick was found out. It was not easy to entrap -a Sicilian Norman.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_436" id="footnote_436"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_436"><span class="muchsmaller">[436]</span></a> - This is Orderic’s story. The three wives of Fulk are carefully reckoned -up in the Gesta Consulum (Chroniques d’Anjou, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 140) and in the Gesta -Ambasiensium Dominorum (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 191). Bertrada therefore had some reason -when we read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Bertrada Andegavorum comitissa, metuens ne vir suus -quod jam duabus aliis fecerat sibi faceret, et relicta contemptui ceu vile -scortum fieret, conscia nobilitatis et pulcritudinis suæ fidissimum legatum -Philippo regi Francorum destinavit, eique quod in corde tractabat, evidenter -notificavit. Malebat enim ultro virum relinquere aliumque appetere quam a -viro relinqui, omniumque patere despectui.”</span> Some details of the elopement -of Bertrada from Tours are given in the Gesta Consulum, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 142, and in the -acts of the Lords of Amboise, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 192. She appears there as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pessima uxor -Fulconis comitis.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_437" id="footnote_437"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_437"><span class="muchsmaller">[437]</span></a> - William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 404) lays the blame in a quarter which we -should not have looked for; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Adeo erat [Philippus] omnibus episcopis provinciæ -suæ derisui, ut nullus eos desponsaret præter Willelmum archiepiscopum -Rotomagensem, cujus facti temeritatem luit multis annis interdictus, -et vix tandem aliquando per Anselmum archiepiscopum apostolicæ communioni -redditus.”</span> (See De Rémusat, Anselme, 355.) It is hard to have to -believe this of the Good Soul, and one rather takes to Orderic’s version -(699 C); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Odo Baiocensis episcopus hanc exsecrandam desponsationem -fecit, ideoque dono mœchi regis pro recompensatione infausti famulatus -ecclesias Madanti oppidi aliquamdiu habuit.”</span> Orderic waxes very eloquent -on Philip’s crime.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_438" id="footnote_438"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_438"><span class="muchsmaller">[438]</span></a> - See his letters in Duchèsne, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 2, 3, 4, 7. Ivo distinctly refuses to have -anything to do with the marriage; but it seems that Philip pretended to -have been divorced by a council under Reginald Archbishop of Rheims.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_439" id="footnote_439"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_439"><span class="muchsmaller">[439]</span></a> - Betholi Constantiensis Chron., Bouquet, <abbr title="11">xi.</abbr> 27, 28. “1094. In Galliarum -civitate quam vulgariter Ostionem (Augustodunum) dicunt, congregatum -est generale concilium a venerando Hugone Lugdunensi archiepiscopo et -sedis apostolicæ legato cum archiepiscopis, episcopis et abbatibus diversarum -provinciarum <abbr title="17">xvii.</abbr> cal. Nov. in quo concilio renovata est excommunicatio -in Heinricum regem et in Guibertum sedis apostolicæ invasorem et in omnes -eorum complices. Item rex Galliarum Philippus excommunicatus est, eo -quod, vivente uxore sua, alteram superinduxerit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_440" id="footnote_440"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_440"><span class="muchsmaller">[440]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 669 C. “Permissu tamen præsulum, <em>quorum dominus erat</em>, pro -regali dignitate capellanum suum habebat, a quo cum privata familia privatim -missam audiebat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_441" id="footnote_441"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_441"><span class="muchsmaller">[441]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In quodcunque oppidum vel urbem Galliarum rex advenisset, -mox ut a clero auditum fuisset, cessabat omnis clangor campanarum, et -generalis cantus clericorum.”</span> William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 404; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quocirca -ab apostolico excommunicatus, cum in villa qua mansitabat nihil -divini servitii fieret, sed discedente eo, tinnitus signorum undique concreparent, -insulsam fatuitatem cachinnis exprimebat, ‘Audis,’ inquiens, -‘bella, quomodo nos effugant.’”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_442" id="footnote_442"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_442"><span class="muchsmaller">[442]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis ut sequitur">Ord. Vit. u.s.</abbr> “Quo tempore nunquam diadema portavit, nec purpuram -induit, neque sollennitatem aliquam regio more celebrabat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_443" id="footnote_443"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_443"><span class="muchsmaller">[443]</span></a> - Her death is recorded in the year 1094 in the Chronicle of Clarius or -of Saint Peter at Sens (D’Achery, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 477), which gives some curious details -of the council of that year, and how the Archbishop of Sens was allowed to -sit on a level with the Archbishop of Rheims.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_444" id="footnote_444"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_444"><span class="muchsmaller">[444]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 700 A. “Ludovico filio suo consensu Francorum Pontisariam -et Madantum totumque comitatum Vilcassinum donavit, totiusque regni -curam, dum primo flore juventutis pubesceret, commisit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_445" id="footnote_445"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_445"><span class="muchsmaller">[445]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 766 A. “Guillelmus Rufus, ut patris sui casus et bellorum -causas comperit, Philippo Francorum regi totum Vilcassinum pagum -calumniari cœpit, et præclara oppida, Pontesiam et Calvimontem atque -Medantum, poposcit,”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_446" id="footnote_446"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_446"><span class="muchsmaller">[446]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Francis autem poscenti non acquiescentibus, imo prœlianti atrociter -resistere ardentibus, ingens guerra inter feroces populos exoritur, et -multis luctuosa mors ingeritur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_447" id="footnote_447"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_447"><span class="muchsmaller">[447]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1097. “And se cyng þeræfter uppon Sc̃e Martines -mæssan ofer sǽ intó Normandig fór.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_448" id="footnote_448"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_448"><span class="muchsmaller">[448]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 159.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_449" id="footnote_449"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_449"><span class="muchsmaller">[449]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1097. “Ac þa hwile þe he wederes abád, his hired innon -þam sciran þær hi lágon þone mæston hearm dydon þe æfre hired oððe here -innon friðlande don sceolde.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_450" id="footnote_450"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_450"><span class="muchsmaller">[450]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 154.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_451" id="footnote_451"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_451"><span class="muchsmaller">[451]</span></a> - It is hardly an exception when William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 320) -tells the story of William Rufus’ dialogue with Helias, which belongs to -this time, altogether out of place, and as a mere illustrative anecdote.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_452" id="footnote_452"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_452"><span class="muchsmaller">[452]</span></a> - Suger, 283 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Similiter et dissimiliter inter eos certabatur, similiter -cum neuter cederet, dissimiliter cum ille maturus, iste juvenculus, ille opulentus -et Anglorum thesaurorum profusor, mirabilisque militum mercator -et solidator; iste peculii expers, patri qui beneficiis regni utebatur parcendo, -sola bonæ indolis industria militiam cogebat, audacter resistebat.”</span> Orderic -(766 A) says, in a somewhat different strain, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Philippus rex piger et corpulentus -belloque incongruus erat; Ludovicus vero filius ejus puerili temeritudine -detentus, adhuc militare nequibat.”</span> This strange statement comes -before that quoted in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 175.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_453" id="footnote_453"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_453"><span class="muchsmaller">[453]</span></a> - Orderic (766 A) waxes very eloquent on William, his host, and its -captains, how they could have met Cæsar, and what not. He gives the -list in the text, with the notice, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus Belesmensis princeps militiæ -hujus erat, cujus favor erga regem et calliditas præ cæteris vigebat.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_454" id="footnote_454"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_454"><span class="muchsmaller">[454]</span></a> - Suger, 283 A. “Videres juvenum celerrimum, modo Bituricensium, -modo Arvernorum, modo Burgundionum, militari manu transvolare fines; -nec idcirco tardius si ei ignotescat Vilcassinum regredi, et cum trecentis -aut quingentis militibus præfato regi Guillelmo cum <abbr title="10">x.</abbr> millibus fortissime -refragari.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_455" id="footnote_455"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_455"><span class="muchsmaller">[455]</span></a> - Suger, 283 A. “Ut dubius se habet belli eventus, modo cedere, fugare -modo.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_456" id="footnote_456"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_456"><span class="muchsmaller">[456]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Angliæ captos ad redemptionem celerem militaris stipendii -acceleravit anxietas, Francorum vero longa diuturni carceris maceravit -prolixitas, nec ullo modo evinculari potuerunt, donec, suscepta ejusdem regis -Angliæ militia, hominio obligati regnum et regem impugnare et turbare -jurejurando firmaverunt.”</span> So Pyrrhos proposed to his Roman prisoners to -enter his service.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_457" id="footnote_457"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_457"><span class="muchsmaller">[457]</span></a> - Suger (287, 291) has much to say about <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guido de Rupe-forti, vir -peritus et miles emeritus.”</span> In <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 297 he describes the castle; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Supersistitur -promontorio ardui litoris magni fluminis Sequanæ horridum et ignobile -castrum, quod dicitur Rupes Guidonis, in superficie sui invisibile, rupe -sublimi incaveatum, cui manus æmula artificis in devexo montis, raro et -misero ostio, maximæ domus amplitudinem rupe cæsa extendit, antrum -ut putatur, fatidicum.”</span> He goes on to quote Lucan. Orderic (766 B) -witnesses to Guys treason; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guido de Rupe, Anglorum argenti cupidus, -eis favit, et munitiones suas de Rupe et Vetolio dimisit. Sic alii nonnulli -fecerunt, qui suis infidi exteris avide obtemperaverunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_458" id="footnote_458"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_458"><span class="muchsmaller">[458]</span></a> - <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 200, for the same state of things at Nottingham. -The like may be seen along the banks of the Loire.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_459" id="footnote_459"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_459"><span class="muchsmaller">[459]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 766 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rodbertus comes de Mellento in suis munitionibus -Anglos suscepit, et patentem eis in Galliam discursum aperuit, quorum -bellica vis plurima Francis damna intulit.” “Angli”</span> here must take in -all the subjects of Rufus. “Gallia,” I need hardly say, is high-polite for -France, and does not take in Normandy.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_460" id="footnote_460"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_460"><span class="muchsmaller">[460]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 486.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_461" id="footnote_461"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_461"><span class="muchsmaller">[461]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 766 B. “Plerique Francorum qui binis cogebantur dominis -obsecundare, pro fiscis quibus abunde locupletati sub utriusque regia turgebant -ditione, anxii quia nemo potest duobus dominis servire, animis acriorem -opibusque ditiorem elegerunt, et cum suis hominibus municipiisque favorabiliter -paruerunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_462" id="footnote_462"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_462"><span class="muchsmaller">[462]</span></a> - Among the Norman prisoners Suger (283 A) counts <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Paganum de Gisortio, -qui castrum idem primo munivit.”</span> Orderic (766 C) gives him, like -several other people, a double name; he appears as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tedbaldus-Paganus -de Gisortis.”</span> This first fortification of Gisors must be that which is referred -to by Robert of Torigny under the year 1096; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Willermus fecit -quoddam castellum, Gisorth videlicet, in confinio Normanniæ et Franciæ.”</span> -See below, <a href="#Page_190"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 190</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_463" id="footnote_463"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_463"><span class="muchsmaller">[463]</span></a> - Orderic, 766 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guillelmus rex firmissimum castrum Gisortis construi -præcepit, quod usque hodie contra Calvimontem et Triam atque -Burriz oppositum, Normanniam concludit, cujus positionem et fabricam -ingeniosus artifex Rodbertus Belesmensis disposuit.”</span> See above, <a href="#Page_151"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 151</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_464" id="footnote_464"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_464"><span class="muchsmaller">[464]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 494.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_465" id="footnote_465"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_465"><span class="muchsmaller">[465]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 766 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Illi nimirum insignem Francorum laudem deperire -noluerunt, seseque pro defensione patriæ et gloria gentis suæ, ad mortem -usque inimicis objecerunt.”</span> This is said specially of the knights of the -Vexin; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In illa quippe provincia egregiorum copia militum est quibus -ingenuitas et ingens probitas inest.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_466" id="footnote_466"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_466"><span class="muchsmaller">[466]</span></a> - Suger gives the list, 283 A. Orderic (766 C) also speaks of the -captivity of “Tetbaldus-Paganus de Gisortis,” and some others. Suger -calls Gilbert of Laigle <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“nobilis et Angliæ et Normanniæ seque illustris -baro.”</span> But his English estates (Domesday 36, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 263) in Surrey and -Norfolk were not very large. Another prisoner was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Comes Simon, nobilis -vir;”</span> that is, I suppose, Simon of Senlis, Earl of Northampton. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. -vol. iv. p.</abbr> 602.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_467" id="footnote_467"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_467"><span class="muchsmaller">[467]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 211.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_468" id="footnote_468"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_468"><span class="muchsmaller">[468]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 681 B. “Audientes Cenomanni dissidium Normannorum -cogitaverunt fastuosum excutere a se jugum eorum, quod olim facere multoties -conati sunt sub Guillelmo Magno rege Anglorum. Hoc Robertus -dux ut comperiit, legatos et exenia Fulconi Andegavensium satrapæ destinavit, -obnixe rogans ut Cenonannos a temerario ausu compesceret, ac in -Normanniam ad se graviter ægrotantem veniret.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_469" id="footnote_469"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_469"><span class="muchsmaller">[469]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 562. We shall meet him again in this character.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_470" id="footnote_470"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_470"><span class="muchsmaller">[470]</span></a> - See above, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 172. Orderic’s words (681 D) are, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“viventibus adhuc -duabus uxoribus tertiam desponsavit.”</span> But the accounts of the Angevin -writers do not bear this out.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_471" id="footnote_471"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_471"><span class="muchsmaller">[471]</span></a> - Fulk is made to say (<abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 681 C), <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Amo Bertradam sobolem -Simonis de Monteforti, neptem scilicet Ebroicensis comitis Guillermi, quam -Heluissa comitissa nutrit et sua sub tutela custodit.”</span> Presently Count -William himself speaks of her as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“neptis mea, quæ adhuc tenera virago -est, quam sororius meus mihi commendavit nutriendam.”</span> Here the word -“virago,” the use of which is a little doubtful, seems equivalent to “virgo,” -unless it is meant that Bertrada had graduated in the school of her aunt. -But see Ducange in <cite>Virago</cite>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_472" id="footnote_472"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_472"><span class="muchsmaller">[472]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_C">Appendix C</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_473" id="footnote_473"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_473"><span class="muchsmaller">[473]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 681 C. “Si mihi quam valde cupio rem feceris unam, Cenomannos -tibi subjiciam, et omni tempore tibi ut amicus fideliter serviam.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_474" id="footnote_474"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_474"><span class="muchsmaller">[474]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Radulfus patruus meus, qui pro magnitudine capitis et congerie -capillorum jocose cognominatus est Caput asini.”</span> We have heard of him as -the murderer of Gilbert of Eu and the guardian of William the Great. See -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one pages">N. C. vol. i. pp.</abbr> 196, 202.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_475" id="footnote_475"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_475"><span class="muchsmaller">[475]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 220. Orderic gives the list of counsellors.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_476" id="footnote_476"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_476"><span class="muchsmaller">[476]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 220, 256.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_477" id="footnote_477"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_477"><span class="muchsmaller">[477]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 681 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ex consultu sapientum”</span>—Duke Robert had his -Witan—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“decrevit dare minora ne perderet majora.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_478" id="footnote_478"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_478"><span class="muchsmaller">[478]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 545.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_479" id="footnote_479"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_479"><span class="muchsmaller">[479]</span></a> - Orderic tells the tale, 683 B, C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Qui vivente Guillelmo rege contra -eum rebellare multoties conati sunt, ipso mortuo statim de rebellione machinari -cœperunt, legationem igitur filiis Azsonis marchisi Liguriæ direxerunt.”</span> -Then they set forth their story, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“non pro amore eorum, sed ut -aliqua rationabili occasione jugum excuterent a se Normannorum, quod fere -<abbr title="30">xxx.</abbr> annis fortiter detriverat turgidas cervices eorum.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_480" id="footnote_480"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_480"><span class="muchsmaller">[480]</span></a> - Orderic (683 C, D) makes <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Gaufridus Madeniensis et Helias aliique -cives et oppidani”</span> join in the reception of Hugh, therefore seemingly in -the mission to him. The biographer of the Bishops (Vet. An. 292) makes -the embassy the work of Geoffrey only.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_481" id="footnote_481"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_481"><span class="muchsmaller">[481]</span></a> - Orderic draws his outward likeness, 769 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Erat probus et honorabilis, -et multis pro virtutibus amabilis. Corpore præcellebat, fortis et magnus, -statura gracilis et procerus, niger et hirsutus, et instar presbyteri bene -tonsus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_482" id="footnote_482"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_482"><span class="muchsmaller">[482]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eloquio erat suavis et facundus, lenis quietis et asper rebellibus, -justitiæ cultor rigidus, et in timore Dei ad opus bonum fervidus.”</span> He -goes on with details of his devotions. There is another shorter panegyric -in 768 D.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_483" id="footnote_483"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_483"><span class="muchsmaller">[483]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 684 C. Helias there sets forth his own pedigree; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Filia Herberti -comitis Lancelino de Balgenceio nupsit, eique Lancelinum Radulfi patrem -et Johannem meum genitorem peperit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_484" id="footnote_484"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_484"><span class="muchsmaller">[484]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 769 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Generosam conjugem Mathildam filiam Gervasii accepit, -qui Rodberti cognomento Brochardi fratris Gervasii Remensis archiepiscopi -filius fuit.”</span> On Bishop Gervase see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three pages">N. C. vol. iii. pp.</abbr> 193–196.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_485" id="footnote_485"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_485"><span class="muchsmaller">[485]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 769 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Helias de paterna hereditate Flechiam castrum possedit, -quatuor vero castella de patrimonio uxoris suæ obtinuit, id est, Ligerim -et Maiatum, Luceium et Ustilliacum.”</span> We shall hear of these places again.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_486" id="footnote_486"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_486"><span class="muchsmaller">[486]</span></a> - Not that the department is called from the town, but from the river.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_487" id="footnote_487"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_487"><span class="muchsmaller">[487]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 545.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_488" id="footnote_488"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_488"><span class="muchsmaller">[488]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 683 C. “Gaufridus Madeniensis et Helias, aliique cives et -oppidani, venientem Hugonem susceperunt, eique ad obtinendum jus ex -materna hereditate competens aliquamdiu suffragati sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_489" id="footnote_489"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_489"><span class="muchsmaller">[489]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> B. “Anno ab Incarnatione Domini m.xc. Indictione xiii. Cenomanni -contra Normannos rebellaverunt, ejectisque custodibus de munitionibus, -novum principem sibi constituerunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_490" id="footnote_490"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_490"><span class="muchsmaller">[490]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 205. <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 546.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_491" id="footnote_491"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_491"><span class="muchsmaller">[491]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 683 D. “In quantum potuit truculentam recalcitrationem dissuasit, -pertinaces verum interdixit, pontificali jure anathematizavit, et a -liminibus sanctæ matris ecclesiæ sequestravit. Quapropter rebellionis incentores -contra eum nimis irati sunt, et injuriis eum afficere terribiliter comminati -sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_492" id="footnote_492"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_492"><span class="muchsmaller">[492]</span></a> - I am here following Orderic, whose account (683 D) runs thus; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Interea -dum per diocesim suam cum clericis suis equitaret, et episcopali more -officium suum sollerter exerceret, Helias de Flechia eum comprehendit, -et in carcere, donec Hugo in urbe Cenomannica susceptus fuisset, vinctum -præsulem tenuit.”</span> The biographer of the Bishop (Vet. An. 291) is of -course much more angry with Helias, and seems quite to misconceive the -state of things. Very soon after the death of the Conqueror, Helias seizes -Ballon and makes war on Le Mans; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Surrexit quidam nobilis adolescens, qui -erat de genere Cenomannensium consulum, Helias nomine, et cœpit calumniari -ipsum comitatum, ingressusque castrum quod Baledonem nominant, -regionem undique devastabat, maximeque adversus civitatis habitatores, qui -ei viriliter resistebant, multis insidiis assiduisque deprædationibus grassabatur.”</span> -The Bishop opposes him in the interest of Duke Robert, and then, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quorumdam perversorum consilio, in tantam prorupit audaciam ut in -christum Domini manum mittere, eumque apud castrum patrimonii sui, -quod Fissa dicitur, in custodia ponere non timeret.” “Fissa”</span> is La Flèche. -This writer says nothing of the message to Hugh till after the imprisonment -of Howel. It is then set on foot by Geoffrey of Mayenne, who is -described as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ratus se opportunum tempus invenisse, quo regionem denuo -perturbaret.”</span> We must remember that Orderic is here writing the history -of Maine, while the biographer is merely writing the history of Howel; but -for that very reason we may trust him as to the details of the Bishop’s -imprisonment.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_493" id="footnote_493"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_493"><span class="muchsmaller">[493]</span></a> - Vet. An. 291. “Clericos suos ita ab ipsius fecit præsentia removeri, -ut cum nullo eorum nec familiare nec publicum posset habere colloquium, -rusticumque presbyterum ejus obsequio deputavit, ne custodum -calliditas Latina posset confabulatione deludi.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_494" id="footnote_494"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_494"><span class="muchsmaller">[494]</span></a> - This comes from Orderic (683 D), who has some curious details; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Domini -sanctas imagines cum crucibus, et sanctarum scrinia reliquiarum, ad -terram deposuit, et portas basilicarum spinis obturavit.”</span> The biographer -of the Bishops mentions only the thorns, and he seems to imply that only -Le Mans and its suburbs were thus treated; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Matris ecclesiæ omniumque -ejusdem civitatis vel suburbii ecclesiarum januas.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_495" id="footnote_495"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_495"><span class="muchsmaller">[495]</span></a> - All this is told at some length, Vet. An. 291. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Helias, pœnitentia -ductus, pontificisque genibus provolutus, veniam precabatur.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_496" id="footnote_496"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_496"><span class="muchsmaller">[496]</span></a> - Vit. An. 292. “Cum esset apud castrum quod Carcer dicitur, occurrerunt -ei proceres civitatis, sacramenta fidelitatis quæ Roberto comiti promiserant -pro nihilo reputantes.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_497" id="footnote_497"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_497"><span class="muchsmaller">[497]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rotbertus ultra modum inertiæ et voluptati deditus, nihil dignum -ratione respondens, quæ Cenomannenses fecerant, pro eo quod inepto homini -nimis onerosi viderentur, non multum sibi displicuisse monstravit.”</span> This -is important, now that an attempt is made to saddle Orderic with the invention -of the received character of Robert.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_498" id="footnote_498"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_498"><span class="muchsmaller">[498]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Non curare videbatur, nisi ut episcopatus tantum in ejus dominio -remaneret. Unde præcepit episcopo ut ad ecclesiam quidem reverteretur, -de episcopatu vero nullatenus Hugoni marchisio responderet.”</span> On the -advowson of the see of Le Mans, see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 194; <abbr title="volume four page">vol. iv. p.</abbr> 544.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_499" id="footnote_499"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_499"><span class="muchsmaller">[499]</span></a> - Vet. Ann. 292. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Comes malo ingenio episcopum circumvenire cupiens, -postulabat ut ab ipso donum episcopatus acciperet.”</span> That is, Howel is to do -homage to the new prince, much as Henry the First, as we shall see in a later -chapter, demanded the homage of Anselm. Howel’s objection seems simply -to be that Robert was the lawful lord, not that it was unlawful to accept -the benefice from any temporal lord.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_500" id="footnote_500"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_500"><span class="muchsmaller">[500]</span></a> - The troubles of the Bishop are set forth at length by his biographer -(Vet. An. 292 <abbr title="et sequentia">et seqq.</abbr>). This device of his enemies in the Chapter was -the cruellest of all. Finding no fault in him, but wishing that some fault -should be found, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“sub specie veræ amicitiæ persuaserunt ei ut fraterculum -duodennem qui necdum perfecte litterarum elementa didicerat, in ejus [decani] -loco constitueret, et contra ecclesiastica instituta inductum prudentibus -puerulum senioribus anteferret.”</span> Geoffrey was a Breton, brother -of Judicail—​the name familiar in so many spellings—​Bishop of Saint Malo. -See <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 770 C. There was much disputing between him and the -other candidate for the deanery. This was Gervase, nephew of the former -Bishop Gervase (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 193), who had on his side the memory -of his uncle, and the special favour of his brothers with Count Hugh (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quia -fratres ejus eo tempore nimia familiaritate principis uterentur”</span>).</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_501" id="footnote_501"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_501"><span class="muchsmaller">[501]</span></a> - Vet. An. 294. “Ad regem Anglorum se contulit, ejusque liberalitate -levamen maximum suæ persecutionis accepit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_502" id="footnote_502"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_502"><span class="muchsmaller">[502]</span></a> - The story is told in Vet. An. 294. Howel stayed four months in England; -<abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr> 295.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_503" id="footnote_503"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_503"><span class="muchsmaller">[503]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 297.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_504" id="footnote_504"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_504"><span class="muchsmaller">[504]</span></a> - A great number of grants and privileges are reckoned up in Vet. An. -298. Among them several exemptions were granted to the episcopal lordship -of Coulaines, a place of which we shall hear again.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_505" id="footnote_505"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_505"><span class="muchsmaller">[505]</span></a> - According to Orderic (684 A) the people of Maine found him <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“divitiis -et sensu et virtute inopem.”</span> The Biographer (299) calls him <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“propter inconstantiam -suam bonis omnibus infestus,”</span> and says that he went away, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“omnibus quæ habere poterat in pecuniam redactis.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_506" id="footnote_506"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_506"><span class="muchsmaller">[506]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 684 A.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_507" id="footnote_507"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_507"><span class="muchsmaller">[507]</span></a> - Orderic (<abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr>) graphically sets forth the fears of one who was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“inscius -inter gnaros et timidus inter animosos milites consul constitutus.”</span> He and -his countrymen are “Allobroges,” which seems odd; the men of Maine are -“Cisalpini.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_508" id="footnote_508"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_508"><span class="muchsmaller">[508]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 684 A. See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 277. According to Helias or Orderic, the -reconciled princes could muster a hundred thousand men. It was, so Helias -is made to think, chiefly for the conquest of Maine that Rufus had crossed -the sea.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_509" id="footnote_509"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_509"><span class="muchsmaller">[509]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_510" id="footnote_510"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_510"><span class="muchsmaller">[510]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Me quoque libertatis amor nihilominus stimulat, et hereditatis -avitæ rectitudo dimicandi pro illa fiduciam in Deo mihi suppeditat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_511" id="footnote_511"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_511"><span class="muchsmaller">[511]</span></a> - Both Orderic and the Biographer record the sale; the Biographer -throws some doubt on its validity; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Heliæ cognato suo ipsam civitatem -totumque comitatum, <em>quantum in ipso erat</em>, vendidit.”</span> Orderic -names the price.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_512" id="footnote_512"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_512"><span class="muchsmaller">[512]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 684 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hic in accepta potestate viam suam multum emendavit, -et multiplici virtute floruit. Clerum et ecclesiam Dei laudabiliter -honoravit, et missis servitioque Dei quotidie ferventer interfuit. Subjectis -æquitatem servavit pacemque pauperibus <em>pro posse suo</em> tenuit.”</span> He comes -in again for the like praise in 768 D, and more fully in 769 D.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_513" id="footnote_513"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_513"><span class="muchsmaller">[513]</span></a> - His works are described by the Biographer, Vet. An. 299, 300.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_514" id="footnote_514"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_514"><span class="muchsmaller">[514]</span></a> - Vet. An. 299.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_515" id="footnote_515"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_515"><span class="muchsmaller">[515]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_15"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 15</a>, and <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 227.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_516" id="footnote_516"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_516"><span class="muchsmaller">[516]</span></a> - Vet. An. 301. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ei [papæ] cum omni comitatu suo per triduum cuncta -necessaria hilariter et abundantissime ministravit, quamvis eodem anno -non solum annonæ, sed et omnium quæ ad cibum pertinent, maximum constet -exstitisse defectum.”</span> The Biographer is naturally eloquent on the -Pope’s visit.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_517" id="footnote_517"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_517"><span class="muchsmaller">[517]</span></a> - He appeared (Vet. An. <abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr>) <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“facie hilaris, colore vividus, ingenio perspicax, -cibo et potu sobrius, membrisque omnibus incolumis.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_518" id="footnote_518"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_518"><span class="muchsmaller">[518]</span></a> - Orderic (769 A) makes Helias say, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Consilio papæ crucem Domini pro -servitio ejus accepi.”</span> He does not mention the visit of Urban to Le Mans, -nor does the Biographer mention the crusading vow of Helias; but the two -accounts fit in together.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_519" id="footnote_519"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_519"><span class="muchsmaller">[519]</span></a> - See their dialogue in Laing, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 178.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_520" id="footnote_520"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_520"><span class="muchsmaller">[520]</span></a> - Orderic (769 A) describes the agreement between William and Robert, -and the payment of the pledge-money (see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 559). Then he adds; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Helias comes ad curiam regis Rothomagum venit. Qui postquam diu cum -duce consiliatus fuit, ad regem accessit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_521" id="footnote_521"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_521"><span class="muchsmaller">[521]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 175, 302.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_522" id="footnote_522"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_522"><span class="muchsmaller">[522]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 769 A. “Domine <em>mi</em> rex … amicitiam, <em>ut vester fidelis</em>, -vestram deposco, et hoc iter cum pace vestra inire cupio.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_523" id="footnote_523"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_523"><span class="muchsmaller">[523]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Quo vis vade; sed Cenomannicam urbem cum toto comitatu -mihi dimitte, quia quidquid pater meus habuit volo habere.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_524" id="footnote_524"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_524"><span class="muchsmaller">[524]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 769 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Si placitare vis, judicium gratanter subibo, et patrium -jus, secundum examen regum, comitumque et episcoporum, perdam -aut tenebo.”</span> I cannot see with Sir Francis Palgrave (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 633) that this -proposal “indicates that Helias assumed the existence of a High Court of -Peers, possessing jurisdiction over the whole Capetian monarchy—​that -realm to which the name of <em>France</em> can scarcely yet be given.” Surely -Helias simply means to refer the matter to arbitration.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_525" id="footnote_525"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_525"><span class="muchsmaller">[525]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> “Ensibus et lanceis innumerisque missilibus tecum -placitabo.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_526" id="footnote_526"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_526"><span class="muchsmaller">[526]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 769 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ipse mihi Cænomannorum præposituram dignatus -est commendare.”</span> The strictly feudal language is worth noticing; but -“præpositura” is an odd word to express the countship of Maine.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_527" id="footnote_527"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_527"><span class="muchsmaller">[527]</span></a> - I give the substance of the speech in Orderic, 769 B, C.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_528" id="footnote_528"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_528"><span class="muchsmaller">[528]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Ego contra cruciferos prœliari nolo, sed urbem quam pater meus -in die transitus sui nactus erat mihi vendicabo.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_529" id="footnote_529"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_529"><span class="muchsmaller">[529]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Tu igitur dilapsos aggeres munitionum tuarum summopere -repara, et cœmentarios lapidumque cæsores lucri cupidos velociter -aggrega, vetustasque neglectorum ruinas murorum utcumque resarciendo -restaura.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_530" id="footnote_530"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_530"><span class="muchsmaller">[530]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Cinomannicos enim cives quantocius visitabo, et centum milia -lanceas cum vexillis ante portas eis demonstrabo; nec tibi sine calumnia -hæreditatem meam indulgebo.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_531" id="footnote_531"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_531"><span class="muchsmaller">[531]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 769 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Currus etiam pilis atque sagittis onustos illuc bobus -pertrahi faciam. Sed ego ipse cum multis legionibus armatorum bubulcos -alacriter boantes ad portas tuas præcedam. Hæc verissime credito et complicibus -tuis edicito.”</span> All this talk is at least very characteristic of William -Rufus.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_532" id="footnote_532"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_532"><span class="muchsmaller">[532]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 770 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Helias comes Goiffredum Britonem, decanum ejusdem -ecclesiæ, ad episcopatum elegit.”</span> See above, <a href="#Page_201"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 201</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_533" id="footnote_533"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_533"><span class="muchsmaller">[533]</span></a> - Vet. An. 303. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“A domno Hoello venerabilis memoriæ episcopo Cenomannensis -ecclesiæ scholarum magister et archidiaconus factus.”</span> He was -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ex Lavarzinensi castro, mediocribus quidem sed honestis exortus parentibus.”</span> -On his relations to Helias see <a href="#Note_KK">Appendix KK</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_534" id="footnote_534"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_534"><span class="muchsmaller">[534]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 770 C. “Præveniens clerus Hildebertum de Lavarceio -archidiaconum in cathedra pontificali residere compulit, et altæ vocis cum -jubilatione tripudians cantavit Te Deum laudamus, et cetera quæ usus in -electione præsulis exposcit ecclesiasticus.” An. Vet. 303. “Post discessum -ipsius [Hoelli] proper scientiæ et honestatis suæ meritum, <em>communi cleri -plebisque assensu</em> in ejus loco substitutus est.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_535" id="footnote_535"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_535"><span class="muchsmaller">[535]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quod Helias ut comperiit, valde iratus resistere voluit. -Sed clericis dicentibus illi, Electionem tuam ecclesiasticæ præferre non debes -electioni, reveritus, quia Deum timebat, siluit et, ne letale in membris -ecclesiæ schisma fieret, canonicis consensit.”</span> For Saint Eadward’s opposite -conduct in the like case, see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 120.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_536" id="footnote_536"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_536"><span class="muchsmaller">[536]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Goiffredus quippe de præsulatu securus erat, jamque copiosas -dapes pro sublimatione sui præparaverat. Paratæ quidem dapes ab avidis -comessoribus absumptæ sunt. Sed ipsum Cenomanni episcopum habere -penitus recusaverunt.”</span> He then mentions his promotion to Rouen.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_537" id="footnote_537"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_537"><span class="muchsmaller">[537]</span></a> - The story of Hildebert’s dealings with the heretic Henry are told at -large by the Biographer, 312 <abbr title="et sequentia">et seqq.</abbr> See also Milman, Latin Christianity, -<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 176.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_538" id="footnote_538"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_538"><span class="muchsmaller">[538]</span></a> - Vet. An. 326. He became Archbishop, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“concedente Ludovico rege -Francorum, Cenomannensibus et Turonensibus clericis et populis devotum -præbentibus assensum.”</span> The King therefore kept at Tours the right of -advowson which he had lost at Le Mans. But had Hildebert, like Anselm -(see <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 397, 404), to get leave from his church to go away, or had -Cenomannian electors any share in choosing the Metropolitan? Orderic -(770 D) says that he was chosen <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“a clero et populo,”</span> seemingly of Tours, -and “nutu Dei.” He does not mention any action on the part of Le Mans.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_539" id="footnote_539"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_539"><span class="muchsmaller">[539]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_200"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 200</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_540" id="footnote_540"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_540"><span class="muchsmaller">[540]</span></a> - Vet. An. 305. “Eo tempore inter regem Anglorum et Heliam comitem -bellum gravissimum exortum est, pro eo scilicet quod idem rex Cenomannensem -episcopatum calumniabatur [<abbr title="compare">cf.</abbr> <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 194], ideoque -ordinationi episcopi moliebatur obsistere.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_541" id="footnote_541"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_541"><span class="muchsmaller">[541]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum eum ordinatum audisset, inimicitiarum quas dudum mente -conceperat manifestis bellorum incursibus patefecit.”</span> He gives no details -of the war till the capture of Helias.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_542" id="footnote_542"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_542"><span class="muchsmaller">[542]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 770 A. “Helias castrum apud Dangeolum contra Rodbertum -Talavacium firmavit, ibique satellites suos ad defensandos incolas -terræ suæ collocavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_543" id="footnote_543"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_543"><span class="muchsmaller">[543]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 552, 652.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_544" id="footnote_544"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_544"><span class="muchsmaller">[544]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 770 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Inde præfatus tyrannus, quod vicina passim depopulari -arva non posset, contristatus est. Intempestivus igitur mense -Januario regem inquietavit.”</span> Then comes his speech; and then, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“invitus -rex pluribus ex causis expeditionem inchoavit, sed Rodberto instigante et -prospera pollicente, differre, ne ignavus putaretur, erubuit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_545" id="footnote_545"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_545"><span class="muchsmaller">[545]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Principalis ordinatio provinciales competentibus armaturis munitos -adscivit, et ad transitus aquarum sepiumque difficilesque aditus silvarum -in hostes coaptavit. Tunc rex inimicis nihil nocere potuit.”</span> He now gives -his orders to Robert of Bellême, and we hear no more of him personally in -Maine till after the capture of Helias.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_546" id="footnote_546"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_546"><span class="muchsmaller">[546]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 770 A. “Rex … rancore stomachatus ferocior in illos exarsit, -et Rodberto ingentem familiam bellatorum suis in municipiis adunare præcepit, -et copiosos pecuniæ sumptus erogavit, unde municipia ejus vallis et -muris et multiplicibus zetis undique clauderentur et bellicosis larga stipendiariis -donativa largirentur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_547" id="footnote_547"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_547"><span class="muchsmaller">[547]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> B. “Oppida nova condidit, et antiqua præcipitibus fossis cingens -admodum firmavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_548" id="footnote_548"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_548"><span class="muchsmaller">[548]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Novem in illo comitatu habuit castra, id est Blevam et Perretum, -Montem de Nube et Soonam, Sanctum Remigium de Planis, et Orticosam, -Allerias et Motam Galterii de Clincampo, Mamerz, et alias domos firmas -quamplurimas.”</span> On <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“domus firmæ,”</span> see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 625.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_549" id="footnote_549"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_549"><span class="muchsmaller">[549]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 770 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hæc siquidem regio censu argutus artifex sibi -callide præparavit, et in his bestialis sævitiæ colonos vicinisque suis malefidos -collocavit, per quos arrogantiæ suæ satisfaceret, et atrocem guerram -in Cænomannos exercuit.”</span> Our own chronicler in Stephen’s day goes even -beyond Orderic’s rhetoric. The “devils and evil men” outdo even the -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“bestialis sævitiæ coloni.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_550" id="footnote_550"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_550"><span class="muchsmaller">[550]</span></a> - Orderic tells all this out of place, 768 C, D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Terras quas prisci antecessores -sanctis dederant, sibi mancipavit. Is jamdudum in Cænomannico -consulatu castra violenter in alieno rure construxit, in possessionibus scilicet -sancti Petri de Cultura et sancti Vincentii martyris, quibus colonos graviter -oppressit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_551" id="footnote_551"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_551"><span class="muchsmaller">[551]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> They fought <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in nomine Domini, invocato sancto Juliano pontifice.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_552" id="footnote_552"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_552"><span class="muchsmaller">[552]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 273, and <a href="#Note_MM">Appendix M</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_553" id="footnote_553"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_553"><span class="muchsmaller">[553]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> “Pro quibus Cænomannenses maximas redemptiones -habuerunt, et sic injurias sanctorum et damna suorum ulti sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_554" id="footnote_554"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_554"><span class="muchsmaller">[554]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 770 B. “In quadragesima, dum peccatores cælitus compuncti -prava relinquunt, et ad medicamentum pœnitentiæ pro transactis -sceleribus trepidi confugiunt, in carcere Rodberti plusquam trecenti vinculati -perierunt. Qui multam ei pecuniam pro salute sua obtulerunt, -sed crudeliter ab eo contempti, fame et algore aliisque miseriis -interierunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_555" id="footnote_555"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_555"><span class="muchsmaller">[555]</span></a> - I infer as much from the somewhat vague words of Orderic, 771 A; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Helias comes hebdomada præcedente rogationes expeditionem super Robertum -fecit, et facto discursu post nonam suos remeare præcepit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_556" id="footnote_556"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_556"><span class="muchsmaller">[556]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Illis autem redeuntibus, comes cum septem militibus -a turma sua segregatus, prope Dangeolum divertit, ibique in condensis arboribus -et frutectis latitantes quosdam advertit, in quos statim cum paucis -sodalibus irruit.”</span> So the Biographer (Vet. An. 305); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dum comes Helias -… hostes qui adversus eum venerant incautius sequeretur, ab ipsis, proh -dolor! comprehensus est.”</span> Wace, who tells the whole story in the wildest -order, and makes the capture of Helias follow the siege of Mayet, preserves -(15100) the memory of the ambush;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Mais Normanz par une envaïe</div> -<div class="i0">Unt retenu li conte Helie</div> -<div class="i0">Li conte unt pris è retenu</div> -<div class="i0">Et el rei l’uat tot sain rendu.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_557" id="footnote_557"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_557"><span class="muchsmaller">[557]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 771 A. “Rodbertus in insidiis ibi latitabat. Qui ut paucos -incaute discurrentes vidit, vafer militiæque gnarus ex improviso cum plurimis -prosiluit, comitemque mox et Herveum de Monteforti signiferum ejus -et pene omnes alios comprehendit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote">The Angevin version (Chron. S. Alb. Andeg. 1098) is somewhat different; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Helias comes Cenomannorum captus est a Rotberto de Belesma, <em>defectione -suorum</em>, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> kal. Maii, feria <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> et redditus Willelmo secundo regi Anglorum.”</span> -There is nothing in the fuller story of Orderic to bear out the -charge in Italics; but it might be an easy inference from the Count’s small -attendance.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_558" id="footnote_558"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_558"><span class="muchsmaller">[558]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 776 A. “Prævii exercitus, postquam Balaonem alacres pervenerunt, -per eos qui evaserunt captum esse audierunt, subitoque post -inanem lætitiam ingenti mœrore pariter inebriati sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_559" id="footnote_559"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_559"><span class="muchsmaller">[559]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 771 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rodbertus deinde regi Heliam Rothomagum præsentavit, -quem rex honorifice custodiri præcepit.”</span> I do not think that this -is set aside by the words of the Biographer (Vet. An. 305); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rotomagum -usque productus, in arce ipsius civitatis in vincula conjectus est.”</span> For -“vincula,” like Orderic’s own “carcer” in 771 B, is a vague kind of word -which need not be always taken literally. Orderic adds; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Non enim militibus -erat crudelis, sed blandus et dapsilis, jocundus et affabilis.”</span> This, -with the proper emphasis on “militibus,” is the very picture of the Red -King. Wace however, who is also strong about the fetters, seems to have -mistaken it for a character of Helias (15106);</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li reis à Roem l’envéia</div> -<div class="i0">E garder le recomenda;</div> -<div class="i0">En la tour le rova garder</div> -<div class="i0">Et en bones buies fermer.</div> -<div class="i0">Helies fu boen chevaliers,</div> -<div class="i0">Bels fu è genz è bien pleniers,” <abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr></div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">He goes on with a speech of Helias to his guardians, which seems to be -made out of his speech to the King in Orderic, 773 B.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_560" id="footnote_560"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_560"><span class="muchsmaller">[560]</span></a> - See below, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 230, <a href="#footnote_574">note 2</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_561" id="footnote_561"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_561"><span class="muchsmaller">[561]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 771 B. “Felici fortuna rex Guillelmus sibi arridente tripudiavit, -et convocatis in unum Normanniæ baronibus, ait, Hactenus de -nanciscenda hæreditate paterna negligenter egi, quia pro cupiditate ruris -augendi populos vexare vel homines perimere nolui.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_562" id="footnote_562"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_562"><span class="muchsmaller">[562]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 771 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nunc autem, ut videtis, me nesciente, hostis meus -captus est, Deoque volente, <em>qui rectitudinem meam novit</em>, mihi traditus -est.”</span> Here we get the sentiment of the wager of battle.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_563" id="footnote_563"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_563"><span class="muchsmaller">[563]</span></a> - 2 Kings <abbr title="ten">x.</abbr> 9.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_564" id="footnote_564"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_564"><span class="muchsmaller">[564]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> u.s. “Communi consilio, domine rex, decernimus ut jussione -vestra universus Normannorum aggregetur exercitus, cum quo nos -omnes ad obtinendam Cænomannorum regionem audacter et alacriter -ibimus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_565" id="footnote_565"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_565"><span class="muchsmaller">[565]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 771 B. “Franci ergo et Burgundiones, Morini et Britones, -aliæque vicinæ gentes ad liberalem patricium concurrerunt, et phalanges -ejus multipliciter auxerunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_566" id="footnote_566"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_566"><span class="muchsmaller">[566]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> D. “Gilo de Soleio, de nobilissimis Gallorum antiquus heros, de -familia Henrici regis Francorum, qui multas viderat et magnas congregationes -populorum, in arduo monte stans, turmas armatorum undique prospexit, -et quinquaginta millia virorum inibi esse autumavit, nec se unquam -citra Alpes tantum insimul exercitum vidisse asseruit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_567" id="footnote_567"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_567"><span class="muchsmaller">[567]</span></a> - <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 268.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_568" id="footnote_568"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_568"><span class="muchsmaller">[568]</span></a> - I have quoted Wace’s accurate bit of geography on this head, <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. -vol. ii. p.</abbr> 291.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_569" id="footnote_569"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_569"><span class="muchsmaller">[569]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 771 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Mense Junio Guillelmus rex per Alencionem exercitum -duxit, multisque millibus stipatus, hostium regionem formidabilis -intravit.”</span> Yet, after his dealings with Ralph and the others, we read -(<abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr> D), <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Prima regis mansio in terra hostili apud Ruceiam</span> [see below, -<a href="#Page_232"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 232</a>] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">fuit.”</span> This surely means that his head-quarters still remained at -Alençon, though he doubtless made raids on the Cenomannian side of -the river.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_570" id="footnote_570"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_570"><span class="muchsmaller">[570]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Militum vero turmæ regio jussu Fredernaium repente adierunt, -et cum oppidanis equitibus militari exercitio ante portas castri aliquantulum -certaverunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_571" id="footnote_571"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_571"><span class="muchsmaller">[571]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 558.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_572" id="footnote_572"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_572"><span class="muchsmaller">[572]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two pages">N. C. vol. ii. pp.</abbr> 269, 624.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_573" id="footnote_573"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_573"><span class="muchsmaller">[573]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 652.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_574" id="footnote_574"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_574"><span class="muchsmaller">[574]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 771 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“A sublimitate vestra requiro, domine rex, inducias, -donec salvus de Cænomannis redeas. Illic enim præsul et senatorum concio -consistit, ibique communis quotidie de statu reipublicæ tractatus et providentia -fit. Quidquid ibi pactum fuerit vobiscum nos gratanter subsequemur, -et jussionibus vestris in omnibus obsequemur. Hæc idcirco, domine rex, -loco majorum natu consilio, quia, si sine bello primus defecero pariumque -meorum desertor primus pacem iniero, omni sine dubio generi meo dedecus -et improperium generabo. Membra caput subsequi debent, non præcedere; -et faceti legitimique vernulæ magis optant obsequi domino quam jubere.”</span> -The words here especially the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“faceti legitimique vernulæ,”</span> are doubtless -Orderic’s; but surely the very strangeness of the proposal is almost enough -to show that he is recording a real transaction.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_575" id="footnote_575"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_575"><span class="muchsmaller">[575]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> D. “Hæc et plura similia dicentem rex laudavit, et quæ postulata -fuerant annuit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_576" id="footnote_576"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_576"><span class="muchsmaller">[576]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 771 D. We first heard of Geoffrey as long ago as 1055. See -<abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 167.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_577" id="footnote_577"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_577"><span class="muchsmaller">[577]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 553.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_578" id="footnote_578"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_578"><span class="muchsmaller">[578]</span></a> - The Biographer (Vet. An. 305) says nothing of the bargain with Ralph -and the other lords; but he says that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex Anglorum, cernens civitatem -principis sui præsidio destitutam, quorumdam perfidorum civium assensu -illuc accedere properavit.”</span> We need not take “cives” too strictly; and if -anything like the <em>commune</em> had been set up again, the lords would be -“cives.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_579" id="footnote_579"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_579"><span class="muchsmaller">[579]</span></a> - Chron. S. Alb. And. 1098. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fulco Andegavorum comes, Rechin cognominatus, -Cenomanniam urbem <em>ut suam</em> sequenti sabbato recepit.”</span> The -date is reckoned from the capture of Helias. So <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 772 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fulco -cognomento Richinus, Andegavorum comes, ut Heliam captum audivit, -Cænomannis, <em>quia capitalis dominus erat</em>, actutum advenit, et a civibus -libenter susceptus, munitiones militibus et fundibulariis munivit.”</span> The -local writer (Vet. An. 305) is silent about Fulk’s lordship, but remembers -the family connexion between him and Helias; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quo comperto, Fulco Andegavorum -comes protinus cum filio suo Gaufrido, cui filia Heliæ comitis -jam desponsata fuerat, in civitatem advenit, et consensu civium in munitionibus -civitatis custodiam posuit.”</span> The “consensus civium” sounds like -a formal act of the municipal body.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_580" id="footnote_580"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_580"><span class="muchsmaller">[580]</span></a> - Eremburga, who afterwards married the younger Fulk, seems to have -been at an earlier time promised to his half-brother Geoffrey. See Gesta -Consulum, Chroniques D’Anjou, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 143.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_581" id="footnote_581"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_581"><span class="muchsmaller">[581]</span></a> - Vet. An. 305. “Ibi relicto filio ad alia negotia properavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_582" id="footnote_582"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_582"><span class="muchsmaller">[582]</span></a> - See above, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 229, <a href="#footnote_569">note 1</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_583" id="footnote_583"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_583"><span class="muchsmaller">[583]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 771 D. “Sequenti die rex ad Montem Bussoti castra metatus -pernoctavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_584" id="footnote_584"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_584"><span class="muchsmaller">[584]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Tertia die Colunchis venit, et in pratis Sartæ figi multitudinis -tentoria imperavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_585" id="footnote_585"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_585"><span class="muchsmaller">[585]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_221"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 221</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_586" id="footnote_586"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_586"><span class="muchsmaller">[586]</span></a> - Vet. An. 305. “Circa Colonias vicum episcopalem cum magno exercitu -consedit, ipsumque vicum cum ecclesia quæ ibidem erat igne concremavit, -et omnia quæ ibi episcopus habebat crudeliter devastavit. Oderat enim -illum … pro eo quod contra calumniam illius episcopatum acceperat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_587" id="footnote_587"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_587"><span class="muchsmaller">[587]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 423.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_588" id="footnote_588"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_588"><span class="muchsmaller">[588]</span></a> - Vet. An. 306. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cives cum bellico apparatu de civitate egressi, contra -ejus exercitum viriliter obsidere conabantur. Rex autem, perfidorum consilio -se intelligens deceptum, facto vespere, cum imminentis noctis profundum -silentium advenisset, cum exercitu suo clam discessit et castra vacua hostibus -dereliquit. Cives autem mane surgentes, cum semetipsos ad pugnam -præparare cœpissent, comperto regis abscessu, castra illius invaserunt, et -neminem ibi reperientes ad propria reversi sunt.”</span> Orderic (772 A) substitutes -a drawn battle by daylight, and mentions the occupation of Ballon; but -they both agree in the main fact that Rufus, for whatever cause, withdrew -from before Le Mans for a season. Ballon is spoken of as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“fortissima mota, -per quam totum oppidum adversariis subactum paruit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_589" id="footnote_589"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_589"><span class="muchsmaller">[589]</span></a> - Some of Orderic’s expressions (772 B) are worth notice. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Diuturnam -obsidionem tenere nequivit. Nam egestas victus gravis hominibus et equis -instabat, quia tempus inter veteres et novas fruges tunc iter agebat. Sextarius -avenæ decem solidis Cænomannensium vendebatur, sine qua cornipedum -vigor <em>in occidentalibus climatibus</em> vix sustentatur.”</span> Such a straw -as this shows how the crusades had made the East and its ways present to -men’s minds.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_590" id="footnote_590"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_590"><span class="muchsmaller">[590]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr> “Rex legiones suas relaxavit, et messes suas in horreis -recondi præcepit, atque ut post collectionem frugum obsidere hostium castra -parati essent, commonuit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_591" id="footnote_591"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_591"><span class="muchsmaller">[591]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 772 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dum comes et exercitus in tentoriis suis pranderent, et -mendici de oppido accepta stipe obsessis renuntiarent quod obsidentes tunc, -videlicet circa tertiam, comederent, in armis ordinatæ acies militum subito -prosilierunt, et inermes ad mensam residentes ex insperato proturbaverunt, -et pluribus captis omnes alios fugaverunt.”</span> He gives the numbers with a -few names, and enlarges on their greatness.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_592" id="footnote_592"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_592"><span class="muchsmaller">[592]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 772 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Jussit omnes protinus absolvi</span> [they are just before -called ‘vinculati’], <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">eisque cum suis in curia foris ad manducandum copiose -dari, et per fidem suam usque post prandium liberos dimitti. Cumque satellites -ejus objicerent quod in tanta populi frequentia facile aufugerent, rex -illorum duritiæ obstitit, et pro vinctis eos redarguens dixit, Absit a me ut -credam quod probus miles violet fidem suam. Quod si fecerit, omni tempore -velut exlex et despicabilis erit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_593" id="footnote_593"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_593"><span class="muchsmaller">[593]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Fulco comes de obsidione ad urbem confugerat, et in cœnobiis -sanctorum exitus rerum exspectabat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_594" id="footnote_594"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_594"><span class="muchsmaller">[594]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_LL">Appendix LL</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_595" id="footnote_595"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_595"><span class="muchsmaller">[595]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_LL">Appendix LL</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_596" id="footnote_596"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_596"><span class="muchsmaller">[596]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 498; <abbr title="volume four page">vol. iv. p.</abbr> 73.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_597" id="footnote_597"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_597"><span class="muchsmaller">[597]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 773 A. “Milites electos loricis et galeis et omni armatura -fulgentes.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_598" id="footnote_598"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_598"><span class="muchsmaller">[598]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Protinus illi, custodibus egressis, cunctas urbis munitiones -nacti sunt, et in principali turre vexillum regis cum ingenti tropæo -levaverunt. In crastinum rex post illos mille præclaros milites direxit, -et pro libitu suo datis legibus totam civitatem possedit. Regia turris -et Mons Barbatus atque Mons Barbatulus regi subjiciuntur, et <em>merito, quia -a patre ejus condita noscuntur</em>.”</span> In these last words Orderic throws himself -fully into the position of Rufus. The Biographer (Vet. An. 306) says; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex recepta civitate et positis in munitionibus ejus copiosis virorum, -armorum, escarumque præsidiis, <em>in Angliam transfretavit</em>.”</span> This last -statement is clearly wrong.</p> - -<p class="footnote">On the fortresses of Le Mans, see <a href="#Note_MM">Appendix MM</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_599" id="footnote_599"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_599"><span class="muchsmaller">[599]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 773 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Omnes cives in pace novo principi congratulantur -plausibus et cantibus variisque gestibus. Tunc Hildebertus præsul et clerus -et omnis plebs obviam regi cum ingenti gaudio processerunt, et psallentes -in basilicam sancti Gervasii martyris perduxerunt.”</span> See <a href="#Note_LL">Appendix LL</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote">The joy, one would think, was a little conventional, and there is no sign -of it in the native writer. <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 550.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_600" id="footnote_600"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_600"><span class="muchsmaller">[600]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 206.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_601" id="footnote_601"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_601"><span class="muchsmaller">[601]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_NN">Appendix NN</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_602" id="footnote_602"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_602"><span class="muchsmaller">[602]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 773 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guillelmo Ebroicensium comiti et Gisleberto de -Aquila, aliisque probis optimatibus urbem servandam commisit, et regiam -turrem armis et cibis et omnibus necessariis opime instructam Galterio -Rothomagensi filio Ansgerii commendavit.”</span> Is this Walter the brother -of the William of whom we heard above?</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_603" id="footnote_603"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_603"><span class="muchsmaller">[603]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Radulfus vicecomes et Goisfredus de Meduana, Robertusque -Burgundio, aliique totius provinciæ proceres regi confœderati sunt, redditisque -munitionibus, datis ab eo legibus solerter obsecundarunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_604" id="footnote_604"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_604"><span class="muchsmaller">[604]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 773 B. See <a href="#Note_OO">Appendix OO</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_605" id="footnote_605"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_605"><span class="muchsmaller">[605]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Niger et hispidus.”</span> See above, <a href="#Page_196"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 196</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_606" id="footnote_606"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_606"><span class="muchsmaller">[606]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_OO">Appendix OO</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_607" id="footnote_607"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_607"><span class="muchsmaller">[607]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 773 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Callidus <em>senex</em> regalibus consiliis et judiciis -præerat. Quapropter in prætorio principali parem seu potiorem perpeti -metuebat.”</span> See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 186, 551. “Senex” seems too strong a word.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_608" id="footnote_608"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_608"><span class="muchsmaller">[608]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 773 C. “Helias conductum per terram regis ab illo requisivit, -quo accepto liber ad sua gaudentibus amicis remeavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_609" id="footnote_609"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_609"><span class="muchsmaller">[609]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 766 D. “In ipsa nocte terribile signum mundo manifestatum -est. Totum nempe cælum quasi arderet, fere cunctis occidentalibus -rubicundum ut sanguis visum est. Tunc, ut postmodum audivimus, in -eois partibus Christiani contra ethnicos pugnaverunt, Deoque juvante -triumpharunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_610" id="footnote_610"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_610"><span class="muchsmaller">[610]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 766 D. “Guillelmus rex in Galliam usque Pontesiam discurrit, -incendiis et prædis hominumque capturis, omnium ubertate rerum nobilem -provinciam devastavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_611" id="footnote_611"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_611"><span class="muchsmaller">[611]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 A. “Illustres oppidani propugnacula quidem sua vivaciter -protexerunt, sed timoris Dei et humanæ societatis immemores non -fuerunt. Insilientium corporibus provide benigniterque pepercerunt, sed -atrocitatem iræ suæ pretiosis inimicorum caballis intulerunt. Nam plusquam -septingentos ingentis pretii equos sagittis et missilibus occiderunt, -ex quorum cadaveribus Gallicani canes et alites usque ad nauseam saturati -sunt. Quamplures itaque pedites ad propria cum rege remeant, qui spumantibus -equis turgidi equites Eptam pertransierant.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_612" id="footnote_612"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_612"><span class="muchsmaller">[612]</span></a> - There is something strange in the casual way in which Orderic (767 A) -brings in so mighty an ally; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guillelmus rex cum Guillelmo duce -Pictavensium, ductu Almarici juvenis, et Nivardi de Septoculo, contra -Montemfortem et Sparlonem maximam multitudinem duxit, circumjacentem -provinciam devastavit.”</span> The bargain between the two Williams, of -which this was surely an instalment, comes later, 780 B.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_613" id="footnote_613"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_613"><span class="muchsmaller">[613]</span></a> - See <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 439.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_614" id="footnote_614"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_614"><span class="muchsmaller">[614]</span></a> - Had either William ever done personal homage to Philip? There is -no sign of it in the case of William of England.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_615" id="footnote_615"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_615"><span class="muchsmaller">[615]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 A. See <a href="#footnote_612">note 1</a> on <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 250. Who is young Almaric or -Amalric? Surely not an unworthy member of the house of Montfort. -I have never made my way to Epernon, which gives a title to one of the -minions of the last Valois.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_616" id="footnote_616"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_616"><span class="muchsmaller">[616]</span></a> - It is odd, after the account in Suger, to read in Orderic (766 A), -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ludovicus puerili teneritudine detentus adhuc militare nequibat.”</span> -It is just possible that Lewis was not eager to help the kinsfolk of -Bertrada.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_617" id="footnote_617"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_617"><span class="muchsmaller">[617]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Petrus cum filiis suis Ansoldo et Tedbaldo -Mauliam, aliique municipes quos singillatim nequeo nominare, firmitates -suas procaciter tenuere.”</span> On the house of Maule and its works, see <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. -Vit.</abbr> 587 <abbr title="et sequentia">et seqq.</abbr> Peter is described as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“filius Ansoldi divitis Parisiensis.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_618" id="footnote_618"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_618"><span class="muchsmaller">[618]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Simon juvenis munitiones suas auxiliante Deo -illæsas servavit. Simon vero senex servavit Neëlfiam.”</span> See the marriage -of the younger Simon with Agnes of Evreux, <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 576 C, and his -exploits, 836 C. Of him in the fourth generation came our own Simon. -But, according to the Art de Vérifier les Dates, “Simon senex” was dead -before this time.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_619" id="footnote_619"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_619"><span class="muchsmaller">[619]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 133.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_620" id="footnote_620"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_620"><span class="muchsmaller">[620]</span></a> - See <a href="#footnote_618">note 2</a> on <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 253.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_621" id="footnote_621"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_621"><span class="muchsmaller">[621]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 767 B. “Interea, dum Guillelmus rex pro regni negotiis -regrederetur in Angliam, treviis utrobique datis, serena pax Gallis dedit -serenitatis lætitiam.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_622" id="footnote_622"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_622"><span class="muchsmaller">[622]</span></a> - Orderic (773 D), immediately after recording the submission of the -Cenomannian castles, goes on to draw a harrowing picture of the sufferings -of England during the King’s absence; how <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rannulfus Flambardus -jam Dunelmi episcopus, aliique regis satellites et gastaldi, Angliam -spoliabant, et latronibus pejores, agricolarum acervos, ac negotiatorum -congeries immisericorditer diripiebant, nec etiam sanguinolentas manus -a sacris cohibebant.”</span> He then goes on to describe the special wrongs -of the Church, and adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sic immensi census onera per fas perque nefas -coacervabant, et regi trans fretum, ut in nefariis seu commodis usibus -expenderentur, destinabant. Hujusmodi utique collectionibus grandia regi -xenia præsentabantur, quibus extranei pro vana laude ditabantur.”</span> They -then cried to God who had raised up Ehud to slay the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex pinguissimus”</span> -Eglon, which sounds rather like a prayer for the coming of Walter Tirel. But -the chronology is utterly confused. The time of which Orderic is speaking -is the year 1098; yet he makes Flambard already Bishop of Durham, which -he was not till 1099, and he makes Anselm withstand all these oppressions -and go away because he could not hinder them. But, as we well know, -Anselm was already gone in 1097.</p> - -<p class="footnote">Henry of Huntingdon also (<abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 20) notices the special oppression during -the continental war. The King <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in Normannia fuit, semper hosticis -tumultibus et curis armorum deditus, tributis interim et exactionibus -pessimis populos Anglorum non abradens sed excorians.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_623" id="footnote_623"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_623"><span class="muchsmaller">[623]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1099. “Se cyng Willelm … to Eastron hider to lande -com and to Pentecosten forman siðe his hired innan his niwan gebyttlan -æt Westmynstre heold.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_624" id="footnote_624"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_624"><span class="muchsmaller">[624]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 557.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_625" id="footnote_625"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_625"><span class="muchsmaller">[625]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1096. “Ðis wæs swiðe hefigtime gear geond eall -Angelcyn ægðer ge þurh mænigfealde gylda, and eac þurh swiðe hefigtymne -hunger, þe þisne eard þæs geares swiðe gedrehte.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_626" id="footnote_626"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_626"><span class="muchsmaller">[626]</span></a> - This prodigy is put by the Chronicler under two years, 1098 and 1100. -Florence and William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 331) place it under the latter -year only. See above, <a href="#Page_246"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 246</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_627" id="footnote_627"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_627"><span class="muchsmaller">[627]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1098. “Toforan Sc̃e Michaeles mæssan ætywde eo -heofon swilce heo forneah ealle þa niht byrnende wære.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_628" id="footnote_628"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_628"><span class="muchsmaller">[628]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Ðis wæs swiðe geswincfull gear þurh manigfealde ungyld and -þurh mycele renas, þe ealles geares ne ablunnon forneah ælc tilð on mersclande -forferde.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_629" id="footnote_629"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_629"><span class="muchsmaller">[629]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1097. “Eac manege sciran þe mid weorce to Lundenne belumpon -wurdon þærle gedrehte, þurh þone weall þe hi worhton onbutan þone -Tur, et þurh þa brycge þe forneah eall toflotan wæs, and þurh þæs cynges -healle geweorc, þe man on Westmynstre worhte and mænige men þær mid -gedrehte.” This is connected by Henry of Huntingdon (<abbr title="seven">vii.</abbr> 19) with the -other oppressions of the time and with the departure of Anselm; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anselmus -vero archiepiscopus recessit ab Anglia, quia nihil recti rex pravus in regno -suo fieri permittebat, sed provincias intolerabiliter vexabat in tributis -quæ numquam cessabant, in opere muri circa turrim Londoniæ, in opere -aulæ regalis apud Westminstre, in rapina quam familia sua hostili modo, -ubicunque rex pergebat, exercebant.”</span> The other side of the story comes -out in William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 321); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Unum ædificium, et ipsum -permaximum, domum in Londonia incepit et perfecit, non parcens -expensis dummodo liberalitatis suæ magnificentiam exhiberet.”</span> We see -here how the “liberalitas” of the Red King looked in the eyes of those -who had to pay for it. But it is hard to understand Sir T. D. Hardy’s -note on the passage of William of Malmesbury; he is speaking not of the -Tower of London, but of Westminster Hall.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_630" id="footnote_630"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_630"><span class="muchsmaller">[630]</span></a> - See Livy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 56, 59.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_631" id="footnote_631"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_631"><span class="muchsmaller">[631]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one pages">N. C. vol. i. pp.</abbr> 93, 601.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_632" id="footnote_632"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_632"><span class="muchsmaller">[632]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 310.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_633" id="footnote_633"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_633"><span class="muchsmaller">[633]</span></a> - See <a href="#footnote_629">note</a> on <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 259.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_634" id="footnote_634"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_634"><span class="muchsmaller">[634]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three pages">N. C. vol. iii. pp.</abbr> 64, 340.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_635" id="footnote_635"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_635"><span class="muchsmaller">[635]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one pages">N. C. vol. i. pp.</abbr> 306, 317; <abbr title="volume three pages">vol. iii. pp.</abbr> 66, 540, 640; <abbr title="volume four page">vol. iv. p.</abbr> 59.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_636" id="footnote_636"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_636"><span class="muchsmaller">[636]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 600.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_637" id="footnote_637"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_637"><span class="muchsmaller">[637]</span></a> - <abbr title="Henry of Huntingdon seven">Hen. Hunt. vii.</abbr> 21. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quam [novam aulam] cum inspecturus primum -introisset, cum alii satis magnam vel æquo majorem dicerent, dixit rex -eam magnitudinis debitæ dimidia parte carere. Qui sermo regi magno -fuit, licet parvi constasset, honori.”</span> This is copied by Robert of Torigny, -the Waverly Annalist, Bromton, and most likely others.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_638" id="footnote_638"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_638"><span class="muchsmaller">[638]</span></a> - Matthew Paris (<abbr title="Historia Anglorum one">Hist. Ang. i.</abbr> 165) copies Henry of Huntingdon -with a few touches, and adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“nec eam esse nisi thalamum ad palatium -quod erat facturus.”</span> The foundations of the wall which he designed -extended <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“scilicet a Tamensi usque ad publicam stratam; tanta enim -debuit esse longitudo.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_639" id="footnote_639"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_639"><span class="muchsmaller">[639]</span></a> - <abbr title="Winchester Annals">Ann. Wint.</abbr> 1099. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex venit de Normannia, et regis diademate -coronatus est apud Londoniam, ubi Edgarus rex Scotiæ gladium coram eo -portavit.”</span> The authority is not first-rate; but it is the kind of thing -which can hardly have been invented.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_640" id="footnote_640"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_640"><span class="muchsmaller">[640]</span></a> - The Chronicler (1098) records the deaths of Walkelin, Baldwin, -and Turold. Florence (1097, 1098) adds that of Robert, and in one -manuscript that of Abbot Reginald of Abingdon, who (<abbr title="Historia de Abingdon two">Hist. Ab. ii.</abbr> 42) -would seem to have died somewhat earlier, in the year 1097. This prelate -is said to have been in the King’s good graces, and to have been employed -by him in the pious and charitable distribution from his father’s hoard -at the beginning of his reign (see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 17). There is also just before in -the local History (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 41) a writ of Rufus to Peter Sheriff of Oxfordshire, -witnessed by Randolf the chaplain, in which the Sheriff is bidden to let -the Abbot and his monks enjoy all that they had <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr> and <abbr title="Tempore Regis Willelmi">T. R. W.</abbr>, -and specially to make good the wrongs done by his reeve Eadwig and -others his officers. Here are the reeves again; but this time an English -reeve oppresses a Norman abbot.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_641" id="footnote_641"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_641"><span class="muchsmaller">[641]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 586.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_642" id="footnote_642"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_642"><span class="muchsmaller">[642]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume">N. C. vol.</abbr> <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 372–816.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_643" id="footnote_643"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_643"><span class="muchsmaller">[643]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury Gestis Pontificum">Will. Malmb. Gest. Pont.</abbr> 172, copied in <abbr title="Winchester Annals">Ann. Wint.</abbr> 1098.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_644" id="footnote_644"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_644"><span class="muchsmaller">[644]</span></a> - William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr>, and see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 817) marks the -change in him. The local annalist who copies him gives Walkelin a warm -panegyric; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Erat vir perfectæ pietatis et sanctitatis, immensæque prudentiæ, -et tantæ demum abstinentiæ ut nec carnes nec pisces comederet.”</span> (His -brother Simeon (<abbr title="Winchester Annals">Ann. Wint.</abbr> 1082), afterwards Abbot of Ely (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. -iv. pp.</abbr> 481, 833), had taught the monks to give up flesh.) <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Semper secum -monachos habebat … non enim minus conventum suum diligebat quam -si omnes dii essent.”</span> This somewhat pagan way of talking has its contradictory -in the words of Hugh of Nonant, Bishop of Coventry (Ric. Div. -§ 85); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ego clericos meos deos nomino, monachos dæmonia.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_645" id="footnote_645"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_645"><span class="muchsmaller">[645]</span></a> - The well-known trick by which Walkelin cut down the king’s wood -at Hempage is recorded in <abbr title="Winchester Annals">Ann. Wint.</abbr> 1086. <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> Willis, Winchester, 17.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_646" id="footnote_646"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_646"><span class="muchsmaller">[646]</span></a> - <abbr title="Winchester Annals">Ann. Wint.</abbr> 1093. See Willis, Winchester, 6, 17.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_647" id="footnote_647"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_647"><span class="muchsmaller">[647]</span></a> - <abbr title="Winchester Annals">Ann. Wint.</abbr> 1097. “Hoc anno transfretavit rex, et regnum Walkelino -et Radulfo Passeflabere commisit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_648" id="footnote_648"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_648"><span class="muchsmaller">[648]</span></a> - The exact date comes from <abbr title="Winchester Annals">Ann. Wint.</abbr> 1098. He dies ten days after -his receipt of the king’s message, which comes <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“die natalis Domini post -inceptum missarum officium.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_649" id="footnote_649"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_649"><span class="muchsmaller">[649]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 456.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_650" id="footnote_650"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_650"><span class="muchsmaller">[650]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 355. I there carelessly followed the date, 1093, given in -the Monasticon, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 431, as the year of the death of Robert of New Minster. -It must be a misprint or miswriting for 1098.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_651" id="footnote_651"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_651"><span class="muchsmaller">[651]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 407.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_652" id="footnote_652"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_652"><span class="muchsmaller">[652]</span></a> - On this early hero, son of King Anna of East-Anglia, whose name has -gone through endless corruptions, see Liebermann’s note (<span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ungedruckte -Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen</span>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 277) to Heremann’s Miracles of -Saint Eadmund. William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 156) writes him -“Germinus,” and not unnaturally says that he knows very little about -him, save that he was brother of Saint Æthelthryth. His editor turns -him into Saint German of Auxerre; he then wonders that William should -know so little of Saint German of whom he had found a good deal to say -elsewhere, but he does not himself seem the least surprised to hear Saint -German spoken of as brother of Saint Æthelthryth.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_653" id="footnote_653"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_653"><span class="muchsmaller">[653]</span></a> - This and the following stories come from the work of Heremann just -mentioned (Dr. Liebermann’s collection contains also the Annals of Saint -Eadmund’s). This story of Osgod comes at <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 242. He enters the church, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“armillas bajulans in brachiis ambobus superbe</span> [see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 288], -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Danico more deaurata securi in humero dependente;” and presently, -“non sincere conatur securim a collo deponere, vel se arroganter super -eam appodiare.”</span> On the way of carrying the axe, see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. -p.</abbr> 767.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_654" id="footnote_654"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_654"><span class="muchsmaller">[654]</span></a> - Liebermann, 248 <abbr title="et sequentia">et seqq.</abbr> Herfast is described as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“duarum Eastengle -vicecomitatuum episcopus.”</span> A branch runs into his eye as he is riding -through a wood. A document is referred to which is witnessed by -Hugh of Montfort, Roger Rigod, Richard of Tunbridge, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“et cum eis -Lincoliensis Turoldus simul et Hispaniensis Alveredus.”</span> Liebermann finds -this Turold in the Norfolk Domesday, 172; but as he is “Lincoliensis,” we -should rather look for him in the company discussed in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> -778; only Ælfred of Spain (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 737, 777) is not Ælfred -of Lincoln.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_655" id="footnote_655"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_655"><span class="muchsmaller">[655]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 366.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_656" id="footnote_656"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_656"><span class="muchsmaller">[656]</span></a> - Liebermann, 265. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Natione Normannicus cum rege Willelmo priore -quidam fuerat aulicus, Rannulfus quidem nomine, ceu tunc moris erat, -militari perversus in opere.”</span> This cannot mean Randolf the chaplain. -In his vision, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“somniat quod equitans fugam ineat, et sanctus martyr -eques insequutor fiat ejus armatus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_657" id="footnote_657"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_657"><span class="muchsmaller">[657]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 268. “Robertus de Curzun” is in Domesday R. de Curcun or -Curcon. He appears several times in Domesday in both the East-Anglian -shires (175 <span class="decoration">b</span>, 181 <span class="decoration">b</span>, 187, 299 <span class="decoration">b</span>, 331 <span class="decoration">b</span>, 336), always as an under-tenant, and -commonly under Roger Bigod.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_658" id="footnote_658"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_658"><span class="muchsmaller">[658]</span></a> - The date is given (Liebermann, 274) as 1094, and the King presently -crosses the sea; this fixes it to the assembly at Hastings. Baldwin has -finished the eastern part of his church (<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ad unguem perduxerat suæ novæ -et inceptæ ecclesiæ presbiterii opus, multifariam compositum modis omnibus, -quale decuit esse regium decus”</span>). The King first grants leave for both -ceremonies; then <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regia voluntas alterata prædicto patri Baldwino mandat -in hæc verba; translationem sancti martyris se concedere, dedicationem -vero minime fieri debere.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_659" id="footnote_659"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_659"><span class="muchsmaller">[659]</span></a> - Compare the story of Saint Olaf, above, <a href="#Page_139"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 139</a>. Flambard here appears -in a marked way as “Rannulfus capellanus,” “capellanus;” see <a href="#Note_S">Appendix -S.</a></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_660" id="footnote_660"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_660"><span class="muchsmaller">[660]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Omnia Romæ venalia,”</span> says Heremann (Liebermann, 251); but the -story is rather of an attempt of Bishop Herfast to bribe the Conqueror.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_661" id="footnote_661"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_661"><span class="muchsmaller">[661]</span></a> - Florence at least (1097) sends him out of the world with very kindly -feelings; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eximiæ vir religionis, monasterii S. Eadmundi abbas Baldwinus, -natione Gallus, artis medicinæ bene peritus, <abbr title="four calendar January weekdays three">iv. kal. Jan. feria iii.</abbr> in bona -senectute decessit.”</span> He uses the same formula of Earl Leofric forty years -earlier. Several English names occur in Heremann’s story; among them -(Liebermann, 259) <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“domnus Eadricus præpositus et cum eo presbyter -Siwardus,”</span> who are spoken of in connexion with the Abbot’s journey -to Rome.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_662" id="footnote_662"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_662"><span class="muchsmaller">[662]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1099. “Se cyng Willelm … to Pentecosten forman -siðe his hired innan his nywan gebyttlan æt Westmynstre heold, and -þær Rannulfe his capellane þæt biscoprice on Dunholme geaf, þe æror ealle -his gemót ofer eall Engleland draf and bewiste.” See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 333.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_663" id="footnote_663"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_663"><span class="muchsmaller">[663]</span></a> - The date, place, and consecrator are given by his biographer in <abbr title="Anglia Sacra one">Ang. -Sac. i.</abbr> 707, who adds that it was done <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“sine ulla exactione professionis, -sicut et Willelmus quondam prædecessor illius.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_664" id="footnote_664"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_664"><span class="muchsmaller">[664]</span></a> - William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 274), after describing Flambard’s -former doings, adds emphatically; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quibus artibus fretus, episcopatum -Dunelmensem meruit.”</span> But he scratched out what he at first went on -to say—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“meruit ut sanctius ingrederetur, <em>datis mille libris</em></span>.” One would -have looked for a larger sum.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_665" id="footnote_665"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_665"><span class="muchsmaller">[665]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 631. But it would seem from the words of the -biographer (X Scriptt. 62; <abbr title="Anglia Sacra two">Ang. Sac. ii.</abbr> 709) that the work was not quite -finished till after his death; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eo tempore</span> [in the five years’ vacancy that -followed] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">navis ecclesiæ Dunelmensis monachis operi instantibus peracta -est.”</span> This can hardly mean the vault, which seems later still. The -biographer also describes his other local works, specially how <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“urbem -hanc, licet natura munierit, muro ipse reddidit fortiorem et augustiorem.”</span> -William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 274) records new buildings for the -monks among his better deeds.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_666" id="footnote_666"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_666"><span class="muchsmaller">[666]</span></a> - The biographer (<abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr>) says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Condidit castellum in excelso præruptæ -rupis super Twedam flumen, ut inde latronum incursus inhiberet et -Scotorum irruptiones. Ibi enim, <em>utpote in confinio regni Anglorum et -Scotorum</em>, creber prædantibus ante patebat incursus, nullo ibidem quo -hujusmodi impetus repelleretur præsidio locato.”</span> From Simeon’s Gesta -Regum we find that the place was Norham and the date 1121. The words -in Italics should be noticed. By the time of this writer the older position -of Lothian was beginning to be forgotten; it had passed to Northumberland. -The building of the castle suggests to the biographer a remark on Flambard’s -character; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Taliter impulsu quodam impatiente otii de opere transibat -ad opus, nil reputans factum, nisi factis nova jam facienda succederent.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_667" id="footnote_667"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_667"><span class="muchsmaller">[667]</span></a> - “Jura libertatis episcopii secundum vires contra extraneos defendebat,” -says the biographer.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_668" id="footnote_668"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_668"><span class="muchsmaller">[668]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Inerat ei episcopo <em>magnanimitas</em> quam quondam procurator regni -contraxit ex potentia, ut in conventu procerum vel primus vel cum primis -semper contenderet esse, et inter honorificos honoris locum magnificentius -obtineret. Vastiori semper clamore vultuque minaci magis simulare quam -exhibere.”</span> In all this the servant is very like his master.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_669" id="footnote_669"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_669"><span class="muchsmaller">[669]</span></a> - According to William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 274), he first behaved -well for fear of Saint Cuthberht, but finding that some smaller -misdeeds went unpunished, he presently ventured on greater. But in the -existing text he mentions only that Flambard dragged criminals out of sanctuary, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ausus scelus omnibus retro annis inauditum.”</span> William had written, -but he found it expedient to strike out, how the Bishop not only set forbidden -food before his monks, but, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ut magis religionem irritaret, puellas speciosissimas -quæ essent procatioris formæ et faciei eis propinare juberet, strictis -ad corpus vestibus, solutis in terga crinibus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_670" id="footnote_670"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_670"><span class="muchsmaller">[670]</span></a> - The details of a very penitent end are given by the biographer. -Among other confessions of sin, the Bishop says. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“plus volui illis nocere -quam potui”</span>—​the complaint of the Confessor. The persons who were to be -hurt seem to be the monks and men of the church of Durham.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_671" id="footnote_671"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_671"><span class="muchsmaller">[671]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 544.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_672" id="footnote_672"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_672"><span class="muchsmaller">[672]</span></a> - Vet. An. 306. “Quasi taurus in latebris silvarum.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_673" id="footnote_673"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_673"><span class="muchsmaller">[673]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Helias apud castrum Lid et in castris circumpositis morabatur, -atque vires suas … ad nova certamina, in quantum poterat, reparabat, -castella sua vallo atque fossa muniendo, et sibi vicinorum amicitias atque -auxilia consciscendo.”</span> So Orderic, 773 C; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quinque oppida sua cum -adjacentibus vicis instruxit, sollicita procuratione damna supplevit, propriisque -negotiis sedulus institit. Ab Augusto usque ad pascha in pace siluit. -Interim tamen quasi specimine nisus suos hostibus ostenderet, callide -cogitavit, et multotiens cum fidis affinibus tractavit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote">The five castles may be Château-du-Loir, Lude (Lit), Mayet, Outille, -and Vaux. La Flèche is perhaps taken for granted. All these, except -Lude, are mentioned as we go on.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_674" id="footnote_674"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_674"><span class="muchsmaller">[674]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 774 C. “Sequenti anno Helias post pascha iterare guerram -cœpit, et clam consentientibus indigenis, depopulari confinia et militiam -regis lacessere sategit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_675" id="footnote_675"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_675"><span class="muchsmaller">[675]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Mense Junio cum insigni multitudine militum venit.” Vet. -An. 307. “Sequenti æstate magno vicinorum atque amicorum exercitu -congregato.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_676" id="footnote_676"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_676"><span class="muchsmaller">[676]</span></a> - Of the two bridges side by side, the elder is useless, two arches having -been broken down by the Vendeans in 1793. But there has been fighting -not far off in still later times.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_677" id="footnote_677"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_677"><span class="muchsmaller">[677]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 774 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Venit ad Planchias Godefredi, vadum Egueniæ -fluminis pertransivit, regiosque pugiles qui urbem custodiebant ad conflictum -lacessiit.”</span> Vet An. 307. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Non longe a civitate improvisus -advenit; cui milites regis simul cum populo usque ad Pontem Leugæ -hostiliter occurrentes quum ejus impetum sustinere non possent in fugam -conversi sunt. Ille vero amne transmisso, eos viriliter insecutus,”</span> <abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr> -These two accounts seem to place the fighting on different sides of the -river. I incline to Orderic’s version on this ground. A version which -carries men across by a ford is always to be preferred to one which carries -them across by a bridge, as likely to preserve the older tradition. The -bridge may always have been built between the time of the event and -the time of the writer, and he may easily be led to speak as if it had -been there at the earlier time. Orderic himself speaks of the bridge in -775 B.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_678" id="footnote_678"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_678"><span class="muchsmaller">[678]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 774 C. “Audaces Normanni foras proruperunt, diuque -dimicaverunt, sed numerosa hostium virtute prævalente in urbem repulsi -sunt. Tunc etiam hostes cum eisdem ingressi sunt, quia eorum violentia -coerciti municipes portas claudere nequiverunt; sed per urbem fugientes -vix in arcem aliasque munitiones introire potuerunt.” Vet. An. 307. “Ille -[Helias] cum suo exercitu civitatem nullo prohibente audacter ingressus, -eos qui in munitionibus erant repentina obsidione conclusit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_679" id="footnote_679"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_679"><span class="muchsmaller">[679]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 774 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cives Heliam multum diligebant, ideoque dominatum -ejus magis quam Normannorum affectabant…. Porro Helias a gaudentibus -urbanis civitate susceptus est.”</span> Wace (14884) strongly brings out the -general zeal for Helias, though he has his own explanation for it;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Cil del Mans od li se teneient,</div> -<div class="i0">D’avancier li s’entremetteient,</div> -<div class="i0">E li homes de la loée</div> -<div class="i0">Esteient tuit à sa criée.</div> -<div class="i0">E li baron de la cuntrée</div> -<div class="i0">Orent por li mainte medlée;</div> -<div class="i0">Mult le preisoent et amoent,</div> -<div class="i0">Et à seignor le desiroent,</div> -<div class="i0"><em>Com costumes est de plusors,</em></div> -<div class="i0"><em>Ki conveitent novels seignors</em>.</div> -<div class="i0">Par espeir des veisins chastels</div> -<div class="i0">E par consence des Mansels,</div> -<div class="i0">Helies el Mans s’embati,</div> -<div class="i0">E cil del Mans l’unt recoilli.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">Helias however was not a new lord, a fact which Wace’s confused order -puts out of sight. On the somewhat different tone of the Biographer of -the Bishops, see <a href="#Note_KK">Appendix KK</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_680" id="footnote_680"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_680"><span class="muchsmaller">[680]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> “Municipes qui munimenta regis servabant omnibus -necessariis pleniter abundabant, et idcirco usque ad mortem pro domini -sui fidelitate prœliari satagebant.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_681" id="footnote_681"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_681"><span class="muchsmaller">[681]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 266.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_682" id="footnote_682"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_682"><span class="muchsmaller">[682]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 774 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Galterius Ansgerii filius custos arcis jussit fabris -quos secum habebat operari, scoriam quoque candentem super tecta -domorum a balistariis impetuose jactari. Tunc rutilus Titan sublimes -Geminos peragrabat, et ingenti siccitate mundus arebat, flammeusque -turbo imbricibus aularum insidebat. Sic nimius ignis accensus est, quo -nimium prævalente tota civitas combusta est.” Vet. An. 307. “Illi qui -erant in arce, facto vespere ignem maximum incendentes, in subjectas -domos ardentes faculas summa instantia jactare cœperunt. Ignis vero -flante Euro convalescens totam civitatem cum magna parte suburbiorum consumpsit.”</span> -For Bishop Hildebert’s view of the matter, see <a href="#Note_KK">Appendix KK</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_683" id="footnote_683"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_683"><span class="muchsmaller">[683]</span></a> - Vet. An. 307. “Quo incendio populus stupefactus atque in mœstitiam -conversus non satis fidum comiti præstabat auxilium.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_684" id="footnote_684"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_684"><span class="muchsmaller">[684]</span></a> - The work of destruction which has been done in modern times at -Paris and Rouen seems a trifle compared to the merciless havoc wrought at -Le Mans. It amounts almost to a physical destruction of the city. The -hill has been cut through to make a road from the modern part of the -town to the river. This has involved breaking through the Roman walls, -cutting through the <em>Vielle Rome</em> and the other ancient streets, sweeping -away the finest of the Romanesque houses, dividing in short the hill and -the ancient city into two parts severed by a yawning gap. The mediæval -wall has further been broken down and made into a picturesque ruin. -When I was first at Le Mans in 1868, the city was still untouched; in -1876 the havoc was doing; by 1879 it was done. Some conceited mayor -or prefect doubtless looks on all this brutal destruction as a noble exploit.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_685" id="footnote_685"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_685"><span class="muchsmaller">[685]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 267.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_686" id="footnote_686"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_686"><span class="muchsmaller">[686]</span></a> - Vet. An. 307. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Comes contra munitiones machinas atque tormenta -ad jactandos lapides erigens, eos qui intus erant summo conamine expugnare -nitebatur. At illi contra machinas ejus machinas facientes, -omnia ejus molimina frustrabant.”</span> <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 774 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Helias et sui -frustra machinis et assultibus valde laboraverunt; sed contra inexpugnabiles -munitiones nihil prævaluerunt.”</span> So Wace, 14898;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li Mans li unt abandoné,</div> -<div class="i0">Tot, forz la tor de la cité.</div> -<div class="i0">La tor se tint, Mansels l’asistrent,</div> -<div class="i0">Tot environ li borc porpristrent.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_687" id="footnote_687"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_687"><span class="muchsmaller">[687]</span></a> <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 774 D. “Rodbertus Belesmensis Balaonem munivit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_688" id="footnote_688"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_688"><span class="muchsmaller">[688]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 774 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cursorem suum Amalchisum confestim ad regem -in Angliam direxit.”</span> We do not get the name anywhere else. Wace (14902) -well brings out the opposition of “Normanz” and “Mansels;”</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Normanz ki la tor desfendirent</div> -<div class="i0">Quant la force des Mancels virent,</div> -<div class="i0">En Engleterre unt envéié,</div> -<div class="i0">De secors unt li reis préié,</div> -<div class="i0">L’adventure li unt mandée,</div> -<div class="i0">E des Mansels la trestornée.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_689" id="footnote_689"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_689"><span class="muchsmaller">[689]</span></a> See <a href="#Note_PP">Appendix PP</a>. It is <em>Normant</em> and <em>Mansels</em> in the new edition of -Andresen, 9803.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_690" id="footnote_690"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_690"><span class="muchsmaller">[690]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_PP">Appendix PP</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_691" id="footnote_691"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_691"><span class="muchsmaller">[691]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 A. “Ibi, ut moris est in æstate, plures utriusque -ordinis adstabant, et visa rate de Anglia velificante, ut aliquid novi -ediscerent, alacres exspectabant.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_692" id="footnote_692"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_692"><span class="muchsmaller">[692]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In primis de rege sciscitantibus ipse certus de se adfuit nuntius.”</span> -So in Greek, <span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="autys angelos">αὐτὐς ἄγγελος</span>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_693" id="footnote_693"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_693"><span class="muchsmaller">[693]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> B. “Et quia ex insperato respondit ridens, percunctantibus -admiratio exorta est, mox et lætitia omnibus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_694" id="footnote_694"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_694"><span class="muchsmaller">[694]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Deinde cujusdam presbyteri equa vectus, cum magno cœtu -clericorum et rusticorum qui pedites eum cum ingenti plausu conducebant, -Bonamvillam expetiit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_695" id="footnote_695"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_695"><span class="muchsmaller">[695]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three pages">N. C. vol. iii. pp.</abbr> 241, 696. As commonly happens with so-called -local tradition, a tower not earlier than the thirteenth century is -shown as the place of Harold’s lodging, while in another tower the wide -splay of a narrow window is shown as the strait prison-house of Robert -of Bellême.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_696" id="footnote_696"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_696"><span class="muchsmaller">[696]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 B. “Tandem directis legationibus ingentem exercitum in -brevi aggregavit, et hostilem provinciam depopulatum festinavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_697" id="footnote_697"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_697"><span class="muchsmaller">[697]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Agmen hostium cum Helia duce suo, statim ut regem citra -fretum venisse comperit, absque procrastinatione fugiens invasam urbem -multo pejorem quam invenerat deseruit.”</span> The turn in the Biographer -(Vet. An. 307) is somewhat different; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cernens quia nihil proficeret, et quod -ejus paulatim dilaberetur exercitus, regisque timore perterritus, qui cum -maximo exercitu suis properabat succurrere, propriæ saluti consulens, -relicta obsidione repente a civitate discessit.”</span> In Orderic Helias might -be thought to be carried away by the flight of his followers; in the -Biographer he almost seems to forsake them.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_698" id="footnote_698"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_698"><span class="muchsmaller">[698]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 C. “Tunc Helias cum ingenti militia castro Ligeri morabatur, -seseque ad meliora tempora reservans, exitum rei præstolabatur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_699" id="footnote_699"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_699"><span class="muchsmaller">[699]</span></a> - Vet. An. 307. “Quo comperto, quatenus timor simul ac stupor animos -civium invaserit, et quanta populi multitudo cum mulieribus et parvulis -relictis omnibus quæ habebant eum secuta sit … miserum est audire.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_700" id="footnote_700"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_700"><span class="muchsmaller">[700]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Animosus rex, hostium audito recessu, pedetentim -eos sectatus est, et Cænomannis nec una nocte eum hospitari dignatus est. -Verum concrematam urbem pertransiens vidit, et ultra pontem Egueniæ in -<em>epitimio</em> spatioso tentoria figi præcepit.”</span> This strange word “epitimium” -must be the same as that which he uses in 659 B, where the site of the -great battle is placed <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in <em>epitumo</em> Senlac.”</span> I there took it to mean a hill, -and I gave Orderic credit for knowing that Senlac was a hill; but I fear -that I must withdraw that praise, as here the word can only mean a plain. -See Ducange in Epitumum. It must be from this word that some local -blunderer first drew the notion, which I have seen repeated since I wrote -my third volume, that Senlac was once called <em>Epiton</em>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_701" id="footnote_701"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_701"><span class="muchsmaller">[701]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> This was done, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ne malivoli prædones … <em>domata</em> ubi ad capessendam -quietem strata sibi coaptarent.”</span> Orderic adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“sic profecto Valles et -Ostilliacum consumpta sunt, aliaque quamplurima oppida et rura penitus -pessumdata sunt.”</span> Helias, after all, was not Harold.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_702" id="footnote_702"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_702"><span class="muchsmaller">[702]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 B. “Robertus de Monteforti princeps militiæ cum quingentis -militibus agmina præcessit, incendium castri de Vallibus extinxit, -munitionemque ad opus regis confirmavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_703" id="footnote_703"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_703"><span class="muchsmaller">[703]</span></a> - On the site of Mayet, and the versions of the siege, see <a href="#Note_QQ">Appendix QQ</a>. -Wace brings it in thus; I quote the text of Andresen, 9929 (15026 of -Pluchet);</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li quens Helies s’en parti,</div> -<div class="i0">Al chastel del Leir reverti.</div> -<div class="i0">Donc ueissiez guerre esmoueir</div> -<div class="i0">Del Mans e del chastel del Leir</div> -<div class="i0">E de Maiet, un chastelet,</div> -<div class="i0">Ou Mansel orent pris recet.</div> -<div class="i0">Tresqu’al borc que l’endit la Fesse</div> -<div class="i0">Fu la guerre forte e espesse.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_704" id="footnote_704"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_704"><span class="muchsmaller">[704]</span></a> <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 C. “Feria <abbr title="6">vi.</abbr> rex Maiatum obsedit, et in crastinum -expugnare castrum exercitui jussit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_705" id="footnote_705"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_705"><span class="muchsmaller">[705]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Sabbato, dum bellatores certatim armarentur, et acrem assultum -castrensibus dare molirentur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_706" id="footnote_706"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_706"><span class="muchsmaller">[706]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 243.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_707" id="footnote_707"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_707"><span class="muchsmaller">[707]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 C. “Rex consultu sapientum [mid his witena geþeaht] -Deo gloriam dedit, et pro reverentia Dominicæ sepulturæ et resurrectionis -hostibus pepercit, eisque trevias usque in Lunæ diem annuit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_708" id="footnote_708"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_708"><span class="muchsmaller">[708]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Erant viri constantes dominoque suo fideles, ideoque pertinaciter -pro illo usque ad mortem pugnaces, et exemplo probabilis probitatis -prædicabiles.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_709" id="footnote_709"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_709"><span class="muchsmaller">[709]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 C. “Interea ipsi castrum interius toto annisu munierunt, -et in assultum virgeas crates ictibus missilium lapidumque opposuerunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_710" id="footnote_710"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_710"><span class="muchsmaller">[710]</span></a> - Wace, 15038;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Maiet ert bien clos de fossé</div> -<div class="i0">Tot environ parfont è lé;</div> -<div class="i0">Li reis ros por mielx assaillir</div> -<div class="i0">Volt li fossé d’atrait emplir.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">Robert of Bellême then counsels him;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Cil dist el rei k’atrait falleit,</div> -<div class="i0">E ke attait querre estueit,</div> -<div class="i0">Jà li chastel nel cunquerreit,</div> -<div class="i0">Se li fossé d’atrait n’empleit.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">The King gives his orders;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“E li reis li dist, en gabant,</div> -<div class="i0">Ke à chescun chevalier mant</div> -<div class="i0">Roncin, mule, ou palefrei,</div> -<div class="i0">Ne pot aveir altre charrei,</div> -<div class="i0">Trestuit quant k’il porra baillier,</div> -<div class="i0">E fossé fasse tresbuchier.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_711" id="footnote_711"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_711"><span class="muchsmaller">[711]</span></a> <abbr title="Ibid">Ib.</abbr></p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Robert s’en torna sorriant,</div> -<div class="i0">Et à plusors de l’ost gabant</div> -<div class="i0">Ke li reis aveit comandé</div> -<div class="i0">Ke l’en getast tot el fossé,</div> -<div class="i0">Kank’as servanz veindreit as mains,</div> -<div class="i0">Tuit li chevals è li vilains.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_712" id="footnote_712"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_712"><span class="muchsmaller">[712]</span></a> Froissart, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 152. <abbr title="edition">ed.</abbr> 1559. “Quand le roy de France veit les Génevois -retourner, il dit, Or tost tuez ceste ribaudaille; car ils nous empescheront -la voye sans raison.” Compare also the language of Bayard about the -German <em>roturiers</em> quoted in <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 173.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_713" id="footnote_713"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_713"><span class="muchsmaller">[713]</span></a> - Wace, 15066;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Par tels semblanz è par tels diz</div> -<div class="i0">Fu li pople tot estormiz.</div> -<div class="i0">Del siège s’en torment fuiant,</div> -<div class="i0">E plusors vunt par gap criant:</div> -<div class="i0">Filz a putains, fuiez, fuiez,</div> -<div class="i0">Toz estes morz s’un poi targiez;</div> -<div class="i0">Se ci poez estre entrepris,</div> -<div class="i0">Jà sereiz tut el fossé mis.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_714" id="footnote_714"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_714"><span class="muchsmaller">[714]</span></a> <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum forinseci pugnatores admodum insudarent, ut -ingenti strue lignorum cingentem fossam implerent, viamque sibi usque -ad palum pluribus sustentamentis magnopere substratis publice præpararent, -oppidani <em>flascas prunis ardentibus plenas</em> desuper demittebant, et congestiones -rerum quæ ad sui damnum accumulatæ fuerant, adminiculante -sibi æstivo <em>caumate</em> prorsus concremabant.”</span> What was the exact form of -the “flascæ”?</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_715" id="footnote_715"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_715"><span class="muchsmaller">[715]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 D. “Hujusmodi conflictu feria ii. mutuo vexabantur, et -hæc videns rex nimis anxiabatur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_716" id="footnote_716"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_716"><span class="muchsmaller">[716]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Porro dum ira et dolore torqueretur quod omnes ibidem conatus -illius cassarentur, quidam ad illum de sublimi zeta lapidem projecit, nutu -Dei non illum sed adstantis athletæ caput immaniter percussit, et ossa -cerebro non parcente ictu commiscuit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_717" id="footnote_717"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_717"><span class="muchsmaller">[717]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Illo itaque coram rege miserabiliter occumbente, subsannatio -castrensium continuo facta est, cum alto et horribili clamore: ‘Ecce rex -modo recentes habet carnes; deferantur ad coquinam, ut ei exhibeantur -ad cœnam.’”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_718" id="footnote_718"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_718"><span class="muchsmaller">[718]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 776 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Prudentes enim consiliarii provide considerabant quod -in munitione validissima magnanimi pugiles resistebant, munitique firmis -conclavibus contra detectos multiplicibus modis facile prævalebant.”</span> This -argument, one would think, might have been brought against every military -undertaking of the time.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_719" id="footnote_719"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_719"><span class="muchsmaller">[719]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 776 A. “Alio ulciscendi genere inimicus puniret, et sic suæ -genti sospitatem et hostium dejectionem callide procuraret.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_720" id="footnote_720"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_720"><span class="muchsmaller">[720]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Mane celeres surrexerunt, ac diversis ad desolationem hostilis -patriæ ferramentis usi sunt. Vineas enim exstirpaverunt, fructiferas arbores -succiderunt, macerias et parietes dejecerunt, totamque regionem, quæ -uberrima erat, igne et ferro desolaverunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_721" id="footnote_721"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_721"><span class="muchsmaller">[721]</span></a> - Vet. An. 307. “Hi qui in civitate remanserant quam crudeliter et -quam inhumane ab hostibus sint oppressi, et miserum est audire et nimis -tædiosæ prolixitatis exponere.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_722" id="footnote_722"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_722"><span class="muchsmaller">[722]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 776 A. “Rex Cenomannis triumphans accessit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_723" id="footnote_723"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_723"><span class="muchsmaller">[723]</span></a> - Vet. An. 307. “Nisi regis liberalitas prædonum sævientium rapacitatem -compesceret, diebus illis pro certo civitas nostra ad extremum -pervenisset excidium.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_724" id="footnote_724"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_724"><span class="muchsmaller">[724]</span></a> - This appears from the account of Hildebert’s troubles somewhat later -(Vet. An. 309); first among which comes <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“clericorum quos violentia regis -ab urbe eliminaverat dispersio mœstissima.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_725" id="footnote_725"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_725"><span class="muchsmaller">[725]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 776 A. “Multarum tribubus provinciarum licentiam remeandi -ad sua donavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_726" id="footnote_726"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_726"><span class="muchsmaller">[726]</span></a> - Vet. An. 307. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Denique rex civitate pro suo potitus arbitrio, et -positis in ea custodiis, iterum in Angliam reversus est.”</span> Our own -Chronicler (1099) sums up the whole campaign; “And sona þæræfter -[after Pentecost] ofer sǽ fór, and þone eorl Elias of þære Manige adraf, -and bi syððan on his gewealde gesætte, and swa to Sc̃e Michaeles mæssan -aft hider to lande com.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_727" id="footnote_727"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_727"><span class="muchsmaller">[727]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_234"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 234.</a></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_728" id="footnote_728"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_728"><span class="muchsmaller">[728]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 775 B. “Ildebertus pontifex in Normannia regem humiliter -aggressus est, et ab eo ut familiaris amicus benigniter susceptus est. Non -enim consilio neque præsentia sui prædictis perturbationibus interfuerat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_729" id="footnote_729"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_729"><span class="muchsmaller">[729]</span></a> - An. Vet. 308. “Quidam ex clericis a principio promotioni præsulis -invidentes, et dolos tota die contra eum meditantes, illum apud regem -graviter accusabant, nuntiantes eum conscium fuisse proditionis quando -Helias comes <em>consentientibus civibus</em> civitatem occupavit et milites regis -in munitionibus obsedit. Unde eum rex suspectum habens, et contra eum -semper occasiones quærens, instanter atque pertinaciter ab eo exigebat -ut aut turres ecclesiæ, <em>unde sibi damnum illatum fuisse querebatur</em>, dirui -præciperet, aut post ipsum remota omni occasione in Angliam transfretaret.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_730" id="footnote_730"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_730"><span class="muchsmaller">[730]</span></a> - Ann. Vet. 308. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Qui licet invitus, regis tamen urgente imperio, vellet -nollet, maris pericula subire coactus est.”</span> He is himself (Duchèsne, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 248) -specially eloquent on this head; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quia turres ecclesiæ nostræ dejicere -nolumus, transmarinis subjiciendi judiciis, coacti sumus injurias pelagi -sustinere, singularem scilicet molestiam itineris atque <em>unicam totius humanæ -compaginis dissolutionem</em>.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_731" id="footnote_731"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_731"><span class="muchsmaller">[731]</span></a> - Vet. An. 308. “Ibique eum rex iterum stimulantibus æmulis de -turrium destructione cœpit vehementer urgere, eique ob hanc causam intolerabilem -inferre molestiam.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_732" id="footnote_732"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_732"><span class="muchsmaller">[732]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Obtulit pontifici maximum pondus auri et argenti, unde sepulcrum -beati Juliani honorifice, immo ad ignominiam sempiternam, fieri potuisset. -Nam talis instabat conditio ut statim turres ecclesiæ delerentur.”</span> He calls -this a <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pactio toxicata.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_733" id="footnote_733"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_733"><span class="muchsmaller">[733]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nos caremus in partibus nostris artificibus qui tantum opus -congrue noverint operari; exhinc regiæ congruit dispositioni tam diligens -opera et impensa, in cujus regno et mirabiles refulgent artifices et mirabilem -operantur cælaturam.”</span> See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 41, 85, 86, 93.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_734" id="footnote_734"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_734"><span class="muchsmaller">[734]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Detulit plane duo pretiosa cimbala, et optimam cappam de -pallio et duas pelves argenteas cum aliis ornamentis.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_735" id="footnote_735"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_735"><span class="muchsmaller">[735]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_RR">Appendix RR</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_736" id="footnote_736"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_736"><span class="muchsmaller">[736]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_RR">Appendix RR</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_737" id="footnote_737"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_737"><span class="muchsmaller">[737]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 566.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_738" id="footnote_738"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_738"><span class="muchsmaller">[738]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 622.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_739" id="footnote_739"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_739"><span class="muchsmaller">[739]</span></a> - The true text of the Annales Cambriæ, 1099, is clearly that which the -editor thrusts into a note; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cadugaun filius Bledin de Hibernia rediens, -pacificatus est cum Francis et partem regni sui accepit. Lewelin filius -Cadugaun ab hominibus de Brecheiniauc occiditur. Grifud filius Kenan -Moniam obsedit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote">The Brut might imply a peaceful settlement of Gruffydd.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_740" id="footnote_740"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_740"><span class="muchsmaller">[740]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales Cambriae">Ann. Camb.</abbr> 1099.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_741" id="footnote_741"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_741"><span class="muchsmaller">[741]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_146"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 146</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_742" id="footnote_742"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_742"><span class="muchsmaller">[742]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1099. “Ðises geares eac on Sc̃e Martines Mæssedæg, -asprang up to þan swiðe sæ flod, and swa mycel to hearme gedyde swa nan -man ne gemunet, þæt hit æfre æror dyde and wæs þæs ylcan dæges luna -prima.” This is translated in the Roman annals in Liebermann, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 47.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_743" id="footnote_743"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_743"><span class="muchsmaller">[743]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1099. “And Osmund biscop of Searbyrig innon aduent -forðferde.” Florence gives the exact date, December 3.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_744" id="footnote_744"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_744"><span class="muchsmaller">[744]</span></a> - There is nothing special to note as to the authorities for this chapter. -Our main story still comes from the same sources from which it has long -come. Possibly the importance of Orderic, long growing, grows yet greater -at the very end of our tale. And we still make a certain use of Wace. -The story of the death of William Rufus is one of those in which it -is desirable to look in all manner of quarters to which we should not commonly -think of turning, not so much in search of facts, as to see how such -a story impressed men’s minds, and what forms it took in various hands.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_745" id="footnote_745"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_745"><span class="muchsmaller">[745]</span></a> - See the entry in the Chronicle, 1087.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_746" id="footnote_746"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_746"><span class="muchsmaller">[746]</span></a> - See Plutarch, Periklês, 8.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_747" id="footnote_747"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_747"><span class="muchsmaller">[747]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 161.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_748" id="footnote_748"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_748"><span class="muchsmaller">[748]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 781 D. We shall come to this again.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_749" id="footnote_749"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_749"><span class="muchsmaller">[749]</span></a> - <abbr title="Annales">Ann.</abbr> Burton, 1100.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_750" id="footnote_750"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_750"><span class="muchsmaller">[750]</span></a> - The three assemblies are recorded in the Chronicle in a marked way; -“On þison geare se cyng W. heold his hired to Xp̃es mæssa on Gleaweceastre, -and to Eastron on Winceastre, and to Pentecosten on Westmynstre.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_751" id="footnote_751"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_751"><span class="muchsmaller">[751]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 623.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_752" id="footnote_752"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_752"><span class="muchsmaller">[752]</span></a> - The portrait of Sibyl is drawn by William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 389, -where she appears as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Filia Willelmi de Conversana, quam rediens in -Apuliam duxerat, cujus elegantissimæ speciei prodigium vix ullius disertitudinis -explicabit conatus.”</span> So Orderic, 780 A; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hæc nimirum bonis -moribus floruit, et multis honestatibus compta, his qui noverant illam -amabilis extitit.”</span> The continuator of William of Jumièges (<abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 14) goes -further; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fuit vero prædicta comitissa pulcra facie, honesta moribus, -sapientia præclara, et aliquando absente duce ipsa melius per se negotia -provinciæ, tam privata quam publica, disponebat, quam ipse faceret si -adesset.”</span> Wace (15422) calls her Sebire, and speaks only of her personal -beauty. She was the mother of William Clito who plays so conspicuous -a part in Henry’s reign. According to William of Malmesbury she died -at his birth in 1103, but Orderic (810 A) tells a strange story how she -was poisoned by Agnes the widow of the old Earl Walter Giffard, who -hoped to marry the Duke. The more general statement in the continuation -of William of Jumièges is to the same effect.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_753" id="footnote_753"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_753"><span class="muchsmaller">[753]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury, four">Will. Malms, iv.</abbr> 389. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pecuniam infinitam, quam ei socer dotis -nomine annumeraverat, ut ejus commercio Normanniam exueret vadimonio, -ita dilapidavit ut pauculis diebus nec nummus superesset.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_754" id="footnote_754"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_754"><span class="muchsmaller">[754]</span></a> - All these stories are told by William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 439.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_755" id="footnote_755"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_755"><span class="muchsmaller">[755]</span></a> - Orderic (780 B) allows only thirty thousand. In William of Malmesbury -(<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 349, 383) they have grown into sixty thousand. Figures of this -kind, whether greater or smaller, are always multiples of one another.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_756" id="footnote_756"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_756"><span class="muchsmaller">[756]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 780 B. “Is nimirum decrevit Guillelmo Ruffo, regi -Anglorum, Aquitaniæ ducatum, totamque terram suam invadiare, censumque -copiosum abundanter ab illius ærario haurire, unde nobiliter expleret -iter, quod cupiebat inire. Eloquentes itaque legatos ad regem direxit -eique quod mente volvebat per eosdem insinuavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_757" id="footnote_757"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_757"><span class="muchsmaller">[757]</span></a> - Orderic (780 C) describes the ambition of the “pomposus sceptriger” -whose yearning for dominion was like the thirst of a dropsical man, and then -tells us, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Maximam jussit classem præparari, et ingentem equitatum de -Anglia secum comitari, ut pelago transfretato, in armis ceu leo supra -prædam præsto consisteret, fratrem ab introitu Neustriæ bello abigeret. -Aquitaniæ ducatum pluribus argenti massis emeret, et, obstantibus sibi -bello subactis, usque ad Garumnam fluvium <em>imperii sui</em> fines dilataret.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_758" id="footnote_758"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_758"><span class="muchsmaller">[758]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 539.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_759" id="footnote_759"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_759"><span class="muchsmaller">[759]</span></a> - I have quoted the passages in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 99.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_760" id="footnote_760"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_760"><span class="muchsmaller">[760]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 640.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_761" id="footnote_761"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_761"><span class="muchsmaller">[761]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 609, 650, 843.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_762" id="footnote_762"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_762"><span class="muchsmaller">[762]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 843. Orderic’s account (780 C) is; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tunc circa -rogationes lugubris eventus in Nova-foresta contigit. Dum regii milites -venatu exercerentur, et damulas vel cervos catapultis sauciare molirentur, -quidam miles sagittam, ut agrestem feram vulneraret, emisit, egregiumque -juvenem Ricardum Rodberti ducis filium casu percussit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_763" id="footnote_763"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_763"><span class="muchsmaller">[763]</span></a> - Orderic goes on to say, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eques, infortunio gravi territus, ad sanctum -Pancratium statim confugit, ibique mox monachus factus genuinam -ultionem ita evasit.” “Sanctus Pancratius”</span> means Lewes, the foundation -of William of Warren.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_764" id="footnote_764"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_764"><span class="muchsmaller">[764]</span></a> - So says Orderic, <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_765" id="footnote_765"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_765"><span class="muchsmaller">[765]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_5"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 5</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_766" id="footnote_766"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_766"><span class="muchsmaller">[766]</span></a> - Florence (1100) gives a long list of wonders. Among others, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Multis -Normannis diabolus in horribili specie se frequenter in silvis ostendens, -plura cum eis de rege et Rannulfo et quibusdam aliis locutus est.”</span> Orderic -(781 B) does not draw this national distinction, and speaks of visions in -holier places; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Mense Julio (1100), dum regia classis regalis pompæ -apparatu instrueretur, et ipse pervicaciter, immensa pretiosi metalli pondera -undecunque congerens, prope fretum præstolaretur, horrendæ visiones -de rege in cœnobiis et episcopiis ab utrisque ordinibus visæ sunt, unde in -populis publicæ collocutiones in foris et cœmeteriis passim divulgatæ sunt, -ipsum quoque regem minime latuerunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_767" id="footnote_767"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_767"><span class="muchsmaller">[767]</span></a> - See that strangest of all stories which I have referred to in -<a href="#Note_G">Appendix G</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_768" id="footnote_768"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_768"><span class="muchsmaller">[768]</span></a> - The consecration and the bishops who had a hand in it are recorded -by Florence, 1100. But he does not mention the other Gloucester stories; -these come from Orderic, who does not mention the consecration. The -two accounts thus fit in to one another. We see why the monks of Gloucester -should be in a special fit of exalted devotion.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_769" id="footnote_769"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_769"><span class="muchsmaller">[769]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 781 B, C. The dreamer was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quidam monachus bonæ famæ, -sed melioris vitæ.”</span> He at last understands <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“sanctæ virginis et matris -ecclesiæ clamores pervenisse ad aures Domini, pro rapinis et turpibus -mœchiis, aliorumque facinorum sarcina intolerabili, quibus rex et pedissequi -ejus non desistunt divinam legem quotidie transgredi.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_770" id="footnote_770"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_770"><span class="muchsmaller">[770]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“His auditis, venerandus Serlo abbas commonitorios apices edidit, -et amicabiliter de Gloucestra regi direxit, in quibus illa quæ monachus -in visu didicerat luculenter inseruit.”</span> This letter of Serlo’s will appear -under various shapes.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_771" id="footnote_771"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_771"><span class="muchsmaller">[771]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> C, D.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_772" id="footnote_772"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_772"><span class="muchsmaller">[772]</span></a> - “Fulcheredus, Sagiensis fervens monachus, Scrobesburiensis archimandrita -primus, in divinis tractatibus explanator profluus, de grege -seniorum electus, in pulpitum ascendit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_773" id="footnote_773"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_773"><span class="muchsmaller">[773]</span></a> - “Quasi prophetico spiritu plenus, inter cætera constanter vaticinatus -dixit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_774" id="footnote_774"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_774"><span class="muchsmaller">[774]</span></a> - “Effrenis enim superbia ubique volitat, et omnia, si dici fas est, etiam -stellas cæli conculcat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_775" id="footnote_775"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_775"><span class="muchsmaller">[775]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_310"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 310</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_776" id="footnote_776"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_776"><span class="muchsmaller">[776]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ecce arcus superni furoris contra reprobos intensus est, et sagitta -velox ad vulnerandum de pharetra extracta est. Repente jam feriet, -seseque corrigendo sapiens omnis ictum declinet.”</span> I tell the tale as I -find it; it is easy to guess that the Abbot’s preaching put it into some -one’s head to shoot the King; it is equally easy to guess that the story of -the sermon is a legend suggested by the fact that the King was shot.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_777" id="footnote_777"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_777"><span class="muchsmaller">[777]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 498.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_778" id="footnote_778"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_778"><span class="muchsmaller">[778]</span></a> - On these various stories of the death of Rufus and of the warnings -which went before it, see <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_779" id="footnote_779"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_779"><span class="muchsmaller">[779]</span></a> - See N. C. <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 276.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_780" id="footnote_780"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_780"><span class="muchsmaller">[780]</span></a> - As to the New Forest all accounts agree. I get Brockenhurst as the -immediate spot from Geoffrey Gaimar, Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 51;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li rois estoit alé chacer</div> -<div class="i0">Vers Bukerst od li archer:</div> -<div class="i0">C’est en la Noeve-Forest</div> -<div class="i0">Un liu qi ad non Brokeherst.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">For <em>Bukerst</em> in the second line another <abbr title="manuscript">MS.</abbr> has <em>Brokehest</em>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_781" id="footnote_781"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_781"><span class="muchsmaller">[781]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_45"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 45</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_782" id="footnote_782"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_782"><span class="muchsmaller">[782]</span></a> - See below, <a href="#Page_345"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 345</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_783" id="footnote_783"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_783"><span class="muchsmaller">[783]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_784" id="footnote_784"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_784"><span class="muchsmaller">[784]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 380.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_785" id="footnote_785"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_785"><span class="muchsmaller">[785]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_786" id="footnote_786"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_786"><span class="muchsmaller">[786]</span></a> - Geoffrey Gaimar (Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 52);</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Ensemble vout amdiu parlant,</div> -<div class="i0">De meinte chose esbanoiant,</div> -<div class="i0">Tant qe Wauter prist à gaber</div> -<div class="i0">Et par engin au roi parler;</div> -<div class="i0">Demanda lui en riant</div> -<div class="i0">A quei il sojournoit tant.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_787" id="footnote_787"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_787"><span class="muchsmaller">[787]</span></a> Geoffrey Gaimar, <abbr title="Chroniques Anglo-Normandes one">Chron. Anglo-Norm. i.</abbr> 52;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0">“Breton, Mansel et Angevin.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_788" id="footnote_788"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_788"><span class="muchsmaller">[788]</span></a> See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 411.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_789" id="footnote_789"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_789"><span class="muchsmaller">[789]</span></a> - Geoffrey Gaimar, <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr>;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Cil de <em>Boloine</em> te tienent roi.</div> -<div class="i0">Eustace, cil de Boloigne,</div> -<div class="i0">Poez mener en ta besoigne.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">Another manuscript reads,</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Cil de <em>Burgoine</em> te unt pur roi.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_790" id="footnote_790"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_790"><span class="muchsmaller">[790]</span></a> <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr></p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“D’ici q’as monz merrai ma guet,</div> -<div class="i0">En occident puis m’en irrai,</div> -<div class="i0">A Peiters ma feste tendrai.</div> -<div class="i0">Si jo tant vif, mon fié i serra.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_791" id="footnote_791"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_791"><span class="muchsmaller">[791]</span></a> Geoffrey Gaimar, Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 52;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“De male mort pussent morir</div> -<div class="i0">Li Burgoinon et li François,</div> -<div class="i0">Si souzget soient as Englois!”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"><abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> the use of the word <em>English</em> in Orderic and Suger which I have commented -on in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 835.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_792" id="footnote_792"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_792"><span class="muchsmaller">[792]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury four">Will. Malms. iv.</abbr> 333. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tanta vis erat animi, ut quodlibet sibi regnum -promittere auderet. Denique ante proximam diem mortis interrogatus -ubi festum suum in natali teneret, respondit Pictavis, quod comes Pictavensis, -Jerosolymam ire gestiens, ei terram suam pro pecunia invadaturus -dicebatur.”</span> See above, <a href="#Page_313"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 313</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_793" id="footnote_793"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_793"><span class="muchsmaller">[793]</span></a> - Geoffrey Gaimar, <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr>;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li rois par <em>gab</em> li avoit dit;</div> -<div class="i0">Et cil come fel le requit</div> -<div class="i0">En son queor tint la félonie,</div> -<div class="i0">Purpensa soi d’une estoutie:</div> -<div class="i0">S’il jà lui veeir porreit,</div> -<div class="i0">Tut autrement le plait irroit.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_794" id="footnote_794"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_794"><span class="muchsmaller">[794]</span></a> <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1100. “And þæræfter on morgen æfter Hlammæsse -dæge wearð se cyng Willelm on huntnoðe fram his anan men mid anre fla -ofsceoten and syððan to Winceastre gebroht, and on þam biscoprice -bebyrged.” The <em>bishopric</em> of course means the Old Minster, the <em>episcopium</em>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_795" id="footnote_795"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_795"><span class="muchsmaller">[795]</span></a> - “Radulphus de Aquis,” says Giraldus, <abbr title="De instructione principum">De Inst. Princ.</abbr> 176. See -below, <a href="#Page_335"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 335</a>. We are not told which of all the places called Aquæ -is meant.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_796" id="footnote_796"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_796"><span class="muchsmaller">[796]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_797" id="footnote_797"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_797"><span class="muchsmaller">[797]</span></a> - On the different versions of the death of Rufus, see <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_798" id="footnote_798"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_798"><span class="muchsmaller">[798]</span></a> - William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 333) describes the process with some -pomp of words; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pridie quam excederet vita, vidit per quietem se phlebotomi -ictu sanguinem emittere, radium cruoris in cælum usque protentum -lucem obnubilare, diem interpolare.”</span> But the common word for being -bled is “minuere” (see Ducange in voc.), and the many monastic rules -which forbid the practice of bleeding except at stated times would seem -to imply that the process, if not liked in itself, was at least made use of -as an excuse for idleness.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_799" id="footnote_799"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_799"><span class="muchsmaller">[799]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Lumen inferri præcipit.”</span> This is a comment on the reform -of Henry (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393), <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Lucernarum usum noctibus in curia restituit, qui -fuerat tempore fratris intermissus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_800" id="footnote_800"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_800"><span class="muchsmaller">[800]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Quod ei a secretis erat.” Robert is also described as “vir magnatum -princeps.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_801" id="footnote_801"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_801"><span class="muchsmaller">[801]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Monachus est et causa nummorum monachaliter somniat; date -ei centum solidos.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_802" id="footnote_802"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_802"><span class="muchsmaller">[802]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Seriis negotiis cruditatem indomitæ mentis eructuans”</span> is the odd -phrase of William of Malmesbury.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_803" id="footnote_803"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_803"><span class="muchsmaller">[803]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury five">Will. Malms. v.</abbr> 333. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ferunt, ea die largiter epulatum, crebrioribus -quam consueverat poculis frontem serenasse.”</span> This phrase is almost equally -odd with the last.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_804" id="footnote_804"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_804"><span class="muchsmaller">[804]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 782 A. “Cum hilaris cum clientibus suis tripudiaret, -ocreasque suas calcearet, quidam faber illuc advenit, et sex catapultas -ei præsentavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_805" id="footnote_805"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_805"><span class="muchsmaller">[805]</span></a> - “Justum est, ut illi acutissimæ dentur sagittæ, qui lethiferos inde -noverit ictus infigere.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_806" id="footnote_806"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_806"><span class="muchsmaller">[806]</span></a> - “Abbatis sui litteras regi porrexit, <em>quibus auditis</em>, rex in cachinnum -resolutus est.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_807" id="footnote_807"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_807"><span class="muchsmaller">[807]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 782 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Gualteri, fac rectum de his quæ audisti. At ille: -Sic faciam, domine.”</span> I do not quite see what these words mean.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_808" id="footnote_808"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_808"><span class="muchsmaller">[808]</span></a> - “Ex simplicitate nimia, mihi tot negotiis occupato somnia stertentium -retulit, et per plura terrarum spatia scripto etiam inserta destinavit. Num -prosequi me ritum autumat Anglorum, qui pro sternutatione et somnio -vetularum dimittunt iter suum seu negotium?”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_809" id="footnote_809"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_809"><span class="muchsmaller">[809]</span></a> - He is brought in as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Henricus comes frater ejus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_810" id="footnote_810"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_810"><span class="muchsmaller">[810]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum rex et Gualterius de Pice cum paucis sodalibus in nemore constituti -essent,”</span> says Orderic; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Solus cum eo [Walterio] remanserat,”</span> says -William of Malmesbury.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_811" id="footnote_811"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_811"><span class="muchsmaller">[811]</span></a> - This is the version of Geoffrey Gaimar. See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_812" id="footnote_812"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_812"><span class="muchsmaller">[812]</span></a> - Thus the English took each a morsel of earth in their mouths before -the battle of Azincourt. See Lingard, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 498.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_813" id="footnote_813"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_813"><span class="muchsmaller">[813]</span></a> - This is the version of Benoît de Sainte More. See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_814" id="footnote_814"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_814"><span class="muchsmaller">[814]</span></a> - So William of Malmesbury. See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_815" id="footnote_815"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_815"><span class="muchsmaller">[815]</span></a> - So Orderic. See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_816" id="footnote_816"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_816"><span class="muchsmaller">[816]</span></a> - As in Benoît’s account. So Matthew Paris in the Historia Anglorum. -See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>. This seems to have become the most popular version.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_817" id="footnote_817"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_817"><span class="muchsmaller">[817]</span></a> - This is one of two accounts which reached Eadmer. <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 54. -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quæ sagitta, utrum, sicut quidam aiunt, jacta ipsum percusserit, an, -quod plures affirmant, illum pedibus offendentem superque ruentem -occiderit, disquirere otiosum putamus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_818" id="footnote_818"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_818"><span class="muchsmaller">[818]</span></a> - This tale, some of the details of which have become popular, is preserved -by Matthew Paris, and in a fuller form by Knighton. See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix -SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_819" id="footnote_819"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_819"><span class="muchsmaller">[819]</span></a> - This is from Giraldus Cambrensis. See <a href="#Note_SS">Appendix SS</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_820" id="footnote_820"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_820"><span class="muchsmaller">[820]</span></a> - This is the line taken by Florence. It is at this point that he -brings in his account of the making of the New Forest (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. -iv. p.</abbr> 841), and of the deaths of the two Richards in it. He then -adds; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In loco quo rex occubuit priscis temporibus ecclesia fuerat constructa, -sed patris sui tempore, ut prædiximus, erat diruta.”</span> Sir Francis -Palgrave naturally makes the most of this, and with fine effect; <abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 9, -680, 682.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_821" id="footnote_821"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_821"><span class="muchsmaller">[821]</span></a> - Orderic (782 D) says that they brought his body, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“veluti ferocem -aprum venabulis confossum.”</span> We get the same idea a little improved in -William of Newburgh (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 2), who says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quippe <em>in venatione sagitta -proprii militis</em> homo ferocissimus pro fera confossus interiit.”</span> (The -words in Italics must be a translation of the Chronicle.) The full -developement comes in Thomas Wykes (<abbr title="Annales monastici four">Ann. Mon. iv.</abbr> 13), who must -surely have had William of Newburgh before him. He, like Giraldus -and others (see above, <a href="#Page_322"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 322</a>), looked on Rufus as the maker of the New -Forest, if not as the inventor of forests in general. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex Willelmus -Angliæ, dictus Rufus, qui pro eo quod accipitrum et canum ludicris quasi -se totum dederat, totum fere regnum Angliæ in multorum perniciem et -omnium regnicolarum dispendium primus afforestavit, propellentibus eum -ad interitum peccatis suis, a quodam milite suo Waltero Tyrel, in Nova -Foresta, tanquam pro fera, confossus sagitta quadam, vulneratus interiit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_822" id="footnote_822"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_822"><span class="muchsmaller">[822]</span></a> - This is Geoffrey Gaimar’s story (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 55). See <a href="#Note_TT">Appendix TT</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_823" id="footnote_823"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_823"><span class="muchsmaller">[823]</span></a> -</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li filz Ricard erent cil dui,</div> -<div class="i0">Quens Gilebert e dan <em>Roger</em>,</div> -<div class="i0">Cil furent preisé chevaler.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">But <em>Roger</em> ought to be <em>Richard</em>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_824" id="footnote_824"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_824"><span class="muchsmaller">[824]</span></a> - This is from Orderic, whose story is essentially the same as that of -William of Malmesbury. See <a href="#Note_TT">Appendix TT</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_825" id="footnote_825"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_825"><span class="muchsmaller">[825]</span></a> - This is all brought out most plainly by Orderic; but the less distinct -words of William of Malmesbury and others in no sort contradict Orderic, -and in truth look the same way.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_826" id="footnote_826"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_826"><span class="muchsmaller">[826]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 599.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_827" id="footnote_827"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_827"><span class="muchsmaller">[827]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_TT">Appendix TT</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_828" id="footnote_828"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_828"><span class="muchsmaller">[828]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Vita Anslemi two">Vit. Ans. ii.</abbr> 6. 55. “Intulit idem venerabilis abbas sub testimonio -veritatis proxime præterita nocte eumdem regem ante thronum Dei -accusatum, judicatum, sententiamque damnationis in eum promulgatam.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_829" id="footnote_829"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_829"><span class="muchsmaller">[829]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 56. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Juvenis ornatu ac vultu non vilis” speaks to the clerk, -“qui prope ostium cameræ jacebat, et necdum dormiens, oculos tamen -ad somnum clausos tenebat.”</span> The message runs thus; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pro certo noveris -quia totum dissidium quod est inter archiepiscopum Anselmum et Willelmum -regem determinatum est atque sedatum.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_830" id="footnote_830"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_830"><span class="muchsmaller">[830]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Vita Anslemi two">Vit. Ans. ii.</abbr> 6. 56. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sequenti autem nocte inter matutinas -unus nostrum clausis oculis stabat et psallebat. Et ecce illi quidam chartulam -admodum parvam legendam exhibuit. Aspexit, et in ea, obiit rex -Willelmus, scriptum invenit. Confestim aperuit oculos, et nullum vidit -præter socios.”</span> None of these stories are found in the Historia Novorum, -but they are copied by Roger of Wendover, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 159.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_831" id="footnote_831"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_831"><span class="muchsmaller">[831]</span></a> - Matthew Paris, <abbr title="Historia Anglorum">Hist. Angl.</abbr> <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 71. “Eadem hora comes Cornubiæ in -silva ab illa qua hoc acciderat per duas dietas distante, dum venatum iret, -et solus casu a suis derelinqueretur sodalibus, obvium habuit unum magnum -pilosum et nigrum hircum ferentem unum regem nigrum et nudum, per -medium pectoris sauciatum.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_832" id="footnote_832"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_832"><span class="muchsmaller">[832]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Et adjuratus hircus per Deum trinum et unum, quid hoc esset, -respondit, Fero ad judicium suum regem vestrum, imo tyrannum, Willelmum -Rufum. Malignus enim spiritus sum, et ultor malitiæ suæ, qua -desævit in ecclesiam Christi; et hanc necem suam procuravi, imperante -prothomartire Angliæ beato Albano, qui conquestus est Domino quod in -insulam Britanniæ, cujus ipse fuit primus sacrator, supra modum grassaretur. -Comes igitur hæc statim sociis enarravit.”</span> Wonders, though -not quite so wonderful as this, reached Devonshire as well as Cornwall. -Walter Map (223) tells us, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eadem die Petro de Melvis, viro de partibus -Exoniæ, persona quædam vilis et fœda, telum ferens cruentum, cursitans -apparavit dicens, Hoc telum hodie regem vestrum perfodit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_833" id="footnote_833"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_833"><span class="muchsmaller">[833]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1100. “Swa þæt þæs dæges þe he gefeoll he heafde -on his agenre hand þæt arcebiscoprice on Cantwarbyrig, and þæt bisceoprice -on Winceastre, and þæt on Searbyrig, and <abbr title="11">xi.</abbr> abbotrices, ealle to gafle -gesette.” This is copied by various writers.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_834" id="footnote_834"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_834"><span class="muchsmaller">[834]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 279.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_835" id="footnote_835"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_835"><span class="muchsmaller">[835]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1100. “On þæne Þunresdæg he wæs ofslagen, and þæs -on morgen bebyrged. And syðþan he bebyrged wæs, þa witan þe þa neh -handa wæron his broðer Heanrig to cynge gecuran.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_836" id="footnote_836"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_836"><span class="muchsmaller">[836]</span></a> - This story, to which we have already referred (see above, <a href="#Page_321"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 321</a>), is told -by Wace, 15194 <abbr title="et sequentia">et seqq.</abbr> The words of the prophetess are;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Amis, dist-el, or sai, or sai,</div> -<div class="i0">Une novele te dirai;</div> -<div class="i0">Henris iert Reis hastivement,</div> -<div class="i0">Se mis augures ne ment;</div> -<div class="i0">Remembre tei de ço k’ai dit,</div> -<div class="i0">Ke cil iert Reis jusqu’à petit;</div> -<div class="i0">Se ço n’est veir ke jo te di,</div> -<div class="i0">Dire porras ke j’ai menti.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">Here again I can only tell the story as I find it in a writer whose -authority at this stage is not first-rate. It is easy to say (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume">N. C. vol.</abbr> v. -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 824) that it points to a known plot for the King’s murder. It is -equally easy to say that the story is a mere fable suggested by what -followed. In short, where there is no real evidence, it is easy to make -any guesses that we think good.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_837" id="footnote_837"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_837"><span class="muchsmaller">[837]</span></a> - Wace, 15194 <abbr title="sequentia">seqq.</abbr>;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Jà esteit près del boiz venuz,</div> -<div class="i0">Quant un hoem est del boiz issuz,</div> -<div class="i0">Poiz vindrent dui, poiz vindrent trei,</div> -<div class="i0">Poiz noef, poiz dis à grant desrei,</div> -<div class="i0">Ki li distrent la mort li rei.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">Wace’s way of piling up numbers reminds us of his arithmetic at the -assembly of Lillebonne. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 295.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_838" id="footnote_838"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_838"><span class="muchsmaller">[838]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr></p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Et il ala mult tost poignant</div> -<div class="i0">La à il sout la dolor grant,</div> -<div class="i0">Dunc crust li dols, dunc crust li plors,</div> -<div class="i0">E crust la noise è li dolors.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_839" id="footnote_839"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_839"><span class="muchsmaller">[839]</span></a> <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 782 C. “Henricus concito cursu ad arcem Guentoniæ, ubi -regalis thesaurus continebatur, festinavit, et claves ejus, ut genuinus hæres, -<em>imperiali</em> jussu ab excubitoribus exegit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_840" id="footnote_840"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_840"><span class="muchsmaller">[840]</span></a> - See the story in Plutarch, Cæsar, 25; Merivale, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 154.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_841" id="footnote_841"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_841"><span class="muchsmaller">[841]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Legaliter, inquit, reminisci fidei debemus, quam Rodberto -duci, germano tuo, promisimus. Ipse nimirum primogenitus est -Guillelmi regis filius, et ego et tu, domine mi Henrice, hominium illi -fecimus. Quapropter tam absenti quam præsenti fidelitas a nobis servanda -est in omnibus.” “Legaliter”</span> is of course to be construed “loyally.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_842" id="footnote_842"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_842"><span class="muchsmaller">[842]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 782 C. “Inter hæc aspera lis oriri cœpit, et ex omni parte -multitudo virorum illuc confluxit, atque præsentis hæredis qui suum jus -calumniabatur virtus crevit. Henricus manum ad capulum vivaciter -misit et gladium exemit, nec extraneum quemlibet per frivolam procrastinationem -patris sceptrum præoccupare permisit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote">Not only is all this graphically told; but every word is of political importance. -Whether the exact words which are put into the mouth of -William of Breteuil are his or Orderic’s, they clearly set forth the doctrines -which were creeping in. Orderic himself speaks for the English people, -as the English people doubtless did speak.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_843" id="footnote_843"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_843"><span class="muchsmaller">[843]</span></a> - Orderic and William of Malmesbury are the fullest on the election; -but it is distinctly marked everywhere. See <a href="#Note_UU">Appendix UU</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_844" id="footnote_844"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_844"><span class="muchsmaller">[844]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 486.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_845" id="footnote_845"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_845"><span class="muchsmaller">[845]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 529.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_846" id="footnote_846"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_846"><span class="muchsmaller">[846]</span></a> - The speed with which events happened is strongly marked by the -Chronicler. As soon as Henry is chosen, “he þærrihte þæt biscoprice on -Winceastre Willelme Giffarde geaf, and siþþan to Lundene for.” The -appointment is also recorded by Florence and Henry of Huntingdon. -William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 110) says, when speaking of a somewhat -later time, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Willelmus fuerat adhuc recenti potestate Henrici -violenter ad Wintoniensem episcopatum electus, nec electioni assentiens, -immo eligentes asperis convitiis et minis incessens.”</span> Henry of Huntingdon -(De Contemptu Mundi, 315) speaks of him as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“vir nobilissimus.”</span> Orderic -(783 C) marks his former office; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guillelmo cognomento Gifardo, qui defuncti -regis cancellarius fuerat, Guentanæ urbis cathedram commisit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_847" id="footnote_847"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_847"><span class="muchsmaller">[847]</span></a> - See the references in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 225.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_848" id="footnote_848"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_848"><span class="muchsmaller">[848]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury five">Will. Malms. v.</abbr> 393. “Hæc eo studiosius celebrabantur, ne mentes -procerum electionis quassarentur pœnitudine, quod ferebatur rumor Robertum -Normanniæ comitem ex Apulia adventantem jam jamque affore.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_849" id="footnote_849"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_849"><span class="muchsmaller">[849]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 783 B. “Henricus, cum Rodberto, comite de Mellento, -Lundoniam properavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_850" id="footnote_850"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_850"><span class="muchsmaller">[850]</span></a> - Maurice is mentioned as the consecrator by Orderic, 783 B, and by -the Chronicler. Orderic is wrong when he gives as a reason not -only that Anselm was absent, but that Thomas of York was dead. But -he was hard to get at, and as he died three months later, he may very -likely have been sick. On the alleged consecration by Thomas, see -<a href="#Note_UU">Appendix UU</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_851" id="footnote_851"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_851"><span class="muchsmaller">[851]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 16, and <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 561.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_852" id="footnote_852"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_852"><span class="muchsmaller">[852]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1100. “On þan Sunnandæge þæræfter toforan þam -weofode on Westmynstre Gode and eallan folce behét ealle þa unriht to -aleggenne þe on his broðer timan wæran, and þa betstan lage to healdene -þe on æniges cynges dæge toforan him stodan.” So more briefly Henry -of Huntingdon; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sacratus est ibi a Mauricio Londoniensi episcopo, melioratione -legum et consuetudinum optabili repromissa.”</span> This is the promise, -the charter published the same day was its first fulfilment. These special -provisions must have been an addition to the ordinary coronation oath, -which was taken by Henry in the form prescribed in the office of Æthelred. -Stubbs, Select Charters, 95.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_853" id="footnote_853"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_853"><span class="muchsmaller">[853]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> “And hine syððan æfter þam se biscop of Lundene -Mauricius to cynge gehalgode, and him ealle on þeosan lande to abugan, -and aðas sworan, and his men wurdon.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_854" id="footnote_854"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_854"><span class="muchsmaller">[854]</span></a> - William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393) is emphatic on the popular joy; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Lætus ergo dies visus est revirescere populis, cum, post tot anxietatum -nubila, serenarum promissionum infulgebant lumina.”</span> He adds that -Henry was crowned <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“certatim plausu <em>plebeio</em> concrepante.”</span> The adjective -is important. Orderic (783 C, D) takes the opportunity for an elaborate -panegyric on Henry and his reign. He had already (782 D), before -William is buried, said, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hoc antea dudum fuit a Britonibus prophetatum, -et hunc Angli optaverunt habere dominum, quem nobiliter in solio regni -noverant genitum.”</span> The prophecy is given in full in 887 D (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. -vol. v. p.</abbr> 153); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Succedet Leo justitiæ, ad cujus rugitum Gallicanæ turres -et insulani dracones tremebunt.”</span> For an <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“insularis draco”</span> of the same -class, see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 124.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_855" id="footnote_855"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_855"><span class="muchsmaller">[855]</span></a> - Florence marks the charter as granted on the day of the coronation. -He gives a good summary;</p> - -<p class="blockquote" lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Qui consecrationis suæ die sanctam Dei ecclesiam, quæ fratris sui -tempore vendita erat et ad firmam erat posita, liberam fecit, ac omnes -malas consuetudines et injustas exactiones quibus regnum Angliæ injuste -opprimebatur, abstulit, pacem firmam in toto regno suo posuit, et teneri -præcepit: legem regis Eadwardi omnibus in commune reddidit, cum illis -emendationibus quibus pater suus illam emendavit: sed forestas quas ille -constituit et habuit in manu sua retinuit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_856" id="footnote_856"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_856"><span class="muchsmaller">[856]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 335–341, and <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 373–381.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_857" id="footnote_857"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_857"><span class="muchsmaller">[857]</span></a> - Select Charters, 96. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sciatis me Dei misericordia et communi consilio -baronum totius regni Angliæ ejusdem regni regem coronatum -esse.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_858" id="footnote_858"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_858"><span class="muchsmaller">[858]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 97. “Sanctam Dei ecclesiam imprimis liberam facio, ita quod nec -vendam nec ad firmam ponam.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_859" id="footnote_859"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_859"><span class="muchsmaller">[859]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 338.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_860" id="footnote_860"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_860"><span class="muchsmaller">[860]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 374.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_861" id="footnote_861"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_861"><span class="muchsmaller">[861]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 376.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_862" id="footnote_862"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_862"><span class="muchsmaller">[862]</span></a> - Select Charters, 97. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Monetagium commune quod capiebatur per -civitates et comitatus quod non fuit tempore regis Edwardi, hoc ne amodo -fiat omnino defendo. Si quis captus fuerit sive monetarius sive alius cum -falsa moneta, justitia recta inde fiat.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_863" id="footnote_863"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_863"><span class="muchsmaller">[863]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 345, 394.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_864" id="footnote_864"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_864"><span class="muchsmaller">[864]</span></a> - Select Charters, 97. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Et si quis pro hæreditate sua aliquid pepigerat, -illud condono, et omnes relevationes quæ pro rectis hæreditatibus pactæ -fuerant.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_865" id="footnote_865"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_865"><span class="muchsmaller">[865]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 338.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_866" id="footnote_866"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_866"><span class="muchsmaller">[866]</span></a> - Select Charters, 98. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Si quis baronum sive hominum meorum forisfecerit, -non dabit vadium in misericordia pecuniæ, sicut faciebat tempore -patris mei vel fratris mei, sed secundum modum forisfacti, ita emendabit -sicut emendasset retro a tempore patris mei, in tempore aliorum antecessorum -meorum.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_867" id="footnote_867"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_867"><span class="muchsmaller">[867]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume one page">N. C. vol. i. p.</abbr> 758; <abbr title="volume five pages">vol. v. pp.</abbr> 444, 881.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_868" id="footnote_868"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_868"><span class="muchsmaller">[868]</span></a> - Select Charters, 98. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Murdra etiam retro ab illa die qua in regem -coronatus fui omnia condono: et ea quæ amodo facta fuerint, juste emendentur -secundum lagam regis Edwardi.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_869" id="footnote_869"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_869"><span class="muchsmaller">[869]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Forestas communi consensu baronum meorum in manu mea -retinui, sicut pater meus eas habuit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_870" id="footnote_870"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_870"><span class="muchsmaller">[870]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Militibus qui per loricas terras suas defendunt, terras dominicarum -carrucarum suarum quietas ab omnibus gildis, et omni opere, proprio dono -meo concedo, ut sicut tam magno allevamine alleviati sint, ita se equis -et armis bene instruant ad servitium meum et ad defensionem regni mei.”</span> -We have had an example of this tenure “per loricam” in the case of an -Englishman <abbr title="Tempore Regis Willelmi">T. R. W.</abbr> in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 339.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_871" id="footnote_871"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_871"><span class="muchsmaller">[871]</span></a> - Select Charters, 98. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Lagam Edwardi regis vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus -quibus pater meus eam emendavit consilio baronum suorum.”</span> -The half-English, half-Latin, form “laga” should be noticed.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_872" id="footnote_872"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_872"><span class="muchsmaller">[872]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 325.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_873" id="footnote_873"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_873"><span class="muchsmaller">[873]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 149.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_874" id="footnote_874"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_874"><span class="muchsmaller">[874]</span></a> - Select Charters, 98. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Si quis aliquid do rebus meis vel de rebus -alicujus post obitum Willelmi regis fratris mei ceperit, totum cito sine -emendatione reddatur, et si quis inde aliquid retinuerit, ille super quem -inventum fuerit mihi graviter emendabit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_875" id="footnote_875"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_875"><span class="muchsmaller">[875]</span></a> - Roger of Wendover, <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 293. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Producta est in medium charta quædam -regis Henrici primi, quam iidem barones a Stephano, Cantuariensi archiepiscopo, -ut prædictum est, in urbe Londoniarum acceperant. Continebat -autem hæc charta quasdam libertates et leges regis Eadwardi sanctæ ecclesiæ -Anglicanæ pariter et magnatibus regni concessas, exceptis quibusdam libertatibus -quas idem rex de suo adjecit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_876" id="footnote_876"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_876"><span class="muchsmaller">[876]</span></a> - See the list in Select Charters, 98. Why does not Walter Giffard -sign as Earl? Or is it his son? William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393) seems to -speak of a general oath to the charter on the part of the nobles; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Antiquarum -moderationem legum revocavit in solidum, sacramento suo et omnium -procerum, ne luderentur corroborans.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_877" id="footnote_877"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_877"><span class="muchsmaller">[877]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 295; <abbr title="three page">iii. p.</abbr> 590; <abbr title="five page">v. p.</abbr> 893.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_878" id="footnote_878"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_878"><span class="muchsmaller">[878]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 602.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_879" id="footnote_879"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_879"><span class="muchsmaller">[879]</span></a> - On Abbot Simeon, see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 481, 833. According to the -local writers (Anglia Sacra, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 612; Stewart, 284) he reached his hundredth -year. They have much to tell of the troubles of the abbey during the -vacancy at the hands of Flambard (Stewart, 276–283). But it seems that -Flambard needed to be stirred up by a local enemy, who, we are sorry to -find, bears an English name and a singular surname; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“vir Belial Ælwinus -cognomento Retheresgut, id est venter pecudis.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_880" id="footnote_880"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_880"><span class="muchsmaller">[880]</span></a> - Orderic (783 C, D) mentions all these appointments to abbeys -along with the appointment of William Giffard to Winchester and that -of Gerard to York. It will be remembered that he fancied that Archbishop -Thomas was dead before the coronation. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eliense cœnobium dedit -Ricardo, Ricardi de Benefacta filio, Beccensi monacho, et abbatiam -Sancti Edmundi regis et martyris Rodberto juveni Uticensi monacho, -Hugonis Cestrensis comitis filio. Glastoniam quoque commisit Herluino -Cadomensi, et Habundoniam Farisio Malmesburiensi.”</span> That the appointments -were made on the day of the coronation appears from the two local -histories, the Annals of Saint Eadmund’s in Liebermann, 130, and the two -Ely histories, that in Anglia Sacra, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 613, and the Liber Eliensis (Stewart, -284), which largely copies Florence. As Richard the second Earl of Chester -was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“filius unicus Hugonis consulis”</span> (<abbr title="Henry of Huntingdon">Hen. Hunt.</abbr> De Contemptu Mundi, -304), and as Orderic (787 C) calls him <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Pulcherrimus puer, quem solum ex -Ermentrude filia Hugonis de Claromonte genuit [Hugo],”</span> it would follow -that Abbot Robert was one of the many natural children of Earl Hugh. -See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 490. He was appointed, say the local Annals, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“renitentibus -monachis.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_881" id="footnote_881"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_881"><span class="muchsmaller">[881]</span></a> - Orderic, as we have seen, calls Abbot Richard a son of Richard of -Bienfaite, while the Ely writers call him the son of Count Gilbert, which -must be wrong. Yet they have much to say about his family, who are -oddly spoken of as the “Ricardi,” along with the “Gifardi.” They tell -at length the story of his deposition, but attribute it to the King rather -than to Anselm. But see Florence, 1102; Eadmer, 67; <abbr title="Anselm Epistles three">Ans. Ep. iii.</abbr> 140.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_882" id="footnote_882"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_882"><span class="muchsmaller">[882]</span></a> - See Willis, Glastonbury, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 9.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_883" id="footnote_883"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_883"><span class="muchsmaller">[883]</span></a> - Faricius fills a large space in the history of his abbey. He was a -native of Arezzo, and had been cellarer at Malmesbury; <abbr title="Historia de Abingdon">Hist. Ab.</abbr> <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 44, -285. He was kept back from the archbishopric by the scruples of Robert -(Bloet) Bishop of Lincoln and Roger Bishop of Salisbury; <abbr title="Historia de Abingdon">Hist. Ab.</abbr> -<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 287.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_884" id="footnote_884"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_884"><span class="muchsmaller">[884]</span></a> - William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393) puts the whole story emphatically -enough; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ne quid profecto gaudio accumulato abesset, <em>Rannulfo nequitiarum -fæce</em> tenebris ergastularibus incluso, propter Anselmum pernicibus -nuntiis directum.”</span> Florence also joins the imprisonment of Flambard and -the recall of Anselm; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nec multo post Dunholmensem episcopum Rannulfum -Lundoniæ in turri custodiæ mancipavit, et Dorubernensem archiepiscopum -Anselmum de Gallia revocavit.”</span> In the Chronicle we get the -Tower named in our own tongue, as in 1097; “And se cyng sona æfter -þam be þære ræde þe him abutan wæran, þone biscop Rannulf of Dunholme -let niman, and into þam Ture on Lundene lét gebringon and þær healdan.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_885" id="footnote_885"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_885"><span class="muchsmaller">[885]</span></a> - See Macaulay, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 557.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_886" id="footnote_886"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_886"><span class="muchsmaller">[886]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 783 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hugo Cestrensis comes, et Rodbertus Belesmensis, -ac alii optimates, qui erant in Normannia, audito casu infortunati principis, -rerumque mutatione subita, compositis in Neustria rebus suis, iter in -Angliam acceleraverunt, novoque regi debitam subjectionem obtulerunt, -eique hominio facto, fundos et omnes dignitates suas cum regiis muneribus -ab eo receperunt.”</span> Directly after he gives a list of the inner council; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rodbertum scilicet de Mellento et Hugonem de Cestra, Ricardum de -Radvariis et Rogerium Bigodum, aliosque strenuos et sagaces viros suis -adhibuit consiliis, et quia humiliter sophistis obsecundavit, merito multis -regionibus et populis imperavit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_887" id="footnote_887"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_887"><span class="muchsmaller">[887]</span></a> - See the extract in the <a href="#footnote_884">note</a> at <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 361.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_888" id="footnote_888"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_888"><span class="muchsmaller">[888]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_341"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 341</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_889" id="footnote_889"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_889"><span class="muchsmaller">[889]</span></a> - Eadmer, 55.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_890" id="footnote_890"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_890"><span class="muchsmaller">[890]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Singultu verba ejus interrumpente, asseruit in ipsa veritate -quam servum Dei transgredi non decet, quia, si hoc efficere posset, multo -magis eligeret seipsum corpore quam illum sicut erat mortuum esse.”</span> So -in the Life, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 658.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_891" id="footnote_891"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_891"><span class="muchsmaller">[891]</span></a> - Eadmer, 55. “Ecce alius e fratribus ecclesiæ Cantuariensis advenit, -literas deferens, preces offerens, quibus obnixe ab Anglorum matre ecclesia -interpellatur, quatenus, extincto tyranno, filios suos, rupta mora, revisere, -consolarique, dignetur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_892" id="footnote_892"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_892"><span class="muchsmaller">[892]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Ipso pontifice et toto populo terræ super hoc dolente, et nisi -rationi contrairet, modis omnibus, ne fieret, prohibere volente.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_893" id="footnote_893"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_893"><span class="muchsmaller">[893]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Alter nuncius ex parte novi regis Anglorum, et procerum -regni patri occurrens, moras ejus in veniendo redarguit, totam terram -in adventu ejus attonitam, et omnia negotia regni ad audientiam et -dispositionem ipsius referens pendere dilata.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_894" id="footnote_894"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_894"><span class="muchsmaller">[894]</span></a> - <abbr title="Epistolae Anselmi">Ep. Ans.</abbr> <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 41. “Nutu Dei, a clero et a populo Angliæ electus, et -quamvis invitus propter absentiam tui, rex jam consecratus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_895" id="footnote_895"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_895"><span class="muchsmaller">[895]</span></a> - <abbr title="Epistolae Anselmi">Ep. Ans.</abbr> <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 41. “Precor ne tibi displiceat quod regiam benedictionem -absque te suscepi; de quo, si fieri posset,… libentius eam susciperem -quam de alio aliquo … hac itaque occasione a tuis vicariis illam -accepi.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_896" id="footnote_896"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_896"><span class="muchsmaller">[896]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Requiro te sicut patrem, cum omni populo Angliæ, quatenus -mihi filio tuo et eidem populo cujus tibi animarum cura commissa est, quam -citius poteris, venias ad consulendum.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_897" id="footnote_897"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_897"><span class="muchsmaller">[897]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Me ipsum quidem ac totius regni Angliæ populum, tuo eorumque -consilio qui tecum mihi consulere debent, committo.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_898" id="footnote_898"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_898"><span class="muchsmaller">[898]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Sed necessitas fuit talis quia inimici insurgere volebant contra -me et populum quem habeo ad gubernandum; et ideo barones mei, et -idem populus, noluerunt amplius eam protelari; hac itaque occasione a -tuis vicariis illam accepi. Misissem quidem ad te a meo latere aliquos -per quos tibi etiam de mea pecunia destinassem, sed pro morte fratris mei -circa regnum Angliæ ita totus orbis concussus est, ut nullatenus ad te -salubriter pervenire potuissent.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_899" id="footnote_899"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_899"><span class="muchsmaller">[899]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_900" id="footnote_900"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_900"><span class="muchsmaller">[900]</span></a> - <abbr title="Epistolae Anselmi">Ep. Ans.</abbr> <abbr title="three">iii.</abbr> 41. “Et aliis tam episcopis quam baronibus meis.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_901" id="footnote_901"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_901"><span class="muchsmaller">[901]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 784 B. “Pro quibusdam injuriis, quas ipse suis comparibus -ingesserat, per fraudulenta consilia, quæ Ruffo regi contra illos suggerere -jamdudum studuerat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_902" id="footnote_902"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_902"><span class="muchsmaller">[902]</span></a> - The expressions of Orderic which follow the words last quoted are -very remarkable. They show that, in Normandy at least, William the Red -did in some sort go on with the work of his father. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Similiter alii plures -iram et malivolentiam, quas olim conceperant, sed propter rigorem principalis -justitiæ manifestis ultionibus prodere non ausi fuerant, nunc habenis -relaxatis toto nisu contra sese insurrexerunt, et mutuis cædibus ac damnis -rerum miseram regionem rectore carentem desolaverunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_903" id="footnote_903"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_903"><span class="muchsmaller">[903]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 784 B, C.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_904" id="footnote_904"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_904"><span class="muchsmaller">[904]</span></a> - “Sona swa se eorl Rotbert into Normandig com, he wearð fram eallan -þam folce bliþelice underfangen.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_905" id="footnote_905"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_905"><span class="muchsmaller">[905]</span></a> - “Butan þam castelan þe wæron gesætte mid þæs cynges Heanriges -mannan, togeanes þan he manega gewealc and gewinn hæfde.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_906" id="footnote_906"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_906"><span class="muchsmaller">[906]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 394. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quo audito</span> [Robert’s return to Normandy], -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">omnes pene hujus terræ optimates fidei regi juratæ transfugæ fuere; quidam -nullis extantibus causis, quidam levibus occasiunculis emendicatis, quod -nollet iis terras quas vellent ultro pro libito eorum impertiri.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_907" id="footnote_907"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_907"><span class="muchsmaller">[907]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1100. “Ða toforan Sc̃e Michaeles mæssan com se arcebiscop -Ansealm of Cantwarbyrig hider to lande, swa swa se cyng Heanrig, -<em>be his witena ræde</em> him æfter sende, forþan þe he wæs út of þis lande gefaren, -for þan mycelan unrihte þe se cyng Willelm him dyde.” Everything is -thoroughly constitutional just now.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_908" id="footnote_908"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_908"><span class="muchsmaller">[908]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 55. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Prosperrimo itaque cursu marina pericula -transvecti nono kl. Octobris Dofris appulimus, et ingenti gaudio totam -terram in adventu Anselmi exultantem reperimus. Quædam etenim quasi -novæ resurrectionis spes singulorum mentibus oriebatur, qua et ab oppressione -calentis adhuc calamitatis se quisque liberandum et in statum optatæ -prosperitatis aditum sibi pollicebatur.”</span> The short English Chronicle printed -by Liebermann, 5, gives a rather odd name to Anselm’s absence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ansælm -ærcebiscop com fram peregrinatione.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_909" id="footnote_909"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_909"><span class="muchsmaller">[909]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 437.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_910" id="footnote_910"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_910"><span class="muchsmaller">[910]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 450.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_911" id="footnote_911"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_911"><span class="muchsmaller">[911]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 481.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_912" id="footnote_912"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_912"><span class="muchsmaller">[912]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 559.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_913" id="footnote_913"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_913"><span class="muchsmaller">[913]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 572.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_914" id="footnote_914"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_914"><span class="muchsmaller">[914]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 784 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ut rumores <em>quos optaverat</em> audivit, Guillelmum -videlicet regem occubuisse veraciter agnovit, cum armatorum turma Cœnomannis -venit, et ab amicis civibus</span> [see Migne’s text] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">voluntarie susceptus, -urbem pacifice obtinuit.”</span> The Biographer (309) says merely <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“sine mora -cum populo qui eum secutus fuerat ad civitatem venit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_915" id="footnote_915"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_915"><span class="muchsmaller">[915]</span></a> - See above, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>. As he was “Rothomagensis,” he would seem to -be a brother of the William son of Ansgar of whom we heard in <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 261.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_916" id="footnote_916"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_916"><span class="muchsmaller">[916]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fulconem Andegavorum comitem dominum suum -accersiit, a quo adjutus arcem diu obsedit.”</span> The Biographer says nothing -about Fulk.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_917" id="footnote_917"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_917"><span class="muchsmaller">[917]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 784 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Heliæ comiti privilegium dederunt ut quotienscumque -vellet, albam tunicam indueret, et sic ad eos qui turrim custodiebant, tutus -accederet.”</span> Presently we read of the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“candida tunica, pro qua Candidus -Bacularis solitus est ab illis nuncupari.”</span> The story is told in full detail.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_918" id="footnote_918"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_918"><span class="muchsmaller">[918]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 784 C. “Haimericus de Moria.” I can give no further account -of him.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_919" id="footnote_919"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_919"><span class="muchsmaller">[919]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 26.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_920" id="footnote_920"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_920"><span class="muchsmaller">[920]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 784 D. “Lædere quidem vos lapidibus et sagittis possumus, -quia in eminentiori prætorio constituti vobis prævalemus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_921" id="footnote_921"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_921"><span class="muchsmaller">[921]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 785 A. “Donec legatus noster redeat a dominis nostris, Angliæ -et Normanniæ principibus, qui postquam reversus fuerit, faciemus prout -ratio nobis intimaverit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_922" id="footnote_922"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_922"><span class="muchsmaller">[922]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 785 A. “Dux longæ laboribus peregrinationis fractus, et -magis quietem lecti quam bellicum laborem complecti cupidus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_923" id="footnote_923"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_923"><span class="muchsmaller">[923]</span></a> - “Rex Albionis … transmarinis occupatus negotiis regni, callide maluit -sibi debita legaliter amplecti quam peregrinis præ superbia et indebitis -laboribus nimis onerari.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_924" id="footnote_924"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_924"><span class="muchsmaller">[924]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Naturali hero caremus, cui strenuitatis nostræ servitium impendamus. -Unde, strenue vir, probitatem tuam agnoscentes, te eligimus, et, arce reddita, -te principem Cœnomannorum hodie constituimus.”</span> This time no one -would (see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 575) think of translating “strenue vir” by - “valiant Saxon;” yet, as there were Saxons in Anjou, the lord of La Flèche -may have had more right to the name than the Earl of the Northumbrians.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_925" id="footnote_925"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_925"><span class="muchsmaller">[925]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 785 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ne a civibus quorum domos præterito anno combusserant -læderentur, alacriter protexit.”</span> The Biographer (309) cuts the whole -matter much shorter; but it is from him that we learn the three months’ -length of the siege. The garrison, having no hope, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“tandem coacti de -munitionibus egressi sunt, et consulis liberalitate membrorum et vitæ impunitate -donati, in patriam</span> [where was that?] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">reversi sunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_926" id="footnote_926"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_926"><span class="muchsmaller">[926]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_KK">Appendix KK</a>. The Biographer tells us now; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pacata igitur civitate -et hostibus inde effugatis, Hildebertus Romam proficiscitur.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_927" id="footnote_927"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_927"><span class="muchsmaller">[927]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 785 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fœdus amicitiæ cum Rodberto duce et Henrico -rege postmodum copulavit, eorumque bellis viriliter interfuit, unique -multum nocuit, alterique ingens suffragium contulit.”</span> He records instances -in 818 C, 820 B, 821 A, B. In this last case, at Tinchebrai, Helias commands -Bretons as well as his own people. <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> the Chronicle of Saint Albinus -of Angers, 1105, 1106, and that of Saint Sergius, 1106. Orderic (822 B) -records a curious discourse between Helias and his old enemy Robert of -Bellême, who calls himself “tuus homo.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_928" id="footnote_928"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_928"><span class="muchsmaller">[928]</span></a> - We read casually in the Biographer (311) of a time <span>“dura comes -Rotrodus Perticencis in turri Cenomannica captus teneretur, et episcopus -ad eum trepidum mortis accessisset.”</span> But the story is all about Hildebert, -not about Helias. It is taken from a letter of Hildebert himself (Duchesne, -<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 279), who speaks of Rotrou as “in vinculis.” We find that Count -Rotrou’s mother gave the Bishop the kiss of peace, which the Lady Eadgyth -had refused to receive from Abbot Gervinus. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 544.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_929" id="footnote_929"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_929"><span class="muchsmaller">[929]</span></a> - Orderic seems to complain that <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“defuncta conjuge sua, cælibem vitam -actitare renuit.”</span> Was it because of this backsliding that, when he dies, he -becomes, notwithstanding all his good deeds, merely “cadaver” and not -“soma”? On the other hand, our own Chronicler records his death in 1110, -and the Angevin Chronicler of Saint Sergius thinks the event worthy of a -heavenly phænomenon; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Apparuit cometa, atque ilico mortuus est Helias, -Cenomannensis comes.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_930" id="footnote_930"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_930"><span class="muchsmaller">[930]</span></a> - Orderic, 785 C, notes that Helias made Fulk his heir; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ipsum Cœnomannis -dominum sibi successorem constituit.”</span> <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> 818 C.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_931" id="footnote_931"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_931"><span class="muchsmaller">[931]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 220, 225.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_932" id="footnote_932"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_932"><span class="muchsmaller">[932]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 56. “Cum post paucos sui reditus dies Serberiam -ad regem venisset, et ab eo gaudenter susceptus, rationi illius qua se -excusavit cur in suscipienda regiæ dignitatis benedictione, illum cujus -juris eam esse sciebat, non expectaverit, adquievisset.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_933" id="footnote_933"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_933"><span class="muchsmaller">[933]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 220.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_934" id="footnote_934"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_934"><span class="muchsmaller">[934]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 56. “Cum ille nequaquam se aut velle aut posse -assensum præbere responderet, interrogantibus quare, statim quid super his -et quibusdam aliis in Romano concilio acceperit, manifesta relatione innotuit, -itaque subinferens ait, si dominus rex ista suscipere, et suscepta servare -voluerit, bene inter nos et firma pax erit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_935" id="footnote_935"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_935"><span class="muchsmaller">[935]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Nec ea de causa Angliam redii, ut, si ipse Romano pontifici -obedire nolit, in ea resideam. Undo quid velit precor edicat, ut sciam quo -me vertam.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_936" id="footnote_936"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_936"><span class="muchsmaller">[936]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Grave quippe sibi visum est investituras ecclesiarum et hominia -prælatorum perdere; grave nihilominus Anselmum a regno, ipso nondum -in regno plene confirmato, pati discedere.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_937" id="footnote_937"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_937"><span class="muchsmaller">[937]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 56. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In uno siquidem videbatur sibi quasi dimidium -regni perderet, in alio verebatur ne fratrem suum Robertum … -Anselmus adiret, et eum <em>in apostolicæ sedis subjectionem deductum, quod -facillimum factu sciebat</em>, regem Angliæ faceret.”</span> These words make us -see how unknown the new doctrines had hitherto been in Normandy as well -as in England. The dukes up to this time had not been in subjection to the -Holy See, as subjection was understood by Paschal, and, at Paschal’s bidding, -by Anselm.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_938" id="footnote_938"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_938"><span class="muchsmaller">[938]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Induciæ usque pascha petitæ sunt, quatenus utrinque Romam -mitterentur qui decreta apostolica <em>in pristinum regni usum</em> mutarent.”</span> -Rome and Bari had not wholly eaten the Englishman out of our Eadmer.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_939" id="footnote_939"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_939"><span class="muchsmaller">[939]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 56. “Interim ecclesiis Angliæ in quo erant statu -manentibus, Anselmus redditis terris quas rex mortuus ecclesiæ Cantuariensi -abstulerat, suis omnibus revestiretur, sicque fieret, ut si a sententia flecti -papa nequiret, totius negotii summa in eum quo tunc erant statum rediret.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_940" id="footnote_940"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_940"><span class="muchsmaller">[940]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Hæc Anselmus, quamvis frivola esse, et in nihil utile tendere -sciret, atque prædiceret, tamen ne novo regi seu principibus ullam contra se -suspicionem de regni translatione aut aliunde incuteret, precibus illorum -passus est vinci.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_941" id="footnote_941"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_941"><span class="muchsmaller">[941]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Suadentibus amicis, et maxime pontificibus, ut, -remota voluptate pellicum, legitimum amplecteretur connubium.”</span> Orderic -(783 D) gives the same idea a more grotesque turn; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Princeps quarto mense -ex quo cœpit regnare, nolens ut equus et mulus, quibus non est intellectus, -turpiter lascivire, generosam virginem nomine Mathildem regali more sibi -desponsavit.”</span> So in the continuation of William of Jumièges, <abbr title="eight">viii.</abbr> 10; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ut -idem rex <em>legaliter</em> viveret, duxit venerabilem Matildem.” “Legaliter”</span> -must here be taken in the older, not in the chivalrous sense.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_942" id="footnote_942"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_942"><span class="muchsmaller">[942]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> See <a href="#Note_G">Appendix G</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_943" id="footnote_943"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_943"><span class="muchsmaller">[943]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 852.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_944" id="footnote_944"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_944"><span class="muchsmaller">[944]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 853.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_945" id="footnote_945"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_945"><span class="muchsmaller">[945]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 843; <abbr title="volume four page">vol. iv. p.</abbr> 733.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_946" id="footnote_946"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_946"><span class="muchsmaller">[946]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 731; <abbr title="five page">v. p.</abbr> 306.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_947" id="footnote_947"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_947"><span class="muchsmaller">[947]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 187, and <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 844.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_948" id="footnote_948"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_948"><span class="muchsmaller">[948]</span></a> - <abbr title="Historia de Abingdon">Hist. Ab.</abbr> <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 36. “Optimatum hujus loci ea tempestate virorum Anskillus -erat unus, cujus juri pertinebant Suvecurda [Seacourt] et Speresholt, -et Baigeuurtha [Bayworth] et apud Merceham [Marsham] hida una. Hunc -contra, suorum delatione osorum, ita regis exarsit iracundia, ut vinculis -arctatum carcerali præciperet custodiæ macerandum. Ubi insolito rigore -deficiens post dies paucos interiit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_949" id="footnote_949"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_949"><span class="muchsmaller">[949]</span></a> - It was held by the new grantee and his son till it was got back from -King Henry by Abbot Faricius (<abbr title="Historia de Abingdon">Hist. Ab.</abbr> <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 288), <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“retracto inde ecclesiæ -in hoc temporis spatio servitii omni genere”</span> (<abbr title="Ibid two">Ib. ii.</abbr> 37). This seems to -be the Sparsholt of which I spoke in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 726, as being held by -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Godricus unus liber homo,”</span> a different person from Godric the Sheriff. He -is distinguished in the Abingdon History (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 477) as “Godricus Cild,” and -his Sparsholt is said to be <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“juxta locum qui vulgo Mons Albi Æqui nuncupatur.”</span> -In Domesday (59) we find Anschil holding Sparsholt of the Abbot. -It had been held <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr> by Eadric. Eadric and Godric are clearly the -same man, and there must be a mistake of name in one place or the other, -just as in Domesday, 146, <em>Ead</em>wine Abbot of Westminster is miscalled -<em>God</em>wine. But a most curious entry follows, from which it appears that -Eadric or Godric had given the lordship for the support of his son as a -monk in the abbey as long as he lived, after which it was to come back -to himself. The shire therefore threw a doubt on the right of the abbey to -its possession. They had seen no writ or seal of King William granting -it to the abbey; but the abbot and all his monks produced a writ and seal -of King Eadward, from which it appeared that Eadric had given the -manor to the abbey; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Abbas testatur quod in <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr> misit ille manerium -ad ecclesiam <em>unde erat</em>, et inde habet brevem et sigillum R. E. attestantibus -omnibus monachis suis.”</span> The words “unde erat” show that Eadric or -Godric held the lordship of the abbey (for its possession of Sparsholt see -<abbr title="Historia de Abingdon">Hist. Ab.</abbr> <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 283, 478), but that he gave up his rights in it to the church. -It was then again granted to Anskill.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_950" id="footnote_950"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_950"><span class="muchsmaller">[950]</span></a> - <abbr title="Historia de Abingdon">Hist. Ab.</abbr> <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 37. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum hæc agerentur, uxore Anskilli jam defuncti -domo exclusa, filio vero ejus, nomine Willelmo, a rebus paternis funditus -eliminato, eadem mulier fratrem regis Henricum, tunc quidem comitem, -suffragiorum suis incommodis gratia frequentans, ex eo concepit, et filium -pariens Ricardum vocavit.”</span> On this Richard, see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 188 -(note), 195, 843.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_951" id="footnote_951"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_951"><span class="muchsmaller">[951]</span></a> - He married the sister of Simon, the king’s dispenser, and niece of Abbot -Reginald, who succeeded Æthelhelm in 1083. As Reginald died in 1097 -(see <a href="#Page_265"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 265</a>), the whole story, including the birth of Richard, must have -happened before that year.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_952" id="footnote_952"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_952"><span class="muchsmaller">[952]</span></a> - <abbr title="Historia de Abingdon">Hist. Ab.</abbr> <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 122. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ansfrida, qua concubinæ loco rex ipse Henricus -usus ante suscepti <em>imperii monarchiam</em>, filium Ricardum nomine genuit, ac -<em>per hoc</em> celebri sepultura a fratribus est intumulata, videlicet in claustro ante -ostium ecclesiæ ubi fratres intrant in ecclesia et exeunt.”</span> Why was a doubly -imperial style needed on such a matter?</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_953" id="footnote_953"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_953"><span class="muchsmaller">[953]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 784 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Sapiens Henricus, generositatem virginis agnoscens, -multimodamque morum ejus honestatem jamdudum concupiscens, hujusmodi -sociam in Christo sibi elegit.”</span> So William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cujus amori jampridem animum impulerat, parvi pendens dotales divitias, -dummodo diu cupitis potiretur amplexibus.”</span> So Eadmer (<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 56) -mentions the story of the veil, and adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“quæ res, dum illa jam olim dimisso -velo a rege amaretur, plurimorum ora laxaret, et <em>eos</em> a cupitis amplexibus -retardaret.”</span> In the genuine story she certainly seems anxious for the -marriage. The story of her dislike to it is a mere legend. See <a href="#Note_WW">Appendix WW</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_954" id="footnote_954"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_954"><span class="muchsmaller">[954]</span></a> - This seems implied in the whole story, especially in the words of -Eadmer, “dimisso velo.” Her father, it will be remembered, is said to have -taken her away from Romsey in 1093. See <a href="#Note_EE">Appendix EE</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_955" id="footnote_955"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_955"><span class="muchsmaller">[955]</span></a> - Sir Francis Palgrave (<abbr title="four">iv.</abbr> 366), countersigned by Dean Church, Anselm, -243, assures us that “Edith was very beautiful.” Mr. Robertson (<abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 153, -note) will not allow that she was more than “rather pretty.” The -Abbess in Hermann of Tournay witnesses to her beauty at the age of -twelve, but all that William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 418) can say of her is that -she was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“non usquequaque despicabilis formæ.”</span> We have already heard -of her studies at Romsey, and in her letters to Anselm (<abbr title="Epistles three">Epp. iii.</abbr> 55, 119) -the display of scriptural and classical learning might have satisfied Orderic -himself. It is more comforting to find in the second letter that she wishes -to bestow the abbey of Malmesbury on one bearing the English name of -Eadwulf. Anselm refuses his consent, because Eadwulf sent him a cup, -which seemed like an attempt at simony. Eadwulf however did in the end -become abbot.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_956" id="footnote_956"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_956"><span class="muchsmaller">[956]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 393. “Erat illa, licet genere sublimis, utpote regis -Edwardi ex fratre Edmundo abneptis, modicæ tamen domina supellectilis, -utroque tunc parente pupilla.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_957" id="footnote_957"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_957"><span class="muchsmaller">[957]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1100. “And siðþan sona heræfter se cyng genam -Mahalde him to wife, Malcolmes cynges dohter of Scotlande, and Margareta -þære goda cwæne, Eadwardes cynges magan, and of þan rihtan Ænglalandes -kyne kynne.” Eadmer (<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 56) traces up the pedigree to Eadgar, but -he does not forget that she was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“filia Malcholmi nobilissimi regis Scotorum.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_958" id="footnote_958"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_958"><span class="muchsmaller">[958]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two page">N. C. vol. ii. p.</abbr> 308.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_959" id="footnote_959"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_959"><span class="muchsmaller">[959]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_31"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 31</a>, and <a href="#Note_EE">Appendix EE</a>. Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 56. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Siquidem -eadem Mathildis, inter sanctimoniales in monasterio ab infantia nutrita -et adulta, credebatur a multis in servitium Dei a parentibus oblata, eo quod -publice visa fuerat earum inter quas vivebat more velata.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_960" id="footnote_960"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_960"><span class="muchsmaller">[960]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Ipsa Anselmum cujus in hoc nutum omnes expectabant adiit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_961" id="footnote_961"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_961"><span class="muchsmaller">[961]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 57. “Differt Anselmus sententiam ferre et causam judicio religiosarum -personarum regni determinandam pronunciat. Statuto itaque -die coeunt ad nutum illius, episcopi, abbates, nobiles quique, ac religiosi -ordinis viri.” Anselm’s Convocation thus admitted lay members.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_962" id="footnote_962"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_962"><span class="muchsmaller">[962]</span></a> - The archdeacons are sent <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Wiltuniam, ubi illa fuerat educata,”</span> but -Romsey must surely be meant. See <a href="#Note_EE">Appendix EE</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_963" id="footnote_963"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_963"><span class="muchsmaller">[963]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Remoto a conventu solo patre, ecclesia Angliæ quæ convenerat -in unum de proferenda sententia tractat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_964" id="footnote_964"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_964"><span class="muchsmaller">[964]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 564, 835.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_965" id="footnote_965"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_965"><span class="muchsmaller">[965]</span></a> - <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 58. The members of the Assembly say that they remember -the judgement of Lanfranc, and that they hold that the present case is -still stronger than that which he decided. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Licet enim sciamus causam -illarum istius esse leviorem dum illæ sponte, ista coacta, pari de causa -velum portaverit.”</span> They add their protest, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“nequis nos favore cujusvis -duci existimet.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_966" id="footnote_966"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_966"><span class="muchsmaller">[966]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Ego judicium vestrum non abjicio, sed eo securius illud suscipio -quo tanti patris auctoritate suffultum audio.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_967" id="footnote_967"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_967"><span class="muchsmaller">[967]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Gesta comi vultu audit et amplectitur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_968" id="footnote_968"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_968"><span class="muchsmaller">[968]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Quod non propterea facturam fatetur quasi sibi non creditum esse -putet, sed ut malevolis hominibus omnem deinceps blasphemandi occasionem -amputet.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_969" id="footnote_969"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_969"><span class="muchsmaller">[969]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Si malus homo de malo thesauro cordis sui protulerit mala, dicto -citius opprimetur ipsa veritate jam tantarum personarum adstipulatione -probata et roborata.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_970" id="footnote_970"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_970"><span class="muchsmaller">[970]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Allocutione posthæc et benedictione Anselmi potita abiit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_971" id="footnote_971"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_971"><span class="muchsmaller">[971]</span></a> - This is the version of Hermann of Tournay (D’Achery, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 893) referred -to in <a href="#Note_EE">Appendix EE</a>, <a href="#Note_WW">WW</a>; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Confirmatus in regno voluit conjugem habere -puellam quamdam filiam David regis Scotiæ, dixitque D. Anselmo, tunc -temporis Cantuariensis urbis venerabili archiepiscopo, ut eam sibi benediceret -et solemnibus nuptiis benedictam in conjugium sociaret.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_972" id="footnote_972"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_972"><span class="muchsmaller">[972]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Ideoque pro conservando juramento suo se non eam dimissurum, -nisi canonico judicio fuisset determinatum.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_973" id="footnote_973"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_973"><span class="muchsmaller">[973]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Præcepit ut, adscito archiepiscopo Eboracensi, congregaretur consilium -episcoporum et abbatum totiusque Angliæ ecclesiasticarum personarum -ad diffiniendum ecclesiastica censura tantum negotium.”</span> Thomas of York, -it must be remembered, must have been now on his deathbed; at least -he died a few days later. The lay nobles of Eadmer’s account are left -out in this version.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_974" id="footnote_974"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_974"><span class="muchsmaller">[974]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_32"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 32</a>, and <a href="#Note_WW">Appendix WW</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_975" id="footnote_975"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_975"><span class="muchsmaller">[975]</span></a> - D’Achery, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 894. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In communi judicaverunt propter hujusmodi -factum non ei prohibendum conjugium, quoniam, quamdiu infra legitimam -ætatem sub tutela patris fuerat, nihil ei sine ejus assensu facere licuerat.”</span> -See the answer of Harold, <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii p.</abbr> 265.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_976" id="footnote_976"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_976"><span class="muchsmaller">[976]</span></a> - D’Achery, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 894. “Vos quidem, domine rex, consilio meo prætermisso, -facietis quod vobis placuerit, sed qui diutius vixerit, puto quod videbit -non diu Angliam gavisuram de prole quæ de ea nata fuerit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_977" id="footnote_977"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_977"><span class="muchsmaller">[977]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_WW">Appendix WW</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_978" id="footnote_978"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_978"><span class="muchsmaller">[978]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1100. “And siðþan sona heræfter se cyng genam -Mahalde him to wife, Malcolmes cynges dohter of Scotlande, and Margareta -þære goda cwæne Eadwardes cynes magan of þan rihtan Ænglalandes -kynekynne. And on Sc̃e Martines mæssedæg heo wearð him mid mycelan -weorðscipe forgifen on Westmynstre, and se arcebiscop Ansealm hi him -bewæddade and siððan to cwene gehalgode.” Florence notes that, at the -wedding, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex Anglorum Heinricus majores natu Angliæ congregavit -Lundoniæ.”</span> Orderic (784 A) makes Gerard of Hereford the consecrator of -the Queen. Her descent from the “right <em>cynecyn</em> of England” stirs him -up to a grand flight, going up to the very beginnings of things. We -there read how <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Angli de Anglo insula, ubi Saxoniæ metropolis est, in -Britanniam venerunt, et, devictis, seu deletis, quos modo Gualos dicunt, -occupatam bello insulam, Hengist primo duce, a natali solo Angliam -vocitaverunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_979" id="footnote_979"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_979"><span class="muchsmaller">[979]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 58. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 169.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_980" id="footnote_980"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_980"><span class="muchsmaller">[980]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Cunctis una clamantibus rem juste definitam nec in ea quid -residere unde quis nisi forte malitia ductus jure aliquam posset movere -calumniam, legitime conjuncti sunt, honore quo decuit regem et reginam.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_981" id="footnote_981"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_981"><span class="muchsmaller">[981]</span></a> - It is so implied by Eadmer, who of course gives his own very distinct -witness in favour of the righteousness of all that Anselm did.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_982" id="footnote_982"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_982"><span class="muchsmaller">[982]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 251, 857.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_983" id="footnote_983"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_983"><span class="muchsmaller">[983]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 170. The note in Sir T. D. Hardy’s edition of William -of Malmesbury is very strange. Ages after, Knighton (X Scriptt. 2375) -gives these English names an odd turn; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Multi de proceribus clam vel -palam a rege Henrico se subtraxerunt, fictis quibusdam occasiunculis vocantes -eum <em>Godrych Godefadyr</em>, et pro Roberto comite clam miserunt.”</span> In -his day Godric, in his various spellings, was doubtless, as now, in familiar -use as a surname. Godgifu must have been pretty well forgotten, except -in the form which she takes at Coventry, though I suppose that she too -survives in the surname <em>Goodeve</em>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_984" id="footnote_984"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_984"><span class="muchsmaller">[984]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 184.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_985" id="footnote_985"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_985"><span class="muchsmaller">[985]</span></a> - The Continuator of Florence (1121) tells us how Henry, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“legalis conjugii -olim nexu solutus, <em>ne quid ulterius inhonestum committeret</em>,”</span> by the advice -of Archbishop Ralph and his great men, marries Adeliza. Orderic -(823 B) witnesses that Henry’s bad habits in this way went on to old age.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_986" id="footnote_986"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_986"><span class="muchsmaller">[986]</span></a> - <abbr title="William of Malmesbury">Will. Malms.</abbr> <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 418. “Æquanimiter ferebat, <em>rege alias intento</em>, ipsa -curiæ valedicere, Westmonasterio multis annis morata. Nec tamen quicquam -ei regalis magnificentiæ deerat,” <abbr title="et cetera">&c.</abbr></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_987" id="footnote_987"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_987"><span class="muchsmaller">[987]</span></a> - William of Malmesbury gives many details of her piety, with the -curious remark that she was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in clericos bene melodos inconsiderate -prodiga”</span> [that is surely the right reading, and not “provida”]. He tells -how she kissed the wounds of the lepers. The half-profane saying of -David comes from Æthelred of Rievaux (X Scriptt. 367; Fordun, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 20; -Surtees Simeon, 267), who had the story from David himself. Matilda -wished her brother to follow her example, which he refused; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Necdum -enim sciebam Dominum, nec revelatus fuerat mihi Spiritus ejus.”</span> One -is reminded of the story of Saint Lewis and John of Joinville, when -the seneschal refuses to wash the feet of the poor. It is twice told in -his Memoirs, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 8, 218, <abbr title="edition">ed.</abbr> Michel, 1858.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_988" id="footnote_988"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_988"><span class="muchsmaller">[988]</span></a> - “Very vain,” says Mr. Robertson, who is determined to be hard upon -her.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_989" id="footnote_989"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_989"><span class="muchsmaller">[989]</span></a> - There is an important passage of William of Malmesbury about the -reeves, of whom we have heard so often; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Eo effectum est ut prodige -donantium non effugeret vitium, multimodas colonis suis deferens calumnias, -inferens injurias, auferens substantias, quo bonæ largitricis nacta famam, -suorum parvi pensaret contumeliam. Sed hæc qui recte judicare volet, -consiliis ministrorum imputabit, qui, more harpyarum, quicquid poterant -corripere unguibus, vel infodiebant marsupiis vel insumebant conviviis, -quorum fœculentis susurris aures oppleta, nævum honestissimæ menti -contraxit.”</span> In all this we learn the more to admire the constant care -of Anselm that no wrong should be done to his people.</p> - -<p class="footnote">The story of Matilda and David is told also by Robert of Gloucester -(<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 434, 435, Hearne), who preserves the popular memory of “Mold þe god -quene” in several passages. Perhaps the strongest is,</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Þe godenesse þat god Henry & þe quene Mold</div> -<div class="i0">Dude here to Engelond ne may neuere be ytolde.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_990" id="footnote_990"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_990"><span class="muchsmaller">[990]</span></a> See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 329.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_991" id="footnote_991"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_991"><span class="muchsmaller">[991]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 527. Abbot Jeronto was hardly a Legate in the same -sense as Walter of Albano.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_992" id="footnote_992"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_992"><span class="muchsmaller">[992]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 58. “Quod per Angliam auditum in admirationem -omnibus venit, inauditum scilicet in Britania cuncti scientes quemlibet -hominum super se vices apostolicas gerere nisi solum archiepiscopum -Cantuariæ.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_993" id="footnote_993"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_993"><span class="muchsmaller">[993]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 236.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_994" id="footnote_994"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_994"><span class="muchsmaller">[994]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> “Quapropter sicut venit ita reversus est, a nemine -pro legato susceptus, nec in aliquo legati officio functus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_995" id="footnote_995"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_995"><span class="muchsmaller">[995]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 370. Our English Florence sends him out of the -world with a special panegyric; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Venerandæ memoriæ et vir religionis -eximiæ, affabilis, omnibusque amabilis, Eboracensis archiepiscopus Thomas.”</span> -William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 258) is more copious to the same -effect. T. Stubbs (X Scriptt. 1709) gives us his epitaph.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_996" id="footnote_996"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_996"><span class="muchsmaller">[996]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 543.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_997" id="footnote_997"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_997"><span class="muchsmaller">[997]</span></a> - William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="Gestis Pontificum">Gest. Pont.</abbr> 260), after mentioning some of the -stories against him, adds; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Certe canonici Eboracenses ne in ecclesia sepeliretur -pertinacissime restitere, vix ignobilem cespitem cadaveri præ foribus -injici passi.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_998" id="footnote_998"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_998"><span class="muchsmaller">[998]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 786 A, B. “Pro penuria vestitus, usque ad sextam de lecto -non surrexit, nec ad ecclesiam, quia nudus erat, divinum auditurus officium, -perrexit. Meretrices enim et nebulones qui, lenitatem ejus scientes, eum -indesinenter circumdederunt, braccas ejus et caligas et reliqua ornamenta -crebro impune furati sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_999" id="footnote_999"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_999"><span class="muchsmaller">[999]</span></a> - The list is given by Orderic (786 A).</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1000" id="footnote_1000"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1000"><span class="muchsmaller">[1000]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 786 A, “Multis, si rex foret, majora quam dare posset, -promisit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1001" id="footnote_1001"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1001"><span class="muchsmaller">[1001]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 463.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1002" id="footnote_1002"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1002"><span class="muchsmaller">[1002]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 786 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rodberto de Belismo Sagiensem episcopatum et -Argentomum castrum, silvamque Golferni donavit,”</span> On the phrase of -granting the bishopric, compare the passages referred to in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 200, <a href="#footnote_498">note 4</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1003" id="footnote_1003"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1003"><span class="muchsmaller">[1003]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tedbaldo Pagano, quia semel eum hospitatus fuerat, tribuit.”</span> On -this Theobald, see above, <a href="#Page_186"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 186.</a></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1004" id="footnote_1004"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1004"><span class="muchsmaller">[1004]</span></a> - The Christmas and Easter meetings are marked by the Chronicler, who -adds to his record of the former, “And þa sona þæræfter wurdon þa heafod -men her on lande wiðerræden togeanes þam cynge, ægðer ge for heora -agenan mycelan ungetrywðan, and eac þurh þone eorl Rodbert of Normandig -þe mid unfriðe hider to lande fundode.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1005" id="footnote_1005"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1005"><span class="muchsmaller">[1005]</span></a> - The escape of Flambard is oddly recorded by the Chronicler at the end -of the year, after he had mentioned all that his escape led to. But he gives -the date; “Ðises geares eac se bisceop Rannulf to þam Candelmæssan út of -þam Túre on Lunden nihtes oðbærst, þær he on hæftneðe wæs, and to Normandige -fór.” Florence (1101) tells us how <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Dunholmensis episcopus -Rannulfus, post nativitatem Domini, de custodia magna calliditate evasit, -mare transiit.”</span> William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 394) gives some details, but the -full story comes from Orderic (786). Flambard was to be <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“custodiendus -in vinculis,”</span> a phrase which seems to show that the fetters in this and many -other cases were metaphorical.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1006" id="footnote_1006"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1006"><span class="muchsmaller">[1006]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 786 D. “Exitum callide per amicos procuravit. Erat enim -sollers et facundus, et, licet crudelis et iracundus, largus tamen et plerumque -jucundus, et ob hoc plerisque gratus et amandus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1007" id="footnote_1007"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1007"><span class="muchsmaller">[1007]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Quotidie ad victum suum duos sterilensium solidos jussu regis -habebat. Unde cum adjumentis amicorum in carcere tripudiabat, quotidieque -splendidum sibi suisque custodibus convivium exhiberi jubebat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1008" id="footnote_1008"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1008"><span class="muchsmaller">[1008]</span></a> - Orderic and William of Malmesbury both mention the bringing in of -the rope in a vessel, which Orderic calls <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“lagena vini,”</span> while William of -Malmesbury rather implies that it was brought in water; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Funem minister -aquæ bajulus (proh dolus!) amphora immersum detulit.”</span> Orderic well -marks the double window; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Funem ad columnam, quæ in medio fenestræ -arcis erat, coaptavit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1009" id="footnote_1009"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1009"><span class="muchsmaller">[1009]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Fune ad solum usque non pertingente, gravi lapsu <em>corpulentus flamen</em> -ruit, et pene conquassatus, flebiliter ingemuit.”</span> William of Malmesbury -makes merry over his troubles; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ille muro turris demissus, si læsit brachia, -si excoriavit manus, parum curat populus.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1010" id="footnote_1010"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1010"><span class="muchsmaller">[1010]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_261"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 261</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1011" id="footnote_1011"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1011"><span class="muchsmaller">[1011]</span></a> - It is now that Orderic tells the wonderful tales of Flambard’s mother -which I have quoted in <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 331. He now brings her on the scene; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In alia nave cum filii thesauro sui per pelagus in Neustriam ferebatur, et -a sociis ibidem pro scelestis incantationibus cum derisoriis gestibus passim -detrahebatur. Intereo totum piratis occurrentibus in ponto ærarium direptum -est, et venefica cum nauderis et epibatis anus nuda mœrensque in -littus Normanniæ exposita est.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1012" id="footnote_1012"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1012"><span class="muchsmaller">[1012]</span></a> - The influence which Flambard obtained over Robert is marked in all -our writers, beginning with the Chronicle; “þurh þes macunge mæst and -tospryttinge se eorl Rotbert þises geares þis land mid unfriðe gesohte.” -Florence (1101) and Orderic (787 A) are to the same effect; William of -Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 394) gets metaphorical; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Normanniam evadens, comiti -jam anhelanti, et in fervorem prælii prono, addidit calcaria ut incunctanter -veniret.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1013" id="footnote_1013"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1013"><span class="muchsmaller">[1013]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 58.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1014" id="footnote_1014"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1014"><span class="muchsmaller">[1014]</span></a> - See the passage in <a href="#Page_396"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 396</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1015" id="footnote_1015"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1015"><span class="muchsmaller">[1015]</span></a> - See the extract from William of Malmesbury in <a href="#Page_368"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 368</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1016" id="footnote_1016"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1016"><span class="muchsmaller">[1016]</span></a> - This is William of Malmesbury’s (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 394) list of those who <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“justas -partes fovebant.”</span> Orderic (787 B) says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rodbertus de Mellento et Ricardus -de Radvariis, aliique multi barones strenui regem suum vallaverunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1017" id="footnote_1017"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1017"><span class="muchsmaller">[1017]</span></a> - The Whitsun Gemót is described by Eadmer, 58, 59; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ad sponsionem -fidei regis ventum est, tota regni nobilitas <em>cum populi numerositate</em>.”</span> Before -this he has some remarkable expressions which seem to point to debates in an -inner council, before the general assembly was summoned; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In solemnitate -Pentecostes adventus comitis Roberti fratris regis in Angliam prævia -fama totam regalem curiam commovit, et quorundam animos, ut postmodum -patuit, in diversa permovit. Rex igitur principes et principes regem -suspectum habentes, ille scilicet istos ne a se instabili, ut fit, fide dissilirent, -et isti illum formidando ne undique pace potitus in se, legibus efferatis -desæviret, actum ex consulto est ut certitudo talis hinc inde fieret, quæ -utrinque quod verebatur excluderet.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1018" id="footnote_1018"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1018"><span class="muchsmaller">[1018]</span></a> - Orderic (787 C, D) puts a long and pious speech into Count Robert’s -mouth. The most emphatic words are; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cunctos milites tuos leniter -alloquere, omnibus ut pater filiis blandire, promissis universos demulce, -quæque petierint concede, et sic omnes ad favorem tui sollerter attrahe. Si -Lundoniam postulaverint vel Eboracam, ne differas magna polliceri, ut -regalem decet munificentiam.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1019" id="footnote_1019"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1019"><span class="muchsmaller">[1019]</span></a> - I suppose this is the meaning of the words which come soon after; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum ad finem hujus negotii auxiliante Deo prospere pervenerimus, de -repetendis dominiis quæ temerarii desertores tempore belli usurpaverint, -utile consilium suggeremus.”</span> He goes on to set forth the doctrine of confiscation -for treason.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1020" id="footnote_1020"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1020"><span class="muchsmaller">[1020]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 59. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Anselmum inter se et regem medium fecerunt, -quantus ei vice sui manu in manum porrecta promitteret, justis et sanctis -legibus se totum regnum quoad viveret in cunctis administraturum. Hoc -facto sibi quisque quasi de securitate applaudebat.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1021" id="footnote_1021"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1021"><span class="muchsmaller">[1021]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 787 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Omnes Angli, alterius principis jura nescientes, in -sui regis fidelitate perstiterunt, pro qua certamen inire eatis optaverunt.”</span> <abbr title="Compare">Cf.</abbr> -the passages quoted in <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 347, 352. William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 395) -bears the same witness; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Licet principibus deficientibus, partes ejus solidæ -manebant; quas Anselmi archiepiscopi, cum episcopis suis, simul et omnium -Anglorum tutabatur favor.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1022" id="footnote_1022"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1022"><span class="muchsmaller">[1022]</span></a> - It is rather curious that it is Florence who notices at what Norman -haven the fleet came together; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Comes Nortmannorum Rotbertus, equitum, -sagittariorum, et peditum, non parvam congregans multitudinem, in -loco, qui Nortmannica lingua dicitur Ultresport, naves coadunavit.”</span> Eadmer -(<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 59) is more general; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Postquam certitudo de adventu fratris -sui regi innotuit, mox ille, coacto exercitu totius terræ, ipsi bello occurrendum -impiger statuit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1023" id="footnote_1023"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1023"><span class="muchsmaller">[1023]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 59. “Exercitus grandis erat atque robustus, et -circa regem fideliter cum suis in expeditione excubabat pater Anselmus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1024" id="footnote_1024"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1024"><span class="muchsmaller">[1024]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 614. Orderic (774 B) has another mention of the siege -of Capua; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Papa nimirum ibi tunc admodum occupatus erat, quia Capuanos, -qui contra Richardum, principem suum, Jordani filium rebellaverant, -eidem pacificare satagebat; quos idem juvenis, auxilio et animositate -Rogerii senis, avunculi sui, Siculorum comitis, ad deditionem pertinaciter -compulerat.”</span> He goes on to say that Anselm was now <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“inter Italos, de -quorum origine propagatus fuerat.”</span> Eadmer (see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 367) knew -the geography of Aosta better, unless indeed we are to excuse Orderic by -calling in the Lombard origin of Anselm’s father.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1025" id="footnote_1025"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1025"><span class="muchsmaller">[1025]</span></a> - The Chronicle mentions the place; “Ða to middesumeran ferde se -cyng út to Pefenesæ mid eall his fyrde togeanes his broðer and his þær abád.” -Florence says only, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Innumerabili exercitu congregato de tota Anglia, non -longe ab Heastinga castra posuit in Suth-Saxonia; autumabat enim pro -certo, fratrem suum illis in partibus nave appulsurum.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1026" id="footnote_1026"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1026"><span class="muchsmaller">[1026]</span></a> - <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1101. “And se cyng syððan scipe ut on sǽ sende his -broðer to dære and to lættinge.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1027" id="footnote_1027"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1027"><span class="muchsmaller">[1027]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume three page">N. C. vol. iii. p.</abbr> 327.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1028" id="footnote_1028"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1028"><span class="muchsmaller">[1028]</span></a> - So says Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ille [Rotbertus] consilio Rannulfi episcopi, quosdam -de regis butsecarlis adeo rerum diversarum promissionibus fregit, ut, -fidelitate quam regi debebant postposita, ad se transfugerent, et sibi ad -Angliam duces existerent.”</span> But the Chronicler says only, “Ac hi sume -æft æt þære neode abruðon, and fram þam cynge gecyrdon, and to þam eorle -Rotberte gebugan.” Is the cause of this difference between sea-folk and -land-folk to be found in the fact that the sailors must always have been -a professional class, coming one degree nearer to the nature of mercenaries -than the land forces?</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1029" id="footnote_1029"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1029"><span class="muchsmaller">[1029]</span></a> - Such is the comment of Orderic (787 B); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Classis ejus Guillelmi -patris sui classi multum dispar fuit quæ, non exercitus virtute, sed proditorum -procuratione, ad portum Portesmude applicuit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1030" id="footnote_1030"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1030"><span class="muchsmaller">[1030]</span></a> - All our accounts take Robert to Portsmouth, but that vaguer name -may take in the whole haven, so that we may accept the more definite statement -of Wace, 15450;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“O grant gent et o grant navie,</div> -<div class="i0">Et od noble chevalerie</div> -<div class="i0">Passa mer, vint à Porecestre.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">On the castle and church of Portchester, see the Winchester Volume -of the Archæological Institute. The Chronicler gives the date as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“<abbr title="12">xii.</abbr> -nihtan toforan Hlafmæssan,”</span> which would be July 20. Florence says -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“circa ad Vincula S. Petri,”</span> that is August 1; and William of Malmesbury -says <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“mense Augusto.”</span> It is safer to keep to the more definite statement -in the Chronicle.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1031" id="footnote_1031"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1031"><span class="muchsmaller">[1031]</span></a> - <abbr title="Florentii Wigorniensis">Flor. Wig.</abbr> 1101. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Statim versus Wintoniam exercitum movens, apto -in loco castra posuit.”</span> So Wace, as we shall see presently. Orderic says -more vaguely, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Protinus ipse dux a proceribus regni, qui jamdudum illi -hominium fecerant, in provinciam Guentoniensem perductus, constitit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1032" id="footnote_1032"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1032"><span class="muchsmaller">[1032]</span></a> - Wace, 15453;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“D’iloc ala prendre Wincestre;</div> -<div class="i0">Maiz l’en li dist ke la réine</div> -<div class="i0">Sa serorge esteit en gésine,</div> -<div class="i0">Et il dist ke vilain sereit,</div> -<div class="i0">Ki dame en gésine assaldreit.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1033" id="footnote_1033"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1033"><span class="muchsmaller">[1033]</span></a> Wace, 15458;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Vers Lundres fist sa gent torner,</div> -<div class="i0">Kar là kuidont li reis trover.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1034" id="footnote_1034"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1034"><span class="muchsmaller">[1034]</span></a> Our geography comes from Wace, whom I must now quote in the new -edition of Dr. Andresen (10373, answering to 15460 in the edition of -Pluquet);</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Al bois de <em>Hantone</em> esteient ia</div> -<div class="i0">Quant li dus un home encontra,</div> -<div class="i0">Qui li dist que li reis ueneit,</div> -<div class="i0">Ultre le bois l’encontrereit;</div> -<div class="i0">Ultre le bois li reis l’atent.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote">Here the word is <em>Hantone</em> in both texts, but directly after (10393) we read -in Andresen, <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">“Al bois de <em>Altone</em> trespasser,”</span> where Pluquet has <em>Hantone</em>. -This he explains to be “<em>Hampton</em>, <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dans le comté de Middlesex.”</span> If <em>Hantone</em> -were the right reading, it would of course mean <em>Southampton</em>, but we -may be quite sure that Andresen’s second reading <em>Altone</em> is what Wace wrote -in both places. I had myself thought of <em>Alton</em> before I saw the new text, but -I must confess that I have not studied this Hampshire campaign on the spot, -as I have studied those of Maine, Northumberland, Sussex, and Shropshire.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1035" id="footnote_1035"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1035"><span class="muchsmaller">[1035]</span></a> - Both Robert of Bellême and William of Warren are marked by Orderic -(787 B) as traitors, but seemingly a little earlier; but the account in Florence -reads as if some at least of the nobles deserted at this stage, or at all events -after Robert had landed; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cujus adventu cognito, quidam de primoribus -Angliæ mox ad eum, ut ante proposuerant, transfugere, quidam vero cum -rege ficta mente remansere: sed episcopi, milites gregarii, et Angli, animo -constanti cum illo perstitere, unanimiter ad pugnam parati cum ipso descendere.”</span> -Eadmer (<abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 59) is to the same effect.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1036" id="footnote_1036"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1036"><span class="muchsmaller">[1036]</span></a> - See Wace, 15622 <abbr title="et sequentia">et seqq.</abbr> in Pluquet’s edition, 10537 Andresen. -“Li quens de <em>Waumeri</em>,” who, Pluquet saw, must be the Earl of Warren or -Surrey, appears in the new text as “Li quens de Warenne.” His “gab” -against the King is described at great length. The special lines run thus;</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li quens Guill. le gabout,</div> -<div class="i0">Pie de cerf par gap l’apelout,</div> -<div class="i0">E sovent sore li meteit</div> -<div class="i0">E sovent par gap li diseit</div> -<div class="i0">Que al pas de cerf conoisseit</div> -<div class="i0">De quanz ramors li cers esteit.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1037" id="footnote_1037"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1037"><span class="muchsmaller">[1037]</span></a> <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 787 B. “Interea Hugo Cestrensis comes in lectum decidit, -et, post diutinum languorem, monachatum in cœnobio, quod idem -Cestræ construxerat, suscepit, atque post triduum, <abbr title="6">vi.</abbr> kalendas Augusti -obiit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1038" id="footnote_1038"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1038"><span class="muchsmaller">[1038]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 59. “Rex ipse non modo de regni amissione sed -et de vita sua suspectus, nulli credere, in nullo, excepto Anselmo, fidere -valebat. Unde sæpe ad illum venire; principes quos magis a se labi timebat -illi adducere; quatenus, audito verbo illius, et ipse a formidine relevaretur, -et illis metus, si a fide quam sibi spoponderant, aliquatenus caderent, -incuteretur.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1039" id="footnote_1039"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1039"><span class="muchsmaller">[1039]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Robertus igitur amissa fiducia quam in principum traditione -habebat, et non levem deputans excommunicationem Anselmi, quam sibi -ut invasori (nisi cœpto desisteret) invehi certo sciebat, paci adquievit et in -fraternum amorem reversus est, exercitusque in sua dimissus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1040" id="footnote_1040"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1040"><span class="muchsmaller">[1040]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Quapropter in dubia licet assertione fateri, quoniam si post gratiam -Dei fidelitas et industria non intercessisset Anselmi, Henricus rex ea tempestate -perdidisset jus Anglici regni.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1041" id="footnote_1041"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1041"><span class="muchsmaller">[1041]</span></a> - Eadmer, <abbr title="Historia novorum">Hist. Nov.</abbr> 59. “Ipse igitur Anselmo jura totius Christianitatis -in Anglia exercendæ se relicturum, atque decretis et jussionibus -apostolicæ sedis se perpetuo obediturum summopere promittebat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1042" id="footnote_1042"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1042"><span class="muchsmaller">[1042]</span></a> - Wace has a good deal of vivid description at this stage, but this -specially stirring picture, which almost suggests a ballad, comes from -William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 395); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quapropter ipse provincialium fidei -gratus et saluti providus, plerumque cuneos circuiens, docebat quomodo -militum ferociam eludentes, clypeos objectarent et ictus remitterent, quo -effecit ut ultroneis votis pugnam deposcerent, in nullo Normannos metuentes.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote">This is really almost a translation of the lines in the song of Maldon -quoted in N. C. <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 272.</p> - -<p class="footnote">From Orderic too (788 B) we get one vivid sentence strongly bringing -out the nationality of the two armies; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Nobilis corona ingentis exercitus -circumstitit, ibique terribilis decor Normannorum et Anglorum in armis -effulsit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1043" id="footnote_1043"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1043"><span class="muchsmaller">[1043]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_XX">Appendix XX</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1044" id="footnote_1044"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1044"><span class="muchsmaller">[1044]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_XX">Appendix XX</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1045" id="footnote_1045"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1045"><span class="muchsmaller">[1045]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_XX">Appendix XX</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1046" id="footnote_1046"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1046"><span class="muchsmaller">[1046]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_XX">Appendix XX</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1047" id="footnote_1047"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1047"><span class="muchsmaller">[1047]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_XX">Appendix XX</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1048" id="footnote_1048"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1048"><span class="muchsmaller">[1048]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_XX">Appendix XX</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1049" id="footnote_1049"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1049"><span class="muchsmaller">[1049]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_XX">Appendix XX</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1050" id="footnote_1050"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1050"><span class="muchsmaller">[1050]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quibus pacatis,”</span> says Florence, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regis exercitus domum, comitis vero -pars in Normanniam rediit, pars in Anglia secum remansit.”</span> The mischief -done comes from the Chronicle; “And se eorl syððan oððet ofer Sc̃e -Michaeles mæsse her on lande wunode, and his men mycel to hearme æfre -gedydon swa hi geferdon, þa hwile se eorl her on lande wunode.” Orderic -(788 D) says nothing about the army, but records the <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“regalia xenia”</span> -which Henry gave to Robert.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1051" id="footnote_1051"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1051"><span class="muchsmaller">[1051]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 656.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1052" id="footnote_1052"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1052"><span class="muchsmaller">[1052]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 789 A. Fulcher is described as <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“pene illiteratus,”</span> but -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“dapsilitate laudabilis.”</span> He was <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“ad episcopatum procuratione fratris -sui de curia raptus.”</span> Of the second appointment we read, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Luxoviensem -pontificatum filio suo Thomæ puero suscepit, et per triennium, non ut -præsul, sed ut præses, gubernavit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1053" id="footnote_1053"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1053"><span class="muchsmaller">[1053]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 788 D. “Robertus dux in Neustriam rediit, et secum adduxit -Guillelmum de Guarenna pluresque alios pro se exhæredatos.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1054" id="footnote_1054"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1054"><span class="muchsmaller">[1054]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 805 A. “Guillelmus autem, postquam paternum jus, quod -insipienter amiserat, recuperavit, per <abbr title="33">xxxiii.</abbr> annos, quibus simul vixerunt, -utiliter castigatus, regi fideliter adhæsit, et inter præcipuos ac familiares -amicos habitus effloruit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1055" id="footnote_1055"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1055"><span class="muchsmaller">[1055]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 804 C. “Proditores … paulatim ulcisci conatus est, nam -… quamplures ad judicium submonuit, nec simul, sed separatim, variisque -temporibus et multimodis violatæ fidei reatibus implacitavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1056" id="footnote_1056"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1056"><span class="muchsmaller">[1056]</span></a> - The names are given in the passage just quoted. They are coupled -with <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“potentior omnibus aliis Rodbertus de Belismo.”</span> So again in 805 C.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1057" id="footnote_1057"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1057"><span class="muchsmaller">[1057]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two pages">N. C. vol. ii. pp.</abbr> 238, 241.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1058" id="footnote_1058"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1058"><span class="muchsmaller">[1058]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 805 C. “Ivonem quoque, quia guerram in Anglia cœperat, et -vicinorum rura suorum incendio combusserat, quod in illa regione crimen -est inusitatum nec sine gravi ultione fit expiatum, rigidus censor accusatum, -nec purgatum, ingentis pecuniæ redditione oneravit, et plurimo angore -tribulatum mœstificavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1059" id="footnote_1059"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1059"><span class="muchsmaller">[1059]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Imprimis erubescebat improperia quæ sibi fiebant derisoria, quod -funambulus per murum exierat de Antiochia.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1060" id="footnote_1060"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1060"><span class="muchsmaller">[1060]</span></a> - The temporary possession is expressed by the words, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“totam terram -ejus usque ad <abbr title="15">xv.</abbr> annos in vadimonio possideret.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1061" id="footnote_1061"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1061"><span class="muchsmaller">[1061]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hæreditas ejus alienis subdita est”</span> is a comment of Orderic.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1062" id="footnote_1062"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1062"><span class="muchsmaller">[1062]</span></a> - See the song on the recovery of the Five Boroughs in the Chronicle, -941, 942.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1063" id="footnote_1063"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1063"><span class="muchsmaller">[1063]</span></a> - The expressions of the Chronicler under the year 918 are remarkable. -It is not said that the Lady <em>wrought</em> or <em>timbered</em> anything at Leicester; -she found the stronghold, whatever it was, ready made; “Her heo begeat -on hyre geweald mid Godes fultume on foreweardne gear þa burh æt Ligranceastre.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1064" id="footnote_1064"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1064"><span class="muchsmaller">[1064]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 805 D. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Urbs Legrecestria quatuor dominos habuerat.”</span> He -then names them.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1065" id="footnote_1065"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1065"><span class="muchsmaller">[1065]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Præfatus consul de Mellento per partem Yvonis, qui municeps -erat et vicecomes et firmarius regis, callide intravit, et auxilio regis -suaque calliditate totam sibi civitatem mancipavit, et inde consul in -Anglia factus, omnes regni proceres divitiis et potestate præcessit, et pene -omnes parentes suos transcendit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1066" id="footnote_1066"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1066"><span class="muchsmaller">[1066]</span></a> - Orderic remarks, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Inter tot divitias mente cæcatus, filio Yvonis jusjurandum -non servavit, quia idem adolescens statuto tempore juratam -feminam, hæreditariamque tellurem non habuit.”</span> On the deathbed of Earl -Robert, see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 187.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1067" id="footnote_1067"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1067"><span class="muchsmaller">[1067]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 187. Orderic, it may be noticed, calls him “senex” even -at the time of the release of Helias. See above, <a href="#Page_243"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 243</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1068" id="footnote_1068"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1068"><span class="muchsmaller">[1068]</span></a> - See the story in William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 406. Besides these better -known sons, Orderic gives him another, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hugo cognomento pauper.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1069" id="footnote_1069"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1069"><span class="muchsmaller">[1069]</span></a> - See the Chronicle, 1123; <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 197.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1070" id="footnote_1070"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1070"><span class="muchsmaller">[1070]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_380"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 380</a>. Orderic gives him four other daughters.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1071" id="footnote_1071"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1071"><span class="muchsmaller">[1071]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 186. The words of William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 417) are -remarkable; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Comes de Mellento qui, in hoc negotio magis antiqua consuetudine -quam recti tenore rationem reverberans, allegabat multum regiæ -majestati diminui, si, omittens morem antecessorum, non investiret electum -per baculum et annulum.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1072" id="footnote_1072"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1072"><span class="muchsmaller">[1072]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum eight">Mon. Angl. viii.</abbr> 1456. The changes by which Earl Robert’s -church was enlarged into the present church of Saint Mary are singular -indeed. The three churches of Our Lady in and by Leicester must be -carefully distinguished.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1073" id="footnote_1073"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1073"><span class="muchsmaller">[1073]</span></a> - For the abbey of Leicester, or rather <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mary de Pré, see <abbr title="Monasticon Anglicanum six">Mon. -Angl. vi.</abbr> 462.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1074" id="footnote_1074"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1074"><span class="muchsmaller">[1074]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 806 A. “Diligenter eum fecerat per unum annum explorari, -et vituperabiles actus per privatos exploratores caute investigari, summopereque -litteris adnotari.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1075" id="footnote_1075"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1075"><span class="muchsmaller">[1075]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Anno ab incarnatione Domini <abbr title="1102">mcii.</abbr> indictione <abbr title="10">x.</abbr> Henricus rex -Rodbertum de Belismo, potentissimum comitem, ad curiam suam ascivit, -et <abbr title="45">xlv.</abbr> reatus in factis seu dictis contra se vel fratrem suum Normanniæ -ducem, commissos objecit, et de singulis eum palam respondere præcepit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1076" id="footnote_1076"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1076"><span class="muchsmaller">[1076]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cum Rodbertus licentiam, ut moris est, eundi ad consilium -cum suis postulasset, eademque accepta.”</span> It is possible that the -“licentia” means the safe-conduct, but the other interpretation seems more -natural.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1077" id="footnote_1077"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1077"><span class="muchsmaller">[1077]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 806 A. “Egressus, purgari se de objectis criminibus non posse -cognovisset, equis celeriter ascensis, ad castella sua pavidus et anhelus -confugit, et, rege cum baronibus suis responsum exspectante, regius satelles -Rodbertum extemplo recessisse retulit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1078" id="footnote_1078"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1078"><span class="muchsmaller">[1078]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> “Rodbertum itaque publicis questibus impetitum, nec legaliter -expiatum, palam blasphemavit, et nisi ad judicium, rectitudinem facturus, -remearet, publicum hostem judicavit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1079" id="footnote_1079"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1079"><span class="muchsmaller">[1079]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Iterum rebellem ad concionem invitavit, sed ille venire prorsus -refutavit.”</span> All these important details of the legal process are given by -Orderic only, but the Chronicler directly connects the dispute between the King -and Robert with the holding of the regular assemblies, and the writer takes -the opportunity to draw a picture of the greatness of the Earl of Shropshire; -“On þisum geare to Natiuiteð wæs se cyng Heanrig on Westmynstre, -and to Eastron on Winceastre, and sona þæræfter wurdon unsehte se cyng -and se eorl Rotbert of Bælæsme, se hæfde þone eorldom her on lande on -Scrobbesbyrig, þe his fæder Roger eorl ær ahte, and micel rice þærto, ægðer -ge beheonon sǽ ge begeondon.”</p> - -<p class="footnote">It is worth noticing that the Chronicler here uses the English form, -“Rotbert <em>of</em> Bælæsme;” in 1106 he changes to the French, “Rotbert <em>de</em> -Bælesme.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1080" id="footnote_1080"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1080"><span class="muchsmaller">[1080]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_310"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 310</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1081" id="footnote_1081"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1081"><span class="muchsmaller">[1081]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 675 C, 708 B, 897 D.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1082" id="footnote_1082"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1082"><span class="muchsmaller">[1082]</span></a> - Arnulf and Roger are both mentioned by Orderic, 808 C, and William -of Malmesbury, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 396, as having to leave England with their elder brother. -They were therefore his accomplices; but it is only from the Brut y -Tywysogion that we learn how great a share Arnulf had in the whole -matter.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1083" id="footnote_1083"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1083"><span class="muchsmaller">[1083]</span></a> - Brut, 1096 [1098]. “And when the Gwyneddians could not bear the -laws and judgements and violence of the French over them, they rose -up a second time against them.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1084" id="footnote_1084"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1084"><span class="muchsmaller">[1084]</span></a> - Brut, <abbr title="ibid">ib.</abbr> This may refer either to the expedition of the two Hughs -or to the earlier expedition of Hugh of Chester (see <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 97, 129). But -there seems to be no mention of Owen in the Welsh writers at either of -those points.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1085" id="footnote_1085"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1085"><span class="muchsmaller">[1085]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_301"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 301</a>. The Brut couples Gruffydd with Cadwgan.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1086" id="footnote_1086"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1086"><span class="muchsmaller">[1086]</span></a> - The words of the annals quoted in <a href="#Page_301"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 301</a> look as if Gruffydd held -Anglesey strictly as a conqueror. The portion assigned to Cadwgan comes -from the Brut, which distinctly asserts their vassalage in its account of -Robert’s rebellion (1100 [1102]). “Robert and Arnulf invited the Britons, -who were subject to them, in respect of their possessions and titles, that -is to say, Cadwgan, Jorwerth, and Maredudd, sons of Bleddyn, son of -Cynvyn, to their assistance.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1087" id="footnote_1087"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1087"><span class="muchsmaller">[1087]</span></a> - So says the Brut, at least in the English translation; “They [Robert -and Arnulf] gladdened their country with liberty.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1088" id="footnote_1088"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1088"><span class="muchsmaller">[1088]</span></a> - So says Giraldus, <abbr title="Itinerarium Cambriae">It. Camb.</abbr> <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 12 (<abbr title="volume six page">vol. vi. p.</abbr> 143); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“In hac tertia -Gualliæ portione, quæ Powisia dicitur, sunt equitia peroptima, et equi -emissarii laudatissimi, de Hispaniensium equorum generositate, quos olim -comes Slopesburiæ Robertus de Beleme in fines istos adduci curaverat, -originaliter propagati.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1089" id="footnote_1089"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1089"><span class="muchsmaller">[1089]</span></a> - So again witnesses the Brut; but we hardly need witnesses on such -a point.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1090" id="footnote_1090"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1090"><span class="muchsmaller">[1090]</span></a> - So the Brut tells the tale. Orderic mentions the betrothal, which -with him becomes a marriage, somewhat later (808 C); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Arnulfus filiam -regis Hiberniæ nomine Lafracoth uxorem habuit, per quam soceri sui -regnum obtinere concupivit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1091" id="footnote_1091"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1091"><span class="muchsmaller">[1091]</span></a> - So says the Brut (<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 69), which adds that the marriage “was easily -obtained,” and that “the Earls buoyed themselves up with pride on account -of these things.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1092" id="footnote_1092"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1092"><span class="muchsmaller">[1092]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 806 C. “Interea rex legatos in Neustriam direxit, ducique -veridicis apicibus insinuavit, qualiter Rodbertus utrisque forisfecerit, et de -curia sua furtim aufugerit. Deinde commonuit ut, sicut pepigerant in -Anglia, utrique traditorem suum plecterent generali vindicta.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1093" id="footnote_1093"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1093"><span class="muchsmaller">[1093]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 806 C. Vignats is mentioned by Wace (8061) long before -when he speaks of</p> - -<div class="fnpoem"> -<div class="i0a">“Li vieil Willame Talevaz</div> -<div class="i0">Ki tint Sez, Belesme è Vinaz.”</div> -</div> - -<p class="footnote unindent">On the abbey founded in 1130, see Neustria Pia, 749.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1094" id="footnote_1094"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1094"><span class="muchsmaller">[1094]</span></a> - This seems to be the meaning of Orderic’s words, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Non enim sese -sine violentia dedere dignabantur, ne malefidi desertores merito judicarentur.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1095" id="footnote_1095"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1095"><span class="muchsmaller">[1095]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_289"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 289</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1096" id="footnote_1096"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1096"><span class="muchsmaller">[1096]</span></a> - Orderic’s way of telling this is curious; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quia dux deses et mollis -erat, ac principali severitate carebat, Rodbertus de Monteforti, aliique -seditionis complices, qui vicissim dissidebant, mappalia sua, sponte immisso -igne, incenderunt, totum exercitum turbaverunt, et ipsi ex industria, nemine -persequente, fugerunt, aliosque, qui odibilem Rodbertum gravare -affectabant, turpiter fugero compulerunt.”</span> Of all the Roberts concerned, -it would seem to be he of Montfort who was “odibilis” at the present -moment.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1097" id="footnote_1097"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1097"><span class="muchsmaller">[1097]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> “Cum ululatu magno post eos deridentes vociferati -sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1098" id="footnote_1098"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1098"><span class="muchsmaller">[1098]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 806 D. “Per totam ergo provinciam pagensium prædas -rapiebant, et direptis omnibus, domos flammis tradebant.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1099" id="footnote_1099"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1099"><span class="muchsmaller">[1099]</span></a> - Orderic (806 B) implies that the works at Bridgenorth were still going -on; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Brugiam, munitissimum castrum, super Sabrinam fluvium construebat.”</span> -But Florence is still more emphatic; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Muros quoque ac turres castellorum, -videlicet Brycge et Caroclove, die noctuque laborando et operando, perficere -modis omnibus festinavit.”</span> The Brut speaks obscurely of some -earlier dealings about Bridgenorth, of which we have no record elsewhere; -“Brygge, concerning which there had been war, against which the whole -deceit was perpetrated, and which he had founded contrary to the order -of the King.” The rebels are described generally as fortifying their castles -and surrounding them with ditches and walls, which are expressed in the -Welsh text by the loan words <span lang="cy" xml:lang="cy">“O ffossyd a muroed.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1100" id="footnote_1100"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1100"><span class="muchsmaller">[1100]</span></a> - Orderic and the Brut stand alone among our authorities in mentioning -all the four castles, Arundel, Tickhill, Bridgenorth, and Shrewsbury. The -Chronicle and William of Malmesbury leave out Tickhill. Florence and the -Chronicle both leave out Shrewsbury. William of Malmesbury (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 396) -further confounds the siege of Arundel with that of Shrewsbury. From -Orderic we get a clear and full account, while the Brut supplies many -details as to the Welsh side of the business. Orderic opens his story in -a becoming manner; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rex exercitum Angliæ convocavit, et Arundellum -castellum, quod prope litus maris situm est, obsedit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1101" id="footnote_1101"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1101"><span class="muchsmaller">[1101]</span></a> - The <em>Malvoisins</em> before Arundel seem to have struck all our writers. We -get them in the Chronicle; “Se cyng ferde and besæt þone castel æt Arundel, -ac þa he hine swa hraðe gewinnan ne mihte, he let þær toforan castelas -gemakian, and hi mid his mannan gesette.” They appear also in Florence, -William of Malmesbury, and Henry of Huntingdon. They were doubtless -of wood; but it is only from Roger of Wendover (<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 170), who is followed -by Matthew Paris (<abbr title="Historia Anglorum">Hist. Angl.</abbr> <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 190), that we get the direct statement, -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“castellum aliud ligneum contra illud construxit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1102" id="footnote_1102"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1102"><span class="muchsmaller">[1102]</span></a> - So I understand the words of Orderic, 806 B; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Ibi castris constructis, -stratores cum familiis suis tribus mensibus dimisit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1103" id="footnote_1103"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1103"><span class="muchsmaller">[1103]</span></a> - <abbr title="Florentii Wigorniensis">Flor. Wig.</abbr> 1102. “Idcirco mox <em>Walanis et Nortmannis</em>, quot tunc -habere potuit, in unum congregatis, ipse et suus germanus Arnoldus partem -Staffordensis pagæ vastaverunt, ac inde jumenta et animalia multa, hominesque -nonnullos in Waloniam abduxerunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1104" id="footnote_1104"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1104"><span class="muchsmaller">[1104]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 806 B. “Audiens defectionem suorum ingemuit, eosque a -promissa fide, quia impos erat adjutorii, absolvit, multumque mœrens -licentiam concordandi cum rege concessit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1105" id="footnote_1105"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1105"><span class="muchsmaller">[1105]</span></a> - So Orderic; I add the stipulation about Robert from William of -Malmesbury; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Egregia sane conditione, ut dominus suus integra membrorum -salute Normanniam permitteretur abire.”</span> William’s account just -here is very confused; but this condition seems to have struck him, and -it explains some things which come later. He goes on to make this -strange statement; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Porro Scrobesbirienses per Radulfum tum abbatem -Sagii, postea Cantuariæ archiepiscopum, regi misere castelli claves, deditionis -præsentis indices, futuræ devotionis obsides.”</span> Now Orderic has, as -we shall see, a wholly different account of the surrender of Shrewsbury, and -Abbot Ralph, a victim of Robert of Bellême (see <abbr title="volume one page">vol. i. p.</abbr> 184), is not at all -likely to have been in one of his castles. Can it be that William has got -hold of the wrong castle and the wrong Ralph? Did Bishop Ralph of -Chichester act by any chance as mediator between the King and the -garrison of Arundel, a place in his diocese?</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1106" id="footnote_1106"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1106"><span class="muchsmaller">[1106]</span></a> - The name of Howard is not heard till the time of Edward the First, -and it is not noble till some generations later. If it really be the name of -an English office, <em>Hayward</em> or <em>Hogward</em>, and not a Norman <em>Houard</em>, then -Arundel, already a castle <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr>, has fittingly come back to the old -stock.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1107" id="footnote_1107"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1107"><span class="muchsmaller">[1107]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_160"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 160</a>. Tickhill appears as “Tyckyll” in Florence, as -“Blida” in Orderic, as “Blif” in the Brut. The editor of this last, who -carefully translates “Amúythia” as Shrewsbury, seems not to have known -that “Blif” and “Bryg”—​there seem to be several readings—​meant -Blyth and Bridgenorth.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1108" id="footnote_1108"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1108"><span class="muchsmaller">[1108]</span></a> - So Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Rotbertum, Lindicolinæ civitatis episcopum, cum parte -exercitus Tyckyll obsidere jussit [rex]: ille autem Brycge cum exercitu -pene totius Angliæ obsedit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1109" id="footnote_1109"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1109"><span class="muchsmaller">[1109]</span></a> - “Unde,” says Orderic—​that is from Arundel—<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“rex ad Blidam castrum, -quod Rogerii de Buthleio quondam fuerat, exercitum promovit. Cui mox -gaudentes oppidani obviam processerunt, ipsumque naturalem dominum -fatentes, cum gaudio susceperunt.”</span> Yet it may be that Bishop Robert, like -Joab and Luxemburg, fought against the castle, and that Henry, like David -and Lewis the Fourteenth, came to receive its submission.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1110" id="footnote_1110"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1110"><span class="muchsmaller">[1110]</span></a> - The succession of the lords of Tickhill is traced by Mr. John Raine in -his history of Blyth.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1111" id="footnote_1111"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1111"><span class="muchsmaller">[1111]</span></a> - See Raine, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 168.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1112" id="footnote_1112"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1112"><span class="muchsmaller">[1112]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 488.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1113" id="footnote_1113"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1113"><span class="muchsmaller">[1113]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 806 B. “His ita peractis, rex populos parumper quiescere -permisit, ejusque prudentiam et animositatem congeries magnatorum pertimuit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1114" id="footnote_1114"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1114"><span class="muchsmaller">[1114]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 807 A. “Rodbertus autem Scrobesburiam secesserat, et -præfatum oppidum Rogerio, Corbati filio, et Rodberto de Novavilla, Ulgerioque -Venatori commiserat, quibus <abbr title="80">lxxx.</abbr> stipendiarios milites conjunxerat.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1115" id="footnote_1115"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1115"><span class="muchsmaller">[1115]</span></a> - Corbet—“Corbatus”—​appears in Orderic (522 B, C), along with his -sons Roger and Robert, as a chief man in Shropshire under Earl Roger. -He must have died before the Survey, as only his sons appear there. -The lands which Corbet’s son Roger held of Earl Roger fill nearly two -columns in Domesday, 255 <span class="decoration">b</span>; they are followed by those of his brother -Robert in 256. Several of Roger’s holdings had been held by Eadric, and -in one lordship of Robert’s he is distinctly marked as “Edric Salvage.” -Several of Roger’s under-tenants are mentioned, of whom “Osulfus” -and “Ernuinus” must be English, while another lordship had been -held by <em>Ernui</em>. If these names mean the same person, then Earnwine or -Earnwig had held two lordships, one of which he lost altogether, while the -other he kept in the third degree, holding it under Roger son of Corbet, -who held it under Earl Roger. I suppose that these sons of Corbet have -nothing to do with <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Robertus filius Corbutionis”</span> who appears in the east -of England and whose name is said to be “Corpechun.” See Ellis, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 478. -I cannot find Robertus de Novavilla in Domesday.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1116" id="footnote_1116"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1116"><span class="muchsmaller">[1116]</span></a> - I cannot find Wulfgar in Domesday, unless he be the Vlgar who appears -as an antecessor in 256, 257 <span class="decoration">b</span>. Some other huntsmen, fittingly bearing -wolfish names, as Wulfgeat (50 <span class="decoration">b</span>) and Wulfric (50 <span class="decoration">b</span>, 84), appear in -Domesday as keeping land <abbr title="Tempore Regis Willelmi">T. R. W.</abbr>, but no Wulfgar.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1117" id="footnote_1117"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1117"><span class="muchsmaller">[1117]</span></a> - The action of the Welsh appears in all our accounts, but most fully in -Orderic and the Brut. The Annales Cambriæ say only <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Seditio [magna] -orta est inter Robertum Belleem et Henricum regem.”</span> William of Malmesbury -says spitefully, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Wallensibus pro motu fortunæ ad malum pronis.”</span> -But he seems somehow to connect them specially with Shrewsbury. -Florence is emphatic, and brings out the feudal relation between them and -Earl Robert (see above, <a href="#Page_424"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 424</a>); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Walanos etiam, <em>suos homines</em>, ut promptiores -sibique fideliores ac paratiores essent ad id perficiendum quod volebat, -honoribus, terris, equis, armis incitavit, variisque donis largiter ditavit.”</span> -From the Brut we get the names of all three, Cadwgan, Jorwerth, and -Meredydd. Orderic leaves out Meredydd, and calls them sons of Rhys -instead of Bleddyn. He adds, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Quos cum suis copiis exercitum regis -exturbare frequenter dirigebat.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1118" id="footnote_1118"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1118"><span class="muchsmaller">[1118]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 807 A. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guillelmum Pantolium, militarem probumque virum, -exhæreditaverat, et multa sibi pollicentem servitia in instanti necessitate -penitus a se propulsaverat.”</span> Orderic had mentioned him already in 522 -B, C, by the name of “Guillelmus Pantulfus,” as one of Earl Roger’s chief -followers in Shropshire. His Shropshire holdings fill a large space in -Domesday, 257, 257 <span class="decoration">b</span>, where he appears as Pantulf and Pantul; and the -history of one of them has been commented on in <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 737. -Many of them were waste when he received them. His Staffordshire -lordship is entered in <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 248, with the addition <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“in Stadford una vasta -masura.”</span> See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 281. I do not know why Lappenberg -(<abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 234, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 294 of the translation) makes William Pantulf to have -been persecuted (“verfolgt”) by Earl Roger on account of a share in the -murder of Mabel. If he had lost his lands then, he would hardly have -appeared in Domesday, and, according to Orderic, it was not Earl Roger, -but Robert of Bellême himself, who disinherited him.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1119" id="footnote_1119"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1119"><span class="muchsmaller">[1119]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 316. Orderic calls it <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Staphordi castrum, quod -in vicino erat.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1120" id="footnote_1120"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1120"><span class="muchsmaller">[1120]</span></a> - Orderic tells us, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Hic super omnes Rodberto nocuit, et usque ad -dejectionem consiliis et armis pertinaciter obstitit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1121" id="footnote_1121"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1121"><span class="muchsmaller">[1121]</span></a> - The <span class="title">Malvoisin</span> at Bridgenorth comes from Florence; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Machinas ibi -construere et castellum firmare cœpit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1122" id="footnote_1122"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1122"><span class="muchsmaller">[1122]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Totius Angliæ legiones in autumno adunavit, et in regionem Merciorum -minavit, ibique Brugiam tribus septimanis obsedit.”</span> So says Orderic, -807 A. When Florence says, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“infra <abbr title="30">xxx.</abbr> dies civitate omnibusque castellis -redditis,”</span> he must take in Shrewsbury, though he does not mention its -name. Bridgenorth could not be called “civitas;” Shrewsbury is so called -in Domesday, where the name does not imply a bishop’s see.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1123" id="footnote_1123"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1123"><span class="muchsmaller">[1123]</span></a> - See <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 83, 86.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1124" id="footnote_1124"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1124"><span class="muchsmaller">[1124]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 807 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Consules et primores regni una convenerunt, et de -pacificando discorde cum domino suo admodum tractaverunt. Dicebant -enim, Si rex magnificum</span> [<span lang="el" xml:lang="el" title="megalopragmona te kai kakopragmona">μεγαλοπράγμονά τε καὶ κακοπράγμονα</span>] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">comitem -violenter subegerit, nimiaque pertinacia, ut conatur, eum exhæreditaverit, -omnes nos ut imbelles ancillas amodo conculcabit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1125" id="footnote_1125"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1125"><span class="muchsmaller">[1125]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 807 B. “Pacem igitur inter eos obnixi seramus, ut hero comparique -nostro legitime proficiamus, et sic utcunque perturbationes sedando -debitorem nobis faciamus.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1126" id="footnote_1126"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1126"><span class="muchsmaller">[1126]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_151"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 151</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1127" id="footnote_1127"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1127"><span class="muchsmaller">[1127]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 807 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Regem omnes simul adierunt, et in medio campo -<em>colloquium</em></span> [see <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 688] <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">de pace medullitus fecerunt, ac pluribus -argumentis regiam austeritatem emollire conati sunt.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1128" id="footnote_1128"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1128"><span class="muchsmaller">[1128]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tunc in quodam proximo colle tria millia <em>pagensium militum</em> -stabant, et optimatum molimina satis intelligentes, ad regem vociferando -clamabant.”</span> The word “milites” is qualified by “pagenses;” so we are -not to conceive three thousand English “chivalers” or “rideras,” least of -all in a shire where no King’s thegns were left.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1129" id="footnote_1129"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1129"><span class="muchsmaller">[1129]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume two pages">N. C. vol. ii. pp.</abbr> 104, 105, and below, <a href="#Page_448"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 448</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1130" id="footnote_1130"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1130"><span class="muchsmaller">[1130]</span></a> - I have here simply translated Orderic. The words are doubtless his -own; but the matter is quite in place.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1131" id="footnote_1131"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1131"><span class="muchsmaller">[1131]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_430"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 430</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1132" id="footnote_1132"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1132"><span class="muchsmaller">[1132]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 807 B. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“His auditis, rex animatus est, <em>eoque mox recedente</em>, -conatus factiosorum adnihilatus est.”</span> I do not quite see the force of the -words in Italics. Does it mean simply leaving the place of the “colloquium”? -It cannot, from what goes before and after, mean changing the quarters of -the whole army.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1133" id="footnote_1133"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1133"><span class="muchsmaller">[1133]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> B, C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Præfatos Gualorum reges per Guillelmum Pantolium rex -accersiit, eosque datis muneribus et promissis demulcens, hosti caute surripuit -suæque parti cum viribus suis associavit.”</span> The detailed narrative comes -from the Brut, to whose author the different conduct of the brothers was -naturally more interesting than it was to Orderic. He speaks of the -message as “sent to the Britons,” and specially to Jorwerth, without mentioning -Cadwgan and Meredydd. He is the best authority for what went -on among his own people, while we may trust Orderic for the name of the -negotiator on the King’s side. Florence speaks quite generally; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Interim -Walanos, in quibus fiduciam magnam Rotbertus habuerat, ut juramenta -quæ illi juraverant irrita fierent, et ab illo penitus deficerent in illumque -consurgerent, donis modicis facile corrupit.”</span> The gifts actually given may -have been small, but the promises were certainly large.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1134" id="footnote_1134"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1134"><span class="muchsmaller">[1134]</span></a> - The Brut makes the King “promise him more than he should obtain -from the earls, and the portion he ought to have of the land of the Britons.” -This is then defined as the districts mentioned in the text.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1135" id="footnote_1135"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1135"><span class="muchsmaller">[1135]</span></a> - “Half of Dyved,” says the Brut, “as the other half had been given to -the son of Baldwin.” That Jorwerth’s half was to take in Pembroke -Castle appears from the words towards the end of this year’s entry, where -the King “took Dyved and the castle from him.” “The castle” in Dyfed -can only be Pembroke.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1136" id="footnote_1136"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1136"><span class="muchsmaller">[1136]</span></a> - The Brut tells this at some length, speaking rather pointedly of “the -territory of Robert his lord.” See above, <a href="#Page_424"><abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 424</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1137" id="footnote_1137"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1137"><span class="muchsmaller">[1137]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 807 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tres quoque præcipuos municipes mandavit, et -coram cunctis juravit quod nisi oppidum in triduo sibi redderent, omnes -quoscunque de illis capere posset, suspendio perirent.”</span> These “municipes,” -the “oppidani” of the rest of the story, must be the three captains, Roger, -Robert, and Wulfgar. Odd as it seems, both “oppidanus” and “municeps” -are often used in this sense. See Ducange in Municeps.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1138" id="footnote_1138"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1138"><span class="muchsmaller">[1138]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Guillelmum Pantolium, qui affinis eorum erat.” “Affinis”</span> in the -language of Orderic often means simply neighbour, as in 708 A.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1139" id="footnote_1139"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1139"><span class="muchsmaller">[1139]</span></a> - “Facete composita oratione ad reddendam legitimo regi munitionem -commonuit, cujus ex parte terra centum librarum fundos eorum augendos -jurejurando promisit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1140" id="footnote_1140"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1140"><span class="muchsmaller">[1140]</span></a> - “Oppidani, considerata communi commoditate, acquieverunt, et regiæ -majestatis voluntati, ne resistendo periclitarentur, obedierunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1141" id="footnote_1141"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1141"><span class="muchsmaller">[1141]</span></a> - “Se non posse ulterius tolerare violentiam invicti principis mandaverunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1142" id="footnote_1142"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1142"><span class="muchsmaller">[1142]</span></a> - So says the Brut, adding, “without knowing anything of what was -passing.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1143" id="footnote_1143"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1143"><span class="muchsmaller">[1143]</span></a> - The embassy at this stage comes only from the Brut, but as the later -one (see below, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 448) is mentioned also, we may accept it. The Welsh -writer naturally makes the most of his countrymen, and makes Robert -despair on the secession of Jorwerth. “He thought he had no power left -since Jorwerth had gone from him, for he was the principal among the -Britons, and the greatest in power.” This may not be an exaggeration, -as he lost with Jorwerth all power of doing anything in the open -field.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1144" id="footnote_1144"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1144"><span class="muchsmaller">[1144]</span></a> - The journey of Arnulf at this particular time comes only from the Brut, -but it quite fits in with the rest of the story.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1145" id="footnote_1145"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1145"><span class="muchsmaller">[1145]</span></a> - On the second voyage of Magnus, see <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1146" id="footnote_1146"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1146"><span class="muchsmaller">[1146]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1147" id="footnote_1147"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1147"><span class="muchsmaller">[1147]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 807 C. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Stipendiarii autem milites pacem nescierunt, quam -oppidani omnes et burgenses, perire nolentes, illis inconsultis fecerunt.”</span> -The appearance of the “burgenses,” a class who must have grown up -speedily, as Bridgenorth is no Domesday borough, mark yet more distinctly -the true meaning of “oppidani.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1148" id="footnote_1148"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1148"><span class="muchsmaller">[1148]</span></a> - “Cum insperatam rem comperissent, indignati sunt, et armis assumptis -inchoatum opus impedire nisi sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1149" id="footnote_1149"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1149"><span class="muchsmaller">[1149]</span></a> - “Oppidanorum violentia in quadam parte munitionis inclusi sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1150" id="footnote_1150"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1150"><span class="muchsmaller">[1150]</span></a> - “Regii satellites cum regali vexillo, multis gaudentibus, suscepti -sunt.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1151" id="footnote_1151"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1151"><span class="muchsmaller">[1151]</span></a> - <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Deinde rex, quia stipendiarii fidem principi suo servabant, ut decuit, -eis liberum cum equis et armis exitum annuit. Qui egredientes, inter -catervas obsidentium plorabant, seseque fraudulentia castrensium et magistrorum -male supplantatos palam plangebant, et coram omni exercitu, ne -talis eorum casus aliis opprobrio esset stipendiariis, complicum dolos -detegebant.”</span> The use of the words may seem odd; but “magistri” must -mean the captains, and “castrenses” the burgesses.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1152" id="footnote_1152"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1152"><span class="muchsmaller">[1152]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four pages">N. C. vol. iv. pp.</abbr> 272, 492. We may here again mark the accuracy -of Orderic’s local descriptions in his own shire (807 D); <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Scrobesburiam -urbem in monte sitam, quæ in ternis lateribus circumluitur Sabrina -flumine.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1153" id="footnote_1153"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1153"><span class="muchsmaller">[1153]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume four page">N. C. vol. iv. p.</abbr> 498.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1154" id="footnote_1154"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1154"><span class="muchsmaller">[1154]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 807 D. “Robertus de Belismo, ut munitissimum Brugiæ -castrum, in quo maxime confidebat, regi subactum audivit, anxius ingemuit, -et pene in amentiam versus, quid ageret ignoravit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1155" id="footnote_1155"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1155"><span class="muchsmaller">[1155]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 808 A. “Plus quam <abbr title="60">lx.</abbr> milia peditum erant in expeditione.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1156" id="footnote_1156"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1156"><span class="muchsmaller">[1156]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 807 D. “Rex phalanges suas jussit Huvel-hegem pertransire…. -Angli quippe quemdam transitum per silvam <em>huvelge-hem</em> dicunt, -quem Latini <em>malum callem</em> vel <em>vicum</em>, nuncupare possunt. Via enim per -mille passus erat cava, grandibus saxis aspera, stricta quoque quæ vix -duos pariter equitantes capere valebat, cui opacum nemus ex utraque -parte obumbrabat, in quo sagittarii delitescebant, et stridulis missilibus -vel sagittis prætereuntes subito mulctabant.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1157" id="footnote_1157"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1157"><span class="muchsmaller">[1157]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> 808 A. “Rex jussit silvam securibus præcidere, et amplissimam -stratam sibi et cunctis transeuntibus usque in æternum præparare. Regia -jussio velociter completa est, saltuque complanato latissimus trames a -multitudine adæquatus est.”</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1158" id="footnote_1158"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1158"><span class="muchsmaller">[1158]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 808 A. “Severus rex memor injuriarum, <em>cum pugnaci multitudine -decrevit</em> illum impetere nec ei ullatenus nisi victum se redderet -parcere.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1159" id="footnote_1159"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1159"><span class="muchsmaller">[1159]</span></a> - For the date, see above, <a href="#Page_435"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 435</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1160" id="footnote_1160"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1160"><span class="muchsmaller">[1160]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> <abbr title="ut sequitur">u. s.</abbr> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Tristis casus sui angore contabuit, et consultu amicorum -regi jam prope urbem venienti obviam processit, et crimen proditionis -confessus, claves urbi victori exhibuit.”</span> This time the keys were -doubtless not handed on the point of a spear.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1161" id="footnote_1161"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1161"><span class="muchsmaller">[1161]</span></a> - <abbr title="Orderic Vitalis">Ord. Vit.</abbr> 808 A. “Ipsum cum equis et armis incolumem abire permisit, -salvumque per Angliam usque ad mare conductum porrexit.”</p> - -<p class="footnote">There is nothing very special in the other accounts. On the story about -Bishop Ralph in William of Malmesbury, see above, <a href="#Page_430"><abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 430</a>. But William -adds (<abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 396) a remarkable condition to Robert’s banishment; <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Angliam -perpetuo abjuravit; sed vigorem sacramenti temperavit adjectio, nisi regi -placito quandoque satisfecisset obsequio.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1162" id="footnote_1162"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1162"><span class="muchsmaller">[1162]</span></a> - The native Chronicler alone notices this point. His account of the -siege of Bridgenorth—​leaving out Shrewsbury—​runs thus; “Se cyng … -syððan mid ealre his fyrde ferde to Brigge, and þær wunode oððe he þone -castel hæfde, and þone eorl Rotbert belænde, and ealles benæmde þæs -he on Englalande hæfde, and se eorl swa ofer sǽ gewát, <em>and seo fyrde -siððan ham cyrde</em>.” Men might stay at home during the rest of Henry’s -days, unless they were called to go beyond sea themselves.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1163" id="footnote_1163"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1163"><span class="muchsmaller">[1163]</span></a> - Numbers, <abbr title="twenty-two">xxi.</abbr> 29.</p> - -<p class="footnote" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> <a name="footnote_1164" id="footnote_1164"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1164"><span class="muchsmaller">[1164]</span></a> - “Omnis Anglia exsulante crudeli tyranno exsultavit, multorumque -congratulatio regi Henrico tunc adulando dixit, Gaude, rex Henrice, Dominoque -Deo grates age, quia tu libere cœpisti regnare, ex quo Rodbertum -de Belismo vicisti, et de finibus regni tui expulisti.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1165" id="footnote_1165"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1165"><span class="muchsmaller">[1165]</span></a> - Orderic and William of Malmesbury record the banishment of both -brothers. Florence mentions Arnulf only. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Germanum illius [Rotberti] -Arnoldum paulo post, pro sua perfidia, simili sorte damnavit.”</span> To the -author of the Brut the departure of Arnulf was of special importance. The -King gives him his choice, “either to quit the kingdom and follow his brother, -or else”—I can only follow the translation—“to be at his will with his -head in his lap.” “When Ernulf heard that, he was most desirous of -going after his brother; so he delivered his castle [of Pembroke] to the -King, and the King placed a garrison in it.”</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1166" id="footnote_1166"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1166"><span class="muchsmaller">[1166]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five pages">N. C. vol. v. pp.</abbr> 173, 184. See <abbr title="Peterborough Chronicle">Chron. Petrib.</abbr> 1105, 1112; <abbr title="Florentii Wigorniensis ibid">Flor. -Wig. ib.</abbr> <abbr title="Compare Henry Huntingdon De Contemptu Mundi two">Cf. Hen. Hunt de Cont. Mundi, <span class="muchsmaller">II</span></abbr>. <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Qui cæteros carcere -vexaverat, in carcere perenni a rege Henrico positus, longo supplicio -sceleratus deperiit. Quam tantopere fama coluerat dum viveret, in carcere -utrum viveret vel obisset nescivit, diemque mortis ejus obmutescens -ignoravit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1167" id="footnote_1167"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1167"><span class="muchsmaller">[1167]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1168" id="footnote_1168"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1168"><span class="muchsmaller">[1168]</span></a> - See <a href="#Note_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1169" id="footnote_1169"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1169"><span class="muchsmaller">[1169]</span></a> - The latter is the story in the Brut; the Annales Cambriæ say; -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Jorwert filius Bledint Maredut frater suum cepit, regi tradidit;”</span> or, in -another reading, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Cepit fratrem suum Mareduch, et eum in carcerem regis -trusit.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1170" id="footnote_1170"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1170"><span class="muchsmaller">[1170]</span></a> - See above, <a href="#Page_98"><abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 98</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1171" id="footnote_1171"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1171"><span class="muchsmaller">[1171]</span></a> - Brut, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 75.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1172" id="footnote_1172"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1172"><span class="muchsmaller">[1172]</span></a> - See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 160.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1173" id="footnote_1173"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1173"><span class="muchsmaller">[1173]</span></a> - <abbr title="ibid">Ib.</abbr> <abbr title="volume one pages">vol. i. pp.</abbr> 327, 333.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1174" id="footnote_1174"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1174"><span class="muchsmaller">[1174]</span></a> - The account in the Brut is that in 1101 (that is 1103) he “was cited -to Shrewsbury, through the treachery of the King’s council. And his -pleadings and claims were arranged; and on his having come, all the -pleadings were turned against him, and the pleading continued through -the day, and at last he was adjudged to be fineable, and was afterwards -cast into the King’s prison, not according to law, but according to power.” -Again I should like to be able to judge of the translation. The Annals -say in one copy, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“Iorward filius Bledint apud Saresberiam a rege Henrico -injuste capitur;”</span> in another, <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“captus est ab hominibus regis apud Slopesburiam.”</span> -Shrewsbury is of course the right reading.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1175" id="footnote_1175"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1175"><span class="muchsmaller">[1175]</span></a> - So says the Brut. The Annals also call him <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">“decus et solamen -Britanniæ.”</span></p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1176" id="footnote_1176"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1176"><span class="muchsmaller">[1176]</span></a> - His story is told among others by William of Malmesbury, <abbr title="five">v.</abbr> 397, 398.</p> - -<p class="footnote"> <a name="footnote_1177" id="footnote_1177"></a> -<a href="#fnanchor_1177"><span class="muchsmaller">[1177]</span></a> - The question of his blinding has a bearing on the question of the -blinding of Duke Robert. See <abbr title="Norman Conquest volume five page">N. C. vol. v. p.</abbr> 849.</p> - -</div><!--end chapter--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 class="p4 h3head"><a name="Index" id="Index"></a>INDEX.</h3> - -<p class="p2 center">A.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Aaron, the Jew, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 160 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Abbeys, - <ul> - <li>sale of, by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 134, 135, 347, 349;</li> - <li>vacancies of, prolonged by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 134, 135, 347, 350, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>;</li> - <li>Englishmen appointed to by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 352;</li> - <li>in what sense the king’s, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 455.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Aberafan, - <ul> - <li>held by the descendants of Jestin, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> - <li>foundation of the borough, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Aberllech, English defeat at, ii. <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> - -<li>Aberlleiniog Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>; - <ul> - <li>destroyed by the Welsh, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> - <li>rebuilt, ii. <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> - <li>modern traces of, ii. <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> - <li>fleet of Magnus off, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Aberllwehr Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> - -<li>Abingdon Abbey, dealings of Hugh of Dun and Hugh of Buckland with, ii. <a href="#Page_665">665</a>.</li> - -<li>Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, her correspondence with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 374, ii. <a href="#Page_571">571</a>.</li> - -<li>Adelaide, - <ul> - <li>wife of Walter Tirel, ii. <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_673">673</a>;</li> - <li>her tenure of lands in Essex, ii. <a href="#Page_674">674</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Adeliza, Queen, wife of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 389 (<a href="#footnote_985"><span class="decoration">note</span></a>).</li> - -<li>Adeliza (Atheliz), abbess of Wilton, Anselm’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_578">578</a>.</li> - -<li>Adeliza, wife of Roger of Montgomery, legend of her vow, ii. <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li> - -<li>Adeliza, wife of William Fitz-Osbern, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 266.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Advocatio</span>, <span class="decoration">advowson</span>, right and duty of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 420.</li> - -<li>Ælfgifu-Emma. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Emma">Emma</a>.</li> - -<li>Ælfheah, Archbishop of Canterbury, Anselm asserts his right to the title of martyr, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 377.</li> - -<li>Ælfhere, Prior of Saint Eadmund’s, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>.</li> - -<li>Ælfred, King, Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> descended from, ii. <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</li> - -<li>Ælfred of Lincoln, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</li> - -<li>Ælfsige, Abbot of Bath, his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 136.</li> - -<li>Ælwine Retheresgut, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 359 (<a href="#footnote_879"><span class="decoration">note</span></a>).</li> - -<li>Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians, fortifies Bridgenorth, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, 153 (<a href="#footnote_409"><span class="decoration">note</span></a>).</li> - -<li>Æthelflæd, Abbess of Romsey, her alleged outwitting of William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>.</li> - -<li>Æthelnoth the Good, Archbishop of Canterbury, his gift of a cope to the Archbishop of Beneventum, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 610.</li> - -<li>Æthelred <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr>, compared with William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> - -<li>Æthelward, son of Dolfin, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Agnes of Ponthieu, - <ul> - <li>wife of Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 180;</li> - <li>his treatment of her, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 183;</li> - <li>escapes from him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 183 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Agnes, wife of Helias of Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li> - -<li>Agnes, widow of Walter Giffard, said to have poisoned Sibyl of Conversana, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 312 (<a href="#footnote_752"><span class="decoration">note</span></a>).</li> - -<li>Aiulf, Sheriff of Dorset, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</li> - -<li>Alan the Black, lord of Richmond, - <ul> - <li>part of Bishop William’s lands granted to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 90;</li> - <li>his agreement with the Bishop, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 93;</li> - <li>intervenes on his behalf, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 109, 117, 120;</li> - <li>Rufus bids him give the Bishop ships, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 114;</li> - <li>seeks Eadgyth-Matilda in marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_602">602</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_602"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Albanians, followers of Magnus so called, ii. <a href="#Page_623">623</a>.</li> - -<li>Alberic, Earl of Northumberland, confirms the grant of Tynemouth to Jarrow, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_605">605</a>.</li> - -<li>Alberic of Grantmesnil, - <ul> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552;</li> - <li>called the “rope-dancer,” <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 565 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Aldric, Saint, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_633">633</a>.</li> - -<li>Alençon, garrison of, - <ul> - <li>driven out by Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 193;</li> - <li>surrenders to Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 218;</li> - <li>the army of William Rufus meets at, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Alexander the Great, William Rufus compared to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 287.</li> - -<li>Alexander <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr>, Pope, his excommunication of Harold, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 612.</li> - -<li>Alexander, King of Scotland, - <ul> - <li>son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> - <li>driven out of Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> - <li>his accession, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li> - <li>marries a daughter of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <a href="#Page_124"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Alexios Komnênos, Eastern Emperor, - <ul> - <li>appeals for help to the Council of Piacenza, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 545;</li> - <li>Duke Robert does homage to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 564.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Allières, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li>Almaric the Young, ii. <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> - -<li>Alnwick, - <ul> - <li>history of the castle and lords of, ii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>;</li> - <li>death of Malcolm <abbr title="Three">III.</abbr> at, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_592">592</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Alton, meeting of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and Robert near, ii. <a href="#Page_408">408</a>.</li> - -<li>Alvestone, sickness of William Rufus at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 390.</li> - -<li>Amalchis, brings news to William Rufus of the victories of Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_645">645–652</a>, 785.</li> - -<li>Amalfi, siege of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 562.</li> - -<li>Amalric of Montfort, gets possession of the county of Evreux, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 268 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Amercements, provision for, in Henry’s charters, ii. <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> - -<li>Amfrida, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_571">571</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Anglesey" id="Anglesey"></a>Anglesey, - <ul> - <li>advance of Hugh of Chester in, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> - <li>deliverance of, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> - <li>war of 1098 in, ii. <a href="#Page_127">127</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>fleet of Magnus off, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li> - <li>his designs thereon, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> - <li>subdued by Hugh of Chester, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li> - <li>recovered by the Welsh, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li> - <li>second visit of Magnus to, ii. <a href="#Page_442">442</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Annales Cambriæ</span>, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 3 <a href="#footnote_1">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Anselm, - <ul> - <li>his biographers, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 325 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</li> - <li>his birthplace and parentage, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 366;</li> - <li>compared with Lanfranc, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 368, 456;</li> - <li>his friendship with William the Conqueror, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 368, 380;</li> - <li>not preferred in England by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 368;</li> - <li>his character, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 369;</li> - <li>his childhood and youth, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 370, 371;</li> - <li>leaves Aosta, sojourns at Avranches, and becomes a monk at Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 371;</li> - <li>elected prior and abbot, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 372;</li> - <li>his wide-spread fame, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 373;</li> - <li>his correspondence, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 374, ii. <a href="#Page_570">570</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>his desire to do justice, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 377;</li> - <li>his first visit to England, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>asserts Ælfheah’s right to the title of martyr, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his friendship with the monks of Christ Church, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 378;</li> - <li>with Eadmer, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 369, 378, 460;</li> - <li>his popularity in England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 378;</li> - <li>his preaching and alleged miracles, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 379;</li> - <li>his friendship for Earl Hugh, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 380;</li> - <li>entertained by Walter Tirel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 380 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>regarded as the future Archbishop, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 381;</li> - <li>refuses Earl Hugh’s invitation to Chester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 383;</li> - <li>yields at last, at the bidding of his monks, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 384;</li> - <li>hailed at Canterbury as the future Archbishop, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 385;</li> - <li>his first interview with William Rufus, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>rebukes him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 386;</li> - <li>goes to Chester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 387;</li> - <li>the King refuses him leave to go back, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 388;</li> - <li>his form of prayer for the appointment of an archbishop, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 390;</li> - <li>the King’s mocking speech about, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>sent for by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 393;</li> - <li>named by him to the archbishopric, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 396, ii. <a href="#Page_584">584</a>;</li> - <li>his unwillingness, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 396;</li> - <li>Rufus pleads with him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 398;</li> - <li>invested by force, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 399;</li> - <li>his first installation, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 400;</li> - <li>his prophecy and parable, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 401;</li> - <li>has no scruple about the royal right of investiture, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 403;</li> - <li>later change in his views, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 404;</li> - <li>stays with Gundulf, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 406;</li> - <li>his interview with William at Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 412;</li> - <li>conditions of his acceptance, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 413–416;</li> - <li>refuses to confirm William’s grants during the vacancy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 418–421;</li> - <li>states the case in a letter to Hugh of Lyons, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 419, ii. <a href="#Page_571">571</a>, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>;</li> - <li>receives the archbishopric and does homage, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 422;</li> - <li>his friendship with Abbot Paul of Saint Alban’s, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 423;</li> - <li>the papal question left unsettled, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 424, 432;</li> - <li>his enthronement, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 427;</li> - <li>Flambard’s suit against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 428;</li> - <li>his consecration, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 429–432;</li> - <li>professes obedience to the Church of Rome, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 432;</li> - <li>attends the Gemót at Gloucester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 434;</li> - <li>his unwilling contribution for the war against Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 437, 438;</li> - <li>his gift refused by the King, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 439;</li> - <li>his dispute with the Bishop of London, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 440;</li> - <li>at the consecration of Battle Abbey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 444;</li> - <li>insists on the profession of Robert Bloet, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 446;</li> - <li>rebukes the courtiers, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 449;</li> - <li>appeals to Rufus for reforms, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 451;</li> - <li>asks leave to hold a synod, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>protests against fashionable vices, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 452;</li> - <li>prays the King to fill vacant abbeys, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 453;</li> - <li>his claim to the regency, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 457;</li> - <li>attempts to regain the King’s favour, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>refuses to give him money, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 458–460;</li> - <li>leaves Hastings, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 460;</li> - <li>his interview with the King at Gillingham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 481;</li> - <li>asks leave to go to Urban for the pallium, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 481–484;</li> - <li>argues in favour of Urban, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 484;</li> - <li>asks for an assembly to discuss the question, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 485;</li> - <li>insists on the acknowledgement of Urban, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 486;</li> - <li>states his case at the assembly at Rockingham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 492;</li> - <li>how regarded by the King’s party, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 493;</li> - <li>advice of the bishops to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 494;</li> - <li>sets forth his twofold duties, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 495, 496;</li> - <li>compared with William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 497;</li> - <li>not the first to appeal to Rome, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his speech to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 498;</li> - <li>sleeps during the debate, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>the King’s message and advice of the bishops, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>schemes of William of Saint-Calais against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 500;</li> - <li>speech of Bishop William to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 502;</li> - <li>Anselm’s challenge, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 505;</li> - <li>popular feeling with him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 507;</li> - <li>speech of the knight to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 508;</li> - <li>renounced by the King and the bishops, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 512;</li> - <li>supported by the lay lords, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 514;</li> - <li>proposes to leave England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 516;</li> - <li>agrees to an adjournment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 518;</li> - <li>his friends oppressed by the King, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 520;</li> - <li>summoned to Hayes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 530;</li> - <li>refuses to pay for the pallium, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 531;</li> - <li>reconciled to Rufus, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>refuses to take the pallium from him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 532;</li> - <li>absolves Bishops Robert and Osmund, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 533;</li> - <li>restores Wilfrith of Saint David’s, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 534;</li> - <li>receives the pallium at Canterbury, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his alleged oath to the Pope, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 535, ii. <a href="#Page_588">588</a>;</li> - <li>his letters to Cardinal Walter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 536, 538, ii. <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>;</li> - <li>entrusted with the defence of Canterbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 537, ii. <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> - <li>his canonical position objected to by the bishops, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 539;</li> - <li>his dealings with his monks and tenants, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 541;</li> - <li>attends Bishop William on his deathbed, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 542, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> - <li>consecrates English and Irish bishops, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 544;</li> - <li>his letters to King Murtagh, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 545 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;</li> - <li>his contribution to the pledge-money, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 558;</li> - <li>complaints made of his contingent to the Welsh war, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 572;</li> - <li>position of his knights, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 573;</li> - <li>summoned to the King’s court, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 574;</li> - <li>change in his feelings, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 575;</li> - <li>his yearnings towards Rome, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 575–577;</li> - <li>new position taken by, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 577;</li> - <li>determines to demand reform, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 579, - <ul> - <li>and not to answer the new summons, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li>favourably received, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 581;</li> - <li>asks leave to go to Rome, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 582, 583, - <ul> - <li>and is refused, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li>renews his request, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 584;</li> - <li>again impleaded, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>alternative given to by William, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his answer to the bishops and lords, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 585;</li> - <li>to Walkelin, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 587;</li> - <li>charged with breach of promise, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 589;</li> - <li>alternative given to him, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his discourse to the King, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 589–591;</li> - <li>the barons take part against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 591;</li> - <li>his answer to Robert of Meulan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 592;</li> - <li>terms on which he is allowed to go, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 592, 593;</li> - <li>his last interview with Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 593;</li> - <li>blesses him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 594;</li> - <li>his departure from Canterbury, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his departure foretold by the comet, ii. <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> - <li>William of Warelwast searches his luggage, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 595;</li> - <li>crosses to Whitsand, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his estates seized by the King, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his acts declared null, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 596;</li> - <li>compared with Thomas of London and William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 598 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>does not strictly appeal to the Pope, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 598;</li> - <li>does not assert clerical privileges, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 599;</li> - <li>effects of his foreign sojourn on, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 606;</li> - <li>writes to Urban from Lyons, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 612;</li> - <li>alleged scheme of Odo Duke of Burgundy against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 606, - <ul> - <li>and of Pope Clement, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 607;</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li>his reception by Urban, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>known as “the holy man,” <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 608;</li> - <li>writes to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 613;</li> - <li>his sojourn at Schiavia, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 615;</li> - <li>writes his “Cur Deus Homo,” <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>plots of William Rufus against, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his reception by Duke Roger, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his kindness to the Saracens, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 616;</li> - <li>forbidden to convert them, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 617;</li> - <li>Urban forbids him to resign his see, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>defends the <span class="decoration">Filioque</span> at Bari, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 609, 618;</li> - <li>pleads for William Rufus, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>Urban’s dealings with him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 621;</li> - <li>made to stay for the Lateran Council, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 621;</li> - <li>special honours paid to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 607, 622;</li> - <li>goes to Lyons, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 622;</li> - <li>hears of the death of Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</li> - <li>the monks of Canterbury beg him to return, ii. <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</li> - <li>Henry’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_364">364–366</a>;</li> - <li>returns to England, ii. <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</li> - <li>his connexion with Norman history, <a href="#Page_369"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his meeting with Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</li> - <li>his dispute with Henry compared with that with Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</li> - <li>his refusal to do homage and receive investiture, ii. <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>;</li> - <li>the question is adjourned, ii. <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;</li> - <li>no personal scruple on his part, ii. <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;</li> - <li>provisional restoration of his temporalities, ii. <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</li> - <li>refuses his consent to the appointment of Eadwulf as abbot of Malmesbury, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 383 <a href="#footnote_955">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>Eadgyth appeals to, concerning her marriage with Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</li> - <li>holds an assembly on the matter, and pronounces in her favour, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_683">683</a>;</li> - <li>other versions of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</li> - <li>celebrates the marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</li> - <li>his speech thereat, ii. <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li> - <li>mediates between Henry and his nobles, ii. <a href="#Page_400">400</a>;</li> - <li>his contingent against Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;</li> - <li>his energy on behalf of Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_410">410</a>;</li> - <li>threatens Robert with excommunication, <a href="#Page_410"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>Henry’s compromise with, ii. <a href="#Page_455">455</a>;</li> - <li>called Saint before his canonization, ii. <a href="#Page_661">661</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ansfrida, mistress of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, - <ul> - <li>story of, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</li> - <li>buried at Abingdon, ii. <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Anskill of Berkshire, - <ul> - <li>story of, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</li> - <li>notice of in Domesday, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 381 <a href="#footnote_949">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Anthony, Sub-Prior of Christ Church, appointed Prior of Saint Augustine’s, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 140.</li> - -<li>Antioch, - <ul> - <li>“rope-dancers” at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 565;</li> - <li>death of Arnulf of Hesdin at, ii. <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Aosta, birthplace of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 366.</li> - -<li>Aquitaine, Duke William proposes to pledge it to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li> - -<li>Archard. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Harecher">Harecher</a>.</li> - -<li>Archbishop of Canterbury, - <ul> - <li>special position of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 358;</li> - <li>the parish priest of the Crown, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 414 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Archbishopric, meaning of the phrase “receiving” it, ii. <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li> - -<li>Argentan Castle, - <ul> - <li>held by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 462;</li> - <li>siege of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 463;</li> - <li>surrenders to Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 464;</li> - <li>granted to Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</li> - <li>held by him against Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Armethwaite Nunnery, alleged foundation of, by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_506">506</a>.</li> - -<li>Arnold, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_634">634</a>.</li> - -<li>Arnold of Saint Evroul, translates Robert of Rhuddlan’s body to Saint Evroul, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 128.</li> - -<li>Arnold of Escalfoy, poisoned by Mabel Talvas, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 215.</li> - -<li>Arnold of Percy, signs the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_530">530</a>.</li> - -<li>Arnold, Dr., on chivalry, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Arnulf" id="Arnulf"></a>Arnulf of Hesdin, - <ul> - <li>his alleged foundation at Ruislip, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his gifts to Gloucester Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li>his innocence proved by battle, <a href="#Page_65"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>goes to the crusade and dies, ii. <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Arnulf of Montgomery, - <ul> - <li>son of Earl Roger of Shrewsbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 57 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>begins Pembroke Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> - <li>plots against Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>his share in Robert of Bellême’s rebellion, ii. <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with King Murtagh, ii. <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>, <a href="#Page_624">624</a>;</li> - <li>and with King Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</li> - <li>harries Staffordshire, ii. <a href="#Page_429">429</a>;</li> - <li>goes to Ireland, ii. <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</li> - <li>his banishment, ii. <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Arques Castle, held by Helias of Saint-Saens, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 236.</li> - -<li>Arundel, - <ul> - <li>held by Earl Roger, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 58;</li> - <li>position of, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>castle of, built <abbr title="Tempore Regis Edwardi">T. R. E.</abbr>, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>priory founded at, by Earl Roger, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 59 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>besieged by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>;</li> - <li>terms of its surrender, ii. <a href="#Page_430">430</a>;</li> - <li>its later fortunes, <a href="#Page_430"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Arundel, Earl of, origin of the title, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 60 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Ascalon, battle of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 623.</li> - -<li>Ascelin Goel, his war with William of Breteuil, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Assemblies, frequency of, under William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 487.</li> - -<li>Aumale Castle, - <ul> - <li>surrendered to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 228;</li> - <li>strengthened by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 229.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Auvergne, mention of in the Chronicle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 547 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Avesgaud, Bishop of Le Mans, signs the foundation charter of Lonlay Abbey, 539.</li> - -<li>Avon, at Bristol, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 37.</li> - -<li>Avranchin, bought by Henry of Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 196, ii. <a href="#Page_510">510–516</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">B.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Baldwin of Boulogne, King of Jerusalem, - <ul> - <li>his dream, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 269, ii. <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> - <li>its fulfilment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 270;</li> - <li>marries Godehild of Toesny, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 270 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551;</li> - <li>besieged in Rama, ii. <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letters to, ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Baldwin, Abbot of Saint Eadmund’s, - <ul> - <li>rebuilds his church, ii. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li> - <li>translates Saint Eadmund’s body, ii. <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li> - <li>his journey to Rome, <a href="#Page_270"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Baldwin of Tournay, monk of Bec, - <ul> - <li>his advice to Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 399;</li> - <li>driven out of England by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 520;</li> - <li>recalled, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 542;</li> - <li>leaves England with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 595.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ballon, - <ul> - <li>castle of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209;</li> - <li>siege and surrender of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209–211;</li> - <li>betrayed to William Rufus and occupied by Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> - <li>Fulk’s unsuccessful attempt on, ii. <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li> - <li>William’s treatment of the captive knights, ii. <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 171;</li> - <li>strengthened by Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Bamburgh Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>; - <ul> - <li>relic of Saint Oswald at, ii. <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> - <li>question as to the date of the keep, <a href="#Page_49"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>held by Robert of Mowbray against William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>;</li> - <li>effect of the making of the Malvoisin tower, ii. <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_608">608</a>;</li> - <li>siege abandoned by Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_609">609</a>;</li> - <li>Robert’s escape from, ii. <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_609">609</a>;</li> - <li>defended by Matilda of Laigle, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_610">610</a>;</li> - <li>surrender of, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Bari, Archbishop of, - <ul> - <li>Wulfstan’s correspondence with, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479;</li> - <li>Council of (1098), <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 608, 618.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Barnacles not to be eaten on fast-days, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 93 <a href="#footnote_223">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Basilia, wife of Hugh of Gournay, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_571">571</a>.</li> - -<li>Bath, - <ul> - <li>burned by Robert of Mowbray, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 41;</li> - <li>see of Wells moved to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 136, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>;</li> - <li>temporal lordship of, granted to John of Tours, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 137, ii. <a href="#Page_487">487</a>;</li> - <li>dislike of the monks to Bishop John’s changes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 138;</li> - <li>buildings of John of Tours at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 138, ii. <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;</li> - <li>church of, called <span class="decoration">abbey</span>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 139;</li> - <li>later charters concerning, ii. <a href="#Page_487">487</a>;</li> - <li>sales and manumissions done at, ii. <a href="#Page_489">489</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Battle Abbey, - <ul> - <li>gifts of William Rufus to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 18, 168, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>;</li> - <li>consecration of the church, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 443;</li> - <li>gifts of Bernard of Newmarch to, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Bayard, Chevalier, at the siege of Padua, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 173.</li> - -<li>Beaumont-le-Roger, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 185.</li> - -<li>Beaumont-le-Vicomte, ii. <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> - -<li>Beavers, lawfulness of eating their tails on fast-days, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 93 <a href="#footnote_223">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Bec Abbey, - <ul> - <li>fame of, under Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 373;</li> - <li>its intercourse and connexion with England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 374–376, ii. <a href="#Page_572">572</a>;</li> - <li>Gundulf’s letter to the monks, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 405;</li> - <li>monks of, object to Anselm’s accepting the primacy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 406.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Belfry</span>, origin of the name, ii. <a href="#Page_520">520</a>.</li> - -<li>Bellême, - <ul> - <li>surrenders to Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 218;</li> - <li>site of the old castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 218 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Benefices, - <ul> - <li>vacant, policy of William Rufus with regard to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 134, 336, 337, 347, 348, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>;</li> - <li>sale of, under Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 134, 347, 349;</li> - <li>sale of, not systematic before Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 348.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Beneventum, Archbishop of, - <ul> - <li>sells the arm of Saint Bartholomew to the Lady Emma, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 609;</li> - <li>Æthelnoth’s gift of a cope to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 610.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Benjamin the monk, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Bequest" id="Bequest"></a>Bequest, right of, confirmed by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 338, ii. <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> - -<li>Berkeley, - <ul> - <li>harried by William of Eu, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 44;</li> - <li>its position and castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 45.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Berkshire pool, portent of, ii. <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> - -<li>Bermondsey Priory, its foundation, ii, 508.</li> - -<li>Bernard of Newmarch, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 34;</li> - <li>his conquest of Brecknock, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89–91</a>;</li> - <li>his gifts to Battle Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> - <li>marries Nest, granddaughter of Gruffydd, <a href="#Page_90"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Bertrada of Montfort, - <ul> - <li>brought up by Countess Heloise, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li> - <li>sought in marriage by Fulk of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> - <li>marries him, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> - <li>her adulterous marriage with Philip of France, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 548, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> - <li>Bishop Ivo of Chartres protests against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 559 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>denounced by Hugh of Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> - <li>excommunicated, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 549, ii. <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> - <li>her sons, ii. <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li> - <li>schemes against Lewis, <a href="#Page_174"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Berwick, granted to and withdrawn from the see of Durham, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> - -<li>Bishops, - <ul> - <li>their power in the eleventh century, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 138;</li> - <li>no reference to the Pope in their appointment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 425;</li> - <li>order of their appointment then and now, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 425–427;</li> - <li>theories of the two systems, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 426;</li> - <li>why the peers’ right of trial does not extend to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 604 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Bishoprics, - <ul> - <li>sale of, under William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 134, 347, 349;</li> - <li>vacant, his policy with regard to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 134, 336, 337, 347, 350, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Blasphemy, frequency of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 166.</li> - -<li>Blèves, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li>Blindness, armies smitten with, ii. <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</li> - -<li>Blyth Priory, - <ul> - <li>founded by Roger of Bully, ii. <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> - <li>granted to Saint Katharine’s at Rouen, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 162 <a href="#footnote_424">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Bofig, his lordship of Rockingham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 490.</li> - -<li>Bohemond, Mark, brother of Roger of Apulia, - <ul> - <li>besieges Amalfi, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 561;</li> - <li>goes on the crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 562;</li> - <li>origin of his name, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 562 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Boleslaus King of Poland, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 611.</li> - -<li>Bonneville, - <ul> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li> - <li>early history and legends of, ii. <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Boso of Durham, his visions, ii. <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> - -<li>Botolph, Abbot of Saint Eadmund’s, ii. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> - -<li>Bourg-le-roi, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> - -<li>Boury, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li> - -<li>Brecknock, - <ul> - <li>conquest of, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89–91</a>;</li> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> - <li>revolt of, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Bribery under William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 153, 344.</li> - -<li>Bridgenorth, - <ul> - <li>fortified by Æthelflæd, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, 153 <a href="#footnote_409">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>fortress of Robert of Bellême at, ii. <a href="#Page_155">155–158</a>;</li> - <li>churches and town of, ii. <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> - <li>defence of, against Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>;</li> - <li>siege of, ii. <a href="#Page_435">435</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>dealings of the captains with Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>;</li> - <li>divisions in, ii. <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</li> - <li>surrender of, ii. <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Brihtric, son of Ælfgar, lands of, held by Robert Fitz-hamon, ii. <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li>Brionne, - <ul> - <li>said to be exchanged for Tunbridge, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 68 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>granted to Roger of Beaumont, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 194;</li> - <li>taken by Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 244.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Bristol, - <ul> - <li>its position in the eleventh century, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 37;</li> - <li>castle of that date, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 37, 38;</li> - <li>later growth of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 39;</li> - <li>occupied by Bishop Geoffrey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 40.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Britain, - <ul> - <li>effects of the reign of William Rufus on its union, ii. <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> - <li>causes of the union, ii. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> - <li>English conquest of, compared with Rufus’s conquest of Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> - <li>changes in, in the eleventh century, ii. <a href="#Page_303">303</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>fusion of elements in, ii. <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li> - <li>ceases to be another world, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Brockenhurst, William Rufus at, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> - -<li>Bromham, grant of, to Battle Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</li> - -<li>Brunton, church of, granted to the monks of Durham, ii. <a href="#Page_535">535</a>.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Brut-y-Tywysogion</span>, the two versions of, ii. <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, 4 <a href="#footnote_1">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Brychan, King, his daughters, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> - -<li>Buckler, Mr., on Ilchester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 43 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Bulgaria, use of the name, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 563.</li> - -<li>Bures, - <ul> - <li>castle of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 236;</li> - <li>taking of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 463.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Burf Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li> - -<li>Burgundius, brother-in-law of Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">C.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Cadulus, Anselm’s advice to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 372.</li> - -<li>Cadwgan, son of Bleddyn, - <ul> - <li>drives out Rhys ap Tewdwr, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 12;</li> - <li>harries Dyfed, ii. <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> - <li>his revolt, ii. <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> - <li>his action in Dyfed, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> - <li>mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li> - <li>schemes to save Anglesey, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> - <li>flees to Ireland, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</li> - <li>his settlement with Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</li> - <li>his action on his behalf, ii. <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</li> - <li>Ceredigion ceded to, by Jorwerth, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Caen, - <ul> - <li>treaty of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 275 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_522">522–528</a>;</li> - <li>its short duration, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 283.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Caerau. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Carew">Carew</a>.</li> - -<li>Caermarthen, conquest of, ii. <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> - -<li>Caerphilly Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li> - -<li>Cæsar, C. Julius, his speech compared with that of William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_647">647</a>, <a href="#Page_652">652</a>.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Candida Casa.</span> <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Whithern">Whithern</a>.</li> - -<li>Canonization, popular, instances of, ii. <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> - -<li>Canterbury, citizens of, - <ul> - <li>side with the monks of Saint Augustine’s against Guy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 139;</li> - <li>monks from Christ Church sent to Saint Augustine’s, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 140;</li> - <li>vengeance of William Rufus on, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 141;</li> - <li>the city granted to the archbishopric, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 423;</li> - <li>Anselm’s enthronement and consecration at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 427, 429;</li> - <li>his dealings with the monks, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 540;</li> - <li>their rights confirmed by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 423;</li> - <li>rebuilding of the choir, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 597;</li> - <li>its consecration under Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Canterbury, Archbishopric of, - <ul> - <li>policy of William Rufus in keeping the see vacant, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 328, 360, ii. <a href="#Page_565">565</a>;</li> - <li>Flambard’s action in the matter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 363 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>effects of the vacancy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 357, 363–365;</li> - <li>its special position as metropolitan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 357;</li> - <li>no attempt at election, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 362;</li> - <li>feeling as to the vacancy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 381;</li> - <li>prayers for the appointment of the Archbishop, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 389;</li> - <li>the Archbishop the parish priest of the Crown, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 414 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Cantire, - <ul> - <li>Magnus at, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> - <li>part of Sigurd’s kingdom, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li> - <li>its formal occupation by Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Capua, siege of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 614, ii. <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li> - -<li>Caradoc, son of Gruffydd, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li> - -<li>Cardiff, - <ul> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> - <li>Robert Fitz-hamon’s settlement at, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> - <li>borough of, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Careghova Castle, - <ul> - <li>built by Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> - <li>history of the site, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 159 <a href="#footnote_417">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>strengthened by Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><a name="Carew" id="Carew"></a>Carew Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Carlisle" id="Carlisle"></a>Carlisle, - <ul> - <li>its cathedral church called <span class="decoration">abbey</span>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 139 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>history and character of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 314, 317;</li> - <li>destroyed by Scandinavians, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 315;</li> - <li>conquered by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 4, 313–315, 318;</li> - <li>Saxon colony in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 316, ii. <a href="#Page_550">550</a>;</li> - <li>earldom of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 317, ii. <a href="#Page_545">545–551</a>;</li> - <li>its analogy with Edinburgh and Stirling, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 317;</li> - <li>wall and castle of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 318;</li> - <li>see founded by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>effects of its restoration on Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> - <li>not an English earldom under the Conqueror, ii. <a href="#Page_546">546</a>;</li> - <li>shire of, ii. <a href="#Page_549">549</a>;</li> - <li>its purely British name, ii. <a href="#Page_550">550</a>;</li> - <li>entries of, in the Pipe Roll, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Castles, - <ul> - <li>building of, in Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 192;</li> - <li>garrisoned by William the Conqueror, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>building of, in Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> - <li>rarity of, in England, as compared with Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Caux, obtained as dowry by Helias of Saint-Saens, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 235.</li> - -<li>Cedivor, Prince of Dyfed, ii. <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - -<li>Cenred the priest, - <ul> - <li>his mutilation, ii. <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> - <li>restoration of his speech, <a href="#Page_132"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ceredigion, - <ul> - <li>conquest of, ii. <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> - <li>action of Cadwgan in, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> - <li>recovered by the Welsh, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li> - <li>ceded to Cadwgan by Jorwerth, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Charma, M., his Life of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 325 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li><a name="Chateau" id="Chateau"></a>Château du Loir, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>; - <ul> - <li>Helias flees to, ii. <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Château-Gonthier, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li>Château-Thierry, monks of Saint Cenery flee to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 213.</li> - -<li>Chaumont-en-Vexin, - <ul> - <li>claimed by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li> - <li>siege of, ii. <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Cherbourg, ceded to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 276.</li> - -<li>Chester, - <ul> - <li>Robert of Rhuddlan buried at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 127;</li> - <li>his gifts, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 127 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>Earl Hugh’s reforms at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 127 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 381, 382;</li> - <li>Anselm at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 387.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Chivalry, - <ul> - <li>growth of, under William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 169;</li> - <li>its true character, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>Palgrave and Arnold on, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 169, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a>;</li> - <li>its one-sided nature, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 172;</li> - <li>practical working of, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>illustrations of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 173, 291, ii. <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>;</li> - <li>tenure in, systematized by Flambard, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 335;</li> - <li>personal character of, ii. <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Christina, Abbess of Romsey, her treatment of Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>.</li> - -<li>Chronicle, the, witness of, to Flambard’s system of feudalism, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 335.</li> - -<li>Church, R. W., his Life of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 326 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 370.</li> - -<li>Church, Sir Richard, paralleled with Robert son of Godwine, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> - -<li>Church lands, - <ul> - <li>revenues of, appropriated by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 336, 337, 347, 349;</li> - <li>feudalization of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 346;</li> - <li>nature of Rufus’s grants of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 419.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Churches, plundered to raise the pledge-money for Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 558.</li> - -<li>Clare, Suffolk, priory of, a cell of Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376.</li> - -<li>Clarendon, news of the loss of Le Mans brought to Rufus at, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_645">645</a>.</li> - -<li>Clark, G. T., - <ul> - <li>on Malling tower, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 70 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>on Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 79 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>on the site of Careghova Castle, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 159 <a href="#footnote_417">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>on “The Land of Morgan,” ii. <a href="#Page_615">615</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Clemence, Countess of Boulogne, Anselm’s letters to, ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>.</li> - -<li>Clement, - <ul> - <li>Anti-Pope, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 415;</li> - <li>his position, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 488;</li> - <li>excommunicated at the Council of Clermont, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 549;</li> - <li>his alleged scheme against Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 607.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Clergy, - <ul> - <li>their exemption from temporal jurisdiction asserted by William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 97;</li> - <li>not asserted by Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 599;</li> - <li>their corruption under William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 363.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Clerks, - <ul> - <li>the king’s, preferments held by, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 330;</li> - <li>their position and power, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 342, 343.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Clermont, - <ul> - <li>Council of (1095), <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 545;</li> - <li>decrees of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 548;</li> - <li>crusade preached at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 549.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Coinage, false, issue of, punished by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> - -<li>Coker (Somerset), grant of, to Saint Stephen’s, Caen, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</li> - -<li>Colchester, story of Eudo’s good rule at, ii. <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</li> - -<li>Coldingham, lands of, granted to Durham, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> - -<li>Comet, foretells the departure of Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> - -<li>Commons, House of, foreshadowed by the outer council of the Witan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 603.</li> - -<li>Conan of Rouen, - <ul> - <li>his wealth, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 246;</li> - <li>his treaty with William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 247, 248;</li> - <li>exhorts the citizens against Gilbert of Laigle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 253;</li> - <li>taken prisoner by Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 256;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 257–259, ii. <a href="#Page_516">516–518</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Conches, - <ul> - <li>besieged by William of Evreux, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 261, 266, ii. <a href="#Page_627">627</a>;</li> - <li>its position, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 262, 264;</li> - <li>abbey and castle of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 265.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Conrad, - <ul> - <li>son of the Emperor Henry the Fourth, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 522;</li> - <li>receives Urban at Cremona, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 525;</li> - <li>his marriage, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 526.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Constantius <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, Emperor, his voyage to Britain, ii. <a href="#Page_648">648</a>.</li> - -<li>Corbet, his lands in Shropshire, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 433 <a href="#footnote_1115">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Cornelius the monk, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 545 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Corsham (Wilts), grant of, to Saint Stephen’s, Caen, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</li> - -<li>Cosan the Turk, joins the crusaders, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 565.</li> - -<li>Côtentin, bought by Henry of Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 196, ii. <a href="#Page_510">510–516</a>.</li> - -<li>Coulaines, - <ul> - <li>William Rufus encamps at, ii. <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> - <li>ravaged by him, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>, <a href="#Page_627">627</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Courcy, - <ul> - <li>siege of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 274, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519–522</a>;</li> - <li>church of, ii. <a href="#Page_522">522</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Cowbridge, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - -<li>Coyty, held by Pagan of Turberville, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li> - -<li>Cricklade, entry of, in Domesday, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 480 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Croc the huntsman, signs the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Croset-Mouchet, M., - <ul> - <li>his life of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 325 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>on Anselm’s parentage, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 366 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Crusade, the first, - <ul> - <li>its bearing on English history, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 546;</li> - <li>no kings take part in, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>a Latin movement, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>argument in favour of, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> - <li>success of, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Crusades, Palgrave’s condemnation of, ii. <a href="#Page_509">509</a>.</li> - -<li>Cumberland, - <ul> - <li>why not entered in Domesday, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 313, ii. <a href="#Page_547">547</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>Scandinavians in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 315;</li> - <li>earldom of, a misnomer, ii. <a href="#Page_548">548</a>;</li> - <li>origin of the modern county, ii. <a href="#Page_549">549</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Curia Regis</span>, the, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 102.</li> - -<li>Cuthberht, Saint, appears to Eadgar of Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">D.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Dadesley. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Tickhill">Tickhill</a>.</li> - -<li>Danesford, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> - -<li>Dangeuil Castle, - <ul> - <li>strengthened by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> - <li>site of, ii. <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> - <li>effects of his occupation, <a href="#Page_214"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>Helias taken prisoner near, ii. <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>David, King of Scots, - <ul> - <li>son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> - <li>driven out of Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> - <li>divides the kingdom with Alexander, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li> - <li>marries Matilda, daughter of Waltheof, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li> - <li>effects of his reign on Scottish history, ii. <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> - <li>his English position, <a href="#Page_125"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>invades England on behalf of the Empress Matilda, <a href="#Page_125"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his mocking speech to Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;</li> - <li>earldom of Carlisle granted to, ii. <a href="#Page_549">549</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Deverel (Wilts), lordship of, held by Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 375.</li> - -<li>Diacus, Bishop of Saint James of Compostella, his correspondence with Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_582">582</a>.</li> - -<li>Dimock, J. F., his defence of Robert Bloet, ii. <a href="#Page_585">585</a>.</li> - -<li>Dolfin, son of Gospatric, lord of Carlisle, driven out by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 315.</li> - -<li>Domesday, alleged new version of, by Randolf Flambard, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 332, ii. <a href="#Page_562">562</a>.</li> - -<li>Domfront, - <ul> - <li>enmity of Robert of Bellême to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 183, 319;</li> - <li>men of, choose Henry to lord, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 319, ii. <a href="#Page_538">538</a>;</li> - <li>position of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 319;</li> - <li>kept by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_691">691</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Donald Bane, King of Scots, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 475; - <ul> - <li>story of his attempting to disturb Margaret’s burial, ii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_597">597</a>;</li> - <li>his election, ii. <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> - <li>drives out the English, <a href="#Page_29"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>driven out by Duncan, ii. <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> - <li>his restoration, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> - <li>dethroned and imprisoned by Eadgar, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Donald, - <ul> - <li>sent by King Murtagh to the Sudereys, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li> - <li>driven out, ii. <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Dress, new fashions in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 158, ii. <a href="#Page_500">500–502</a>.</li> - -<li>Drogo of Moncey, marries Eadgyth, widow of Gerard of Gournay, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552.</li> - -<li>Duncan, King of Scots, son of Malcolm, - <ul> - <li>set free by Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 13;</li> - <li>signs the Durham charter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 305, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>;</li> - <li>claims the Scottish crown, ii. <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> - <li>his Norman education, ii. <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> - <li>receives the crown from William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 475, ii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> - <li>overthrows Donald, <a href="#Page_34"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> - <li>his burial, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 36 <a href="#footnote_76">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Dunfermline, - <ul> - <li>Malcolm translated to, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> - <li>Margaret’s burial at, ii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_597">597</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Dunstable, Prior of, - <ul> - <li>his alleged warning to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</li> - <li>minster of, founded by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_663">663</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Dunster, church of, granted by William of Moion to the church of Bath, ii. <a href="#Page_490">490</a>.</li> - -<li>Durham, cathedral church of, - <ul> - <li>called <span class="decoration">abbey</span>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 139 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>evidence of, in charters, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 305, ii. <a href="#Page_535">535</a>;</li> - <li>rebuilding of the abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> - <li>Malcolm takes part in laying the foundation, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> - <li>works of Bishop William of Saint-Calais at, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li>gifts of King Eadgar to, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> - <li>works of Randolf Flambard at, ii. <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li> - <li>monks of, favourably treated by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 298, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a>;</li> - <li>building of the refectory, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 299;</li> - <li>Bishop William restored to, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Durham castle, surrendered to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 114.</li> - -<li>Dwyganwy, - <ul> - <li>peninsula and castle of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 123, 124;</li> - <li>attack made by Gruffydd on, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 24;</li> - <li>meeting of Magnus and the two Earls Hugh at, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Dyfed, - <ul> - <li>harried by Cadwgan, ii. <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> - <li>conquest of, <a href="#Page_92"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>action of Cadwgan in, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> - <li>grant of, by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Dyrrhachion, Duke Robert crosses to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 563.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">E.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Eadgar Ætheling, - <ul> - <li>banished from Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 281, ii. <a href="#Page_527">527</a>;</li> - <li>policy of William Rufus towards, <a href="#Page_527"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>goes to Scotland, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 282;</li> - <li>mediates between Rufus and Malcolm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 301, ii. <a href="#Page_541">541</a>;</li> - <li>reconciled to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 304;</li> - <li>signs the Durham charter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 305, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Normandy with Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 307;</li> - <li>his mission to Malcolm, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_590">590</a>;</li> - <li>protects Malcolm’s children, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> - <li>his designs as to the Scottish crown, ii. <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> - <li>Ordgar’s charge against, ii. <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a>;</li> - <li>his acquittal by ordeal, ii. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_615">615</a>;</li> - <li>marches to Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> - <li>and wins the crown for his nephew Eadgar, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> - <li>goes on the crusade, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> - <li>not thought of to succeed William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li> - <li>his character, ii. <a href="#Page_393">393</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eadgar, King of Scots, - <ul> - <li>son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> - <li>brings the news of his father’s death, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> - <li>driven out of Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> - <li>his vision, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li> - <li>dethrones and imprisons Donald, <a href="#Page_119"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his gifts to Durham and to Robert son of Godwine, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> - <li>his action towards Robert Flambard, <a href="#Page_121"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his peaceful reign, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li> - <li>bears the sword before William Rufus at his Whitsun feast, ii. <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> - <li>results of his succession, ii. <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eadgyth, wife of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Matilda">Matilda</a>.</li> - -<li>Eadgyth, mistress of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and mother of Matilda Countess of Perche, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -<li>Eadgyth, mistress of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and wife of Robert of Ouilly, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -<li>Eadgyth, - <ul> - <li>wife of Gerard of Gournay, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 230;</li> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552;</li> - <li>her second marriage, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eadmer, - <ul> - <li>his belief in the ordeal, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 166 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his Life of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 325, 369;</li> - <li>his friendship with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 369, 378, 460;</li> - <li>references to in other writers, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 370;</li> - <li>on the Norman campaign of 1094, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 474;</li> - <li>leaves England with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 595;</li> - <li>recognizes the cope of Beneventum at Bari, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 609, 610;</li> - <li>bishop-elect of Saint Andrews, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eadmund, Saint, king of the East-Angles, - <ul> - <li>his miracles, ii. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li> - <li>translation of his body, ii. <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eadmund, - <ul> - <li>son of Malcolm and Margaret, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> - <li>helps Donald against Duncan, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> - <li>becomes a monk at Montacute, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> - <li>his burial in chains, <a href="#Page_120"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eadmund the monk, his vision, ii. <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.</li> - -<li>Eadric the Wild, marked as “Edric Salvage,” <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 433 <a href="#footnote_1115">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Eadric the Provost, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 270 <a href="#footnote_661">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Eadward the Confessor, his law restored by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li> - -<li>Eadward, son of Malcolm and Margaret, killed at Alnwick, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>.</li> - -<li>Eadwine, King of the Northumbrians, builds a church at Tynemouth, ii. <a href="#Page_603">603</a>.</li> - -<li>Eadwulf, Abbot of Malmesbury, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 383 <a href="#footnote_955">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Eardington, lordship of, ii. <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li> - -<li>Earle, John, on Bath, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 42 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Earthquake of 1089, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 176.</li> - -<li>Edinburgh, Margaret’s death at, ii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_597">597</a>.</li> - -<li>Edward the Black Prince and the massacre of Limoges, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 173; - <ul> - <li>his twofold character, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eginulf of Laigle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Eglaf of Bethlington, priest, signs the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - -<li>Einion, - <ul> - <li>story of him and Jestin, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_614">614</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eleanor of Aquitaine, her foundation at Tickhill, ii. <a href="#Page_432">432</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Emma" id="Emma"></a>Emma (Ælfgifu), the Lady, - <ul> - <li>buys the arm of Saint Bartholomew of the Archbishop of Beneventum, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 610;</li> - <li>changes her name on her marriage, ii, 305.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Emma, daughter of Count Robert of Sicily, sought in marriage by Philip of France, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 171 <a href="#footnote_435">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Emma, wife of Ralph of Wader, goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552.</li> - -<li>Emmeline, wife of Arnulf of Hesdin, her gifts to Gloucester Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> - -<li>Empire, Western, - <ul> - <li>advance of, in the eleventh century, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li> - <li>alleged designs of William Rufus on, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Empire, Eastern, decline of, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> - -<li>England, - <ul> - <li>extension of, under William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 4;</li> - <li>beginning of her rivalry with France, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 5, 228, 240;</li> - <li>her wealth, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>her European position, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>unity of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 81;</li> - <li>how indebted to foreigners, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 365;</li> - <li>in what sense feudal, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 341;</li> - <li>compared with Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 468;</li> - <li>wretchedness of, under Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 474;</li> - <li>position of, towards the Popes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 496;</li> - <li>her relations with Sicily, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 526;</li> - <li>Welsh inroad into, ii. <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li> - <li>rarity of castles in, as compared with Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> - <li>oppression in, during William’s absence in Normandy, ii. <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li> - <li>various grievances in, ii. <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li> - <li>changes in, in the eleventh century, ii. <a href="#Page_303">303</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>becomes part of the Latin world, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li> - <li>united under Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> against Norman invasion, ii. <a href="#Page_401">401</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>English, - <ul> - <li>accept William Rufus as king, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 7, 16, 20, 66, 131;</li> - <li>their loyalty to him, 18, 64, 65, 130;</li> - <li>their hatred of Odo, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 67, 86;</li> - <li>their position under Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 133;</li> - <li>native, not specially oppressed by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 341;</li> - <li>growth of their power and nationality under Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>English and Normans, fusion of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 130, 134, ii. <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>.</li> - -<li>English Conquest, compared with that of Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li>Englishmen, - <ul> - <li>the fifty charged with eating the king’s deer, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 155, 614, ii. <a href="#Page_494">494</a>;</li> - <li>acquitted by ordeal, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 156.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Epernon, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Epitumium</span>, Orderic’s use of the word, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 288 <a href="#footnote_700">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Erling, Earl of Orkney, - <ul> - <li>taken prisoner by Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> - <li>his death in Norway, <a href="#Page_140"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ermenberga, daughter of Helias, - <ul> - <li>betrothed to Geoffrey of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> - <li>married to Fulk of Anjou, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 232 <a href="#footnote_580">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ermenberga, mother of Anselm, her pedigree, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 366 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Ermengarde of Bourbon, second wife of Fulk of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li>Ernan, “Biscope sune,” ii. <a href="#Page_605">605</a>.</li> - -<li>Erneis of Burun, his action in the case of Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 114.</li> - -<li>Ernulf, Bishop of Rochester, his buildings at Christchurch, Canterbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 597.</li> - -<li>Ernulf of Hesdin. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Arnulf">Arnulf of Hesdin</a>.</li> - -<li>Etard, Abbot of Saint Peter on Dives, his appointment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 570.</li> - -<li>Eu, castle of, Philip and Robert march against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 238.</li> - -<li>Eudo of Rye, - <ul> - <li>story of his share in the accession of William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_463">463</a>;</li> - <li>how he became <span class="decoration">dapifer</span>, <a href="#Page_463"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his good deeds at Colchester, ii. <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eulalia, Abbess, Anselm’s letters to, ii. <a href="#Page_578">578</a>.</li> - -<li>Eustace <abbr title="Three">III.</abbr> Count of Boulogne, - <ul> - <li>sent over to England by Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 56, ii. <a href="#Page_465">465</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>agrees to surrender Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 80;</li> - <li>pleading made for, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 84;</li> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Eustace, monk of Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 399.</li> - -<li>Eustace, father of one Geoffrey, Anselm rebukes him for bigamy, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>.</li> - -<li>Eustace, son of William of Breteuil, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 268 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Eva, widow of William Crispin, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_571">571</a>.</li> - -<li>Everard of Puiset, goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551.</li> - -<li><a name="Evreux" id="Evreux"></a>Evreux Castle, - <ul> - <li>garrisoned by William the Conqueror, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 192;</li> - <li>its position and history, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 262–264.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ewenny, priory of, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> - -<li>Exmes, Robert of Bellême driven back from, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 242.</li> - -<li>Eynesham, monks of Stow moved to, ii. <a href="#Page_585">585</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>.</li> - -<li>Eystein, brother of Sigurd, does not go on the crusade, ii. <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">F.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Faricius, Abbot of Abingdon, - <ul> - <li>his appointment, ii. <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</li> - <li>why not appointed to the see of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_360"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>recovers the manor of Sparsholt, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 380 <a href="#footnote_949">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Farman the monk, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>.</li> - -<li>Farn Islands, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li> - -<li>Fécamp, ceded to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 276.</li> - -<li>Feudalism, developement of, - <ul> - <li>under Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 4;</li> - <li>systematized by Randolf Flambard, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 324, 335 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>, 341.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Feudal tenures, - <ul> - <li>mainly the work of Flambard, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 335, 336;</li> - <li>abolished in 1660, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Finchampstead, portent at, ii. <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> - -<li>Flanders, her share in the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 547.</li> - -<li>Flemings, - <ul> - <li>their settlement in Pembrokeshire, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 70 <a href="#footnote_167">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_615">615</a>;</li> - <li>whether also in Gower and Glamorgan, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Florus, son of Philip and Bertrada, ii. <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> - -<li>Forest laws, - <ul> - <li>become stricter under William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 155;</li> - <li>enforced by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Forfeiture, provision as to, in Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> - -<li>Fourches, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li>France, - <ul> - <li>beginning of her rivalry with England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 5;</li> - <li>effects of the war with, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 7;</li> - <li>her rivalry with Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 201;</li> - <li>her first direct dealings with England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 240;</li> - <li>her relations with England and Normandy, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>designs of William Rufus on, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> - <li>his war with, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>its position compared with that of Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168–170</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Francis <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> of France, compared with William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 173.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Frank-almoign</span>, tenure of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 350.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Franks</span>, Eastern name for Europeans, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 546.</li> - -<li>Fresnay-le-Vicomte, castle and church of, ii. <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> - -<li>Freystrop, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 95 <a href="#footnote_231">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Frome (river) at Bristol, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 38.</li> - -<li>Fulcher, - <ul> - <li>brother of Randolf Flambard, ii. <a href="#Page_552">552</a>;</li> - <li>receives the see of Lisieux, ii. <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Fulchered, Abbot of Shrewsbury, his sermon at Gloucester, ii. <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</li> - -<li>Fulcherius Quarel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 215 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Fulk, Abbot of Saint Peter on Dives, his deposition and restoration, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 570.</li> - -<li>Fulk, Bishop of Beauvais, Anselm intercedes for, ii. <a href="#Page_582">582</a>.</li> - -<li>Fulk, Rechin, Count of Anjou, - <ul> - <li>Robert does homage to, for Maine, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 204;</li> - <li>patronizes pointed shoes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 159, ii. <a href="#Page_502">502</a>;</li> - <li>his wives, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 172 <a href="#footnote_436">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, ii. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> - <li>Robert seeks help from him, <a href="#Page_192"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>seeks Bertrada of Montfort in marriage, <a href="#Page_192"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>marries her, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> - <li>garrisons Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>;</li> - <li>his unsuccessful attempt on Ballon, ii. <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>;</li> - <li>his convention with William, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628–630</a>;</li> - <li>helps Helias to besiege the castle of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Fulk, Count of Anjou, King of Jerusalem, marries Ermenberga daughter of Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li> - -<li>Fulk, Dean of Evreux, father of Walter Tirel, ii. <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_672">672</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">G.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Gaillefontaine, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 230.</li> - -<li>Galen, story of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 151 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Galloway, dealings of Magnus with, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> - -<li>Gausbert, Abbot of Battle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 443.</li> - -<li>Gentry, growth of, under Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> - -<li>Geoffrey, Archbishop of Rouen, - <ul> - <li>his appointment to the deanery of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> - <li>nominated bishop by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> - <li>set aside by the chapter, <a href="#Page_210"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>appointed to the see of Rouen, <a href="#Page_210"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Geoffrey, Bishop of Coutances, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 27, 34, ii. <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;</li> - <li>occupies Bristol, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 40;</li> - <li>notices of his estates, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his relation to Bristol, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his speech on behalf of William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 100;</li> - <li>charges the Bishop’s men with robbing his cattle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 113;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 444.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Geoffrey, Bishop of Chichester, his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 135.</li> - -<li>Geoffrey, monk of Durham, charge brought against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 116, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 60 <a href="#footnote_127">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Geoffrey of Baynard, his combat with William of Eu, ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> - -<li>Geoffrey Martel, - <ul> - <li>son of Fulk Rechin and Ermengarde, ii. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> - <li>betrothed to Ermenberga daughter of Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> - <li>left by his father in command of Le Mans, <a href="#Page_232"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Geoffrey, Count of Mayenne, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 205; - <ul> - <li>submits to Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209;</li> - <li>founds the castle of Saint Cenery, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 214;</li> - <li>accepts the succession of Hugh, ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> - <li>truce granted to him by Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of his conduct, ii. <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> - <li>submits to Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Geoffrey Plantagenet, his parentage, ii. <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li> - -<li>Geoffrey, Count of Perche, - <ul> - <li>enmity of Robert of Bellême to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 183, 242;</li> - <li>Orderic’s estimate of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 242 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gerald, Abbot of Tewkesbury, visits Wulfstan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479.</li> - -<li>Gerald of Windsor, - <ul> - <li>his wife Nest, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, 110 <a href="#footnote_270">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>builds Pembroke Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> - <li>defends it against the Welsh, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> - <li>his devices against them, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li> - <li>his mission to King Murtagh, ii. <a href="#Page_425">425</a>;</li> - <li>grant of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> to, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gerald, story of his attempt on Randolf Flambard’s life, ii. <a href="#Page_560">560</a>.</li> - -<li>Gerard, Bishop of Hereford and Archbishop of York, - <ul> - <li>his mission to Pope Urban, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 524, 525;</li> - <li>returns with Legate Walter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 526;</li> - <li>his appointment and consecration, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 543, 544;</li> - <li>present at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li> - <li>signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</li> - <li>appointed to the see of York, ii. <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gerard, Bishop of Seez, - <ul> - <li>story of the capture of his clerk by Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_521">521</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_521"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gerard of Gournay, - <ul> - <li>submits to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 229;</li> - <li>his castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 230;</li> - <li>supports Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472;</li> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Germinus. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Jurwine">Jurwine</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Geronto" id="Geronto"></a>Geronto, Abbot of Dijon, - <ul> - <li>his mission to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 553, ii. <a href="#Page_558">558</a>;</li> - <li>rebukes him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 554;</li> - <li>overreached by him, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_589">589</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Geroy, history of his descendants, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 214.</li> - -<li>Gervase, Archbishop of Rheims, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> - -<li>Gervase, nephew of Bishop Gervase of Le Mans, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 201 <a href="#footnote_500">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Gevelton.</span> <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Yeovilton">Yeovilton</a>.</li> - -<li>Giffard, in the fleet of Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - -<li>Gilbert, Bishop of Evreux, - <ul> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 560;</li> - <li>goes to Sicily, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 562;</li> - <li>attends Odo on his deathbed, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 563;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gilbert Maminot, Bishop of Lisieux, his death, ii. <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</li> - -<li>Gilbert of Clare, - <ul> - <li>holds Tunbridge Castle against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 68;</li> - <li>surrenders, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 69;</li> - <li>his gift of the priory of Clare to Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376;</li> - <li>his confession to Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> - <li>with him in the New Forest, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gilbert of Laigle, - <ul> - <li>drives back Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 242;</li> - <li>his descent and kindred, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 249, 253;</li> - <li>enters Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 256;</li> - <li>taken prisoner by Lewis, ii. <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li> - <li>charged with the government of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li> - <li>with William Rufus in the New Forest, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li> - <li>legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_676">676</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gilbert, nephew of Bishop Walcher, ii. <a href="#Page_605">605</a>.</li> - -<li>Gillingham, - <ul> - <li>meeting of Anselm and William Rufus at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 477–481;</li> - <li>written <span class="decoration">Illingham</span> by Eadmer, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 477 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gilo de Soleio, beholds William’s army on its way to Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> - -<li>Giraldus Cambrensis, - <ul> - <li>born at Manorbeer, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> - <li>his parentage, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gisa, Bishop of Somerset, his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 136.</li> - -<li>Gisors Castle, - <ul> - <li>its first defences by Pagan or Theobald, ii. <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> - <li>strengthened by Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li> - <li>under Henry <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> - <li>its present appearance, <a href="#Page_188"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>restored to Pagan by Duke Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Givele.</span> <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Yeovil">Yeovil</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Glamorgan" id="Glamorgan"></a>Glamorgan, - <ul> - <li>legend of the conquest of, ii. <a href="#Page_79">79–81</a>, <a href="#Page_613">613</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> - <li>settlement of, by Robert Fitzhamon, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> - <li>distinguished from Morganwg, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> - <li>its extent, <a href="#Page_85"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>military character of its churches, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gloucester, - <ul> - <li>sickness of William Rufus at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 391;</li> - <li>Anselm’s first installation at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 400;</li> - <li>meetings at, ii. <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gloucester Abbey, - <ul> - <li>gifts of Arnulf and Emmeline of Hesdin to, ii. <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li>works of Robert Fitz-hamon at, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> - <li>grant of Welsh churches to, <a href="#Page_84"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>consecration of, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li> - <li>Abbot Fulchered’s sermon there, ii. <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gloucestershire, ravaged by William of Eu, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 41, 44.</li> - -<li>Godehild, daughter of Ralph of Toesny, her marriages, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 270 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Godgifu</span>, nickname given to Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li> - -<li>Godred Crouan, - <ul> - <li>his dominion, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li> - <li>his expulsion and death, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li> - <li>his sons, <a href="#Page_137"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Godric and Godgifu</span>, nicknames given to Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li> - -<li>Godricus <span class="decoration">unus liber homo</span>, holds Sparsholt, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 380 <a href="#footnote_949">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Godwine, Earl, a benefactor of Christ Church, Twinham, ii. <a href="#Page_555">555</a>.</li> - -<li>Godwine of Winchester, - <ul> - <li>story of his duel with Ordgar, ii. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a>;</li> - <li>notices of him in Domesday, ii. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_616">616</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_615">615</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Godfrey of Lorraine, goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552.</li> - -<li>Goodeve, surname, a corruption of Godgifu, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 389 <a href="#footnote_983">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Gordon, General, parallelled with Robert son of Godwine, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> - -<li>Gosfridus Mala Terra, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</li> - -<li>Gospatric, son of Beloch, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Gospatric, son of Mapbennoc, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Gospatric, son of Orm, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Gournay, castle and church of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 230.</li> - -<li>Gower, - <ul> - <li>no part of Glamorgan, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> - <li>conquest of, ii. <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> - <li>castles built in, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li> - <li>alleged West-Saxon settlement of, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_615">615</a>;</li> - <li>granted to Howel, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gruffydd, son of Cynan, - <ul> - <li>his Irish allies, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 122;</li> - <li>attacks Rhuddlan, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>at Dwyganwy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 124;</li> - <li>invades England, ii. <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li> - <li>schemes to save Anglesey, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> - <li>fails to hold it and flees to Ireland, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</li> - <li>his settlement with Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gruffydd, grandson of Cadwgan, defeats the English, ii. <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> - -<li>Gruffydd, son of Rhydderch, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> - -<li>Gundrada of Gournay, marries Nigel of Albini, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_612">612</a>.</li> - -<li>Gundulf, Bishop of Rochester, - <ul> - <li>his buildings at Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 54 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his tower at Malling, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 70;</li> - <li>sent to punish the monks of Saint Augustine’s, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 140;</li> - <li>his friendship with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 374;</li> - <li>his letter to the monks of Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 405;</li> - <li>Anselm’s visit to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 406;</li> - <li>blasphemous speech of William Rufus to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 407;</li> - <li>present at the consecration of the church of Battle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 444;</li> - <li>question as to his action in the council of Rockingham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 516 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>present at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li> - <li>expounds William Rufus’s dream to him, ii. <a href="#Page_661">661</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gundulf, father of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 366.</li> - -<li>Guy of Etampes, Bishop of Le Mans, his rebuilding after the fire, ii. <a href="#Page_639">639</a>.</li> - -<li>Guy, Abbot of Pershore, his share in the defence of Worcester, ii. <a href="#Page_481">481</a>.</li> - -<li>Guy, Abbot of Saint Augustine’s, - <ul> - <li>sent with a summons to Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 90;</li> - <li>driven out by the monks and citizens, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 139;</li> - <li>signs the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Guy, monk of Christ Church, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 140 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Guy, Count of Ponthieu, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 180.</li> - -<li>Guy of the Rock, - <ul> - <li>his fortress of Roche Guyon, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> - <li>submits to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Guy of Vienne, Legate, his pretensions not acknowledged, ii. <a href="#Page_391">391</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Guy" id="Guy"></a>Guy the Red Knight, - <ul> - <li>helps to defend Courcy, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519</a>;</li> - <li>his daughter betrothed to King Lewis, <a href="#Page_519"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Gwenllwg, revolt of, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> - -<li>Gwent, revolt of, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106</a>; English defeat in, ii. <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> - -<li>Gwynedd, revolt in, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">H.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Haimericus de Moria, his conference with Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> - -<li>Hair, long, fashion of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 158, ii. <a href="#Page_500">500</a>.</li> - -<li>Hakon, Earl of Orkney, - <ul> - <li>Anselm’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;</li> - <li>his murder of Saint Magnus and repentance, ii. <a href="#Page_582">582</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hallam, held by Roger of Bully, ii. <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> - -<li>Hallam, Henry, on Henry <abbr title="Eight">VIII.</abbr>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 173 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Hamon, Viscount of Thouars, notices of his lands, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 83 <a href="#footnote_195">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Hamon the <span class="decoration">Dapifer</span>, signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Harecher" id="Harecher"></a>Harecher, or Archard, of Domfront, - <ul> - <li>revolts against Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 319, ii. <a href="#Page_538">538</a>;</li> - <li>signs the foundation charter of Lonlay Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_539">539</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Harold, son of Godwine, - <ul> - <li>case of his excommunication, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 612;</li> - <li>his Welsh campaign compared with that of William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Harold, son of Harold, with the fleet of Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134–136</a>, <a href="#Page_619">619</a>.</li> - -<li>Harold, son of Godred Crouan, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li> - -<li>Harrow, church of, dispute as to its consecration, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 440.</li> - -<li>Hartshorne, Mr., - <ul> - <li>on Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 53 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 54 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>on Alnwick, ii. <a href="#Page_592">592</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hasgard, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 95 <a href="#footnote_231">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Hasse, M., his Life of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 325 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Hastings, castle of, - <ul> - <li>held by Robert of Eu, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 229;</li> - <li>assembly at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 441;</li> - <li>consecration of Robert Bloet at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 445.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hastings, Frank Abney, paralleled with Robert son of Godwine, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> - -<li>Haverfordwest Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> - -<li>Hebrides. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Sudereys">Sudereys</a>.</li> - -<li>Hedenham, grant of, to Rochester, ii. <a href="#Page_506">506</a>.</li> - -<li>Helias of La Flèche, - <ul> - <li>contrasted with Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 171;</li> - <li>enmity of Robert of Bellême to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 183;</li> - <li>his character and descent, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 205, ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li> - <li>submits to Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209;</li> - <li>his position compared with that of King Philip, ii. <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> - <li>his castles, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li> - <li>his wife Matilda, <a href="#Page_196"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his possible claim on the county of Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> - <li>imprisons and sets free Bishop Howel, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_624">624</a>;</li> - <li>buys the county of Hugh, ii. <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> - <li>excellence of his reign, ii. <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> - <li>his friendship for Bishop Howel, <a href="#Page_204"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>prepares to go on the crusade, ii. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of his action, ii. <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> - <li>his interview with Robert and with William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207–210</a>;</li> - <li>challenges Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> - <li>makes ready for defence, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> - <li>his action in the appointment to the bishopric, ii. <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_624">624</a>;</li> - <li>his acceptance of Hildebert the cause of the war, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>;</li> - <li>strengthens Dangeul Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> - <li>his guerilla warfare, ii. <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li> - <li>defeats Robert of Bellême at Saônes, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> - <li>his second victory over him, ii. <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> - <li>taken prisoner near Dangeul, ii. <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>;</li> - <li>surrendered to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li> - <li>honourably treated by him, <a href="#Page_225"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>Hildebert negotiates for his release, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628–630</a>;</li> - <li>William agrees to release him, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>;</li> - <li>his interview with William at Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_242">242–245</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640–645</a>;</li> - <li>defies him, ii. <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>;</li> - <li>is set free, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_642">642</a>, <a href="#Page_643">643</a>;</li> - <li>his renewed action, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> - <li>marches against Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> - <li>his victory at Pontlieue, ii. <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li> - <li>recovers Le Mans, <a href="#Page_278"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>besieges the castles in vain, ii. <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> - <li>flees to Château-du-Loir, ii. <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li> - <li>burns two castles, ii. <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with the garrison of the castle, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</li> - <li>called the “White Bachelor,” ii. <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</li> - <li>his conference with Walter of Rouen, <a href="#Page_371"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>surrender of the castle to, ii. <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</li> - <li>his last reign, <a href="#Page_373"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his friendship with Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;</li> - <li>his second marriage, <a href="#Page_413"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>descent of the Angevin kings from him, ii. <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</li> - <li>notices of his death, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 374 <a href="#footnote_929">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letter to him, ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Helias of Saint-Saens, - <ul> - <li>married to Robert’s daughter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 235;</li> - <li>his descent, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>importance of his position, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 236;</li> - <li>his fidelity to Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 237.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Heloise, Countess of Evreux, - <ul> - <li>her rivalry with Isabel of Conches, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 231–234, 245;</li> - <li>Orderic’s account of her, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 237 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>her banishment and death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 270;</li> - <li>Bertrada of Montfort brought up by, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Henry <abbr title="Four">IV.</abbr>, - <ul> - <li>Emperor, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 549;</li> - <li>excommunicated at the Council of Clermont, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 549, 611.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, - <ul> - <li>his familiar knowledge of English, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> <abbr title="eight">viii</abbr>;</li> - <li>the one Ætheling among William’s sons, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 11, ii. <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;</li> - <li>an alleged party favours his immediate succession, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 11 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>difficulties in the way of it, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 20;</li> - <li>refuses a loan to Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 196;</li> - <li>buys the Côtentin and Avranchin of him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 196, ii. <a href="#Page_510">510–516</a>;</li> - <li>his firm rule, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 197, 221;</li> - <li>goes to England and claims his mother’s lands, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 195, 197;</li> - <li>William Rufus promises them to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 197;</li> - <li>brings Robert of Bellême back with him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 199;</li> - <li>imprisoned by Duke Robert, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>set free, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 220;</li> - <li>strengthens his castles, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 221;</li> - <li>comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 248;</li> - <li>sends him away, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 254;</li> - <li>takes Conan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 256;</li> - <li>puts him to death with his own hand, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 257–259, ii. <a href="#Page_516">516–518</a>;</li> - <li>policy thereof, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 260;</li> - <li>William and Robert agree together against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 278, ii. <a href="#Page_527">527</a>;</li> - <li>excluded from the succession by the treaty of Caen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 280;</li> - <li>his position as Ætheling, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 281;</li> - <li>William’s policy towards, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>strengthens himself against his brothers, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 283;</li> - <li>besieged by them at Saint Michael’s Mount, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 284–292, ii. <a href="#Page_528">528–535</a>;</li> - <li>Robert’s generosity to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 291, ii. <a href="#Page_534">534</a>;</li> - <li>surrenders, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 293;</li> - <li>accompanies William to England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 293, 295;</li> - <li>his alleged adventures, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 294, ii. <a href="#Page_535">535–540</a>;</li> - <li>signs the Durham charter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 305, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>;</li> - <li>chosen lord of Domfront, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 319, ii. <a href="#Page_538">538</a>;</li> - <li>restored to William’s favour, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 321;</li> - <li>wars against Robert, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>gets back his county, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>occupies the castle of Saint James, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>grants it to Earl Hugh, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 323;</li> - <li>alleged spoliation of, by Flambard, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 334, 357;</li> - <li>helps Robert, grandson of Geroy, against Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469;</li> - <li>summoned by William to Eu, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>goes to England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 470;</li> - <li>reconciled to William, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>returns to Normandy and wars against Robert, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>William’s grants to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 567;</li> - <li>story of him on the day of William’s death, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li> - <li>his claims to the throne, ii. <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li> - <li>his speedy election, ii. <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a>;</li> - <li>William of Breteuil withstands his demand for the treasure, ii. <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a>;</li> - <li>popular feeling for him, ii. <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</li> - <li>his formal election, ii. <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li> - <li>fills up the see of Winchester, ii. <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li> - <li>his coronation, ii. <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_681">681</a>;</li> - <li>goes to London with Robert of Meulan, ii. <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a>;</li> - <li>form of his oath, ii. <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</li> - <li>his charter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 336, 338, 342, 344, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352–357</a>;</li> - <li>his statute against the mercenaries, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 154, ii. <a href="#Page_498">498</a>;</li> - <li>his policy towards the second order, ii. <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged laws, ii. <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</li> - <li>his appointments to abbeys, ii. <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</li> - <li>imprisons Randolf Flambard, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</li> - <li>his inner council, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li> - <li>recalls Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</li> - <li>Norman intrigues against, ii. <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>his war with Robert, <a href="#Page_368"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>the garrison of Le Mans send an embassy to, ii. <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</li> - <li>his friendship with Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;</li> - <li>his meeting with Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</li> - <li>his dispute with him compared with that of Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 605, ii. <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</li> - <li>calls on Anselm to do homage, ii. <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</li> - <li>the question is adjourned, ii. <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;</li> - <li>his reformation of the court, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>;</li> - <li>his personal character, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</li> - <li>his mistresses and children, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, 110 <a href="#footnote_270">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li> - <li>seeks Eadgyth-Matilda in marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_684">684</a>;</li> - <li>his descent from Ælfred, ii. <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</li> - <li>objections to the marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_683">683–688</a>;</li> - <li>later fables about his marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_684">684</a>, <a href="#Page_685">685</a>;</li> - <li>his marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</li> - <li>his nickname of <span class="decoration">Godric</span>, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</li> - <li>his children by Matilda, <a href="#Page_389"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>appoints Gerard to the see of York, ii. <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;</li> - <li>his rule distasteful to the Normans, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>plots against him, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;</li> - <li>his Whitsun gemót, ii. <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;</li> - <li>loyalty of the Church and people to, ii. <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>;</li> - <li>fusion of Normans and English under, ii. <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>;</li> - <li>peace of his reign, ii. <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</li> - <li>his levy against Robert’s invasion, ii. <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;</li> - <li>desertion of some of his fleet, ii. <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_686">686</a>;</li> - <li>and of certain of the nobles, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</li> - <li>his nickname of <span class="decoration">Hartsfoot</span>, <a href="#Page_409"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his trust in Anselm, and promises to him, ii. <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>;</li> - <li>his exhortation to his army, ii. <a href="#Page_411">411</a>;</li> - <li>his negotiations with Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;</li> - <li>their personal meeting and treaty, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412–415</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_688">688–691</a>;</li> - <li>his schemes against the great barons, ii. <a href="#Page_415">415</a>;</li> - <li>his rewards and punishments, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;</li> - <li>his action against Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>;</li> - <li>negotiates against him with Duke Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</li> - <li>besieges Arundel, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>;</li> - <li>Arundel and Tickhill surrender to him, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>;</li> - <li>his faith pledged for Robert of Bellême’s life, ii. <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>;</li> - <li>his Shropshire campaign, ii. <a href="#Page_432">432</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>besieges Bridgenorth, ii. <a href="#Page_435">435–444</a>;</li> - <li>division of feeling in his army, ii. <a href="#Page_437">437</a>;</li> - <li>appeal of his army to, ii. <a href="#Page_438">438</a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with the Welsh, ii. <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451–453</a>;</li> - <li>surrender of Bridgenorth to, ii. <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</li> - <li>his march to Shrewsbury, ii. <a href="#Page_446">446–448</a>;</li> - <li>Robert of Bellême submits to, ii. <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;</li> - <li>banishes him and his brothers, ii. <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</li> - <li>his later imprisonment of Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 184, ii. <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</li> - <li>banishes William of Mortain, ii. <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;</li> - <li>character and effects of his reign, ii. <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;</li> - <li>the refounder of the English nation, ii. <a href="#Page_455">455</a>;</li> - <li>his compromise with Anselm, <a href="#Page_455"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>England reconciled to the Conquest under, ii. <a href="#Page_456">456</a>;</li> - <li>his correspondence with Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>;</li> - <li>see of Carlisle founded by, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 318;</li> - <li>at the consecration of Canterbury Cathedral, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 597 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his settlement of Flemings in Pembrokeshire, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 70 <a href="#footnote_167">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>his second marriage, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 389 <a href="#footnote_985">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>seizes on the treasure left by Magnus at Lincoln, ii. <a href="#Page_624">624</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Henry <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr>, - <ul> - <li>his blasphemy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 167;</li> - <li>question of the legatine power granted to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 526 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>estimate of his dispute with Thomas, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 605.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Henry <abbr title="Eight">VIII.</abbr> compared with Francis <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 173 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Henry of Beaumont, - <ul> - <li>earldom of Warwick granted to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472;</li> - <li>his influence in favour of the election of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li> - <li>one of his inner council, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li> - <li>signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</li> - <li>the owner of a burgess at Gloucester, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Henry of Huntingdon as a contemporary writer, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 9 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Henry of Port, his signature to the charter of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li> - -<li>Henry, son of Nest and Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -<li>Henry, son of Swegen, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Heppo the <span class="decoration">balistarius</span>, given as a surety to Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 114, 120.</li> - -<li>Herbert Losinga, Bishop of Thetford, - <ul> - <li>buys the see for himself, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 354, ii. <a href="#Page_568">568</a>;</li> - <li>and the Abbey of New Minster for his father, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 355;</li> - <li>repents, and receives his bishopric from the Pope, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 355, ii. <a href="#Page_568">568</a>;</li> - <li>anger of Rufus thereat, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 356, ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>;</li> - <li>not present at Anselm’s consecration, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 429;</li> - <li>deprived by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 448, ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>;</li> - <li>restored to his see, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 449, ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>;</li> - <li>moves the see to Norwich, <a href="#Page_569"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hereditary right, growth of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 280.</li> - -<li>Hereford, seized by Robert of Lacy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 46.</li> - -<li>Herfast, Bishop of Thetford, his encounter with Saint Eadmund, ii. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> - -<li>Herlwin, Abbot of Glastonbury, his appointment, ii. <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li> - -<li>Hervey, Bishop of Bangor, at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li> - -<li>Hiesmois, war in, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li>Hildebert, Bishop of Le Mans, - <ul> - <li>his election accepted by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>;</li> - <li>his character, ii. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> - <li>anger of William Rufus at his election, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>;</li> - <li>negotiates for the release of Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628–630</a>;</li> - <li>at the head of the municipal council of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li> - <li>welcomes William Rufus into Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li> - <li>reconciled to him, ii. <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_626">626</a>;</li> - <li>charges brought against, <a href="#Page_626"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>ordered to pull down the towers of Saint Julian’s, ii. <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_654">654</a>;</li> - <li>receives the kiss of peace from Rotrou’s mother, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 373 <a href="#footnote_928">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>translated to the see of Tours, ii. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letters to, ii. <a href="#Page_580">580</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hildebert <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr>, Abbot of Saint Michael’s Mount, his buildings, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 284.</li> - -<li>Hilgot of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li> - -<li>Holm Peel, Island of, Magnus at, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> - -<li>Honour, law of, - <ul> - <li>as practised by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 85, 92, 169, 408, ii. <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> - <li>Palgrave on, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hook. W. F., his estimate of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 326 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Howard, family of, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 430 <a href="#footnote_1106">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Howel, Bishop of Le Mans, - <ul> - <li>his loyalty to Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 205, 208, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li> - <li>story of his appointment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 205;</li> - <li>consecrated at Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 207, 208;</li> - <li>his conduct during the famine, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 208;</li> - <li>imprisoned by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_624">624</a>;</li> - <li>liberated by him, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li> - <li>flees to Robert and is bidden to return, ii. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li> - <li>his disputes with Hugh and with his chapter, ii. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> - <li>comes to England, <a href="#Page_201"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his reconciliation and return, ii. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li> - <li>his friendship with Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> - <li>translates Saint Julian, <a href="#Page_204"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his buildings, ii. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_634">634</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>, <a href="#Page_656">656</a>;</li> - <li>entertains Urban, ii. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> - <li>his sickness, <a href="#Page_205"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>and death, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> - <li>foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral signed by, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Howel, Welsh prince, flees to Ireland, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li>Howel, son of Goronwy, - <ul> - <li>besieges Pembroke, ii. <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> - <li>grants to, by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_452">452</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hubert of Rye, his alleged share in the accession of William the Conqueror, ii. <a href="#Page_463">463</a>.</li> - -<li>Hucher, M., on Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_631">631</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh, Archbishop of Lyons, - <ul> - <li>denounces Philip’s adulterous marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> - <li>advises Anselm to return after the death of Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letter to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 419, ii. <a href="#Page_571">571</a>, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hugh, Saint, his foreign origin, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 365.</li> - -<li>Hugh of Saint-Calais, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings at and gifts to Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_639">639</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh, Abbot of Clugny, his dream about William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_666">666</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh, Abbot of Flavigny, - <ul> - <li>his story of the mission of Abbot Geronto, ii. <a href="#Page_588">588</a>;</li> - <li>marvellous tales told by, ii. <a href="#Page_589">589</a>;</li> - <li>his chronicle and career, <a href="#Page_589"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hugh or Hugolin with the Beard, ii. <a href="#Page_489">489</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh the Great, brother of King Philip, goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 350.</li> - -<li>Hugh of Avranches, Earl of Chester, - <ul> - <li>his loyalty to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 34, 62;</li> - <li>supports Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 221;</li> - <li>surrenders his castle to William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 283;</li> - <li>his alleged advice to Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_530">530</a>;</li> - <li>joins Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 320;</li> - <li>castle of Saint James granted to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 323, ii. <a href="#Page_540">540</a>;</li> - <li>his friendship with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 380;</li> - <li>his changes at Saint Werburh’s at Chester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 381, 382;</li> - <li>seeks help from Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 382;</li> - <li>his sickness and messages to Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 383;</li> - <li>summoned by William Rufus to Eu, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469;</li> - <li>goes to England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 470;</li> - <li>his share in the conspiracy of Robert of Mowbray, ii. <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> - <li>urges the mutilation of William of Eu, ii. <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> - <li>his advance in Anglesey, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> - <li>his last expedition to Anglesey, ii. <a href="#Page_129">129–146</a>, 619;</li> - <li>bribes the wikings, ii. <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> - <li>his cruelty to the captives, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> - <li>makes peace with Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> - <li>Anglesey and North Wales subdued by, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li> - <li>compared with Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li> - <li>hastens to acknowledge Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> as king, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li> - <li>one of Henry’s inner council, <a href="#Page_362"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_410">410</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letter of rebuke to, ii. <a href="#Page_580">580</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hugh Bardolf, gate of Montfort Castle named after, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh, of Beaumont, - <ul> - <li>reads the charge against Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 98;</li> - <li>defies him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 101.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hugh, Earl of Bedford, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 98 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 419 <a href="#footnote_1068">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh of Buckland, Sheriff of Berkshire, his dealings with Abingdon Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_665">665</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh of Dun, his dealings with Abingdon Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_665">665</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh of Este, son of Azo, - <ul> - <li>sent for by the men of Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li> - <li>his succession accepted by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> - <li>reaches Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li> - <li>his dispute with Bishop Howel, ii. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> - <li>reconciled to him, ii. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li> - <li>his unpopularity, <a href="#Page_202"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>puts away his wife and is excommunicated, <a href="#Page_202"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>bought out by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hugh of Evermouth, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 571.</li> - -<li>Hugh of Grantmesnil, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 34;</li> - <li>his ravages, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 36;</li> - <li>strengthens his castle against Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 274;</li> - <li>his death and burial, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 473.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hugh of Jaugy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 565, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh of Lacy, grant of his brother’s estates to, ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> - -<li>Hugh, Count of Meulan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 185.</li> - -<li>Hugh of Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 57;</li> - <li>succeeds his father in England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 473;</li> - <li>buys his pardon of Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> - <li>his expedition into Anglesey, ii. <a href="#Page_129">129–144</a>, <a href="#Page_619">619</a>;</li> - <li>bribes the wikings, ii. <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> - <li>his cruelty to the captives, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_618">618–621</a>;</li> - <li>his burial, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> - <li>effects of his death, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_618">618</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Hugh of Port, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 117, 120.</li> - -<li>Humbald, Archdeacon of Salisbury, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li> - -<li>Humbert, Count of Maurienne, Anselm’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_580">580</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center"><abbr title="One">I.</abbr></p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Ida, Countess of Boulogne, her correspondence with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 374, 384, ii. <a href="#Page_571">571</a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>.</li> - -<li>Ilchester, - <ul> - <li>description of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 43;</li> - <li>besieged by Robert of Mowbray, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ingemund, - <ul> - <li>sent by King Murtagh to the Sudereys, ii. <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <a href="#Page_138"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ingulf, prior of Norwich, ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>.</li> - -<li>Investiture, - <ul> - <li>royal right of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 345, 346;</li> - <li>not questioned by Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 403;</li> - <li>change in his views in regard to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 404;</li> - <li>forbidden by the Council of Clermont, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 548;</li> - <li>dispute between Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_375">375</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letters about, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Iona, isle of, - <ul> - <li>Margaret’s gifts to, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> - <li>Duncan buried at, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 36 <a href="#footnote_76">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>spared by Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ireland, - <ul> - <li>designs of William the Conqueror on, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> - <li>of William Rufus on, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> - <li>of Magnus of Norway on, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_620">620</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Irish, help Rhys and Gruffydd, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 121, 122.</li> - -<li>Isabel or Elizabeth of Vermandois, daughter of Hugh the Great, - <ul> - <li>married to Robert of Meulan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 187 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 551;</li> - <li>her marriage denounced by Bishop Ivo of Chartres, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>her second marriage, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 187 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Isabel, daughter of Robert of Meulan, mistress of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 187 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li> - -<li>Isabel of Montfort, wife of Ralph of Conches, - <ul> - <li>her rivalry with Heloise of Evreux, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 231–234, 245;</li> - <li>her character, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 233;</li> - <li>takes the veil, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 233 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 271.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Isabel, daughter of William of Breteuil, given in marriage to Ascelin Goel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243, 268 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Ivo, Bishop of Chartres, - <ul> - <li>his advice to Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 367 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>denounces the marriage of Isabel and Robert of Meulan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>protests against the marriage of King Philip and Bertrada, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 559 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ivo of Grantmesnil, - <ul> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552;</li> - <li>called the “rope-dancer,” <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 565 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>plots against Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>harries his neighbours’ lands, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;</li> - <li>his trial and conviction, <a href="#Page_417"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his bargain with Robert of Meulan, ii. <a href="#Page_418">418</a>;</li> - <li>his relations with Leicester, <a href="#Page_418"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ivo, son of Ivo of Grantmesnil, ii. <a href="#Page_418">418</a>.</li> - -<li>Ivo Taillebois, - <ul> - <li>his action in the case of Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 114, 115;</li> - <li>holds Kirkby Kendal, ii. <a href="#Page_549">549</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ivo of Veci, lord of Alnwick, ii. <a href="#Page_596">596</a>.</li> - -<li>Ivor, grandson of Cadwgan, defeats the English, ii. <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> - -<li>Ivry, - <ul> - <li>granted to William of Breteuil, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 194;</li> - <li>lost by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243;</li> - <li>claimed by Robert of Meulan, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">J.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Jarrow, Tynemouth granted to, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_605">605</a>.</li> - -<li>Jeronto, Abbot. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Geronto">Geronto</a>.</li> - -<li>Jerusalem, kingdom of, said to have been refused by Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 566.</li> - -<li>Jerusalem, Patriarch of, Wulfstan’s correspondence with, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479.</li> - -<li>Jestin, son of Gwrgan, - <ul> - <li>story of him and Einion, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_614">614</a>;</li> - <li>his descendants, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 81 <a href="#footnote_190">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged long life, ii. <a href="#Page_614">614</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Jews, - <ul> - <li>settle in England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 160;</li> - <li>their position, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>favoured by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 161;</li> - <li>compared with the Sicilian Saracens, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>dispute between their rabbis and English bishops, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>converts forced to apostatize by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 162, 614, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>John, King, his devotion to the shrine of Wulfstan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 481.</li> - -<li>John of Tours, - <ul> - <li>bishopric of Somerset granted to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 136, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>;</li> - <li>removes the see to Bath, <a href="#Page_483"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his doings at Wells and at Bath, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 138, ii. <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;</li> - <li>his architectural works, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 138;</li> - <li>assists Osmund to consecrate Salisbury cathedral, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309;</li> - <li>at the consecration of the church of Battle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 444;</li> - <li>Anselm confers with him at Winchester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 586;</li> - <li>at the deathbed of William of Durham, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>John, Bishop of Tusculum, ii. <a href="#Page_488">488</a>.</li> - -<li>John, Abbot of Telesia, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 615.</li> - -<li>John, Prior of Bath, letter of Anselm to, ii. <a href="#Page_490">490</a>.</li> - -<li>John, son of Odo of Bayeux, ii. <a href="#Page_488">488</a>.</li> - -<li>John of La Flèche, father of Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> - -<li>Jones, Longueville, on Penmon and Aberlleiniog, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 130 <a href="#footnote_340">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Jorwerth, son of Bleddyn, - <ul> - <li>becomes the man of Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</li> - <li>his action on behalf of Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;</li> - <li>promises of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> to, ii. <a href="#Page_439">439</a>;</li> - <li>influences the Welsh on his behalf, ii. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</li> - <li>his war with his brothers, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>;</li> - <li>Henry’s want of faith to, <a href="#Page_451"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his trial and imprisonment, ii. <a href="#Page_452">452</a>;</li> - <li>his later history, ii. <a href="#Page_453">453</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Judith, wife of Tostig, her invention of Saint Oswine’s body, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.</li> - -<li>Julian, Saint, translation of his body, ii. <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> - -<li>Juliana, natural daughter of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 201, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Jurwine" id="Jurwine"></a>Jurwine, son of King Anna of East-Anglia, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 268 <a href="#footnote_652">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Justice</span>, technical use of the word, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 191 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Justiciarship, growth of the office under Flambard, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 331.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">K.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Kenfig, borough of, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - -<li>Kidwelly, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86</a>; - <ul> - <li>conquest of, ii. <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> - <li>granted to Howell, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Kings, doctrine of their immunity from drowning, ii. <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_647">647</a>, <a href="#Page_648">648</a>, <a href="#Page_651">651</a>.</li> - -<li>Kirkby Kendal, held by Ivo Taillebois, ii. <a href="#Page_549">549</a>.</li> - -<li>Knights, - <ul> - <li>privileges granted to, by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</li> - <li>effect of this grant, ii. <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">L.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>La Chartre, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> - -<li>La Ferté Saint Samson, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 230.</li> - -<li>La Flèche, - <ul> - <li>Helias withdraws to, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>La Houlme, castle of, - <ul> - <li>held by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 462;</li> - <li>taken by Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 465.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>La Lude, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> - -<li>La Roche Guyon, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> - -<li>Lagman, son of Godred Crouan, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li> - -<li>Laigle, town of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 73 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Lambert, chaplain to Ida of Boulogne, ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>.</li> - -<li>Lambeth, - <ul> - <li>grant of, to Rochester, ii. <a href="#Page_506">506</a>;</li> - <li>given in exchange to Canterbury, <a href="#Page_506"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Land, tenure of, Flambard’s theory of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 337.</li> - -<li>Lanfranc, - <ul> - <li>his special agency in the accession of William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 10, 12, ii. <a href="#Page_459">459</a>;</li> - <li>his grief at the death of William the Conqueror, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 15;</li> - <li>crowns William Rufus, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>binds him to follow his counsel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 16, ii. <a href="#Page_460">460</a>;</li> - <li>attends the Christmas assembly at Westminster, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 18;</li> - <li>Odo’s hatred towards, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 24, 53 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his loyalty to William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 63;</li> - <li>his part in the meeting at Salisbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 95, 119;</li> - <li>his view of vestments, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 95;</li> - <li>his position as regards that of Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 97;</li> - <li>his answer to Bishop Geoffrey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 100;</li> - <li>to Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 105, 110;</li> - <li>interposes on his behalf, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 113;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 140;</li> - <li>its effect on William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 141, 142, 148 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his position in England and Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 141;</li> - <li>buried at Christ Church, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 142;</li> - <li>his relations with William the Conqueror, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 328;</li> - <li>compared with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 368, 456;</li> - <li>advises Anselm to become a monk of Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 371.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Lanfranc, nephew of Archbishop Lanfranc, ii. <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.</li> - -<li>Laodikeia, Eadgar and Robert at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 564.</li> - -<li>Lateran, - <ul> - <li>Council of (1099), <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 607, 621;</li> - <li>destruction of the apse, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 607 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Leckhampsted, lands at, taken from Abingdon Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_665">665</a>.</li> - -<li>Legitimacy, growth of the doctrine of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 280.</li> - -<li>Le Hardy, - <ul> - <li><abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> Gaston, quoted, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 145 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his apology for Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 175 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Leicester, - <ul> - <li>college at, founded by Robert of Meulan, ii. <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;</li> - <li>foundation of the abbey, <a href="#Page_420"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>churches at, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 420 <a href="#footnote_1072">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Leicester, earldom of, its origin, ii. <a href="#Page_418">418</a>.</li> - -<li>Le Mans, - <ul> - <li>temporal relations of the bishopric, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 207;</li> - <li>under an interdict, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li> - <li>claims of the Norman dukes over the bishopric, ii. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> - <li>Howel’s buildings at, ii. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> - <li>Pope Urban’s visit to, <a href="#Page_205"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>welcomes Duke Robert’s host, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209;</li> - <li>new municipality of, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li> - <li>garrisoned by Fulk, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>;</li> - <li>besieged by Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_233">233–235</a>;</li> - <li>siege of, raised, ii. <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> - <li>submits to Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>;</li> - <li>fortresses of, ii. <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_631">631</a>;</li> - <li>entry of Rufus into the town, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li> - <li>description of the church, <a href="#Page_240"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>recovered by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li> - <li>the castles still held for Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li> - <li>compared with the deliverance of York, <a href="#Page_279"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>burning of, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> - <li>modern destruction at, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 281 <a href="#footnote_684">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>William’s march against, ii. <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li> - <li>flight of the citizens, ii. <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li> - <li>William’s treatment of, ii. <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li> - <li>orders the destruction of the towers of Saint Julian’s, ii. <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_654">654</a>;</li> - <li>description of the towers, ii. <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_655">655</a>;</li> - <li>return of Helias to, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li> - <li>action of the garrison, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370–373</a>;</li> - <li>palace of the counts at, ii. <a href="#Page_632">632</a>, <a href="#Page_656">656</a>;</li> - <li>dates of the building, ii. <a href="#Page_632">632–639</a>, <a href="#Page_656">656</a>;</li> - <li>burning of, ii. <a href="#Page_638">638</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Leofwine, Dean of Durham, ii. <a href="#Page_605">605</a>.</li> - -<li>Lewes, - <ul> - <li>held by William of Warren, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 59;</li> - <li>customs of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 59 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>William of Warren’s death and burial at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 62 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 76.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Lewis <abbr title="Six">VI.</abbr> of France (the Fat), ii. <a href="#Page_170">170</a>; - <ul> - <li>Bertrada’s schemes against him, ii. <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li> - <li>grant of the Vexin to, ii. <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li>refuses to cede the Vexin to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> - <li>his difficulties in the war with William, ii. <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> - <li>betrothed to a daughter of Guy the Red Knight, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519</a>;</li> - <li>his letter to Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_580">580</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Lewis <abbr title="Nine">IX.</abbr> of France (Saint Lewis), - <ul> - <li>his ordinance against blasphemy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 167;</li> - <li>his walls at Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 252.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ligulf, father of Morkere, ii. <a href="#Page_605">605</a>.</li> - -<li>Limoges, massacre of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 173 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Lincoln, - <ul> - <li>its connexion with Norway, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> - <li>Jews at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 160 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>prevalence of the slave-trade at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 310;</li> - <li>completion of the minster, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>Thomas of York claims jurisdiction over, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 311, 433;</li> - <li>consecration delayed by the death of Remigius, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 312;</li> - <li>see kept vacant by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 356, 381;</li> - <li>jurisdiction over again claimed by Thomas of York, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 433;</li> - <li>compromise concerning, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 447.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Lindesey, jurisdiction of, claimed by Thomas of York, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 311.</li> - -<li>Lindisfarn, Isle of, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 50 <a href="#footnote_115">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Llancarfan, church of, granted to Gloucester abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> - -<li>Llandaff, see of, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> - -<li>Llanrhidian Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> - -<li>Llantrissant, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - -<li>Llantwit, church of, granted to Tewkesbury, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> - -<li>Llywelyn, son of Cadwgan, his death, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li>Loir, Castle of the. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Chateau">Château-du-Loir</a>.</li> - -<li>London, - <ul> - <li>Jews settle in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 160;</li> - <li>great wind and fire in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 308;</li> - <li>buildings of William Rufus in, ii. <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li> - <li>growth of its greatness, ii. <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li> - <li>dogs of, mentioned by Hugh of Flavigny, ii. <a href="#Page_589">589</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>London Bridge, ii. <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> - -<li>London, Tower of. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Tower">Tower of London</a>.</li> - -<li>Longueville, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 231.</li> - -<li>Lonlay Abbey, foundation charter of, ii. <a href="#Page_539">539</a>.</li> - -<li>Lords, House of, - <ul> - <li>foreshadowed by the inner Council of the Witan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 603;</li> - <li>gradual developement of, ii. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Losinga</span>, origin of the name, ii. <a href="#Page_570">570</a>.</li> - -<li>Lothian, question as to the homage of Malcolm for, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 303, ii. <a href="#Page_541">541</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr></li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Luca, per vultum de</span>, - <ul> - <li>favourite oath of William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 108, 112, 164, 289, 391, 511 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 61 <a href="#footnote_131">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_650">650</a>;</li> - <li>meaning of the phrase, ii. <a href="#Page_503">503</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Lucan, whether quoted by Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_642">642</a>, <a href="#Page_647">647</a>.</li> - -<li>Lugubalia. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Carlisle">Carlisle</a>.</li> - -<li>Lund, archbishopric of, ii. <a href="#Page_582">582</a>.</li> - -<li>Lurçon, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">M.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Mabel, wife of Earl Roger, poisons Arnold of Escalfoi and seizes on Saint Cenery, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 215.</li> - -<li>Mabel, daughter of Robert Fitz-hamon, marries Robert of Gloucester, ii. <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li>Maelgwyn, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 124.</li> - -<li>Magnus Barefoot, king of Norway, - <ul> - <li>his expedition into Britain, ii. <a href="#Page_133">133</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>, <a href="#Page_617">617–624</a>;</li> - <li>character of his reign, ii. <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> - <li>his surnames, <a href="#Page_133"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>professes friendship for England, <a href="#Page_133"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his sons, <a href="#Page_133"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his treasure at Lincoln, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_624">624</a>;</li> - <li>his designs on Ireland, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_620">620</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged Irish marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>;</li> - <li>his voyage among the islands, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140–142</a>;</li> - <li>legend of him and Saint Olaf, ii. <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li> - <li>seizes the Earls of Orkney, ii. <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> - <li>grants the earldom to Sigurd, <a href="#Page_140"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with Galloway, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> - <li>occupies Man, <a href="#Page_141"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>approaches Anglesey, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_619">619</a>, <a href="#Page_621">621</a>;</li> - <li>kills Hugh of Shrewsbury, ii. <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_620">620</a>, <a href="#Page_621">621</a>;</li> - <li>makes peace with Hugh of Chester, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> - <li>his designs on Anglesey, <a href="#Page_145"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with King Murtagh, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>;</li> - <li>and with Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> - <li>Arnulf of Montgomery negotiates with, ii. <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</li> - <li>his second voyage round Britain, ii. <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</li> - <li>his castle-building in Man, <a href="#Page_442"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>refuses help to Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_623">623</a>, <a href="#Page_624">624</a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>;</li> - <li>described as “rex Germaniæ,” ii. <a href="#Page_619">619</a>, <a href="#Page_620">620</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Magnus, Saint, murdered by Hakon, ii. <a href="#Page_582">582</a>.</li> - -<li>Maine, - <ul> - <li>history of, under the Conqueror, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 203;</li> - <li>dissatisfaction in, under Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 204;</li> - <li>alleged derivation of its name, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 205;</li> - <li>submits to Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209;</li> - <li>stipulation about, in the treaty of Caen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 277, ii. <a href="#Page_524">524</a>;</li> - <li>men of, send for Hugh son of Azo as their ruler, ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li> - <li>revolts against Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> - <li>peace of, under Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> - <li>cession of, demanded by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> - <li>his designs on, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> - <li>attacked by Robert of Bellême, <a href="#Page_213"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>geographical character of the war, ii. <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> - <li>beginning of the war of William Rufus in, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li> - <li>castles of Robert of Bellême in, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> - <li>teaching of its landscapes, ii. <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li> - <li>castles of, ii. <a href="#Page_219">219–221</a>;</li> - <li>contrasted with England, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> - <li>general submission of, to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li> - <li>extent of his conquests in, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li> - <li>southern part harried by Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li> - <li>no bribery in, ii. <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li> - <li>later fortune of, ii. <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Malchus, Bishop of Waterford, consecrated by Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 544.</li> - -<li>Malcolm <abbr title="Three">III.</abbr>, King of Scots, - <ul> - <li>invades Northumberland, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 295;</li> - <li>driven back, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 296;</li> - <li>his relations with Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 297;</li> - <li>meets William Rufus at <span class="decoration">Scots’ Water</span>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 301;</li> - <li>negotiates with him through Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 302;</li> - <li>two versions of the negotiations, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 302–304, ii. <a href="#Page_540">540–545</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged homage to Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 302, ii. <a href="#Page_542">542</a>;</li> - <li>question as to his earlier betrothal to Margaret, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 303, ii. <a href="#Page_542">542</a>;</li> - <li>as to the homage for Lothian, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 303, ii. <a href="#Page_541">541</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>does homage to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 304, ii. <a href="#Page_541">541</a>;</li> - <li>his correspondence with Wulfstan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479;</li> - <li>his complaints against Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> - <li>summoned to Gloucester, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_590">590</a>;</li> - <li>lays one of the foundation-stones of Durham Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> - <li>much of his dominions in Durham diocese, ii. <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> - <li>Rufus refuses to see him at Gloucester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 410, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_590">590</a>;</li> - <li>dispute between them, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> - <li>invades England, ii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_592">592</a>;</li> - <li>English feeling towards, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_595">595</a>;</li> - <li>slain at Alnwick, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 410, ii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_592">592</a>;</li> - <li>alleged treachery towards him, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_592">592</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>his burial at Tynemouth, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> - <li>translated to Dunfermline, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> - <li>local estimate of his death, ii. <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> - <li>his devotion to Margaret, ii. <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> - <li>acts as her interpreter, ii. <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> - <li>his visit to Romsey, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>;</li> - <li>what languages he spoke, ii. <a href="#Page_591">591</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Malling, Gundulf’s tower at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 70.</li> - -<li>Malpeter, Mormaor of Mærne, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Malvoisin</span>, towers so called, use of, ii. <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_608">608</a>.</li> - -<li>Mamers, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li>Man, - <ul> - <li>the centre of Godred Crouan’s dominion, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li> - <li>civil war in, ii. <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> - <li>occupied by Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_619">619</a>;</li> - <li>his designs with regard to, ii. <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_620">620</a>;</li> - <li>his castle-building in, ii. <a href="#Page_442">442</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Manorbeer Castle, birthplace of Giraldus, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> - -<li>Mantes, - <ul> - <li>granted to Lewis by Philip, ii. <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li>claimed by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Margam Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> - -<li>Margaret, daughter of Eadward, - <ul> - <li>question as to her earlier betrothal to Malcolm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 303, ii. <a href="#Page_542">542</a>;</li> - <li>her correspondence with Wulfstan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479;</li> - <li>her character, ii. <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> - <li>her influence on Malcolm, ii. <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> - <li>her education of their children, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> - <li>her reforms, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> - <li>increases the pomp of the Scottish court, ii. <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> - <li>Scottish feeling towards, ii. <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_597">597</a>;</li> - <li>hears of her husband’s death, ii. <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_592">592</a>, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>;</li> - <li>versions of her death, ii. <a href="#Page_26">26–28</a>;</li> - <li>her burial at Dunfermline, ii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_597">597</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Margaret of Mortagne, wife of Henry of Warwick, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li> - -<li>Marriage, lord’s right of, - <ul> - <li>growth of, under Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 336;</li> - <li>peculiar to England and Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 340;</li> - <li>restrained by the charter of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Mary, daughter of Malcolm, - <ul> - <li>brought up in Romsey Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>;</li> - <li>marries Eustace of Boulogne, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Matilda of Flanders, Queen, - <ul> - <li>lands of, claimed by Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 195, 197;</li> - <li>they are granted to Robert Fitz-hamon, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 198.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><a name="Matilda" id="Matilda"></a>Matilda, or Eadgyth, Queen, wife of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, - <ul> - <li>her sojourn at Romsey, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>;</li> - <li>her relations with Henry, <a href="#Page_599"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>tale of her and William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>;</li> - <li>sought in marriage by Alan of Richmond, ii. <a href="#Page_602">602</a>;</li> - <li>sought in marriage by Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</li> - <li>her beauty and learning, ii. <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</li> - <li>policy of the marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</li> - <li>wishes to appoint Eadwulf abbot of Malmesbury, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 383 <a href="#footnote_955">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>objections to the marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_683">683</a>;</li> - <li>appeals to Anselm, <a href="#Page_384"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>declared free to marry, ii. <a href="#Page_385">385</a>;</li> - <li>other versions of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_385">385–387</a>, <a href="#Page_683">683</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>later fables about her marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_684">684</a>, <a href="#Page_685">685</a>;</li> - <li>her marriage and coronation, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li> - <li>takes the name of Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li> - <li>her nickname of <span class="decoration">Godgifu</span>, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</li> - <li>her children, <a href="#Page_389"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>her character, ii. <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;</li> - <li>known as “good Queen Mold,” ii. <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</li> - <li>Robert’s generosity to her, ii. <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</li> - <li>baptized by the name of Eadgyth, ii. <a href="#Page_598">598</a>;</li> - <li>god-daughter of Duke Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_602">602</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Matilda, Empress, daughter of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li> - -<li>Matilda, wife of Stephen, and granddaughter of Malcolm, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li>Matilda, Abbess of Caen, Anselm’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>.</li> - -<li>Matilda, Countess of Perche, natural daughter of Henry the First, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -<li>Matilda, wife of Helias of La Flèche, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> - -<li>Matilda of Laigle, - <ul> - <li>marries Robert of Mowbray, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> - <li>holds out at Bamburgh, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_609">609</a>;</li> - <li>yields to save her husband’s eyes, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> - <li>her second marriage and divorce, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_612">612</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Matilda, wife of William of Bellême, signs the foundation-charter of Lonlay Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_539">539</a>.</li> - -<li>Matilda, daughter of Waltheof, marries David of Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li>Matilda of Wallingford, her foundation at Oakburn, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Matthew, Count of Beaumont, helps to defend Courcy, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519</a>.</li> - -<li>Matthew Paris, his version of the accession of William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_461">461</a>.</li> - -<li>Maule, fortress of, ii. <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> - -<li>Maurice, Bishop of London, - <ul> - <li>his dispute with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 440;</li> - <li>crowns Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_681">681</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li> - <li>false story of his approaching death brought to Flambard, ii. <a href="#Page_560">560</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Mayet Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>; - <ul> - <li>strengthened by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> - <li>siege of, ii. <a href="#Page_289">289–294</a>, 652;</li> - <li>raising of the siege, ii. <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_653">653</a>;</li> - <li>description of, ii. <a href="#Page_652">652</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Mediolanum. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Evreux">Evreux</a>.</li> - -<li>Mercenaries, - <ul> - <li>employment of under William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 134, 153, 226, ii. <a href="#Page_496">496</a>;</li> - <li>their presence tends to promote the fusion of English and Normans, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 134;</li> - <li>their wrong-doings, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 154, ii. <a href="#Page_498">498</a>;</li> - <li>statute of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> against, <a href="#Page_498"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Meredydd, son of Bleddyn, - <ul> - <li>becomes the man of Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</li> - <li>his action on his behalf, ii. <a href="#Page_442">442</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Merewine of Chester-le-Street, signs the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - -<li>Meulan, importance of its position, ii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> - -<li>Mevania. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Anglesey">Anglesey</a>.</li> - -<li>Milford Haven, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> - -<li>Mona. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Anglesey">Anglesey</a>.</li> - -<li>Monacledin, Duncan slain at, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 36 <a href="#footnote_76">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Monarches</span>, use of the title, ii. <a href="#Page_484">484</a>.</li> - -<li>Montacute (near Saint Cenery), castle of, besieged by Duke Robert and destroyed, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Montacute Priory, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li> - -<li>Mont Barbé, castle of, at Le Mans, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 239, 361.</li> - -<li>Montbizot, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> - -<li>Mont-de-la-Nue, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - -<li>Montfort l’Amaury, - <ul> - <li>fortress of, ii. <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li> - <li>church of, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li> - <li>defended by the younger Simon, <a href="#Page_254"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Montgomery (in Wales), - <ul> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> - <li>taken by the Welsh, ii. <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Morel, - <ul> - <li>slays Malcolm, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_593">593</a>;</li> - <li>plunders Norwegian ships, ii. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> - <li>holds out at Bamburgh, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_610">610</a>;</li> - <li>turns king’s-evidence, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> - <li>his end, ii. <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Moreldene, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> - -<li>Morgan, son of Jestin, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 81 <a href="#footnote_190">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Morganwg, - <ul> - <li>distinguished from Glamorgan, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> - <li>conquest of, <span class="decoration">see</span> <a href="#Glamorgan">Glamorgan</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Morkere, son of Ælfgar, - <ul> - <li>re-imprisoned by William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 13, 14;</li> - <li>his signature to a charter of William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 14 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Moses of Canterbury, ii. <a href="#Page_573">573</a>.</li> - -<li>Motte de Gauthier-le-Clincamp, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - -<li>Mowbray Castle, granted to Nigel of Albini, ii. <a href="#Page_612">612</a>.</li> - -<li>Murtagh, Muirchertach, or Murchard, - <ul> - <li>calls himself king of Ireland, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 544;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letters to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 545 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;</li> - <li>his answer to the threat of William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> - <li>drives Godred Crouan out of Dublin, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li> - <li>sends Donald to the Sudereys, <a href="#Page_137"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with Magnus of Norway, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>, <a href="#Page_624">624</a>;</li> - <li>marries his daughter to Sigurd, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>;</li> - <li>Arnulf of Montgomery’s dealings with, ii. <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Mutilation, feeling with regard to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 548 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">N.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Neath, borough and abbey of, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> - -<li>Neauphlé-le-Château, ii. <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; - <ul> - <li>defended by the elder Simon of Montfort, ii. <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Nest, wife of Bernard of Newmarch, - <ul> - <li>her descent, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> - <li>her faithlessness to her husband, ii. <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> - <li>her grant to Battle Abbey, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 91 <a href="#footnote_217">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Nest, - <ul> - <li>wife of Gerald of Windsor, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, 110 <a href="#footnote_270">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>her relations with Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, 110 <a href="#footnote_270">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Nest, daughter of Jestin, marries Einion, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> - -<li>Neufchâtel-en-Bray, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 236 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Neuilly, Robert of Bellême imprisoned at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 199.</li> - -<li>Newcastle-upon-Tyne, - <ul> - <li>defended by Robert of Mowbray, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> - <li>taken by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>New Forest, - <ul> - <li>its supposed connexion with the Saxon colony at Carlisle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 316, ii. <a href="#Page_550">550</a>;</li> - <li>death of Richard son of Duke Robert there, ii. <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li> - <li>various versions of the death of William Rufus in, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Nicolas, Bishop of Llandaff, his charter, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 84 <a href="#footnote_201">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Nidaros. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Trondhjem">Trondhjem</a>.</li> - -<li>Nigel of Albini, - <ul> - <li>his marriages, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_612">612</a>;</li> - <li>Mowbray Castle granted to, ii. <a href="#Page_612">612</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Nithing</span> Proclamation of William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 78.</li> - -<li>Nivard of Septeuil, ii. <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> - -<li>Nomenclature of Wales compared with that of England, ii. <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> - -<li>Nomenclature, personal, illustrations of, ii. <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_551">551</a>, <a href="#Page_577">577</a>.</li> - -<li>Norham Castle, founded by Flambard, ii. <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li> - -<li>Norman Conquest, - <ul> - <li>at once completed and undone under Rufus and under Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 3, 7, 130, ii. <a href="#Page_456">456</a>;</li> - <li>England reconciled to it by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_456">456</a>;</li> - <li>compared with that of Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Norman nobles, - <ul> - <li>revolt against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 22 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_465">465</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>refuse to attend the Easter Gemôt, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 32;</li> - <li>amnesty granted to, by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 88;</li> - <li>accepted as Englishmen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 132;</li> - <li>some loyal to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 62;</li> - <li>second revolt of, ii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Normandy, - <ul> - <li>chief seat of warfare in the reign of Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 178;</li> - <li>contrasted with England, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>temptations for the invasion of Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 188;</li> - <li>under Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 189, 190;</li> - <li>spread of vice in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 192;</li> - <li>building of castles in, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>its rivalry with France, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 201;</li> - <li>Rufus’s invasion of, agreed to by the Witan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 222–224;</li> - <li>its relations with England and France, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 240;</li> - <li>private wars in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 241–244;</li> - <li>Orderic’s picture of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 271;</li> - <li>Rufus crosses over to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 273;</li> - <li>compared with England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 468;</li> - <li>her share in the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 547;</li> - <li>pledged to Rufus by Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 555;</li> - <li>Rufus takes possession of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 566;</li> - <li>his rule in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 567, 569, 570;</li> - <li>renewed anarchy in, on his death, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Normannus. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Northman">Northman</a>.</li> - -<li>Normans and English, - <ul> - <li>fusion of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 130, 134, ii. <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>;</li> - <li>use of the words, ii. <a href="#Page_649">649</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Northallerton, church of, granted to the monks of Durham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 535.</li> - -<li>Northampton, - <ul> - <li>architectural arrangements of the castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 601;</li> - <li>constitution of the Council of 1164, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 602.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><a name="Northman" id="Northman"></a>Northman, monk of Christ Church, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 140 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Northumberland, invaded by Malcolm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 296.</li> - -<li>Norwich, see of Thetford moved to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 449; ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">O.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Oakburn, a cell of Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, - <ul> - <li>restored to his earldom, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 19, ii. <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;</li> - <li>his discontent and intrigues, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 23, 24, ii. <a href="#Page_465">465</a>;</li> - <li>his hatred towards Lanfranc, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 24, 53 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his harangue against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 26, ii. <a href="#Page_466">466</a>;</li> - <li>his ravages in Kent, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 52;</li> - <li>occupies Rochester Castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 55;</li> - <li>invites Robert over, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 56;</li> - <li>hated by the English, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 67, 86;</li> - <li>moves to Pevensey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 70;</li> - <li>besieged therein by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 72–76;</li> - <li>surrenders on favourable terms, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 76;</li> - <li>his treachery at Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 77;</li> - <li>besieged therein, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 79;</li> - <li>agrees to surrender, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 80;</li> - <li>Rufus refuses his terms, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 81;</li> - <li>pleadings made for, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 83;</li> - <li>terms granted to, by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 85;</li> - <li>his humiliation and banishment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 85–87;</li> - <li>his influence with Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 199;</li> - <li>his exhortation to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 200;</li> - <li>marches with him into Maine, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 208;</li> - <li>his further schemes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 211;</li> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 560;</li> - <li>his death and tomb at Palermo, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 563, 571, ii. <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li> - <li>said to have married Philip and Bertrada, ii. <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Odo, Abbot of Chertsey, - <ul> - <li>resigns his abbey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 350;</li> - <li>restored by Henry, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Odo of Champagne, lord of Holderness, - <ul> - <li>part of the lands of the see of Durham granted to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 90;</li> - <li>his agreement with the Bishop, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 93;</li> - <li>intervenes on his behalf, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 109, 117, 120;</li> - <li>confiscation of his lands, ii. <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Odo, Duke of Burgundy, his alleged scheme against Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 606.</li> - -<li>Ogmore Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> - -<li>Olaf, Saint, legend of him and Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> - -<li>Olaf, son of Godred Crouan, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_623">623</a>.</li> - -<li>Oldbury, ii. <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> - -<li>Omens, William Rufus sneers at the English regard for, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> - -<li>Ordeal, - <ul> - <li>contempt of William Rufus for, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 157, 165;</li> - <li>Eadmer’s belief in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 166 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Orderic, - <ul> - <li>writes Robert of Rhuddlan’s epitaph, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 128;</li> - <li>his picture of Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 271;</li> - <li>dictates his writings, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 272 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his account of the expedition of Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> - <li>the only writer who mentions Eadgyth-Matilda’s change of name, ii. <a href="#Page_687">687</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ordgar, - <ul> - <li>his charge against Eadgar Ætheling, ii. <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a>;</li> - <li>story of his duel with Godwine, ii. <a href="#Page_115">115–117</a>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_615">615</a>;</li> - <li>notices of, in Domesday, ii. <a href="#Page_616">616</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ordwine, monk, Anselm’s letters to, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>.</li> - -<li>Orkneys, invaded by Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> - -<li>Orm, priest, signs the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - -<li>Orm’s Head, the, origin of the name, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 123 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Orricus de Stanton, ii. <a href="#Page_555">555</a>.</li> - -<li>Osbern, monk of Bec, various bearers of the name, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 374 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Osbern, brother of Flambard, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Osbern of Orgères, companion of Robert of Rhuddlan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 126.</li> - -<li>Osbern of Richard’s Castle, rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 33.</li> - -<li>Osgod Clapa, his irreverence towards Saint Eadmund, ii. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> - -<li>Osmund, Bishop of Salisbury, - <ul> - <li>sent with a summons to Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 116;</li> - <li>consecrates his cathedral, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309;</li> - <li>helps at the consecration of the church of Battle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 444;</li> - <li>absolved by Anselm for his conduct at Rockingham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 533;</li> - <li>Anselm confers with him at Winchester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 586;</li> - <li>receives William of Alderi’s confession, ii. <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> - <li>not present at his hanging, <a href="#Page_68"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 351, ii. <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Oswald, Saint, King of the Northumbrians, - <ul> - <li>rebuilds the church of Tynemouth, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>;</li> - <li>his relic at Bamburgh, ii. <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_608">608</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Oswine, King of Deira, - <ul> - <li>his martyrdom, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> - <li>invention of his relics, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_603">603</a>;</li> - <li>his translation, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_606">606</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Outillé Castle, - <ul> - <li>strengthened by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li> - <li>burned by him, ii. <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Owen, son of Edwin, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> - -<li>Oystermouth Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">P.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Padua, siege of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 173 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Pagan or Theobald, - <ul> - <li>fortifies Gisors, ii. <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> - <li>taken prisoner by Lewis, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 186 <a href="#footnote_462">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li> - <li>Gisors restored to, ii. <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Pagan of Montdoubleau, - <ul> - <li>holds Ballon against Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209;</li> - <li>Orderic’s tale of his forsaking Saint Cenery, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>betrays Ballon to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><a name="Pagan" id="Pagan"></a>Pagan of Turberville, - <ul> - <li>holds Coyty, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> - <li>joins the Welsh, ii. <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Palermo, death and tomb of Odo of Bayeux at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 563, 571, ii. <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> - -<li>Palgrave, Sir F., - <ul> - <li>on chivalry, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a>;</li> - <li>his condemnation of the crusades, ii. <a href="#Page_509">509</a>;</li> - <li>on the alleged Domesday of Randolf Flambard, ii. <a href="#Page_562">562–564</a>;</li> - <li>his belief in the legend about Purkis, ii. <a href="#Page_679">679</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Pallium, - <ul> - <li>elder usage as to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 482;</li> - <li>not needful for the validity of archiepiscopal acts, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 483.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Papacy, English feeling as to the schism in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 415.</li> - -<li>Paschal <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr>, Pope, - <ul> - <li>speech of William Rufus on his election, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 623;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letters to, ii. <a href="#Page_582">582</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Paul, Abbot of Saint Alban’s, - <ul> - <li>Anselm’s friendship with, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 424;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 424, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Paul, Earl of Orkney, - <ul> - <li>taken prisoner by Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> - <li>his death in Norway, ii. <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Paula, mother of Helias of La Flèche, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> - -<li>Peckham manor, - <ul> - <li>mortgaged by Anselm to the monks of Christ Church, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 559;</li> - <li>kept by the monks, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 596.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Peers, their right of trial, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 604 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Pembroke Castle, - <ul> - <li>description of, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> - <li>begun by Arnulf of Montgomery, <a href="#Page_96"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>later castle, <a href="#Page_96"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>defended by Gerald of Windsor, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> - <li>surrendered to Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> by Arnulf, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 450 <a href="#footnote_1165">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>grant of, by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Pembrokeshire, - <ul> - <li>Flemish settlement in, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 70 <a href="#footnote_167">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_615">615</a>;</li> - <li>building of castles in, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> - <li>military character of its buildings, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Penmon Priory, ii. <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, 130 <a href="#footnote_339">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Penrice Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> - -<li>Percy, house of, beginning of its connexion with Alnwick, ii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>.</li> - -<li>Perray, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - -<li>Peter of Maule, ii. <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> - -<li>Peterborough, monks of, buy a <span class="decoration">congé d’élire</span> of Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 352.</li> - -<li>Pevensey, - <ul> - <li>held by Robert of Mortain, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 53, 62;</li> - <li>Odo moves to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 70;</li> - <li>castle of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 72;</li> - <li>besieged by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 73–76;</li> - <li>attempted landing of the Normans at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 74, ii. <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>;</li> - <li>surrenders, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 76;</li> - <li>Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> gathers his fleet at, ii. <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Philip <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> of France, - <ul> - <li>marches with Robert against Eu, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 238;</li> - <li>bought off by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 239;</li> - <li>historical importance of this bribe, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>mediates between William Rufus and Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 275, ii. <a href="#Page_522">522</a>;</li> - <li>helps Robert against William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 463;</li> - <li>returns to France, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 464;</li> - <li>bought off by William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 466;</li> - <li>his position compared with that of Helias of Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> - <li>rebuked by Bishop Ivo of Chartres, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 559 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>puts away his first wife, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> - <li>seeks Emma of Sicily in marriage, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 171 <a href="#footnote_435">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>his adulterous marriage with Bertrada of Montfort, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 548, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> - <li>denounced by Hugh of Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> - <li>his excommunication, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 549, ii. <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> - <li>his pretended divorce, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 173 <a href="#footnote_438">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>his sons by Bertrada, ii. <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li> - <li>grants the Vexin to Lewis, ii. <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li>his letter to Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_580">580</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Philip, son of Philip and Bertrada, ii. <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> - -<li>Philip of Braose, supports William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472.</li> - -<li>Philip, son of Roger of Montgomery, - <ul> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552;</li> - <li>conspires against William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> - <li>signs the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Piacenza, - <ul> - <li>Council of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 522, 545;</li> - <li>no mention of English affairs at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 522.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Pipe Rolls, notices of nomenclature in, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Poix, lordship of Walter Tirel, ii. <a href="#Page_673">673</a>.</li> - -<li>Ponthieu, acquired by Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.</li> - -<li>Pontlieue, victory of Helias at, ii. <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> - -<li>Pontoise, - <ul> - <li>granted to Lewis by Philip, ii. <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li>claimed by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> - <li>withstands William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li> - <li>castle and town of, ii. <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> - <li>the furthest point in the French campaign of William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Pope, - <ul> - <li>William of Saint-Calais appeals to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 103, 109;</li> - <li>first appeal made to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 119;</li> - <li>not to be acknowledged without the king’s consent, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 414;</li> - <li>Anselm insists on the acknowledgement, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 416;</li> - <li>question left unsettled, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 424;</li> - <li>no reference to, in the case of English episcopal appointments, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 425;</li> - <li>position of England towards, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 496.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Porchester, - <ul> - <li>Duke Robert lands at, ii. <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;</li> - <li>church and castle of, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 406 <a href="#footnote_1030">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Powys, advance of Earl Roger in, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> - -<li>Prisoners, ransom of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 464.</li> - -<li>Purkis, the charcoal-burner, legend of, ii. <a href="#Page_679">679</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">Q.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Quatford, - <ul> - <li>Danish fortification at, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> - <li>Earl Roger’s buildings at, ii. <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li> - <li>legend of the foundation of the church, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 154 <a href="#footnote_412">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">R.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Radegund, wife of Robert of Geroy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Radnor, ii. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> - -<li>Ralph Luffa, - <ul> - <li>Bishop of Chichester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 353;</li> - <li>at the consecration of the church of Battle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 444;</li> - <li>whether a mediator between Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and the garrison of Arundel, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 430 <a href="#footnote_1105">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ralph, Bishop of Coutances, at the consecration of the church of Battle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 444.</li> - -<li>Ralph, Abbot of Seez, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, - <ul> - <li>driven out by Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 184, 242;</li> - <li>his alleged share in the surrender of Arundel, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 430 <a href="#footnote_1105">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ralph of Aix, death of William Rufus attributed to, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_663">663</a>.</li> - -<li>Ralph of Fresnay and Beaumont, - <ul> - <li>truce granted to, by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of his conduct, ii. <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> - <li>submits to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ralph of Mortemer, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 34;</li> - <li>submits to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 231.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ralph Paganel, Sheriff of Yorkshire, - <ul> - <li>his treatment of William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 31;</li> - <li>founds Holy Trinity Priory, York, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his action in regard to Bishop William’s lands, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 90;</li> - <li>at the meeting at Salisbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 111.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ralph of Toesny, or Conches, - <ul> - <li>drives out the ducal forces, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 193;</li> - <li>joins Robert’s expedition into Maine, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209;</li> - <li>his feud with William of Evreux, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 231, 233, 245;</li> - <li>asks help in vain from Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 234;</li> - <li>submits to Rufus, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his treaties with William of Evreux, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 267, 270;</li> - <li>wars against Robert of Meulan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 270;</li> - <li>supports William Rufus in his second invasion, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 270;</li> - <li>entertains William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Ralph of Toesny, the younger, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 233, 271.</li> - -<li>Ralph of Wacey, his nickname, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> - -<li>Ralph of Wader, goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552.</li> - -<li>Rama, siege of, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 117 <a href="#footnote_295">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li> - -<li>Randolf Flambard, Bishop of Durham, - <ul> - <li>feudal developement under, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 4;</li> - <li>his early history, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 329, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>;</li> - <li>said to have been Dean of Twinham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 330, ii. <a href="#Page_553">553</a>;</li> - <li>his parents, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 331;</li> - <li>origin of his surname, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 331, ii. <a href="#Page_555">555</a>;</li> - <li>his financial skill, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 331;</li> - <li>his probable share in Domesday, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 331, ii. <a href="#Page_552">552</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged new Domesday, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 332, ii. <a href="#Page_562">562</a>;</li> - <li>Justiciar, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 333, ii. <a href="#Page_557">557</a>;</li> - <li>his loss of land for the New Forest, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 333;</li> - <li>his systematic changes and exactions, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 333, 339, 346, 348;</li> - <li>his alleged spoliation of the rich, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 334, 341;</li> - <li>systematizes the feudal tenures, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 336 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>his theory of land tenure, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 337;</li> - <li>extent of his changes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 340;</li> - <li>the law-giver of English feudalism, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 341;</li> - <li>suggests the holding of the revenues of vacant sees, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 345 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>;</li> - <li>his action in keeping the see of Canterbury vacant, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 363 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his suit against Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 428;</li> - <li>attacks and imprisons Robert son of Godwine, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> - <li>King Eadgar’s action towards, <a href="#Page_121"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his exactions, ii. <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li> - <li>joint regent with Bishop Walkelin, ii. <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li> - <li>see of Durham granted to, ii. <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li> - <li>his consecration, <a href="#Page_271"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>character of the appointment, ii. <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li> - <li>his buildings at Durham, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li> - <li>founds Norham Castle, <a href="#Page_272"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his personal character, ii. <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li> - <li>his penitent end, ii. <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with Saint Alban’s Abbey, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 359 <a href="#footnote_879">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>imprisoned by Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</li> - <li>his escape, ii. <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;</li> - <li>adventures of his mother, ii. <a href="#Page_398">398</a>;</li> - <li>stirs Duke Robert up against Henry, <a href="#Page_398"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>said to have brought about desertions to Duke Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_404">404</a>;</li> - <li>receives the revenues of the see of Lisieux under cover of his son, ii. <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>;</li> - <li>entries about, in Domesday, ii. <a href="#Page_553">553</a>;</li> - <li>his official position, ii. <a href="#Page_557">557</a>;</li> - <li>story of the attempt on his life, ii. <a href="#Page_560">560</a>;</li> - <li>his measurement by the rope, ii. <a href="#Page_563">563</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Randolf Meschines, Earl of Chester, grant of the earldom of Carlisle to, ii. <a href="#Page_549">549</a>.</li> - -<li>Randolf Peverel, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</li> - -<li>Randolf, his encounter with Saint Eadmund, ii. <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li>Ransom, growth of the custom, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 464.</li> - -<li>Rapes, in Sussex, origin of the name, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>.</li> - -<li>Raymond, Count of Toulouse, refuses to do homage to Alexios, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 564 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Redemption of land, - <ul> - <li>as devised by Flambard, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 337;</li> - <li>as reformed by Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 338, 353.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Reginald, Abbot of Abingdon, - <ul> - <li>said to have helped in distributing the Conqueror’s treasure, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 265 <a href="#footnote_640">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 265 <a href="#footnote_640">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, 381 <a href="#footnote_951">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Reginald of Saint Evroul, adorns Robert of Rhuddlan’s tomb, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 128.</li> - -<li>Reginald of Warren, comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 249, 253.</li> - -<li>Reingar, Bishop of Lucca, his protest in favour of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 622.</li> - -<li>Relief, - <ul> - <li>Flambard’s theory as to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 337, 338;</li> - <li>enforced by Henry’s charter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 338, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Remigius, Bishop of Lincoln, - <ul> - <li>denounces the slave trade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 310;</li> - <li>completes the minster, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his dispute with Thomas of York, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 311;</li> - <li>wins over William Rufus, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 312;</li> - <li>alleged miracles at his tomb, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 312 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rémusat, Charles de, his Life of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 325 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Rhuddlan, - <ul> - <li>attacked by Gruffydd, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 122;</li> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rhyd-y-gors Castle, - <ul> - <li>built by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> - <li>defence of, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> - <li>gained by the Welsh, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rhys ap Tewdwr, King of Deheubarth, - <ul> - <li>driven from and restored to his kingdom, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 121;</li> - <li>his attack on Rhuddlan Castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 122, ii. <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> - <li>his defeat and death at Brecknock, ii. <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> - <li>effect of his death, ii. <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rhys ap Thomas, Sir, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 95 <a href="#footnote_234">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Richard <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, compared with William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 290.</li> - -<li>Richard <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr>, recasts Westminster Hall, ii. <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> - -<li>Richard the Good, Duke of the Normans, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 169.</li> - -<li>Richard, son of Duke Robert, his death, ii. <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> - -<li>Richard, - <ul> - <li>son of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and Ansfrida, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</li> - <li>dies in the White Ship, ii. <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Richard, Abbot of Saint Alban’s, ii. <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> - -<li>Richard, Abbot of Ely, - <ul> - <li>his appointment, ii. <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</li> - <li>removed by Anselm, <a href="#Page_360"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Richard of Courcy, - <ul> - <li>besieged by Duke Robert and Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 274;</li> - <li>supports William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Richard of Montfort, his death before Conches, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 266.</li> - -<li>Richard of Redvers, - <ul> - <li>supports Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 221;</li> - <li>surrenders to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 283;</li> - <li>joins Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 320;</li> - <li>one of Henry’s inner council, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li> - <li>his loyalty to Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;</li> - <li>granted to Henry by Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_513">513</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Richard Siward, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> - -<li>Richard Tisone, ii. <a href="#Page_596">596</a>.</li> - -<li>Richer of Laigle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Richera (Richesa), sister of Anselm, his letters to, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert, Duke of the Normans, - <ul> - <li>assertion of his hereditary right, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 11 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_460">460</a>;</li> - <li>releases Duncan and Wulf, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 14;</li> - <li>his gifts for his father’s soul, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 18;</li> - <li>compared with William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 20, 226;</li> - <li>arguments of the rebels in his favour, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 24 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>invited to England by Odo, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 56;</li> - <li>sends over Robert of Bellême and others, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>delays his coming, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 71, 74;</li> - <li>his childish boasting, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 71;</li> - <li>his promises to Odo, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 72;</li> - <li>welcomes Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 117;</li> - <li><abbr title="Monsieur">M.</abbr> le Hardy’s apology for him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 175 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>William of Malmesbury’s estimate of him, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>character of his reign foretold by his father, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 189;</li> - <li>anarchy under him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 190, 191;</li> - <li>his character, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 190, 298, ii. <a href="#Page_393">393</a>;</li> - <li>spread of vice under him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 192;</li> - <li>his lavish waste, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 195;</li> - <li>sells the Côtentin and Avranchin to Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 196, ii. <a href="#Page_510">510–516</a>;</li> - <li>imprisons Henry and Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 199;</li> - <li>Earl Roger makes war on him, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>Odo’s exhortation to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 200;</li> - <li>does homage to Fulk of Anjou for Maine, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 204;</li> - <li>Maine submits to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209;</li> - <li>Ballon surrenders to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 210;</li> - <li>besieges Saint Cenery, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 211;</li> - <li>blinds Robert Carrel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 216;</li> - <li>grants Saint Cenery to Robert, grandson of Geroy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 217;</li> - <li>Alençon and Bellême surrender to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 218;</li> - <li>frees Robert of Bellême and Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 220;</li> - <li>asks King Philip to help him against William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 237;</li> - <li>suspects the loyalty of Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li> - <li>asks help of Fulk of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> - <li>bargains for the marriage of Fulk and Bertrada, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> - <li>Maine revolts again, ii. <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> - <li>his carelessness as to his loss, ii. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li> - <li>cleaves to his rights over the bishopric, <a href="#Page_200"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>marches on Eu, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 238;</li> - <li>a party in Rouen in his favour, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 248;</li> - <li>Henry and Robert of Bellême come to his help, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>sent away from Rouen by Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 255;</li> - <li>is brought back, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 260;</li> - <li>his treatment of the citizens, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>helps Robert of Bellême in his private wars, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 273;</li> - <li>his treaty with William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 275–281, ii. <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>;</li> - <li>marches against Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 283;</li> - <li>besieges Saint Michael’s Mount, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 285–292, ii. <a href="#Page_528">528–535</a>;</li> - <li>story of his clemency towards Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 291, ii. <a href="#Page_534">534</a>;</li> - <li>accompanies William to England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 295, 297;</li> - <li>his relations with Malcolm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 297, ii. <a href="#Page_541">541</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>mediates between William and Malcolm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 301;</li> - <li>former homage of Malcolm to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 302, ii. <a href="#Page_542">542</a>;</li> - <li>signs the Durham charter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 305, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>;</li> - <li>his fresh dispute with William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 306;</li> - <li>leaves England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 307;</li> - <li>Henry wars against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 321;</li> - <li>consents to Anselm’s acceptance of the primacy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 406;</li> - <li>his challenges to William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 435, 436;</li> - <li>his meeting with him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 461;</li> - <li>calls on Philip for help, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 463;</li> - <li>takes La Houlme, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 465;</li> - <li>besieges Montacute, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>Henry again wars against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 470;</li> - <li>his eagerness to go on the crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 552;</li> - <li>forced to apply to William for help, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 553;</li> - <li>Abbot Geronto mediates between them, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 553–555;</li> - <li>pledges Normandy to William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 555, ii. <a href="#Page_506">506</a>;</li> - <li>his conference with William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 559;</li> - <li>sets forth, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 560;</li> - <li>his conduct as a crusader, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 560, 564, 565, 566, ii. <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;</li> - <li>blessed by Urban at Lucca, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 561;</li> - <li>goes to Rome, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>welcomed by Roger of Apulia, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>crosses to Dyrrhachion, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 563;</li> - <li>does homage to Alexios at Constantinople, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 564;</li> - <li>his presence at Laodikeia and Jerusalem, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 564, 565, ii. <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li> - <li>said to have refused the crown of Jerusalem, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 566;</li> - <li>marries Sibyl of Conversana, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li> - <li>his reception in Southern Italy, <a href="#Page_312"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>returns to Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 566, ii. <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</li> - <li>gives thanks at Saint Michael’s for his safe return, ii. <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</li> - <li>his renewed misgovernment, ii. <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;</li> - <li>his claims to the English throne, ii. <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li> - <li>supported by William of Breteuil and other Normans, ii. <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li> - <li>Norman nobles intrigue with, against Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</li> - <li>beginning of his war with Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</li> - <li>his reply to the garrison of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</li> - <li>plots on his behalf, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>his grants and promises, <a href="#Page_395"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his fleet, ii. <a href="#Page_402">402</a>;</li> - <li>desertions to, ii. <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_686">686</a>;</li> - <li>lands at Portchester, ii. <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of his conduct in not besieging Winchester, ii. <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</li> - <li>meets Henry near Alton, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</li> - <li>threatened with excommunication by Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_410">410</a>;</li> - <li>negotiates with him, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;</li> - <li>personal meeting and treaty between the brothers, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412–415</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_688">688–691</a>;</li> - <li>returns to Normandy, ii. <a href="#Page_414">414</a>;</li> - <li>Henry negotiates with him, against Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</li> - <li>besieges Vignats, <a href="#Page_426"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>said to have stood godfather to Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_602">602</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, Bishop of Hereford, - <ul> - <li>foretells the death of Remigius, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 312;</li> - <li>receives Wulfstan’s confession, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479;</li> - <li>Wulfstan appears to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 480;</li> - <li>absolved by Anselm for his conduct at Rockingham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 533;</li> - <li>Wulfstan appears to him again, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr> and <span class="decoration">note</span>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 535.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert Bloet, Bishop of Lincoln, - <ul> - <li>accompanies William Rufus to England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 13;</li> - <li>his appointment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 395, ii. <a href="#Page_584">584</a>;</li> - <li>his character and offices, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 395, 447, ii. <a href="#Page_584">584</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>Thomas of York claims the right to consecrate him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 433;</li> - <li>consecrated by Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 445–447;</li> - <li>bribes Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 446;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 448, ii. <a href="#Page_587">587</a>;</li> - <li>local legends about, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 448, ii. <a href="#Page_586">586</a>;</li> - <li>said to have besieged Tickhill, ii. <a href="#Page_431">431</a>;</li> - <li>signs the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>;</li> - <li>not in good favour with monks, ii. <a href="#Page_585">585</a>;</li> - <li>his son Simon, ii. <a href="#Page_586">586</a>;</li> - <li>meaning of his name, ii. <a href="#Page_588">588</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, Bishop of Bath, restores the canons of Wells, ii. <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert Losinga, Abbot of New Minster, - <ul> - <li>the abbey bought for him by his son, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 355;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 265 <a href="#footnote_650">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, Abbot of Saint Eadmund’s, - <ul> - <li>his appointment, ii. <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</li> - <li>removed by Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert of Bellême, - <ul> - <li>sent over to England by Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 57, ii. <a href="#Page_465">465</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>agrees to surrender Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 80;</li> - <li>pleadings made for him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 84;</li> - <li>his history and greatness, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 179, 180;</li> - <li>his character, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 181;</li> - <li>his cruelty and enmities, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 182–184, ii. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> - <li>drives out the ducal garrisons, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 193, 201;</li> - <li>sent against Rufus by Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 57;</li> - <li>returns to Normandy and is imprisoned, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 199, 219;</li> - <li>exhortation of Odo against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 201;</li> - <li>released at his father’s prayer, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 219, 220;</li> - <li>his subsequent action, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 242;</li> - <li>drives away Abbot Ralph of Seez, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 184, 242;</li> - <li>comes to the help of Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 248;</li> - <li>helped by Robert against his neighbours, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 273, 274;</li> - <li>his oppression at Domfront, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 319;</li> - <li>succeeds to the Norman estates of his father, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 180, 473;</li> - <li>to his English estates, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 180, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> - <li>men of Domfront revolt against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 319;</li> - <li>his action in Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> - <li>extent of his estates, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> - <li>his position on the continent and in England, ii. <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li> - <li>compared with the Counts of Mortain, ii. <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, and with Hugh of Chester, ii. <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li> - <li>his oppression, ii. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> - <li>his skill in castle-building, <a href="#Page_151"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his defences in Shropshire, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> - <li>removes from Quatford to Bridgenorth, ii. <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> - <li>builds Careghova Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> - <li>his Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire estates, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> - <li>lands of Roger of Bully granted to, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> - <li>strengthens Gisors Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li> - <li>attacks Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> - <li>stirs up William Rufus to war, ii. <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li> - <li>carries it on, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> - <li>his nickname of “Robert the Devil,” ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li> - <li>his castles in Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> - <li>wrong and sacrilege done by him, ii. <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> - <li>defeated by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> - <li>takes Helias prisoner, ii. <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> - <li>contrasted with William Rufus, <a href="#Page_224"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>occupies and strengthens Ballon Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> - <li>story of him at the siege of Mayet, ii. <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li> - <li>hastens to acknowledge Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> as king, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li> - <li>calls himself the “man” of Helias, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 373 <a href="#footnote_927">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>plots against Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>Duke Robert’s grants to, <a href="#Page_395"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>deserts from Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</li> - <li>said to have negotiated between Henry and Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;</li> - <li>charges brought against, ii. <a href="#Page_421">421</a>;</li> - <li>does not appear before the assembly, <a href="#Page_421"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>proclamation against, ii. <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</li> - <li>again summoned, but refuses to come, <a href="#Page_442"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>greatness of his possessions, ii. <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</li> - <li>his acquisition of Ponthieu, <a href="#Page_423"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his Welsh and Irish allies, ii. <a href="#Page_423">423–426</a>;</li> - <li>strengthens his castles, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>;</li> - <li>harries Staffordshire, ii. <a href="#Page_429">429</a>;</li> - <li>Henry’s faith pledged for his life, ii. <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>;</li> - <li>seizes the land of William Pantulf, ii. <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;</li> - <li>feeling in the army on his behalf, ii. <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;</li> - <li>his dealings wth Murtagh and with Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</li> - <li>holds out at Shrewsbury, ii. <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;</li> - <li>his despair, ii. <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;</li> - <li>sues for peace, and submits, ii. <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;</li> - <li>his banishment, ii. <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;</li> - <li>joy at his overthrow, <a href="#Page_449"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his later history, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 184, ii. <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert Carrel, - <ul> - <li>holds Saint Cenery against Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 215;</li> - <li>blinded by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 216.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert of Conteville, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 115.</li> - -<li>Robert the Cornard, his device of pointed shoes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 159, ii. <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert of Courcy, - <ul> - <li>marries Rohesia of Grantmesnil, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 273 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>wounded at Saônes, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert of Curzon, Saint Eadmund’s dealings with, ii. <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert the Dispenser, - <ul> - <li>signs the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>invents the surname <span class="decoration">Flambard</span>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 331.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert Count of Eu, submits to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 229.</li> - -<li>Robert Fitz-hamon, - <ul> - <li>his loyalty to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 62;</li> - <li> Matilda’s lands granted to, by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 198;</li> - <li> his foundation at Tewkesbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479;</li> - <li> story of him and Jestin, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> - <li> estimate of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_614">614</a>;</li> - <li> his conquest of Glamorgan and settlement at Cardiff, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> - <li> other notices of, ii. <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> - <li> marries Earl Roger’s daughter, ii. <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> - <li> his works at Gloucester and Tewkesbury, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> - <li> said to have taken part against Rhys, ii. <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> - <li> tells the monk’s dream to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</li> - <li> legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_676">676</a>;</li> - <li> signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</li> - <li> his loyalty to him, ii. <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;</li> - <li> said to have negotiated between Henry and Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert Fitzharding, his probable origin, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 46 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Robert the Frisian, Count of Flanders, - <ul> - <li>his interview with William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 411;</li> - <li>his expedition to the East, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his help to the Emperor Alexios, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert of Jerusalem, Count of Flanders, - <ul> - <li>succeeds his father, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 412;</li> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551, 560;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, Earl of Gloucester, - <ul> - <li>natural son of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>;</li> - <li>marries Mabel, daughter of Robert Fitz-hamon, ii. <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, natural son of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and Nest, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert Malet, his banishment, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert, Count of Meulan, - <ul> - <li>son of Roger of Beaumont, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 184;</li> - <li>his possessions, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 185;</li> - <li>his exploits at Senlac, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his fame for wisdom, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>claims Ivry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243;</li> - <li>his imprisonment and release, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>advises Rufus as to Anselm’s conditions, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 417;</li> - <li>supports William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472;</li> - <li>his description of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 511;</li> - <li>marries Isabel of Vermandois, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 187 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 551;</li> - <li>his marriage denounced by Bishop Ivo of Chartres, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his answer to Anselm’s discourse, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 591;</li> - <li>his policy towards William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> - <li>receives his troops, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li> - <li>counsels William Rufus to reject Helias’s offer of service, ii. <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_641">641</a>;</li> - <li>accompanies Henry to London, ii. <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a>;</li> - <li>one of his councillors, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 186, ii. <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;</li> - <li>does not sign Henry’s charter or letter to Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</li> - <li>Norman raid against his lands, ii. <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</li> - <li>his advice to Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_400">400</a>;</li> - <li>his bargain with Ivo of Grantmesnil, ii. <a href="#Page_418">418</a>;</li> - <li>becomes Earl of Leicester, ii. <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 187, 419;</li> - <li>his sons, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his college at Leicester, ii. <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letters to him, ii. <a href="#Page_580">580</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, Earl of Leicester, - <ul> - <li>son of Robert of Meulan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 187, ii. <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;</li> - <li>founds Leicester Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_420">420</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert of Montfort, - <ul> - <li>repairs and holds Vaux-en-Belin for William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li> - <li>his treason to Duke Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_427">427</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, Count of Mortain, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 33, ii. <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;</li> - <li>holds Pevensey against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 53, 62;</li> - <li>exhorted by Odo to hold out, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 70;</li> - <li>besieged by William Rufus in Pevensey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 73, 76;</li> - <li>surrenders, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 76.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert of Mowbray, Earl of Northumberland, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 35;</li> - <li>burns Bath, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 41;</li> - <li>besieges Ilchester without success, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 42, 44;</li> - <li>drives back Malcolm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 297;</li> - <li>his expedition against him, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_592">592</a>;</li> - <li>grants Tynemouth to Saint Alban’s, ii. <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_605">605</a>;</li> - <li>grounds for his conspiracy, ii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> - <li>marries Matilda of Laigle, ii. <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> - <li>his second revolt against William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> - <li>plunders Norwegian ships, ii. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> - <li>refuses redress, ii. <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> - <li>summoned to the king’s court, <a href="#Page_41"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>demands a safe-conduct, ii. <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> - <li>his open rebellion, ii. <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> - <li>defence and sieges of his fortresses, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> - <li>holds Bamburgh against Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged despair, ii. <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> - <li>his escape from Bamburgh, ii. <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_609">609</a>;</li> - <li>said to have been taken at Tynemouth, ii. <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_610">610</a>;</li> - <li>threatened with blinding, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_610">610</a>;</li> - <li>versions of his later history, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_611">611</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert of Neville, - <ul> - <li>one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;</li> - <li>his negotiations with Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert of Pontefract, - <ul> - <li>plots against Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>his banishment, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, Marquess of Rhuddlan, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 34;</li> - <li>attack made on his lands by Gruffydd, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 122, 124;</li> - <li>his probable change of party, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 123;</li> - <li>returns to North Wales, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his death at Dwyganwy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 126;</li> - <li>buried at Chester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 127;</li> - <li>his gifts to Chester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 127 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his connexion with Saint Evroul, <a href="#footnote_362"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>translated thither, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 128;</li> - <li>Orderic’s epitaph on, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his lands in North Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> - <li>extension of his possessions, ii. <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert of Saint Alban’s, his apostasy, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert of Torigny, his Chronicle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 9 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Robert of Veci, first lord of Alnwick, ii. <a href="#Page_596">596</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert, son of Corbet, - <ul> - <li>one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. <a href="#Page_432">432</a>;</li> - <li>notices of his estates in Domesday, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 433 <a href="#footnote_1115">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>his negotiations with Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, - <ul> - <li>son of Godwine, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 117 <a href="#footnote_295">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> - <li>his exploits in Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a>;</li> - <li>King Eadgar’s gifts to, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> - <li>attacked and imprisoned by Randolf Flambard, <a href="#Page_121"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>goes on the crusade, ii. <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a>;</li> - <li>his exploits and martyrdom, <a href="#Page_617"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>modern parallels and contrasts with, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> - <li>notices of, in Fordun and William of Malmesbury, ii. <a href="#Page_616">616</a>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robert, son of Harding, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 45 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Robert, son of Hugh of Montfort, sent to occupy the fortresses of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert, son of Nigel and Gundrada, founder of Byland Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_612">612</a>.</li> - -<li>Robert, son of Geroy, his rebellion and death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 214.</li> - -<li>Robert, grandson of Geroy, - <ul> - <li>Saint Cenery granted to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 217;</li> - <li>loses the castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469;</li> - <li>Henry Ætheling comes to his help against Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Robertson, E. W., on Malcolm’s homage to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_540">540</a>.</li> - -<li>Roche Guyon, La, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> - -<li>Rochester, - <ul> - <li>its early history and position, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 53, 54;</li> - <li>later sieges of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 53;</li> - <li>occupied by Odo, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 55;</li> - <li>the garrison refuse to surrender to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 77;</li> - <li>siege of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 79–85;</li> - <li>surrenders, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 85;</li> - <li>benefactions of Rufus to the church, ii. <a href="#Page_506">506</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rockingham, - <ul> - <li>Council of (1095), <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 487 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>position and history of the place, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 489, 490;</li> - <li>the castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 490;</li> - <li>importance of the council, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 519;</li> - <li>its constitution, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 602.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger, Count of Sicily, - <ul> - <li>legatine power granted to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 525 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>marriage of his daughter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 526;</li> - <li>besieges Amalfi, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 561, and Capua, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 614;</li> - <li>forbids conversions of the Saracens, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 161, 617;</li> - <li>contrasted with Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_454">454</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger, Duke of Apulia, - <ul> - <li>welcomes Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 561;</li> - <li>besieges Amalfi, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 562;</li> - <li>besieges Capua, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 614;</li> - <li>receives Urban and Anselm in his camp, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 615.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, possibly one of Henry’s inner council, ii. <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li> - -<li>Roger, Abbot of Saint Michael’s Mount, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 284.</li> - -<li>Roger of Beaumont, - <ul> - <li>father of Robert of Meulan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 184;</li> - <li>Brionne granted to, by Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 194;</li> - <li>obtains the release of his son, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger Bigod, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 34;</li> - <li>his ravages, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 36;</li> - <li>his action at the meeting at Salisbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 98;</li> - <li>signs Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li> - <li>his loyalty to Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger of Bully, - <ul> - <li>greatness of his estates, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> - <li>founds the priory of Blyth, ii. <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> - <li>his lands granted to Robert of Bellême, <a href="#Page_162"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger of Clare, with William Rufus in the New Forest, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> - -<li>Roger of Lacy, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 33;</li> - <li>seizes on Hereford, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 46;</li> - <li>his second rebellion, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> - <li>his trial and sentence, ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger of Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 33, ii. <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;</li> - <li>his action in the rebellion, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 47, 57;</li> - <li>his alleged presence before Worcester, ii. <a href="#Page_481">481</a>;</li> - <li>at Arundel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 58;</li> - <li>founds the priory of Saint Nicolas at Arundel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 59 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>won over by William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 61, ii. <a href="#Page_462">462</a>;</li> - <li>his action at the siege of Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 80;</li> - <li>makes war on Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 199;</li> - <li>his fortresses, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 200;</li> - <li>obtains his son’s release, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 219;</li> - <li>his advance in Powys, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 473;</li> - <li>his buildings at Quatford, ii. <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li> - <li>his foundation at Wenlock, <a href="#Page_154"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger of Mowbray, son of Nigel and Gundrada, ii. <a href="#Page_612">612</a>.</li> - -<li>Roger of Poitou, son of Earl Roger, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 57;</li> - <li>his agreement with Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 93;</li> - <li>intervenes on his behalf, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 109, 117, 120;</li> - <li>holds Argentan for William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 463;</li> - <li>surrenders to Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 464;</li> - <li>plots against Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>his share in the rebellion of Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</li> - <li>his banishment, ii. <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger of Toesny, son of Ralph and Isabel, - <ul> - <li>county of Evreux settled on, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 268;</li> - <li>his character, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his dream, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 269;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 270.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Roger, son of Corbet, notices of, in Domesday, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 433 <a href="#footnote_1115">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Rohais, wife of Richard of Clare, ii. <a href="#Page_572">572</a>.</li> - -<li>Rohesia, daughter of Hugh of Grantmesnil, marries Robert of Courcy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 273 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Romania</span>, use of the word, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 564 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Rome, - <ul> - <li>Pope Urban on the unhealthiness of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 367 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>treatment of Duke Robert at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 561.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rope, measurement by, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 68 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_562">562</a>, <a href="#Page_564">564</a>.</li> - -<li>Rosella, daughter of Eadwine, ii. <a href="#Page_603">603</a>.</li> - -<li>Rotrou of Montfort, - <ul> - <li>Orderic’s tale of his forsaking Saint Cenery, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>truce granted to, by Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> - <li>estimate of his conduct, ii. <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rotrou, Count of Perche, - <ul> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551;</li> - <li>imprisoned in the castle of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</li> - <li>his mother gives the kiss of peace to Bishop Hildebert, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 373 <a href="#footnote_928">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rouen, - <ul> - <li>municipal spirit in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 246;</li> - <li>the citizens favour William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 247;</li> - <li>Henry comes to Robert’s help at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 248;</li> - <li>its position in the eleventh century, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 250;</li> - <li>ducal castles at, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>cathedral and other churches of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 252;</li> - <li>its gates and suburbs, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 252, 253;</li> - <li>Robert sent away from, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 255;</li> - <li>taken by Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 256;</li> - <li>treatment of the citizens, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 260;</li> - <li>council held by William Rufus at, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rouen, - <ul> - <li>synod of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 568;</li> - <li>small results of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 569.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Rualedus, story of his treatment by Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_540">540</a>.</li> - -<li>Ruislip, Middlesex, said to have been a cell of Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">S.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Saer, holds Pembroke Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - -<li>Saint Alban’s, - <ul> - <li>Jews at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 160 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>the abbey granted to the see of Canterbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 423;</li> - <li>four years’ vacancy of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 424;</li> - <li>grant of Tynemouth to, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_605">605</a>;</li> - <li>Flambard’s dealings with, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 359 <a href="#footnote_879">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Saint Augustine’s, Canterbury, - <ul> - <li>disturbances at, on Guy’s appointment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 139;</li> - <li>vengeance of William Rufus on, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 140.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Saint Cenery, his relics, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 213 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Saint Cenery-le-Gerey, - <ul> - <li>castle besieged by Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 211, 215;</li> - <li>the former monastery, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 212;</li> - <li>foundation of the castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 214;</li> - <li>seized by Mabel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 215;</li> - <li>surrenders to Robert, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>mutilation of its defenders, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 216;</li> - <li>granted to Robert, grandson of Geroy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 217;</li> - <li>taken by Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Saint David’s, - <ul> - <li>robbed by pirates, ii. <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> - <li>tale of William Rufus’s visit to, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Saint Eadmundsbury, - <ul> - <li>Jews at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 160 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>church of, rebuilt by Abbot Baldwin, ii. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li> - <li>William Rufus forbids the dedication, ii. <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Saint Evroul, - <ul> - <li>connexion of Robert of Rhuddlan with, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 127;</li> - <li>his translation to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 128;</li> - <li>burial of Hugh of Grantmesnil at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 473.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Saint Gervase, Rouen, priory of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 252.</li> - -<li>Saint James, - <ul> - <li>castle of, occupied by Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 321;</li> - <li>position and remains of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 321, 322;</li> - <li>granted to Earl Hugh, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 323, ii. <a href="#Page_540">540</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Saint Julian, translation of his body, ii. <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> - -<li>Saint Mary-le-bow, roof of the church blown down, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 308, ii. <a href="#Page_589">589</a>.</li> - -<li>Saint Michael’s Mount, - <ul> - <li>bought of Robert by Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 196;</li> - <li>cession of, demanded by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 277, ii. <a href="#Page_524">524</a>;</li> - <li>buildings on, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 284;</li> - <li>Henry besieged at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 284–292, ii. <a href="#Page_528">528–535</a>;</li> - <li>its position, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 285;</li> - <li>later sieges of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 286;</li> - <li>surrenders to William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 292.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Saint Oswald’s, Worcester, granted to the see of York, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 447.</li> - -<li>Saint Ouen, Rouen, abbey of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 252.</li> - -<li>Saint Remy-du-plain, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> - -<li>Saint Saens, its position, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 235.</li> - -<li>Saint Stephen’s, Caen, gifts of Rufus to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 168, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504–506</a>.</li> - -<li>Saint Tyfrydog, desecration of the church, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> - -<li>Saint Valery, - <ul> - <li>submits to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 227;</li> - <li>historical importance of the fact, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 228.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Salisbury, assembly at (1096), - <ul> - <li>case of William of Saint-Calais heard at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 94 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>constitutional importance of, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> - <li>compared with that of 1086, ii. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> - <li>sentences passed at, ii. <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Salisbury Cathedral, - <ul> - <li>consecration of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 308;</li> - <li>fall of the tower roof, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309;</li> - <li>signatures to the foundation charter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309 (<span class="decoration">note</span>)</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Samson, canon of Bayeux, - <ul> - <li>his appointment and consecration to the see of Worcester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 542–544;</li> - <li>his great appetite, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 543 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>consecrates Gloucester Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Samson, chaplain to the Conqueror, story of his refusing the bishopric of Le Mans, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 206.</li> - -<li>Samuel, Bishop of Dublin, consecrated by Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 544.</li> - -<li>Sanctuary, right of, decree of the council of Clermont as to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 548 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Sanford (Devonshire), held by Roger of Bully, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 160 <a href="#footnote_418">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Saônes, - <ul> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li> - <li>Helias defeats Robert of Bellême at, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Saracens in Sicily, - <ul> - <li>compared with the Jews, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 161;</li> - <li>Anselm’s dealings with, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 616;</li> - <li>conversion of, forbidden by Duke Roger, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 617;</li> - <li>in Spain, mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Scandinavians, - <ul> - <li>in Cumberland, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 315;</li> - <li>destroy Carlisle, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Schiavia, Anselm retires to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 615.</li> - -<li>Scotland, kingdom of, - <ul> - <li>becomes English, ii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> - <li>compared with Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> - <li>effects of the Cumbrian conquest on, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> - <li>Margaret’s reforms in, ii. <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> - <li>growth of English influence in, ii. <a href="#Page_24">24–26</a>;</li> - <li>party feeling in, on Malcolm’s death, ii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> - <li>dealings of Magnus with, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> - <li>English influence in, under David, ii. <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> - <li>results of Eadgar’s succession, ii. <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Scotland, Abbot of Saint Augustine’s, - <ul> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 136;</li> - <li>disturbances consequent on, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 139.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Seez, enmity of Robert of Bellême to its bishops and abbots, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 183.</li> - -<li>Seit, and others, letter of Anselm to, ii. <a href="#Page_577">577</a>.</li> - -<li>Selby Abbey, granted to the see of York, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 447.</li> - -<li>Serlo, - <ul> - <li>Bishop of Seez, ii. <a href="#Page_521">521</a>;</li> - <li>excommunicates Robert of Bellême, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 184.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Serlo, Abbot of Gloucester, - <ul> - <li>visits Wulfstan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479;</li> - <li>his warning to William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Shoes, pointed, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 158, ii. <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</li> - -<li>Shrewsbury, - <ul> - <li>burial of Earl Hugh at, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> - <li>Robert of Bellême holds out in, ii. <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;</li> - <li>castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;</li> - <li>Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> marches against, ii. <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>;</li> - <li>surrender of, ii. <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;</li> - <li>Gemóts held at, ii. <a href="#Page_452">452</a>;</li> - <li>earldom of, <a href="#Page_452"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Shropshire, defences of, - <ul> - <li>strengthened by Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> - <li>early history of its fortresses, <a href="#Page_152"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Sibyl of Conversana, - <ul> - <li>marries Duke Robert of Normandy, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li> - <li>her character, <a href="#Page_312"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>tales of her death, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 312 <a href="#footnote_752">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>called Edith, ii. <a href="#Page_687">687</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Sibyl, daughter of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, marries Alexander of Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li>Sibyl, daughter of Earl Roger, marries Robert Fitz-hamon, ii. <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li>Sicilian monarchy, the, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 525.</li> - -<li>Sicily, - <ul> - <li>its relations with England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 526;</li> - <li>under the Normans, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Siegfried, Bishop of Seez, signs the foundation charter of Lonlay Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_539">539</a>.</li> - -<li>Signs and wonders, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 176, ii. <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> - -<li>Sigston, church of, granted to the monks of Durham, ii. <a href="#Page_535">535</a>.</li> - -<li>Sigurd, - <ul> - <li>son of Magnus and Thora, ii. <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> - <li>earldom of Orkney granted to, ii. <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> - <li>his kingdom, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li> - <li>his Irish marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>;</li> - <li>goes on the crusade, ii. <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Sillé, siege of, compared with the deliverance of Worcester, ii. <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</li> - -<li>Simeon, Abbot of Ely, ii. <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li> - -<li>Simon, son of Robert Bloet, Dean of Lincoln, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 448, ii. <a href="#Page_586">586</a>.</li> - -<li>Simon of Montfort, the elder and the younger, ii. <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> - -<li>Simon of Montfort, Earl of Leicester, - <ul> - <li>his siege of Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 53 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his ancestry, ii. <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Simon of Senlis, Earl of Northampton, - <ul> - <li>taken prisoner by Lewis, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 190 <a href="#footnote_466">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Simony, not systematic before Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 348.</li> - -<li>Siward Barn, signs the Durham charters, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 305, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - -<li>Siward the priest, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 270 <a href="#footnote_661">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Slave trade, denounced by Remigius, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 310.</li> - -<li>Solêmes, priory of, ii. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> - -<li>Somerset, - <ul> - <li>ravaged by Robert of Mowbray, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 41, 42;</li> - <li>bishopric of, removed to Bath, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 136, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>use of the name, ii. <a href="#Page_488">488</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Spain, Saracens in, mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> - -<li>Sparsholt, manor of, - <ul> - <li>seized by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</li> - <li>recovered by Abbot Faricius, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 380 <a href="#footnote_949">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>notices of, in Domesday, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 381 <a href="#footnote_949">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Stafford, commanded by William Pantulf, ii. <a href="#Page_434">434</a>.</li> - -<li>Stars, shooting, notices of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 478 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> - -<li>Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, appeals to the charter of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li> - -<li>Stephen, Abbot of Saint Mary’s, York, signs the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - -<li>Stephen, Archdeacon of Romsey, Anselm’s letter to, ii. <a href="#Page_578">578</a>.</li> - -<li>Stephen of Aumale, - <ul> - <li>submits to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 228;</li> - <li>one of his Norman supporters, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472;</li> - <li>conspiracy in his favour, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> - <li>no ground for his claim, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Stephen of Chartres and Blois, - <ul> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551, 560;</li> - <li>decamps for awhile, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 566 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Stephen, the Jewish convert, story of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 163–165.</li> - -<li>Stigand, Bishop of Chichester, his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 135.</li> - -<li>Stoke, priory of Clare moved to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376.</li> - -<li>Stone, manor of, ii. <a href="#Page_507">507</a>.</li> - -<li>Stoppele, church of, granted to Twinham, ii. <a href="#Page_555">555</a>.</li> - -<li>Stow, monks of, moved by Robert Bloet to Eynesham, ii. <a href="#Page_585">585</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>.</li> - -<li>Streatham, lands of Bec at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376.</li> - -<li>Stubbs, William, on the alleged Domesday of Flambard, ii. <a href="#Page_562">562</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Sudereys" id="Sudereys"></a>Sudereys, disturbances in, - <ul> - <li>on the death of Godred Crouan, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> - <li>invaded by Magnus, ii. <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Sulien, Bishop of Saint David’s, his death, ii. <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - -<li>Summons, effect of the practice of, ii. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li> - -<li>Sussex, Earls of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 60 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Sutton, church at, granted to Abingdon Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_506">506</a>.</li> - -<li>Swansea Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> - -<li>Swegen, son of Æthelric, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Swegen, King, his overthrow at Gainsburgh compared with the deliverance of Worcester, ii. <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</li> - -<li>Swinecombe, held by Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 375.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">T.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Tancard, Abbot of Jumièges, his appointment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 570.</li> - -<li>Tenby Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> - -<li>Tewkesbury Abbey, - <ul> - <li>founded by Robert Fitz-hamon, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> - <li>grant of Welsh churches to, <a href="#Page_84"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Thames, great tide in the, ii. <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Theningmannagemót</span>, the, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 604.</li> - -<li>Theobald of Gisors. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Pagan">Pagan</a>.</li> - -<li>Theobald, the White Knight, helps to defend Courcy, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519</a>.</li> - -<li>Thetford, hospital at, - <ul> - <li>founded by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_506">506</a>;</li> - <li>the see moved to Norwich, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 449, ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Thierry, Augustin, on the punishment of the monks of Saint Augustine’s, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 140 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Thomas of London, Archbishop of Canterbury, case of, - <ul> - <li>at Northampton, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 95;</li> - <li>general surprise at his appointment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 359;</li> - <li>his case compared with those of Anselm and of William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 597 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Thomas of Bayeux, Archbishop of York, - <ul> - <li>at the meeting at Salisbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 95, 102;</li> - <li>claims jurisdiction over Lindesey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 311, 433;</li> - <li>present at Anselm’s consecration, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 429;</li> - <li>asserts his metropolitan rights, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 431;</li> - <li>compromise agreed to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 447;</li> - <li>at the deathbed of William of Durham, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> - <li>not present at the coronation of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 350 <a href="#footnote_850">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_681">681</a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged coronation of Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_682">682</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Thomas, - <ul> - <li>son of Flambard, ii. <a href="#Page_552">552</a>;</li> - <li>his appointment to the see of Lisieux, ii. <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Thora, mother of Sigurd, ii. <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> - -<li>Thurstan, Abbot of Glastonbury, restored by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 135.</li> - -<li>Tiberius, Emperor, William Rufus compared to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 148.</li> - -<li>Tiberius, Legate, ii. <a href="#Page_488">488</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Tickhill" id="Tickhill"></a>Tickhill (Dadesley) Castle, ii. <a href="#Page_160">160</a>; - <ul> - <li>name used indiscriminately with Blyth, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> - <li>surrenders to Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_431">431</a>;</li> - <li>its later history, ii. <a href="#Page_432">432</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Tinchebrai, English feeling about the battle, ii. <a href="#Page_402">402</a>.</li> - -<li>Toledo, taking of, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> - -<li>Tooting, lands of Bec at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376.</li> - -<li>Tostig, his works at Tynemouth, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.</li> - -<li>Touques, - <ul> - <li>William Rufus sets sail from, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 13;</li> - <li>his voyage to, ii. <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li> - <li>its present appearance, <a href="#Page_284"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Toustain, manor of Sparsholt granted to, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Tower" id="Tower"></a>Tower of London, - <ul> - <li>surrounded by a wall, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 261;</li> - <li>first recorded case of its use as a state prison, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Tréport, Robert’s fleet at, ii. <a href="#Page_402">402</a>.</li> - -<li><a name="Trondhjem" id="Trondhjem"></a>Trondhjem, Saint Olaf’s body translated to, ii. <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> - -<li>Truce of God, - <ul> - <li>confirmed by the synod of Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 568;</li> - <li>observed by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Trye, castle of, ii. <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> - -<li>Tunbridge Castle, - <ul> - <li>holds out against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 53;</li> - <li>its position, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 68;</li> - <li>not in Domesday, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 68 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>granted to Richard of Clare in exchange for Brionne, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>taken by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 69.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Turgot, Prior of Durham and Bishop of Saint Andrews, - <ul> - <li>favourably received by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 298;</li> - <li>joins in laying the foundation stone of Durham Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> - <li>appointed to the see of Saint Andrews, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li> - <li>as to the writings attributed to him, ii. <a href="#Page_596">596</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Turold, Bishop of Bayeux, his appointment, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 571.</li> - -<li>Turold, Abbot of Peterborough, his death, ii. <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> - -<li>Twinham, - <ul> - <li>connexion of Randolf Flambard with, ii. <a href="#Page_553">553</a>;</li> - <li>church of, ii. <a href="#Page_554">554</a>;</li> - <li>Earl Godwine a benefactor of, ii. <a href="#Page_555">555</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Tynemouth, - <ul> - <li>Malcolm’s burial at, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> - <li>history of, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17–19</a>, <a href="#Page_602">602</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>besieged by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_606">606</a>;</li> - <li>description of, ii. <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_606">606</a>;</li> - <li>taking of, ii. <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>;</li> - <li>alleged escape of Robert of Mowbray to, ii. <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_609">609</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">U.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Uhtred, brother of Morkere, ii. <a href="#Page_605">605</a>.</li> - -<li>Uhtred, son of Edwin, besieges Pembroke, ii. <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li> - -<li>Uhtred, son of Fergus, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Ulf, son of Harold and Eadgyth, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li> - -<li>Urban <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr>, Pope, - <ul> - <li>advises Anselm against going to Rome, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 367 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>English feeling as to his claim to the papacy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 415;</li> - <li>Anselm claims to acknowledge him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 416;</li> - <li>the question left unsettled, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 424;</li> - <li>his correspondence with Wulfstan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479;</li> - <li>his acknowledgement insisted on by Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 486;</li> - <li>position of the rival Popes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 488;</li> - <li>no real objection on William’s part to acknowledge him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 489;</li> - <li>holds a Council at Piacenza, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 522, 545;</li> - <li>mission of William Rufus to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 524;</li> - <li>received at Cremona by Conrad, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 525;</li> - <li>acknowledged by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 528;</li> - <li>holds the Council of Clermont, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 545–547;</li> - <li>preaches the crusades, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 549;</li> - <li>sends Abbot Jeronto on a mission to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 553, ii. <a href="#Page_588">588</a>;</li> - <li>bribed by William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 554;</li> - <li>sends his nephew, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>blesses Duke Robert and his companions, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 561;</li> - <li>his reception and treatment of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 607, 608, 621;</li> - <li>in Roger’s camp at Capua, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 615;</li> - <li>Eadmer’s way of speaking of him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 616 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>forbids Anselm to resign, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 617;</li> - <li>holds the Council of Bari, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 608, 618;</li> - <li>his dealings with William of Warelwast, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 619, 620;</li> - <li>threatens William Rufus with excommunication, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 619;</li> - <li>is bribed to give him a respite, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 620;</li> - <li>his treatment of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 621;</li> - <li>holds the Lateran Council, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 607, 621;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 622, ii. <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> - <li>Anselm’s letters to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 612, ii. <a href="#Page_582">582</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Urse of Abetot, Sheriff of Gloucester and Worcester, at the trial of William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 94.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">V.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Vacancies, ecclesiastical, - <ul> - <li>policy of William Rufus with regard to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 135, 336, 337, 347, 348, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>;</li> - <li>older practice as to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 350;</li> - <li>later instances, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 351 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>provision of Henry’s charter with regard to, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Vaux-en-Belin, - <ul> - <li>castle of, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 277 <a href="#footnote_673">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>burnt by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li> - <li>repaired and held by Robert of Montfort, ii. <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Vescy, house of, ii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> - -<li>Vestments, Lanfranc’s view of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 95.</li> - -<li>Vetheuil, fortress of, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> - -<li>Vexin, the French, - <ul> - <li>granted to Lewis by Philip, ii. <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li>its cession demanded by William Rufus, <a href="#Page_175"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>national feeling in, ii. <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Victor <abbr title="Three">III.</abbr>, Pope, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 415.</li> - -<li>Vignats, - <ul> - <li>siege of, ii. <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</li> - <li>foundation of the abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_427">427</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Vulgrin, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. <a href="#Page_634">634</a>.</li> - -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p2 center">W.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li>Wace, his use of the words “Normans and English,” ii. <a href="#Page_649">649</a>.</li> - -<li>Walchelm, priest, his vision, ii. <a href="#Page_521">521</a>.</li> - -<li>Waleran, Count of Meulan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 186, ii. <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</li> - -<li>Wales, - <ul> - <li>civil wars in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 121;</li> - <li>alleged campaign of William Rufus in (1094–1095), <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 476;</li> - <li>type of conquest in, ii. <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> - <li>disunion in, ii. <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> - <li>nature of Rufus’s wars in, ii. <a href="#Page_69">69</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>effect of castle-building in, ii. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> - <li>campaigns of Harold compared with those of Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> - <li>its conquest compared with the English and Norman Conquests, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> - <li>various elements in, ii. <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> - <li>local nomenclature of, ii. <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> - <li>earlier wars in, ii. <a href="#Page_77">77–79</a>;</li> - <li>beginning of the conquest, ii. <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> - <li>revolt in, ii. <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li> - <li>general deliverance of, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> - <li>first campaign of William Rufus in, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> - <li>English feeling as to the war, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> - <li>his second and third campaigns, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 572, 583, ii. <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Wales, North, subdued by Hugh of Chester, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> - -<li>Wales, South, Saxon settlements in, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - -<li>Walkelin, Bishop of Winchester, - <ul> - <li>sent with a summons to William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 117;</li> - <li>sent to punish the monks of Saint Augustine’s, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 139;</li> - <li>assists Osmund to consecrate Salisbury cathedral, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309;</li> - <li>at the consecration of the church of Battle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 444;</li> - <li>his speech to Anselm at the Winchester assembly, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 586;</li> - <li>at the death-bed of William of Saint-Calais, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> - <li>his character and acts, ii. <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li> - <li>joint regent with Flambard, <a href="#Page_266"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>William Rufus demands money of, ii. <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 351, ii. <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li> - <li>legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Wall, Roman, traces of the name, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - -<li>Walker (Wallcar), <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 47 <a href="#footnote_113">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Wallknoll, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_613">613</a>.</li> - -<li>Wallsend, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 47.</li> - -<li>Walter of Corbeuil, Archbishop of Canterbury, his works at Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 53, 54 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Walter, Bishop of Albano, - <ul> - <li>received by William Rufus as Papal Legate, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 527, ii. <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</li> - <li>brings the pallium, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 527;</li> - <li>refuses to depose Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 528;</li> - <li>gives the pallium to Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 534;</li> - <li>stays in England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 535;</li> - <li>objects of his mission, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 536;</li> - <li>his letters to Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 536, 538, ii. <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>;</li> - <li>accompanies William Rufus to Nottingham, ii. <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Walter of Eyncourt, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 113.</li> - -<li>Walter Giffard, Earl of Buckingham, - <ul> - <li>submits to Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 231;</li> - <li>supports Rufus against Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472;</li> - <li>signs Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li> - <li>plots against him, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 473.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Walter Tirel, - <ul> - <li>entertains Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 380 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), ii. <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li> - <li>his friendship with William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li> - <li>his parentage, ii. <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_672">672</a>;</li> - <li>his lordships and marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_673">673</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged share in the making of the New Forest, ii. <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_674">674</a>;</li> - <li>his discourse with the King, ii. <a href="#Page_322">322–325</a>, <a href="#Page_661">661</a>;</li> - <li>mentioned in most versions as his slayer, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li> - <li>his solemn denial of the charge, ii. <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_674">674</a>;</li> - <li>no ground for the charge, ii. <a href="#Page_657">657</a>;</li> - <li>whether the Walter Tirel of Domesday, ii. <a href="#Page_673">673</a>;</li> - <li>legend about the shoeing of his horse, ii. <a href="#Page_676">676</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Walter of Saint Valery, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 228 (<span class="decoration">note</span>); - <ul> - <li>goes on the first crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 551.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Walter, son of Ansgar, - <ul> - <li>in command at Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li> - <li>sets fire to Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> - <li>confers with Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Waltham, church of, plundered by Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 168, ii. <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>.</li> - -<li>Waltheof, Earl of Northampton and Huntingdonshire, grants Tynemouth to Jarrow, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.</li> - -<li>War, private, unlawful in England, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417</a>.</li> - -<li>Wardship, the lord’s right of, - <ul> - <li>established by Flambard, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 336, 339;</li> - <li>oppressive working of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 338;</li> - <li>peculiar to England and Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 340;</li> - <li>provision for, in Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Weedon Beck, Northamptonshire, said to have been a cell of Bec, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 376 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>Wells (Norfolk), grant of, to Saint Stephen’s, Caen, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</li> - -<li>Wells (Somerset), see of, - <ul> - <li>moved to Bath, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 136, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>;</li> - <li>dislike of the canons to Bishop John’s changes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 138, ii. <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;</li> - <li>they recover their property under Bishop Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;</li> - <li>charter of William Rufus preserved at, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Welsh language, endurance of, ii. <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> - -<li>Wenlock, Earl Roger’s foundation at, ii. <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li> - -<li>Westminster Hall, - <ul> - <li>its foundation by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li> - <li>he holds his Whitsun feast there, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li> - <li>recast by Richard <abbr title="Two">II.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Westmoreland, - <ul> - <li>why not entered in Domesday, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 313, ii. <a href="#Page_547">547</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>entries of, in the Pipe Rolls, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li><a name="Whithern" id="Whithern"></a>Whithern, see of, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Wido. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Guy">Guy</a>.</li> - -<li>Wilfrith, Bishop of Saint David’s, - <ul> - <li>suspended and restored, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 534;</li> - <li>sides with William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> - <li>Gerald of Windsor’s dealings with, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William the Conqueror, - <ul> - <li>his informal nomination of William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 9, 11;</li> - <li>his advice to him, ii. <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;</li> - <li>distribution of his treasures, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 17, 18;</li> - <li>compared with Rufus by Odo, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 26;</li> - <li>his ecclesiastical supremacy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 105;</li> - <li>compared with Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 158, 456;</li> - <li>foretells the character of Robert’s reign, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 189;</li> - <li>garrisons the castles of the nobles, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 192;</li> - <li>his ecclesiastical position, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 328;</li> - <li>his relations with Lanfranc, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his friendship with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 380;</li> - <li>use of his “days” as a note of time, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 569;</li> - <li>his visit to Saint David’s and his designs on Ireland, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William Rufus, - <ul> - <li>character of his reign, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 3;</li> - <li>feudal developement under him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 4;</li> - <li>character of his accession, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 9–11, 19–21, ii. <a href="#Page_459">459–465</a>;</li> - <li>his informal nomination by his father, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 9, 11, ii. <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;</li> - <li>not formally elected, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 9, ii. <a href="#Page_459">459</a>;</li> - <li>sets sail from Touques, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 13;</li> - <li>re-imprisons Morkere and Wulfnoth, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 14;</li> - <li>his meeting with Lanfranc, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 15;</li> - <li>his coronation, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his special oath, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 16, ii. <a href="#Page_460">460</a>;</li> - <li>his coronation rites said to have been imperfect, ii. <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;</li> - <li>his distribution of gifts, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 17;</li> - <li>restores Odo to his earldom, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 19;</li> - <li>revolt of the Norman nobles against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 22 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_465">465</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>compared with his father by Odo, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 26;</li> - <li>seizes the temporalities of William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 30;</li> - <li>summons him to his court, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 31;</li> - <li>lays waste his land, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 32;</li> - <li>wins over Earl Roger, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 61, ii. <a href="#Page_462">462</a>;</li> - <li>loyalty of the bishops towards him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 63;</li> - <li>his appeal and promises to the English, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 63, 64;</li> - <li>their loyalty to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 64, 65, 66;</li> - <li>their motives for supporting him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 65;</li> - <li>accepted as their king, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 66, 131;</li> - <li>marches against the rebels, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 67;</li> - <li>takes Tunbridge Castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 69;</li> - <li>marches on Pevensey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 72, and takes it, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 76;</li> - <li>his <span class="decoration">Niðing</span> Proclamation, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 78;</li> - <li>besieges Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 79;</li> - <li>Odo surrenders to him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 80;</li> - <li>at first refuses terms to the besieged, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 81;</li> - <li>his answer to the pleadings for them, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 83;</li> - <li>grants terms, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 85;</li> - <li>his confiscations and grants, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 88;</li> - <li>his amnesty to the chief rebels, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>again summons William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 89;</li> - <li>grants him a safe-conduct, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 91;</li> - <li>refuses him the privileges of his order, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 92;</li> - <li>holds a meeting at Salisbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 94;</li> - <li>his speeches thereat, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 98, 107, 110;</li> - <li>his offers to Bishop William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 111, 114;</li> - <li>his answer to Ralph Paganel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 112;</li> - <li>Durham castle surrendered to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 114;</li> - <li>summons Bishop William again, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 116;</li> - <li>grants him leave to depart, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 117;</li> - <li>estimate of his behaviour in the case, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 119, 605;</li> - <li>his breach of his promises, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 132;</li> - <li>position of the English under, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 133;</li> - <li>mocks at omens, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 133 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his employment of mercenaries, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 134, 153, 226, ii. <a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>;</li> - <li>early charge of simony against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 135;</li> - <li>his charter to John of Tours, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 138;</li> - <li>suppresses the disturbances at Saint Augustine’s, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 139;</li> - <li>effects of Lanfranc’s death on him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 142, 148, 343;</li> - <li>description and character of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 5, 143 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>his surname of <span class="decoration">Rufus</span>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 144;</li> - <li>his filial zeal, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 145;</li> - <li>general charges against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 147;</li> - <li>his lack of steadfastness, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 149;</li> - <li>his unfinished campaigns, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his “magnanimity,” <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 149, ii. <a href="#Page_497">497</a>;</li> - <li>trick played on, by his chamberlain, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 150;</li> - <li>his “liberality,” <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 151, ii. <a href="#Page_492">492</a>;</li> - <li>his extortions, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 153, ii. <a href="#Page_498">498</a>;</li> - <li>his strict government, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 153, ii. <a href="#Page_496">496</a>;</li> - <li>his stricter forest laws, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 155;</li> - <li>dress and manners at his court, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 158, ii. <a href="#Page_500">500–502</a>;</li> - <li>his special vices, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 157, 159, ii. <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>;</li> - <li>contrasted with his father, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 158, 456;</li> - <li>his irreligion, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 159;</li> - <li>favours the Jews, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 161;</li> - <li>question as to his scepticism, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>makes the Jewish converts apostatize, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 162, 614, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>;</li> - <li>his dispute with Stephen the convert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 163–165, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>;</li> - <li>his blasphemies, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 165–167, ii. <a href="#Page_503">503</a>;</li> - <li>his favourite oath, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 108, 112, 164, 289, 391, 511 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 61 <a href="#footnote_131">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_650">650</a>;</li> - <li>redeeming features in his character, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 168;</li> - <li>his respect for his father’s memory, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 168, ii. <a href="#Page_505">505</a>;</li> - <li>his ecclesiastical benefactions, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his chivalry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 169–171;</li> - <li>law of honour as practised by, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 85, 92, 169, 408, ii. <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> - <li>his schemes against Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 221;</li> - <li>obtains the consent of the Witan to an invasion of Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 222–224;</li> - <li>his constitutional language, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 223;</li> - <li>his policy against Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 224;</li> - <li>his position compared with that of Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 226;</li> - <li>his employment of money, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 226, 227;</li> - <li>joined by the Norman nobles, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 228 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>bribes Philip of France, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 237, 239;</li> - <li>his position compared with that of his father, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 240;</li> - <li>result of his dealings with Philip, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 241;</li> - <li>his treaty with Conan of Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 247;</li> - <li>crosses to Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 273;</li> - <li>his treaty with Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 275–279, ii. <a href="#Page_522">522–528</a>;</li> - <li>his probable object in the spoliation of Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 279;</li> - <li>his policy towards Henry and Eadgar, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 281;</li> - <li>joins Robert against Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 283;</li> - <li>besieges Saint Michael’s Mount, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 285–292, ii. <a href="#Page_528">528–535</a>;</li> - <li>personal anecdotes of, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 287–292, ii. <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>;</li> - <li>compared to Alexander the Great, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 287;</li> - <li>contrasted with Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 290;</li> - <li>returns to England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 293, 295;</li> - <li>sets forth against Malcolm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 298;</li> - <li>his favourable treatment of the monks of Durham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 298, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a>;</li> - <li>Bishop William reconciled to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 299;</li> - <li>meets Malcolm at the <span class="decoration">Scots’ Water</span>, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 301;</li> - <li>his treaty with Malcolm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 304;</li> - <li>receives the homage of Malcolm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 304, ii. <a href="#Page_541">541</a>;</li> - <li>signs the Durham charter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 305, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>;</li> - <li>his fresh dispute with Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 306;</li> - <li>orders the consecration of Lincoln minster, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 312;</li> - <li>his conquest and colonization of Carlisle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 313–318;</li> - <li>character of the early years of his reign, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 325;</li> - <li>his relations with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 328;</li> - <li>his policy in keeping the see of Canterbury vacant, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 328, 359, 360;</li> - <li>influence of Randolf Flambard on him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 329, 332 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>his dealings with vacant bishoprics and abbeys, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 336, 347, 350, ii. <a href="#Page_565">565</a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with church lands, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 345 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>charges of simony brought against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 348;</li> - <li>story of his appointment to a vacant abbey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 352;</li> - <li>his first interview with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 385;</li> - <li>rebuked by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 386;</li> - <li>refuses him leave to return to Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 388;</li> - <li>petitioned by the Witan to appoint an archbishop, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 389;</li> - <li>his mocking speech about Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 390;</li> - <li>his sickness, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 391;</li> - <li>repents and sends for Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 392, 393;</li> - <li>his proclamation of reforms, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 393;</li> - <li>names Anselm archbishop, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 396;</li> - <li>prays him to accept the see, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 398;</li> - <li>invests him by force, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 400;</li> - <li>orders the restitution of the temporalities, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 403;</li> - <li>his recovery and relapse, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 407;</li> - <li>keeps his engagement to Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 408;</li> - <li>his interview with Robert of Flanders, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 411;</li> - <li>with Anselm at Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 412 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>his answer to Anselm’s conditions, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 417;</li> - <li>asks Anselm to confirm his grants of church lands, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 418;</li> - <li>renews his promises and receives Anselm’s homage as archbishop, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 422;</li> - <li>his writ, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>receives Anselm at Gloucester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 434;</li> - <li>challenged by Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 435;</li> - <li>his dealings with the contributions offered for the war, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 437;</li> - <li>refuses Anselm’s gift, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 438;</li> - <li>gathers his forces at Hastings, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 441;</li> - <li>present at the consecration of Battle Abbey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 443, 444;</li> - <li>upholds Anselm against Robert Bloet, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 446;</li> - <li>deprives Herbert Bishop of Thetford, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 448, ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>;</li> - <li>his interview with Anselm at Hastings, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 450 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>no synod held under him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 452;</li> - <li>his answer to Anselm’s prayer to fill the vacant abbeys, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 455;</li> - <li>attempts to get more money out of Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 458–460;</li> - <li>sets sail for Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 460;</li> - <li>vain attempts to settle the dispute between him and Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 461;</li> - <li>castles held by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 462;</li> - <li>his levy of English soldiers, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 465;</li> - <li>trick played on them, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 466;</li> - <li>buys off Philip, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>summons Henry and Earl Hugh to Eu, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469;</li> - <li>returns to England and is reconciled to Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 470;</li> - <li>his Norman supporters, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 471–474;</li> - <li>causes for his return, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 474;</li> - <li>his alleged Welsh campaign in 1094–1095, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 476;</li> - <li>refuses Anselm leave to go for the pallium, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 483, 484;</li> - <li>will acknowledge no Pope, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 484;</li> - <li>frequency of assemblies under him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 487;</li> - <li>summons an assembly at Rockingham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 487–519;</li> - <li>estimate of his conduct in this dispute, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 488;</li> - <li>his Imperial claims, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 503;</li> - <li>bids the bishops renounce Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 512;</li> - <li>withdraws his protection from him, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his appeal to the lay lords, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 513;</li> - <li>his examination and treatment of the bishops, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 515, 516;</li> - <li>summons Anselm before him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 517;</li> - <li>adjourns the assembly, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 518;</li> - <li>oppresses Anselm’s friends, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 520;</li> - <li>his fresh schemes against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 523;</li> - <li>his mission to Urban, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 524–526;</li> - <li>Walter of Albano’s mission to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 527;</li> - <li>acknowledges Urban, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 528;</li> - <li>forced to be reconciled to Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 529, 531;</li> - <li>Anselm refuses the pallium at his hands, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 532;</li> - <li>his position as regards the crusade, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 553;</li> - <li>Abbot Jeronto’s mission to him, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>Normandy pledged to him, by Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 555;</li> - <li>his taxation for the pledge-money, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 556–559, ii. <a href="#Page_506">506</a>;</li> - <li>his conference with Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 559, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> - <li>takes possession of Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 566, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> - <li>his grants to Henry, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 567;</li> - <li>his rule in Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 567–570;</li> - <li>his appointments to Norman prelacies, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 570;</li> - <li>returns to England, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 571;</li> - <li>his expeditions against Wales, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 572, 583, ii. <a href="#Page_69">69</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>complains of Anselm’s contingent, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 572;</li> - <li>summons him to his court, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 574;</li> - <li>refuses him leave to go to Rome, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 582, 583, 584;</li> - <li>holds an assembly at Winchester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 584 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>his conditional leave to Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 592;</li> - <li>his last interview with Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 593;</li> - <li>blessed by him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 594;</li> - <li>seizes on the estates of his see, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 595;</li> - <li>estimate of his behaviour towards William of Saint-Calais and towards Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 605;</li> - <li>Anselm pleads against his excommunication, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 611, 618;</li> - <li>probable effect of an excommunication, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 611, 612;</li> - <li>Anselm’s and Urban’s letters to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 613;</li> - <li>his mission to Urban, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 613, 619;</li> - <li>threatened with excommunication, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 619;</li> - <li>bribes Urban, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 620;</li> - <li>his words on Urban’s death and Paschal’s election, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 623, ii. <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> - <li>growth of the English power and nation under, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> - <li>effects of his reign on the union of Britain, ii. <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> - <li>complaints made against, by Malcolm, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> - <li>sends Eadgar to invite him to Gloucester, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_590">590</a>;</li> - <li>refuses to see him, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_590">590</a>;</li> - <li>dispute between them, <a href="#Page_590"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his probable pretensions, <a href="#Page_590"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>observes his safe-conduct, ii. <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_591">591</a>;</li> - <li>story of him and Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>;</li> - <li>grants the Scottish crown to Duncan, ii. <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> - <li>revolt of Robert of Mowbray against him, ii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>orders Robert to make good his plunder of the merchants, ii. <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> - <li>summons him to his court, <a href="#Page_41"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>refuses him a safe-conduct, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 42;</li> - <li>marches against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 537, ii. <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> - <li>takes Newcastle, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, - <ul> - <li>and Tynemouth, ii. <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_606">606</a>;</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li>besieges Bamburgh, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>;</li> - <li>makes the <span class="decoration">Malvoisin</span> tower, ii. <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_608">608</a>;</li> - <li>leaves Bamburgh, ii. <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_609">609</a>;</li> - <li>holds an assembly at Salisbury, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> - <li>refuses to spare William of Alderi, ii. <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> - <li>nature of his Welsh wars, ii. <a href="#Page_69">69</a> <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>builds castles in Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> - <li>his campaign compared with that of Harold, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged designs on Ireland, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> - <li>his first Welsh campaign, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> - <li>his second and third campaigns, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 572, 583, ii. <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li> - <li>his relations with Eadgar Ætheling, ii. <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> - <li>doubtful policy of his grant to Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> - <li>character of his last years, ii. <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> - <li>his designs on France, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> - <li>demands the cession of the Vexin, ii. <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li>crosses to Normandy, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> - <li>excesses of his followers in England, ii. <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> - <li>chief men on his side, ii. <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> - <li>his treatment of his prisoners, ii. <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li> - <li>his prospects, ii. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> - <li>failure of his plans, ii. <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li> - <li>befriends Bishop Howel of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> - <li>his interview with Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_208">208–210</a>;</li> - <li>delays his attack on him, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> - <li>his anger at the election of Hildebert, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>;</li> - <li>his designs on Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_613">613</a>;</li> - <li>stirred up to war by Robert of Bellême, ii. <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li> - <li>contrasted with him, ii. <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> - <li>his treatment of Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li> - <li>his speech at the council of Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li> - <li>levies an army, ii. <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> - <li>invades Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> - <li>grants a truce to Ralph of Fresnay, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> - <li>his march onwards, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> - <li>arrives at Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> - <li>ravages Coulaine, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>, <a href="#Page_627">627</a>;</li> - <li>raises the siege of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li> - <li>his treatment of the knight at Ballon, ii. <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li> - <li>Le Mans submits to, ii. <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li> - <li>his entry, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li> - <li>receives the general submission of Maine, <a href="#Page_240"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his interview with Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_242">242–245</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640–645</a>;</li> - <li>his seeming quotation from Lucan, ii. <a href="#Page_642">642</a>;</li> - <li>sets Helias free, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>, <a href="#Page_642">642</a>, <a href="#Page_643">643</a>;</li> - <li>extent of his conquests in Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li> - <li>invades the Vexin, ii. <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li> - <li>besieges Chaumont, ii. <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> - <li>agrees to a truce, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li> - <li>ill-success of his French war, <a href="#Page_255"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his gemóts in 1099, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li> - <li>his architectural works a national grievance, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257–260</a>;</li> - <li>legal position of his reign, ii. <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li> - <li>his object in building Westminster Hall, <a href="#Page_263"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>holds his Whitsun feast there, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li> - <li>demands money of Bishop Walkelin, ii. <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li> - <li>forbids the dedication of Saint Eadmund’s, ii. <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li> - <li>hears of the recovery of Le Mans by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_645">645</a>;</li> - <li>his ride to the coast, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> - <li>his voyage to Touques, ii. <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_645">645–652</a>;</li> - <li>his speech to the sailors compared with that of Julius Cæsar, ii. <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_647">647</a>;</li> - <li>his ride to Bonneville, ii. <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_646">646</a>;</li> - <li>marches against Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li> - <li>passes through it and harries southern Maine, ii. <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li> - <li>besieges Mayet, ii. <a href="#Page_289">289–294</a>, 653;</li> - <li>observes the Truce of God, ii. <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li> - <li>his narrow escape at Mayet, ii. <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li> - <li>raises the siege, ii. <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_653">653</a>;</li> - <li>failure of the campaign, <a href="#Page_653"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his treatment of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> - <li>leaves garrisons and returns to England, ii. <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li> - <li>Hildebert reconciled to, ii. <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_626">626</a>;</li> - <li>bids Hildebert pull down the towers of Saint Julian’s, ii. <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_654">654</a>;</li> - <li>compared with Æthelred, ii. <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li> - <li>his schemes of conquest, ii. <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> - <li>contradiction in his character, ii. <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li> - <li>his chivalrous feelings, ii. <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li> - <li>illustrations of his character, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with William of Aquitaine, ii. <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li> - <li>prepares to occupy Aquitaine, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged designs on the Empire, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 7, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</li> - <li>Abbot Serlo’s warning to, ii. <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged dream, ii. <a href="#Page_319">319–321</a>;</li> - <li>his discourse with Walter Tirel, ii. <a href="#Page_322">322–325</a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li> - <li>whether accidental, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_657">657</a>;</li> - <li>various versions thereof, ii. <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_657">657–676</a>;</li> - <li>its immediate impression and abiding memory, ii. <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_663">663</a>;</li> - <li>his death looked on as a judgement, ii. <a href="#Page_665">665</a>;</li> - <li>contrasted with that of Charles <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li> - <li>his end and character, <a href="#Page_337"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his alleged penitence, ii. <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li> - <li>accounts of his burial, ii. <a href="#Page_338">338–340</a>, <a href="#Page_676">676–680</a>;</li> - <li>his popular excommunication, ii. <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</li> - <li>portents at his death, ii. <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</li> - <li>advantage given to the Popes by his reign, ii. <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;</li> - <li>effect of his reign on the fusion of races, ii. <a href="#Page_456">456</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William <abbr title="Three">III.</abbr>, his fearlessness in danger compared with that of William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_652">652</a>.</li> - -<li>William Ætheling, son of Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr> and Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li> - -<li>William Clito, son of Robert and Sibyl, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 312 <a href="#footnote_752">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>William, natural son of Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> - -<li>William <span class="decoration">Bona Anima</span>, Archbishop of Rouen, - <ul> - <li>consecrates Bishop Howel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 208;</li> - <li>consents to Anselm’s acceptance of the primacy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 406;</li> - <li>said to have married Philip and Bertrada, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 172 <a href="#footnote_437">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William of Saint-Calais, Bishop of Durham, - <ul> - <li>his influence with William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 23;</li> - <li>his treason against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 28, 30;</li> - <li>different statements of his conduct, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 28, ii. <a href="#Page_469">469–474</a>;</li> - <li>his alleged services to William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 29, 111, ii. <a href="#Page_473">473</a>;</li> - <li>his temporalities seized, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 30, ii. <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;</li> - <li>his letter to the King, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 30;</li> - <li>summoned before him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 31;</li> - <li>treatment of, by Ralph Paganel, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>evidence against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 35, ii. <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;</li> - <li>again summoned by William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 89;</li> - <li>complains of Ralph Paganel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 90;</li> - <li>comes with a safe-conduct, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 91;</li> - <li>asserts his ecclesiastical claims, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>goes back to Durham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 92;</li> - <li>further ravaging of his lands, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his agreement with the Counts Alan and Odo, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 93;</li> - <li>his conduct at the meeting at Salisbury, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 95;</li> - <li>denies the authority of the court, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 96, 97;</li> - <li>formal charge against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 98, ii. <a href="#Page_473">473</a>;</li> - <li>his answer, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 99;</li> - <li>debates on the charge, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 101–103;</li> - <li>appeals to Rome, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 103, 109;</li> - <li>sentence pronounced against him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 106;</li> - <li>renews his appeal, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>William demands the surrender of Durham castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 107;</li> - <li>appeals to Alan and Odo, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 108;</li> - <li>final sentence against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 110;</li> - <li>asks for an allowance, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>surety for the ships demanded of him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 111;</li> - <li>new charges against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 113, 116;</li> - <li>Lanfranc interferes on his behalf, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 113;</li> - <li>conditions and difficulties about his sailing, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 114–116;</li> - <li>surrender of Durham castle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 114, ii. <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</li> - <li>Odo and Alan interfere on his behalf, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 117;</li> - <li>allowed to depart to Normandy, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>importance of the story, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 117–120;</li> - <li>scarcely noticed by modern historians, ii. <a href="#Page_474">474</a>;</li> - <li>restored to his bishopric, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 299;</li> - <li>his renewed influence with William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 300;</li> - <li>his grant to the church of Durham, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 305, ii. <a href="#Page_535">535</a>;</li> - <li>advises Rufus as to Anselm’s conditions, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 417;</li> - <li>at the consecration of the church of Battle, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 444;</li> - <li>assists in the consecration of Robert Bloet, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 445;</li> - <li>plots against Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 497, 500;</li> - <li>aspires to the primacy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 501;</li> - <li>his promises to William and speech to Anselm, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 502;</li> - <li>recommends force, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 510;</li> - <li>his case compared with those of Anselm and Thomas, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 597 <abbr title="et sequitur">et seq.</abbr>;</li> - <li>his rebuilding of his church, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li>invites Malcolm to the foundation ceremony, <a href="#Page_11"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>probably concerned in Robert of Mowbray’s rebellion, ii. <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> - <li>portents foretelling his death, ii. <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> - <li>summoned to take his trial, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 478 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 542, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> - <li>debate as to his burying-place, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> - <li>substitutes monks for canons, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William of Warelwast, Bishop of Exeter, - <ul> - <li>his first mission to Urban, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 524, 525;</li> - <li>returns with the Legate Walter, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 526;</li> - <li>searches Anselm’s luggage at Dover, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 595;</li> - <li>his second mission to Urban, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 613, 619;</li> - <li>his secret dealings with him, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 620;</li> - <li>signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William of Passavant, Bishop of Le Mans, his buildings, ii. <a href="#Page_636">636</a>, <a href="#Page_640">640</a>, <a href="#Page_656">656</a>.</li> - -<li>William, Bishop of Thetford, his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 354.</li> - -<li>William Giffard, Bishop of Winchester, - <ul> - <li>his appointment to the see, ii. <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li> - <li>later notices of, ii. <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>;</li> - <li>his signature to Henry’s charter, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li> - <li>probably one of Henry’s inner council, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li> - <li>signs Henry’s letter to Anselm, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William, Archdeacon of Canterbury, sent to inquire into the matter of Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Alderi, his sentence and death, ii. <a href="#Page_66">66–68</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Albini, defends Rochester, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 53 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>William, Duke of Aquitaine, - <ul> - <li>helps William Rufus against Lewis, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li> - <li>seat of war affected by his coming, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li> - <li>his crusade, ii. <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li> - <li>proposes to pledge his duchy to Rufus, <a href="#Page_313"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William of Arques, monk of Molesme, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 220 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 256.</li> - -<li>William of Bellême, founds Lonlay Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_539">539</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Breteuil, - <ul> - <li>son of Earl William Fitz-Osbern, drives out the ducal forces, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 193;</li> - <li>Ivry granted to, by Duke Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 194;</li> - <li>joins Robert’s expedition into Maine, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 209;</li> - <li>his war with Ascelin Goel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 243;</li> - <li>comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 249;</li> - <li>imprisons William son of Ansgar, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 261;</li> - <li>marches against Conches, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 261, 266;</li> - <li>his imprisonment and ransom, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 267;</li> - <li>settles his estates on Roger of Toesny, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 268;</li> - <li>his natural children, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 268 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>maintains Robert’s claim to the throne, ii. <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_680">680</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William <span class="decoration">Capra</span>, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</li> - -<li>William, son of Robert Count of Eu, - <ul> - <li>rebels against William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 33;</li> - <li>his ravages in Gloucestershire, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 41, 44;</li> - <li>submits to William, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 229;</li> - <li>suggests an invasion of Normandy, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 411;</li> - <li>supports William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 472;</li> - <li>conspires against him, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> - <li>his combat with Geoffrey of Baynard and defeat, ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> - <li>sentenced to mutilation, ii. <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> - <li>his faithlessness to his wife, ii. <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William, Count of Evreux, - <ul> - <li>drives out the ducal forces, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 193;</li> - <li>his feud with Ralph of Toesny, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 231, 233, 245;</li> - <li>comes to Robert’s help at Rouen, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 249;</li> - <li>marches against Conches, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 261, 266;</li> - <li>makes Roger of Toesny his heir, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 268;</li> - <li>his later treaty with Ralph of Toesny, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 270;</li> - <li>wars against Robert of Meulan, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his bargain about Bertrada’s marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li> - <li>charged with the government of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li> - <li>granted to Henry by Robert, ii. <a href="#Page_514">514</a>;</li> - <li>his banishment and death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 270.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William Fitz-Osbern, story of him and Eudo of Rye, ii. <a href="#Page_463">463</a>.</li> - -<li>William of London or <span class="decoration">Londres</span>, his settlement at Kidwelly, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Malmesbury, his <span class="decoration">Gesta Regum</span> and <span class="decoration">Gesta Pontificum</span>, ii. <a href="#Page_492">492</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Mandeville, ii. <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Moion, his grant of Dunster church, ii. <a href="#Page_489">489</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Montfichet, legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_676">676</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Montfort, recommended by Anselm as his successor at Bec, ii. <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.</li> - -<li>William, Count of Mortain, - <ul> - <li>founds Montacute priory, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> - <li>his vision of William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li> - <li>doubts as to his loyalty to Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_404">404</a>;</li> - <li>his banishment, ii. <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;</li> - <li>his imprisonment and alleged blinding, <a href="#Page_453"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William Pantulf, - <ul> - <li>Robert of Bellême’s dealings with, ii. <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;</li> - <li>joins Henry, <a href="#Page_434"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>commands at Stafford, <a href="#Page_434"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>notices of, in Domesday, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 434 <a href="#footnote_1118">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>negotiates with Jorwerth, ii. <a href="#Page_439">439</a>;</li> - <li>mediates at Bridgenorth, ii. <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William Peverel, - <ul> - <li>holds La Houlme for William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 463;</li> - <li>surrenders to Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 465;</li> - <li>signs the Durham charter, ii. <a href="#Page_536">536</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William of Pont de l’Arche, ii. <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</li> - -<li>William Talvas, his capture of Geoffrey of Mayenne, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 214.</li> - -<li>William Tisonne, ii. <a href="#Page_596">596</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Wacey, taken prisoner by Helias, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li>William of Warren, Earl of Surrey, - <ul> - <li>his loyalty to William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 59;</li> - <li>receives the earldom of Surrey, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 60, 62 <a href="#footnote_181">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>;</li> - <li>his death and burial at Lewes, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 62 (<span class="decoration">note</span>), 76.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William of Warren the younger, Earl of Surrey, - <ul> - <li>helps to defend Courcy, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519</a>;</li> - <li>deserts from Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</li> - <li>his enmity towards him, <a href="#Page_409"><abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></a>;</li> - <li>his banishment, ii. <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, - <ul> - <li>and restoration, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William, son of Ansgar, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 247; - <ul> - <li>his imprisonment and ransom, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 261.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William, son of Anskill, - <ul> - <li>his estates seized by William Rufus, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</li> - <li>his marriage, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 381 <a href="#footnote_950">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William, son of Baldwin, - <ul> - <li>builds Rhyd-y-gors castle, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> - <li>defends it, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> - <li>his death, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>William, son of Geroy, rescues Geoffrey of Mayenne from William Talvas, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 214.</li> - -<li>William, grandson of Geroy, poisoned, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 469 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>William, son of Holdegar, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> - -<li>Williams, John, on Jestin ap Gwrgan, ii. <a href="#Page_614">614</a>.</li> - -<li>Wills. <span class="decoration">See</span> <a href="#Bequest">Bequest</a>.</li> - -<li>Winchcombe, fall of the tower, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 307.</li> - -<li>Winchester, - <ul> - <li>wealth of the treasury at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 17;</li> - <li>Jews at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 160 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>special gemót at (1093), <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 422;</li> - <li>its position under the Norman kings, ii. <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li> - <li>burial of Rufus at, ii. <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</li> - <li>fall of the minster tower, ii. <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</li> - <li>Duke Robert declines to besiege it, ii. <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Witenagemót, - <ul> - <li>held three times a year, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 222 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>gradually becomes less popular, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 602;</li> - <li>lessened freedom of speech in, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 603;</li> - <li>inner and outer council of, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr></li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Witsand, William Rufus said to have set sail from, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 13 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li><span class="decoration">Wlurintun</span>, grant of the manor, ii. <a href="#Page_507">507</a>.</li> - -<li>Worcester, - <ul> - <li>rebel nobles march against, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 47;</li> - <li>its position, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 48;</li> - <li>its deliverance by Wulfstan, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 48–51, ii. <a href="#Page_475">475–481</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Worm’s Head, name of, ii. <a href="#Page_615">615</a>.</li> - -<li>Wulf, son of Harold, set free by Robert, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 14.</li> - -<li>Wulfgar the huntsman, - <ul> - <li>one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;</li> - <li>his negotiations with Henry <abbr title="One">I.</abbr>, ii. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Wulfgeat the huntsman, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 433 <a href="#footnote_1116">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Wulfnoth, son of Godwine, - <ul> - <li>reimprisoned by William Rufus, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 13, 14;</li> - <li>signs a charter of William of Saint-Calais, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 14 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>signs the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 309 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - </ul> -</li> - -<li>Wulfric the huntsman, <abbr title="two">ii.</abbr> 433 <a href="#footnote_1116">(<span class="decoration">note</span>)</a>.</li> - -<li>Wulfstan, Saint, Bishop of Worcester, - <ul> - <li>attends the Christmas assembly at Westminster, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 18, 19 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>defends Worcester against the rebels, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 48–51, ii. <a href="#Page_475">475–481</a>;</li> - <li>excommunicates them, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 51;</li> - <li>legendary growth of the story, ii. <a href="#Page_477">477</a>;</li> - <li>decides between Anselm and Bishop Maurice, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 440;</li> - <li>his sickness, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 478;</li> - <li>his dinner with “good men,” <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his correspondence, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 479;</li> - <li>confesses to Robert of Hereford, <abbr title="ibid"><span class="decoration">ib.</span></abbr>;</li> - <li>his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 477, 480;</li> - <li>entry as to his death, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 478 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>appears to Bishop Robert of Hereford, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 480, 533 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>his burial, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 480;</li> - <li>honour paid to him by King John, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 481;</li> - <li>his action against the fashion of wearing long hair, ii. <a href="#Page_501">501</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> - -</ul> - -<p class="p2 center">Y.</p> - -<ul><!--begin letter list--> - -<li><a name="Yeovil" id="Yeovil"></a>Yeovil, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 43 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li><a name="Yeovilton" id="Yeovilton"></a>Yeovilton, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 43 (<span class="decoration">note</span>).</li> - -<li>York, Priory of Holy Trinity at, - <ul> - <li>founded by Ralph Paganel, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 31;</li> - <li>massacre of Jews at, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 160 (<span class="decoration">note</span>);</li> - <li>Saint Peter’s Hospital at, gifts of Rufus to, <abbr title="one">i.</abbr> 168, ii. <a href="#Page_506">506</a>;</li> - <li>its deliverance in 1069 compared with that of Le Mans, ii. <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> - </ul> -</li> -</ul><!--end letter list--> - -<p class="p4 center ">END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.</p> - -</div><!--end index--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="p2 center">Transcriber’s Note:</p> - -<p>Footnotes were renumbered sequentially and were moved to the -end of the book.</p> - -<p>Obvious printing errors, such as backwards, upside down, or partially -printed letters and punctuation, were corrected. Final stops missing -at the end of sentences and abbreviations were added. Duplicate -letters at line endings or page breaks were removed. Letters with -diacriticals not available in UTF-8 are displayed within brackets, -like this: [~c]. Elipses were standardized. Descriptive text -contained within maps was added as a caption to illustrations.</p> - -<p>The Table of Contents was formated so that it displays -satisfactorily in ebook readers.</p> - -<p>Duplicate sidenotes, repeated over page breaks, were removed.</p> - -<p>Transliteration of words in Greek can be seen by hovering -the cursor over the word.</p> - -<p>Obsolete words, spelling variations, inconsistent hyphenation, and -misspelled words were not changed.</p> - -<p>Links in the Index apply only to this volume. Use of punctuation in -the index was made consistent. 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