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diff --git a/old/67426-0.txt b/old/67426-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ded5ef4..0000000 --- a/old/67426-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,10477 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Bantu Beliefs and Magic, by Charles -William Hobley - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Bantu Beliefs and Magic - -Author: Charles William Hobley - -Release Date: February 17, 2022 [eBook #67426] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net/ for Project Gutenberg (This - file was produced from images generously made available by - The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BANTU BELIEFS AND MAGIC *** - - - - - - BANTU BELIEFS AND MAGIC - - WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE KIKUYU - AND KAMBA TRIBES OF KENYA COLONY; - TOGETHER WITH SOME REFLECTIONS ON - EAST AFRICA AFTER THE WAR - - - BY - C. W. HOBLEY, C.M.G. - M. R. Anthrop. Inst., C.M.Z.S., Assoc. M. Inst. C.E. - (Late Senior Provincial Commissioner, Kenya Colony) - - WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY - SIR JAMES G. FRAZER, F.R.S., &c. - - - LONDON - H. F. & G. WITHERBY - 326 HIGH HOLBORN, W.C. - 1922 - - - - - - - - -PREFACE - - -It is often said that the longer one knows the native the less one -knows, and the less one understands him. This expression is doubtless -comforting to persons who have not the patience to systematically study -him and his views on life, but it could with convenience be replaced by -a saying to the effect that the more one knows of the native the more -one realises how much remains to be learnt. - -The spirit of this is in accordance with the true attitude to all other -branches of knowledge, for the more one learns, the more the map -unfolds, and one gradually realises the vastness of the country to be -explored. - -During long years of service in East Africa my work has brought me into -close contact with the native tribes from Lake Victoria to the coast, -and I early realised that their administration could not be -intelligently conducted without close inquiry into their social -organisation and religious beliefs, and in this connection I would here -like to express my indebtedness to the kind advice and stimulating -assistance which I have received from Sir W. Ridgeway, Sir J. G. -Frazer, Professor Haddon and others. I particularly wish to thank Sir -J. G. Frazer for his kindness in consenting to write an introduction to -this work. - -My first researches in this field were conducted among the tribes of -Kavirondo, and when some years later I left the Nyanza province for -Ukamba I became interested in the people with whom this work mainly -deals. - -In 1910 I published a small work styled “The Ethnology of the A-Kamba -and Other East African Tribes” which was mainly intended as an aide -memoire for colleagues working among the people referred to; the study -was continued and certain matters were dealt with in papers -communicated to the Royal Anthropological Institute and the British -Association. - -Further research has, however, brought to light a great deal of -additional material and has enabled me to piece together the work, and -I venture to believe that the light which it attempts to throw upon the -inner life of these important tribes may stimulate further inquiry, and -help both official and colonist in his relations with them. - -It has long been the fashion to look upon such research as being of -only academic value; this view, however, is year by year becoming -dimmer, and I would ask all those who are interested in Africa to -abandon it. - -The late war has forcibly demonstrated the importance of understanding -the psychology of our enemies, and if that is admitted I would claim -that it is quite as important for workers in Africa to endeavour to -understand the psychology of the Africans, whose friendship is of vital -necessity to all progress in that country. - -In presenting this work to the public, I would like to emphasise the -belief that the field is by no means exhausted; all that I have been -able to do has been done amidst the insistent rush of official duties, -and I have often longed for the chance of being able to concentrate my -attention for a year or two solely on researches of this nature. - -The language difficulty is one of the greatest obstacles with which a -European is faced; native languages are numerous and an administrative -officer rarely has time to learn one before he is removed to another -area and therefore another language. The elders rarely know much -Swahili, the language which is the lingua franca of East Africa. -Interpreters are often a snare, and an investigator has to work with -one for some time before being certain that he has fully realised the -spirit of the research, especially when dealing with religious beliefs: -indeed many interpreters never grasp the spirit of the inquiry. I had -working with me for some years a remarkable interpreter—Juma bin -Hamis—who became deeply interested in the subject under investigation, -and was of the greatest assistance. When any point was obscure he would -go off and unearth an elder who was known to have particular -information on the point at issue. Unfortunately, however, I have to -mourn his loss, for he died at Nairobi in 1911. Such a man is difficult -to replace; his speciality was Kikuyu political organisation and -customs, and, although a coast native, he was deeply esteemed by all -the people of Southern Kikuyu. - -I would here like to express my indebtedness to several of my -colleagues and friends, particularly the Hon. C. Dundas, G. H. Osborne, -and the late S. W. J. Scholefield, who, living for a long time in the -native reserves of Kikuyu and Ukamba in close contact with the people, -have given me the greatest assistance upon special points. I am also -grateful to Miss du Cros for her kind assistance in revising the MSS. -of this work. - -With the Hon. C. Dundas’s permission, I have inserted an interesting -memorandum by him on Kikuyu dances and certain magical phenomena. He -collected the information while in charge of the Kikuyu district. - -I also express my gratitude to the many elders who have so fully given -me information about many customs and rites which they do not care to -discuss with the man in the street. The Kikuyu in particular welcomed -my interest in their beliefs. They even urged me to become a recognised -elder of the tribe, so that they could impart full information without -violation of the rules forbidding the divulging of the ceremonial of -their grade to those not initiated to that grade. This election has -been of great value, for recognition as an elder in Kikuyu franks one, -so to speak, among the Kamba, and the elders of that reticent tribe -talked freely to me on their rites and beliefs. - -Finally I must express my indebtedness to Professor Robertson Smith’s -illuminating work on the “Religion of the Semites,” and to Campbell -Thompson’s book on “Semitic Magic.” I have referred to these from time -to time, as they throw light upon the principles underlying many of the -African ceremonies which I describe. - -Any description of the languages spoken by the tribes under review -being outside the scope of this work, it has been considered -inadvisable to complicate it by the adoption of the modern system of -phonetic symbols in the native names. The use of the symbols, though -based on sound principles, unfortunately renders unintelligible to the -ordinary reader many native words. - -As the war has occurred since the bulk of this work was written, I have -considered that it might not be out of place to add a chapter of a -general nature dealing with the position of native affairs after the -great upheaval, for Africa has not escaped its effects any more than -other parts of the world, and the future of the relations of black and -white needs most thoughtful consideration. - - - C. W. H. - - - - - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -The author of this book, Mr C. W. Hobley, has long been known to -anthropologists as one of our best authorities on the native races of -British East Africa, or Kenya Colony, as it is now called, where he -resided as Provincial Commissioner for many years. The time he could -spare from his official duties he wisely devoted to studying the -customs and beliefs of the tribes whom he was appointed to govern, and -through the knowledge and experience thus acquired he was able to make -a valuable series of contributions to ethnography. In the present work -he has resumed and largely supplemented his former studies of two -important tribes, the Kikuyu and Kamba, enriching his previous accounts -with many fresh details and fruitful observations. - -The result is a monograph replete with information of great variety and -of the highest interest for the student of savage thought and -institutions. But the book has a practical as well as a scientific -value. Placed in the hands of British officials engaged in the -maintenance of order and the administration of justice among the -natives, it must prove of real service to them in their task of -affording them an insight into the habits and ideas of the people, and -thus greatly facilitating the task of government. Indeed, without some -such knowledge of the native’s point of view it is impossible to govern -him wisely and well. The savage way of thinking is very different to -ours, and Mr Hobley is right in insisting that it is by no means -simple, but, on the contrary, highly complex, and that, consequently, -it cannot be understood without long and patient study. To legislate -for savages on European principles of law and morality, even when the -legislator is inspired by none but the most benevolent intentions, is -always dangerous, and not seldom disastrous; for it is too often -forgotten that native customs have grown up through a long course of -experience and adaptation to natural surroundings, that they correspond -to notions and beliefs which, whether ill or well founded, are deeply -rooted in the native mind, and that the attempt to discard them for -others which have been developed under totally different conditions may -injure instead of benefiting the people. Even when the new rules and -habits, which government seeks to force upon the tribes, are in -themselves, abstractly considered, better than the old, they may not be -so well adapted to the mental framework of the governed, and the -consequence may be that the old moral restraints are abolished without -the substitution of any equally effective in their room. To this danger -Mr Hobley is fully alive, and he gives a timely warning on the subject -to those well-meaning but ill-informed persons at home who would treat -the native African in accordance with the latest political shibboleths -of democratic Europe. Such treatment, which its ignorant advocates seem -to regard as a panacea for all human ills, would almost inevitably -produce an effect precisely the opposite of that intended: instead of -accelerating the progress of the natives, it would probably precipitate -their moral, social, and even physical decline. In practical life few -things are so dangerous as abstract ideas, and the indiscriminate -application of them to concrete realities is one of the most fatal -weapons in the hands of the moral or political revolutionary. - -Among the mass of interesting topics dealt with in Mr Hobley’s book it -is difficult to single out any for special mention in an introduction. -The subjects to which, on the whole, he has paid closest attention are -natural religion and magic. In respect of religion the author again and -again notes the remarkable similarities which may be traced between -East African and Semitic beliefs and rites, and he raises the question -how these similarities are to be explained. Are they due to parallel -and independent development in the African and the Semitic races? Or -are they the consequence of the invasion of Africa either by a Semitic -people or at all events by a people imbued with the principles of -Semitic religion. In my book “Folk-lore in the Old Testament” [1] I had -been similarly struck by some of these resemblances, and, while -abstaining from speculation on their origin, had remarked that the -hypothesis of derivation from a common source was not to be lightly -rejected. On the other hand Mr Hobley thinks it safer, in the present -state of our knowledge, to assume that the resemblances in question -have arisen independently, through parallel development, in the African -and Semitic areas. He dismisses as highly improbable the idea that the -ancient Semitic beliefs should have originated in East Africa and -spread from there to Arabia. Yet recent investigations in this part of -Africa, particularly with regard to the native veins of iron and gold, -tend in the opinion of some competent inquirers to show that East -Central Africa, including the region of the great lakes, was an -extremely ancient seat of a rudimentary civilisation, the seeds of -which may have been carried, whether by migration or the contact of -peoples, to remote parts of Europe and Asia. In regard to iron, which -has been wrought in Central Africa from time immemorial, Mr Hobley -quotes Professor Gregory who thinks it probable that the art of forging -the metal was invented in tropical Africa at a date before Europe had -attained to the discovery and manufacture of bronze; he even suggests -that the ingenious smith who first fused tin and copper into bronze may -have borrowed the hint from the process of working iron which he had -learned in Africa. - -Among the many curious superstitions recorded by Mr Hobley none is -perhaps more interesting and suggestive than by the name of thahu or -thabu, and which presents points of similarity to the Polynesian taboo. -Mr Hobley thinks that the idea involved in it is best expressed by the -English term “curse.” But to this it may be objected that a curse -implies a personal agent, human or divine, who has called down some -evil on the sufferer; whereas in many, indeed in most, of the cases -enumerated by Mr Hobley there is no suggestion of such an agent, and -the evil which befalls the sufferer is the direct consequence of his -own action or of a simple accident. Thus it would seem that “ceremonial -uncleanness” answers better to the meaning of thahu than “curse.” Be -that as it may, deliberate cursing apparently plays a prominent part in -the superstition of the Kikuyu and Kamba; but it is significant that -they give it a different name (kirume, kiume) from that which they -apply to ceremonial uncleanness. Great faith is put in the -effectiveness of curses, especially the curses of dying persons; and as -these latter curses often refer to the disposal of the dying man’s -property after his death and are intended to prevent the alienation of -land from the family, Mr Hobley is led to make the ingenious suggestion -that in some curses we may detect the origin of entail and of -testamentary dispositions in general. - -Not a few of the customs and beliefs described by Mr Hobley remind us -of similar practices and ideas in the religion and mythology of -classical antiquity. Thus the warriors who, armed with swords and -clubs, dance or hop from foot to foot at the time when the mawele grain -is reaped, are curiously reminiscent of the Roman Salii, the dancing or -leaping priests of the war-god Mars, who, similarly accoutred with -swords and staves, danced or leaped, while they invoked Saturn, the God -of Sowing. Again, the strange sort of madness which from time to time -seizes on Kamba women and under the influence of which, wrought up to a -state of frenzy, they caper about with cow’s tails suspended from their -arms, offers a parallel to the Greek legend of the daughters of Prœtus -and the other Argive women, who, oddly enough, were said like their -African sisters to have been healed of their infirmity by dances and -the sacrifice of cattle. [2] The study of such hysterical and -infectious manias among primitive peoples opens up an interesting field -of inquiry to the psychologist. - -Such are a few specimens culled from the rich collection of East -African folk-lore and religion which the author has presented to his -readers in this volume. The facts recorded by him provide much food for -thought and suggest many lines of investigation for inquiries in the -future. For, as he reminds us, with equal truth and modesty, the field -of inquiry is far from being exhausted. Let us hope that it will yet -yield an abundant harvest to others, who will follow in Mr Hobley’s -footsteps and imitate the example he has set them of patient and -open-minded research. - - - J. G. FRAZER. - - - - - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - -Preface 3 - -Introduction 7 - - -PART I - -NATURAL RELIGION - - Introductory 19 - I. Spirit Beliefs 27 - II. Sacrifice 40 - III. Sacred Stones or Village Shrines 69 - IV. The Firstfruits of Harvest and Planting Ceremonial 73 - V. Circumcision Ceremonial 77 - VI. Death and Burial Ceremonial 97 - VII. The Curse and its Manifestations— - (a) Thahu and its connection with circumcision rites, etc. 103 - (b) Purification and blessing 134 - (c) The dying curse 145 - VIII. Superstitions regarding Children and Women 154 - - -PART II - -MAGIC - - Introductory 165 - I. The Guild of Smiths in Kikuyu and Ukamba 167 - II. The Evil Eye 177 - III. Kikuyu Magic and Magicians 184 - IV. Miscellaneous Magical Practices 192 - - -PART III - -MISCELLANEOUS - - Introductory 207 - I. The Constitution and Working of Councils 209 - II. Laws of Compensation for Murder 230 - III. Ceremonial Oaths 239 - IV. War and Peace 244 - V. Miscellaneous Customs and Beliefs 250 - VI. Legends 262 - VII. Dances 266 - VIII. Women as Factor in Tribal Organisation 274 - IX. Some General Remarks 281 - X. East Africa after the War 286 - - -L’Envoi 303 - -Glossary 305 - - - - - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - PAGE - -Kamba Chief, Kitui Frontispiece - -Typical Muthuri ya Ukuru Facing 37 - (Elder of Grade of Priest) - -Kikuyu Muthuri or Elder 65 - (Prognathous Type) - -Scenes at Mambura (Circumcision Festival) 81 - (1) Sugar canes over village gates - (2) Eating ceremonial food - (Photos by A. C. Hollis) - Climbing the “Mugumu,” fig tree 87 - (Photo by A. C. Hollis) - -Kikuyu Circumcision Feast - (1) Male candidates 113 - (2) Female candidates - -A Dorobo Elder, Torori 183 - (Photo by T. A. Dickson) - -Kamba Elder with Kithito 241 - -Kikuyu—Beehive Marks on Trees 254 - (Woodcut in Text) - -Kivata Dance at Kyambu, Kikuyu 267 - (Photo by Hon. C. Dundas) - -Kikuyu Circumcision Shield with Anthropomorphic Figures 273 - Kikuyu Methods of carrying the circumcision Shield - (The young men parade the country with these some weeks - before the ceremony) - - - - - - - - - - -PART I - -NATURAL RELIGION - - -INTRODUCTORY - - -The main objects of this work are to place on record the results of -investigations made among the native tribes in British East Africa, -particularly among the Kikuyu and Kamba people, and to endeavour, from -a study of their ceremonial with regard to sacrifice and taboo, to -obtain a better insight into the principles which underlie the outward -forms and ceremonies of their ritual. - -It has long been customary, partly through narrow-minded prejudice and -partly through ignorance, to class as Pagans all native tribes which -have not yet embraced one of the great positive religions, such as -Christianity or Mohammedanism. But the time has now come when such -negative definitions, if seriously applied, will have to be abandoned. -It must be admitted that all savages have a natural religion which is a -survival of, and is analogous to, a stage of belief which existed among -the ancestors of the civilised peoples of the present day. The -admission is inevitable, however distasteful to those who are dogmatic -in their religious beliefs and loath to admit that religious thought -and the conception of a deity have passed through an evolutionary -process and, furthermore, a process which has not ceased. For, after -all, the development of mental and moral ideas is a part of the -evolution of the living being as much as the development of limbs, -cranial shape, or body markings. No positive system of religion -descended from heaven as a completely new concept of the deity and with -an absolutely novel code. Such a system could never have survived. Any -new religious teacher could not fail to be, to a great extent, a -creature of his environment and of the age in which he was born. He -must necessarily graft his scheme on to what went before. As Robertson -Smith so truly says, “a new scheme of faith can only find a hearing by -appealing to religious instincts and susceptibilities that already -exist in the audience.” - -In East Africa, various tribes remain in a stage of belief very similar -to that which prevailed in Arabia and Assyria from about 1500 B.C. and -onward, and which continued till a dogmatic uniformity was forced on -the bulk of the people by the teachings of Mahomed about A.D. 650. - -Asiatic beliefs were introduced to Abyssinia by the Sabæans or -Himyaritic invaders a few centuries before the Christian era, but it is -doubtful whether they spread to any extent. For ancient religious -influences on Central Africa, we must look more to the channel afforded -by the Nile valley which had become a route of exploration as far back -as the time of the Pharaohs. Although, however, we know that Egyptian -influence was spasmodically exercised for a long distance up the Nile -valley, little evidence of any spiritual effect has as yet come to -light. This is natural, for the ancient expeditions were at long -intervals and were not missionary enterprises, but were in search of -material gain. - -The only case of permanent settlement which appears to be beyond doubt -is the invasion into Uganda, Unyoro, and Ankole, of a light coloured -race, now known as the Ba-Hima or Ba-Huma. Some consider that these -people came from the Abyssinian highlands; Sir Harry Johnston, on the -other hand, believes them to be descendants of ancient Egyptian -settlers; according to Dr Seligman they are probably descendants of -what he terms Proto-Egyptians—the latter description being a more -concrete definition based upon careful researches in the Nile valley, -the result of which was not available when Sir H. H. Johnston made his -suggestion. - -But whatever the origin of the Ba-Hima, there appears to be no trace of -this infusion of northern blood anywhere east of the Rift Valley, -except, possibly, among the Masai who are believed to have migrated -south-east from the valley of the Upper Nile. The Nandi, the Lako and -Savei of Elgon, the Lumbwa and Elgeyo also came from the north-west, -but did not cross the Rift. - -The Kikuyu absorbed some Masai blood from time to time, and also -intermixed to some extent with the aboriginal Oggiek, but they are -mainly Bantu in blood and constitution. The Kamba people, whose -ancestors flowed into their present habitat from the south and -south-west, are believed to be pure Bantu. - -We have, therefore, no evidence as to where the ancestors of the Kikuyu -or Kamba lived about two thousand years ago, and, further, whether they -were affected by Semitic culture in remote times. - -It is, moreover, highly improbable that the ancient Semitic beliefs -should have originated in East Africa. We must, therefore, decide -whether such similarity as we find to-day is merely a case of parallel -and unconnected development, or the result of an ancient invasion of a -Semitic race or possibly of a race which had adopted Semitic beliefs. -In the present state of knowledge it will be safer to assume that this -similarity is due to parallel development, many examples of which may -be found in other parts of the world. - -It is, however, necessary to make it clear that if there should have -been any Semitic influence it cannot have been derived from the Arab -settlements on the East Coast of Africa, founded during the last few -hundred years. Their political hold of the country never extended much -beyond the tidal waters, and their only social influence was the slight -one exercised at intermittent intervals by a slave raiding or ivory -trading expedition. No ancient trace of Mohammedanism can be found -among the people under consideration, and their present stage of -culture is pre-Islamic in point of time. - -The religious beliefs of the tribes of Kikuyu and Ukamba generally -consist of a rudimentary conception of a high god, corresponding more -or less to the old Hebrew concept of Jahveh. To the bulk of the -peasantry this idea is naturally very vague and practically -subconscious. But the elders of what may be termed the “high place” are -believed to have a clear conception of it, and their deity is -apparently of the kind which can be influenced and appeased by material -attentions. The belief in ancestral spirits—ngoma or aiimu—is the -predominating spiritual factor in the minds of the great majority of -the people. These are ever present, and the relations between men and -spirits are in accordance with the actual patriarchal state of society. -The spirits must not be ignored, for are they not of the blood kin? If -neglected, they will be angry and punish their children. But naturally -no rancour is felt when such punishments are inflicted. There is a -total absence of religious intolerance about this cult; failure to -worship or failure to contribute to a sacrifice brings its own -retribution, and the spirits are swift in detecting a delinquent. - -These spirits are not necessarily evil, but there is little doubt that -the character of the spirit is believed to reflect to some extent the -character of the person from whom it came, and the power of the spirit -is intimately connected with the position of the person in the tribe. -This explains to some extent why an ordinary person is cast out at -death, whereas an elder, qualified to take part in sacrificial -ceremonies, receives burial. The burial is probably pleasing to the -spirit, and the spirit of an elder possesses more power than that of an -uninitiated common person. All spirits, however, appear to be -relentless and malignant when neglected, and remain so until they are -appeased. At times they are said to assist their clients, and, through -a suitable medium, to warn the people of an impending raid. - -In old Semitic records the evil spirits or jinn loom very large; they -are usually referred to as devils in the Old Testament. They have no -continuous or fixed personal relations with mankind, but have their own -particular haunts in desert places, caves, and so forth. They are, so -to speak, outlaws; they appear to man either in human or animal form, -and if one is killed, a solid carcase is believed to remain. Among the -ancient Semites, the belief became very elaborate and survives to this -day in out-of-the-way places. These unwholesome creatures were even -classified more or less definitely as jinni, ghouls, mared, lilith, -sedim, and so forth. - -Among our African tribes this cult, however, has fortunately not -developed to any great extent. It may, of course, have been forgotten, -or it may have disappeared, but there are still a few traces of it -left. A Kamba story, for instance, tells of two girls who took shelter -in a cave during a storm. A centipede came in while they were there and -the girls threw it outside. But the centipede was an evil spirit and -revenged itself by closing up the entrance to the cave, so that the -girls were starved to death. This story might have come straight from -Central Arabia and be that of a jinni, the sedim of the Talmud, who -were supposed to assume any form they wished. The deity or the -ancestral spirit is appeased by means of sacrifice or libations, -carried out either privately or communally according to the -circumstances. A considerable amount of detailed information concerning -these has been collected, which it may be interesting to compare with -similar practices described in the Old Testament and other ancient -literature. - -The aiimu ya Kitombo referred to in “Ethnology of the A-Kamba” (p. 89), -and the unnatural creature said to be seen at Manyani (p. 87, op. -cit.), should also very probably be placed in this class. - -The widespread prevalence of “taboo” among these tribes is very -surprising, as it is a subject which is rarely mentioned and certainly -never openly discussed. It has, nevertheless, reached a pitch of -considerable elaboration. The reason for many of the prohibitions is -obvious, but that of others is extremely obscure. - -The tribes under review have a very definite idea of prayer. Their -appeals to the deity take place regularly at the sacred place, either -on the occasion of sacrifice or when pouring out libations to the -spirits. Examples of these are given later. This form of supplication -is probably much more common than we are inclined to think. But it is -no easy matter to induce people to give a definite enumeration of minor -rites which they perform constantly and as a matter of course. The -A-Kamba, for instance, when on a journey, and when leaving a spot where -they have camped, throw a firebrand on their path and pray that the -party should reach its destination in safety and proceed together in -amity. This is done by the head of the party, the next man throwing a -few leaves on the firebrand and stepping on it. It is a pretty custom, -although a European of the present day might consider it a somewhat -strenuous method of expressing gratitude! But when people are -constantly travelling through parts of a country infested with lions, -and when their only protection from wild animals is a small camp fire, -one can perhaps understand that they should think it advisable to keep -on the right side of the deity. - -At Kikuyu, a man was once seized with a sudden fit. When he recovered -consciousness, he was given a little water. Before drinking it, he -promptly poured a few drops in front of him, then on his right side, -then on his left. This was meant as a kind of silent prayer of -thanksgiving for recovery. He stated that it was his muungu who had -attacked him thus. - -Charms are also very common. Many of them are in the nature of -sympathetic magic, whilst others are merely a form of perpetual prayer, -or rather, of materialised prayers. A German missionary, named Brutzer, -gives a good example, and describes the charms worn by a Kamba friend; -one was worn round his neck to protect him against witchcraft in -general; on his wrist was a bracelet containing a charm which would -warn him should there be poison in any beer which might be offered to -him; if his hand shook on raising the gourd to his lips, it would be a -sign of poison. From his elbow two pieces of wood were suspended to -protect him from snake bites. And hanging from his waist was a chain to -ensure riches. - -There are also charms against infection; these are carried by a man -when visiting a sick friend. There are charms worn when going to war, -charms worn when love-making, to ensure the return of affection. The -charms usually consist of powdered wood, roots and herbs. The advice of -a medicine man is sought and he recommends a certain plant or tree. -Grain is taken to the plant or tree indicated, and six times a single -grain is thrown at the tree, the remainder of the grain being thrown -the seventh time only. This possibly signifies a sacrifice to the -spirit of the tree. The plant is then dug up, or a piece of wood cut -off the root of the tree and dried and powdered. Sometimes a firebrand -and water are taken to the tree; in this case, the water is placed on -the ground, and the supplicant, closing his eyes, walks six times round -the tree, then stands under it, facing east, and prays, with eyes still -closed: “Tree, I have a favour to ask—I have a sick child or wife or -brother”—as the case may be—“and know not the origin of his sickness, -as he has no trouble with anyone. I come to ask a favour. I come to -you, O Tree, to treat him for it that he may be cured.” - -According to some of the missionaries, the natives believe that the -fate of each individual from birth to death is decided beforehand; they -believe, in fact, in predestination. I myself have discovered no trace -of this. A native will sometimes say of a bad character, “Oh, he was -born a bad lot,” but this seems to me too vague a statement to serve as -the basis of a theory. Conscience does not loom very large as a rule. -The Reverend Hoffman, who lived for many years in Kitui, however, -quotes a saying which undoubtedly shows that the natives have some -faint notion of the meaning of it: “Aka nwa Engai” or “God will find -him.” Thus do the Kamba refer to an evil-doer. - -The Kamba account of creation is very vague. The first man is said to -have been produced by the high god Engai out of an ant-hill by the sea, -and from him all men are descended. He is referred to as imuuma ndi (he -who came out of the earth). - -According to the Reverend Hoffman, there is a saying that “the bird was -created on the fifth day, and the imundu mwei on the sixth day.” No -further explanation of this curious saying is given. The ordinary -meaning of mundu mwei is “man of power or wisdom,” and it is used of -the medicine man. But in the saying above quoted, it probably refers to -mankind generically as opposed to other animals. - -Generally speaking, the tribes under consideration attribute the -existence of the world and of its inhabitants to creation by Engai. -Very little abstract spirituality is to be found in their religion. -Almost everything is concrete, and, according to their point of view, -strictly logical. The same is probably true of all religions -appertaining to human beings on a similar plane of culture. - -This aspect of religion is a great snare to the European student. Being -the product of a far more complex environment and having been brought -up under the influence of religions of a higher type, he finds it -extremely difficult to avoid either reading more into a ceremony than -actually exists, or, on the other hand, he is apt to overlook some -apparently trivial point which may be of deep significance to the -worshipper. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER I - -SPIRIT BELIEFS - - -Ancestral Spirits.—The belief in the vitality of the ancestral spirits -is very strong among both the Kikuyu and the Kamba peoples; the former -call them Ngoma and the latter Aiimu (singular Imu). The A-Kamba -declare that the life breath ngo becomes the Imu. Curiously enough, the -disembodied spirit was called Edimmu by the ancient Assyrians -(according to R. C. Thompson in “Semitic Magic”), and they also -believed that the soul could return to earth and that ghosts were -responsible for many body ills. - -Under ordinary circumstances, when a person died and was duly buried -his soul entered the underworld, “the house of darkness, the seat of -the god Irkalla, the house from which none come forth again.” This -would seem to correspond to the Sheol of the Hebrews. - -The Assyrian word Edimmu (the root of which is immu) is practically -identical with the Kamba word for the same conception, but there is no -evidence to show that the identity is anything but accidental. - -The belief in the ancestral spirit is merely a form of the belief in a -soul, with the difference that the present-day religions of the -civilised world would not admit that the spirits of the departed could -interfere with the life of man. We still find traces of this belief in -Europe in the Feast of All Souls, and in curious ceremonies which take -place in some countries on St John’s Eve. - -The Yezidis of Mesopotamia believe that the spirits of the good inhabit -the air, whilst the Kikuyu believe that the ancestral spirits live -underground, and the Kamba that they inhabit certain sacred fig trees. -This latter belief would seem to be particularly widespread. It is -prevalent all over India, and examples of it are to be found at most -places along the east coast of Africa. - -The Kikuyu will tell you that there is only one ngoma or spirit for -each person, and that women as well as men possess it. Cattle are said -to have no ngoma, but sometimes they may become possessed with that of -human beings, and an evil spirit will now and again enter their body in -the hope of destroying the poor beast. An animal so possessed is easily -recognised by its peculiar behaviour; it goes about shaking its head, -and tears stream from its eyes. This spirit may be of the same nature -as the evil demons of Semitic mythology. The Kikuyu declare that it can -be driven out by getting the possessed animal to sniff the smoke of a -fire made of the dry fruit of the tree known as Kigelia musa. They -believe that the high god Engai can control the actions of the ngoma, -and they sometimes go to a sacred fig tree, mugumu, and beseech Engai -to protect the people from evil spirits. - -It is said that the ngoma of a murdered man flies straight back to his -father’s village and, as a rule, hovers around it; but, should the -murderer run away and hide, the ngoma of his victim will often pursue -and haunt him or else influence events in such a way that the guilty -one will be discovered and handed over to the authorities, who will -deal with him according to tribal law. - -I endeavoured to find out from the elders whether the spirit or soul -was supposed to be present in the body during life. But they declared -that all they knew was that ngere, the life breath, was present during -life, and between this and the soul they seemed to make no difference. -They believe, however, that it is dangerous to wake a man suddenly, as -his ngere is away, and, in this semi-conscious condition, he is very -apt to strike you if he should happen to have a weapon at hand. - -They have quite a clear conception of the ngoma or spirit of the -departed, the character of which is said to be similar to that of the -person during his or her lifetime. - -Unlike the people of Kavirondo, they have no fear of treading on a -man’s shadow. - -There are no particular customs connected with suicide, although -suicide is certainly not unknown among them. When people hang or stab -or drown themselves they are supposed to have been possessed by a -malevolent spirit. - -The general attitude of the people towards the ancestral spirits has -been described in the introductory chapter, and many concrete examples -will be found in the accounts of the various ceremonies given later. -The influence of these spirit beliefs among the Kamba people has been -very clearly set forth by the Hon. C. Dundas in his paper on Kitui, -R.A.I.J., Vol. xliii, 1913, page 534 et seq. - -A quotation from an Assyrian tablet some three thousand years old, -which R. C. Thompson refers to in his “Semitic Magic,” shows how slowly -man changes: - - - “The Gods which seize (upon man) - Have come forth from the grave. - The evil wind gusts - Have come forth from the grave - To demand the payment of rites and pouring of libations. - They have come forth from the grave, - Have come like a whirlwind.” - - -The author goes on to say: “Now if the attentions of its friends on -earth should cease and the soul should find nothing to eat and drink, -then it was driven by force of hunger to come back to earth to demand -its due.” This psalm-like utterance might equally well have been made -by a Kikuyu or a Kamba of the present day. - -The intense desire of Africans for offspring is probably due to the -fact that children are expected to sacrifice to the spirits of their -dead parents, and the ghost of one who has left no posterity is -therefore in a piteous plight. The spirits generally manifest -themselves through certain women who, falling into a trance, give -utterance to the message with which they are charged (“Ethnology of the -A-Kamba,” p. 86). This reminds one of Saul going to Endor to visit a -woman with a familiar spirit (Sam. xxviii. 7). - -Spirits are also said to manifest themselves and give messages to men -in dreams. - -The Kitui people say that sometimes when a snake, crawling outside a -hut, is attacked, it will suddenly vanish, and they then know that it -was the imu of a deceased person which had either assumed the form of a -snake or entered the body of a snake. A few days afterwards, a woman -will become possessed and fall into a state of semi-trance, and the imu -will speak through her mouth and say: “I came into the village the -other day, and So-and-so wanted to strike me.” Whereupon the people -think it just as well to sacrifice a goat to sooth the feelings of the -injured spirit. - -The Kamba people, unlike the Kikuyu, do not believe that spirits enter -into kimbu or caterpillars. - -When a hyæna comes and howls near a village, it is looked upon as an -evil omen and as a token of death, and the beast is generally driven -away and killed, if possible. They very probably believe that an evil -demon has assumed the shape of a hyæna. In the Assyrian tablets mention -is made of a spirit called Alu which slinks through the streets at -night like a pariah dog and harms people. - -There is a curious custom in Ukamba which throws some light on the -spiritual beliefs of the people. If a young unmarried man is killed -away from his village, his imu or spirit will return there and speak to -the people through the medium of an old woman in a dance (see p. 86, -author’s work on the A-Kamba), and say, “I am So-and-so speaking, and I -want a wife.” The youth’s father will then make arrangements to buy a -girl from another village and bring her to his, and she will be -mentioned as the wife of the deceased, speaking of him by name. She -will presently be married to a brother of the deceased, but she must -continue to live in the village where the deceased had his home. - -If at any time the corporeal husband beats or ill-treats her, and she -in consequence runs away to her father, the imu of the deceased will -come and pester the people of the village and they will have bad luck; -it will probably ask, through the usual medium, why his wife has been -ill-treated and driven away. The head of the family will then take -steps to induce the girl to return for fear of the wrath of the spirit -of his deceased son. - -To those who wish to obtain full insight into the sociology of these -people, it is of the utmost importance to have a clear understanding of -the native’s point of view, and to bear in mind that the ancestral -spirits are a very real and vital thing to him and have a very deep -influence upon his life. - -The leaders of psychical research allege that the survival of human -personality after death has been scientifically proved, and that, under -favourable circumstances, communications from the dead have been -received. If this be so, might it not be said that races on a lower -plane of culture are possibly more sensitive to such influences and -that their belief in the activity of the ancestral spirits is therefore -not wholly unreasonable? The evidence for this, however, is at present -quite insufficient to satisfy most, although we think that the question -is one which deserves further consideration. - -Tree Spirits.—When clearing a forest to make a cultivated field, the -Kikuyu people generally leave a large and conspicuous tree in the -clearing. Such a tree is called murema kiriti and is believed to -collect the spirits from all other trees which have been cut down in -the vicinity. We have here an interesting example of animism, the -spirits so collected being most emphatically declared to be tree, and -not human spirits. Now if this tree shows signs of decay and is liable -to be blown down, they decide to fell it. Before taking this step, -however, they sacrifice a red ram at the foot of the tree, the ram -being, as usual, killed by suffocation. The tree is then cut down, and -when this is done, the elders take branches from two sacred bushes, -mukenya and muthakwa, and plant them on each side of the stump of the -fallen tree; two elders cut the mukenya, and two the muthakwa. The -elders then say “Nitukuria muti tutemeti,” which means “We pray for -this tree we have cut down,” and pour the melted tail-fat of the ram -over the stump, smearing the tatha or stomach contents of the animal -over the trunk of the fallen tree. The wood from such a tree can only -be used by a senior elder, by a very old woman, or for the making of -beehives. If young people were to use this particular fuel, they would -become ill or die; old people are supposed to be ordinarily immune -against the operation of most curses or thahu. It is believed that when -a tree is cut down the spirits leave it and settle in another big tree, -and, if the above ceremonial is observed, they are not angry and do not -vent their spite upon the people, or, as they say, no thahu falls upon -them. If such a tree blows down, the spirits are supposed to avenge -themselves on the elders, who are held responsible for not having taken -the necessary precautions, and they are very apt to die. - -There is great similarity between this and the lore concerning the -spirit of the oak, mentioned by Professor Frazer. And, from a different -point of view, it may also be considered as an example of the slaying -of the divine king, expressed in terms of trees: fear that harm may -befall the spirit or spirits of the tree, and the consequent ceremonial -killing of the tree and arranging for the comfortable and formal -migration of the spirits to another tree, or to a new dwelling place. - -The A-Kamba of Kibwezi have a similar belief: before cutting down a big -solitary tree in a clearing, an elder and a very old woman must pour -beer and corn at its foot. The man pours out the beer, and the woman -the corn. The tree is then felled, and, taking a branch from it, they -place it against another tree some little distance away, and declare -that the spirit of the fallen tree will then go quietly into its new -abode. - -In Ukamba of Ulu, Mr Osborne states that his people told him that to -fell an ithembo tree would, of course, be considered absolute -sacrilege, and according to tradition it was the felling of an ithembo -tree on the Iveti Hills by an official of the I.B.E.A. Co. which gave -rise to the attacks by the A-Kamba on the Government Station at -Machakos in about 1892. - -Large trees, however, which are not ithembo trees appear to have a -certain sanctity, and when, for reasons of utility or safety, the -felling of such trees becomes necessary the following ceremony is -practised: - -The trunk of the tree to be felled is plastered with the sap of the -waithu shrub as a ngnondu. - -A small branch of the tree is broken off and placed against some -smaller tree in the vicinity. - -Some earth at the foot of the tree is also taken and placed at the foot -of the smaller tree. - -The elders then assemble with some beer at the tree to be cut down, and -a little of the beer is poured out at the foot of the doomed tree, -accompanied by some such prayer as—“We give this beer as a gift to the -Engai, if one lives here, and ask him to go to another tree.” - -The rest of the beer is then drunk by the assembled elders. - -The larger parts of the tree are taken by the elders of ithembo to -manufacture into honey barrels, whilst the rest is carried off as -firewood by the women entitled to sacrifice at the ithembo. - -Non-observance of this ceremony is supposed to bring death on the man -who cuts the tree down, and on all who make use of the timber. - -Miscellaneous Spirit Worship.—There are some traces of the belief in -river spirits. For instance, at places where there are waterfalls like -on the Chania and Thika, the elders, in passing, will spit into the -river or throw a little grass into it. - -There is a sacred rock near Thembigwa, close to a stream called -Kichii—a tributary of the Ruaraka—where the natives pluck tufts of -grass as they pass by and throw them on the rock. - -If a tree has blown down and fallen across the path, grass is again -placed on the fallen trunk. Sometimes, too, stones are laid on a fallen -tree. When people come upon the skull of a dead elephant in the bush, -they also place grass on it. - -The origin of all these customs appears to be lost. - -Certain plants are believed to be maleficent, and are possibly thought -to be connected with bad spirits. There is a creeper called mwinyuria, -which is said to possess sap like blood; the story is told how one day, -near Kirawa, three men named Nbota, Kigondu, and Kacheru, cut one of -these plants which was growing near a sacred fig tree, and died the -same day. When cut, the released end is alleged to spring out like the -lash of a whip. This creeper is rare in Kikuyu, but is said to be -common in the Kibwezi bush. - -The Scapegoat.—The Kikuyu have a ceremony which appears to be an -undoubted example of a belief which may be grouped with the Semitic -doctrine of the scapegoat. - -If a serious epidemic visits a village, the elders take a ram, a -he-goat or a ewe lamb which has not yet borne, mwati, and slaughter it -at the village. They cut pieces of meat from the carcase and impale -them on wooden skewers, ndara or njibe. The men and women of the -village then each take a piece, walk away some distance from the -village and throw it into the bush. They firmly believe that the -disease will be carried away with the pieces of meat. - -The remaining meat is roasted at a fire and eaten by the villagers; the -bones are collected at the place where the meat was roasted and are -broken up and the marrow extracted and eaten. Beer is prepared, and -next morning at dawn, some is poured on the bones and the hyænas come -and carry off the fragments. - -When they pour the libation of beer on the place of the fire, they pray -as follows: “Twa oria ichua twa oria murimu utika choke muchi”—which -means, “We put out the fire at the place where we roasted the meat, we -put out the sickness so that it cannot return again to our village.” - -Everyone must be awakened before the beer is poured out. The beer is -put into an ox-horn and into a piece of gourd, ndayi, the former being -held in the right hand and the latter in the left. The beer in the -right hand is poured out first to appease the male ngoma, that in the -left to appease the female ngoma. - -From the ceremony taking place at the village it is clear that the -people believe that the ancestral spirits alone require to be -propitiated. - -The Scapegoat Idea in Kitui.—If a village is afflicted by a serious -sickness, the headman will call in a medicine man who concocts some -medicine by grinding up the roots of the following plants: muthumba, -kiongoa (an aloe), mulema, nthata, kivumbu, and mutaa. A small boy and -girl are then chosen from among the inhabitants, the villagers all -congregate together, and the small boy leads a goat twice round the -group, followed by the little girl and led by the medicine man; the -party then passes through the centre of the group of people. The -medicine man next makes an incision in the right ear of the goat, and -the blood from this is allowed to drip into a half gourd containing the -above-mentioned magical concoction, mixed with water. The villagers -then form up into a procession and, led by the medicine man, run for -some distance into the bush towards the setting sun, no one being -allowed to look backwards. The medicine man then stops and throws the -mixture of medicine and blood in front of him, and the people return. -This ceremony is performed in the early afternoon, after two p.m. That -night, the village head must cohabit with his wife. This point is -considered a matter of such importance that the elder has to take the -kithito oath that it has been done. - -A Kikuyu Oracle.—There lives in South Kikuyu-land an elder named -Kichura or Thiga wa Wairumbi wa Kaumo of the Kachiko clan and the -Njenga generation or rika, who is credited with the extraordinary power -of being the recipient of messages from the Supreme Being, and in -consequence possesses the gift of prophecy. He was interviewed and -cross-examined by the writer, and stated that at intervals, about twice -a year, during the night, he falls into a deeper sleep than usual, a -trance in fact, and that while in this condition he is taken out of his -bed and statements are made to him by a voice, but he cannot see who -gives him the message. The trance always occurs at night, and he is -generally taken outside his house while in this cataleptic condition, -but says that he never remembers being able to distinguish the huts or -any familiar objects in the village. The interior of the hut appears to -him to be lighted up, and the message comes with a booming sound which -he understands. - -He stated that one day when visiting an elder named Kibutu, he was -seized during the night and taken bodily through the thatch of the -roof, and was found on the top of the hut next morning. On another -occasion a young man of the warrior class, mwanake, belonging to his -village, was sleeping alongside him in his hut when he was temporarily -carried off, and the young man’s hair all came off as if it had been -shaved, and in the morning it was found lying in a heap on the floor by -the bed, the owner having no idea how this had occurred. - -He does not sleep in an ordinary hut with his wife, but in a thengira -or bachelor hut with another elder. When he is seized with one of his -trances the other elder will wake up and find he has gone, but does not -see him go or return. - -The day following one of his seizures he collects the elders and -delivers his message. He states that after one of these seizures he is -very exhausted, and for three days cannot rise from his bed. His father -and paternal grandfather had this gift or power. His father told him -that his paternal grandmother had three breasts, two on her bosom and -one on her back, but he did not say whether he considered that this had -any connection with the other phenomena. - -He stated that he believed the gift came from God and not from the -ngoma or ancestral spirits, and that if he did not deliver to the -people the messages he received he would be stricken with sickness. He -says that he was invested with this power when he was a stripling, soon -after he had been circumcised. One morning he woke up with his two -hands tightly clasped, and he passed blood instead of urine for nine -days. A big medicine man named Wangnendu was then called in, a goat was -killed, and the medicine man tied rukwaru bracelets of the skin on to -the patient’s wrists. The hæmaturia then stopped, and his hands -relaxed, and he was able to open them, and it was found that he had -fifteen mbugu in each hand. These are white stones such as are used in -a medicine man’s divination gourd. The medicine man then brought a -small medicine gourd and placed the mbugu therein. - -Kichura still has the gourd with the thirty mbugu, and relates how on -one occasion his hut was burnt down and his gourd was destroyed in the -fire, but that the mbugu were found quite uninjured in the ashes. He -was asked whether he considered that his powers were intimately -connected with these stones; he declared that he did not believe he -could lose them, but if by some mischance, however, they should be lost -God would give him some more, and that even if they were lost he would -receive oracles as before. - -He gave examples of the kind of messages he received. On one occasion, -some time before the advent of Europeans, he was told that the Masai -would be severely stricken with small-pox, and that subsequently many -would settle among the Kikuyu, and shortly afterwards it happened -accordingly. On another occasion he was told that a white race would -enter the country and that they and the Kikuyu would live side by side -in this country, and now it has come to pass. - -He was seized before the great famine of 1900 and foretold its arrival. -Later, he was told to inform the Kikuyu to sacrifice a white sheep, a -red sheep, and a black male goat at the mugumu, sacred fig trees, and -that the chief Kinanjui was to sacrifice a mori, white heifer, at the -head waters of the Mbagathi River. These orders were obeyed, and the -famine and small-pox were lifted from the land. - -Early in the present season he was told that the maize and other grains -would be lost by drought, and that the food now being planted (April, -1911) would come to a good harvest. He was also told that during the -present year the young people would suffer greatly from dysentery, and -that they were to sacrifice sheep at the sacred fig trees, and that the -women and children were to put bracelets from the skins of the -sacrificed sheep on their wrists. Many have done so, and those who have -obeyed will escape the visitation. After this he says that small-pox -will come from the west of the country, and attack people from Karuri’s -(east slopes of Nandarua Mountain) to Limoru. The disease will -gradually work its course eastward and decrease in intensity. When he -delivers one of his oracular utterances the athuri ya kiama, elders of -the council, bring him a sheep and a gourd of beer. He kills the former -and eats it, and the beer is returned to the elders to drink. - -He says that sometimes when rain does not come he is accused of -stopping it, but that such accusations are due to ignorance, as he is -merely the unconscious and involuntary agent for utterances from a -Supreme Power, and that all he can do in such cases is to take a sheep -to a sacred fig tree, sacrifice it there, and pray for rain, just like -any other elder who is qualified to do so. - -In Ukamba, many years ago, a famous medicine man, Kathengi by name, is -said to have prophesied the coming of the white men and their -domination of the country. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II - -SACRIFICE - - -Although this rite has often been referred to and described in a -somewhat desultory way by various writers, it seems to have received -very little serious attention. The subject is, however, one which -undoubtedly contains many features of great interest and is certainly -deserving of special examination and study. There is little doubt that -if we can only fully understand the relations of a people to their gods -we have advanced a long way towards a realisation of their moral and -intellectual development. - -It is first proposed to examine the Kikuyu ceremonial. - -Among this tribe sacrifice is of two kinds: - -(1) The sacrifice at the sacred fig tree, or mugumu, which is always -intended as an act of communion with a deity or high god called Engai. - -This sacrifice may be either a communal rite, or it may be a personal -matter for the head of a village. - -(2) The other sacrifice is carried out in a village and is intended as -an offering to the spirits of the ancestors who are supposed to live -underground. This may be either a communal or an individual act. - -Dotted about Kikuyu are numbers of great wild fig trees (Ficus -capensis), many of which are used from generation to generation as -sacred shrines or places of sacrifice, called mugumu or muti wa Engai. - -Certain big medicine men like Njau wa Kabocha have special trees; it -appears that the original choice of a tree as a sacred place devolved -on certain notable medicine men, and if a sacred tree happens to fall -owing to age, the elders assemble there and sacrifice a ram and a male -goat; they eat one half and leave the other half of each carcase at the -tree and pour the fat over the stump of the fallen tree to appease the -deity. - -It is then the duty of the local magician and the elders of ukuru to -choose another tree. They sacrifice at the new tree, and if their -prayers are answered they know that it is acceptable to Engai, but, if -after several trials no result is obtained, they dedicate another to -the service of Engai. - -The idea of sacrilege is very marked. If, for instance, an impious -person cuts a portion of a sacred tree, dire results are believed to -ensue, and the elders make the offender pay a ram and a male goat. -These are sacrificed at the tree, and the elders apply a strip of the -skin to the place where the incision was made in the tree and anoint it -with fat and the tatha or stomach contents. The breast of the ram is -cut off and hung in the tree, and the remainder of the carcase and the -whole of the carcase of the goat, eaten by the elders. - -No beast or bird can be killed or shot in a sacred tree. The sacred -tree and its environs is often called Kithangaona cha inja, which means -the “sacred place of the ceremonies.” On the occasion of a sacrifice -the elders of ukuru send word to the elders of Athamaki or Athuri ya -mburi nne or elders of four goats and any senior to that grade, saying -tuthieni mutini—“Let us go to the tree.” No elder whose father is alive -can attend. No elder must go to the tree in a state of anger; no one -must display anger with a wife, child, or even a stranger the day -before he attends at the tree. - -Elders of both of the circumcision guilds go together to the sacred -tree and also elders of all clans. - -If two elders, or their people, have a blood feud they are not allowed -to attend or take part in a sacrifice at the sacred tree until the feud -is at an end; if they do, they are supposed to die. - -A person who is alien to the tribe, but who has been formally admitted -to it, may attend a sacrifice. - -Oaths or ordeals are not administered at the sacred tree. - -Strict celibacy must be observed the night before they go to sacrifice -and the night after. The night before, they sleep in their usual huts, -but the night after, they sleep in the thengira or goat hut. The -morning following the sacrifice they go and bathe in a river and then -resume their ordinary life. - -A departure from this rule of celibacy by anyone present will entirely -spoil the efficacy of the sacrifice, and, if an offender is discovered, -he will have to pay a fine of two goats, and the elders will spit on -him ceremonially and sacrifice afresh on the following day. - -Arms must not be taken to the sacred tree. The elders wear their usual -garments. - -The following things are collected on the day before the sacrifice at -the village of the elder who provides the sacrificial ram, and that -night they stay at his village: - - - 2 gourds of honey beer. - 2 gourds of sugar cane beer. - 1 cooking pot. - 1 half gourd. - 1 small knife for skinning the sacrifice - and making the incision to bleed it. - -The sacrifice is always a ram, and it is called ngorima. One year it -will be black, but if that particular year the seasons are not -propitious they consider that the deity is displeased and therefore -change the colour, choosing either a red or a white one. - -In former times a he-goat was said to be sacrificed before going to -war. The ram must have the clan mark on its ears, and must also have -had its tail cut. - -The provision of the sacrificial animals is settled by the elders, who -pick the donors by rotation. At a specially important sacrificial -ceremony, however, an important medicine man is called in and decides -who shall provide the ram. - -The proper time for a communal sacrifice is about two p.m., but private -sacrifices take place at nine a.m. - -It is said that the later time is usual for a communal sacrifice -because it takes some time for elders who live far away to reach the -place. - -When the assembly arrives at the tree, one of the elders lifts up the -ram into a standing position on its hind legs, facing the tree. This is -called Kurugamia ngorima mugumuini—“To stand the ram before the tree.” -The idea is probably to show the sacrificial animal ceremonially to the -deity. - -Only senior elders are allowed to go to the actual foot of the tree, -and the elders of the four goat grade collect the wood for the ichua -fire. - -A gourd of honey and one of sugar cane beer are then poured into the -ground at the base of the tree and the elders call out: “Twa kuthaitha -Engai twa kuhoia mburi twa kuhoia indo chiothi”—“We pray to God, we -sacrifice a goat, we offer all things.” - -It is curious that they use the word mburi, which really signifies a -goat, whilst the Kikuyu use the word mburi in a collective sense, -which, in this way, often refers to sheep as well as goats. - -The sheep is then suffocated by clasping its muzzle. As soon as it is -insensible, but before it is actually dead, its throat is pierced by -the sacrificial knife and the blood is collected in the half gourd -called kinga, mentioned above. The blood is then poured out at the foot -of the sacred tree, cf. Exodus xxix. 10: “And thou shalt slay the ram -and thou shalt take his blood and sprinkle it round about upon the -altar.” The animal can be strangled by any elder present, and it does -not appear to be the duty of any particular person to pierce the -animal’s throat. It is said that the animal is strangled so that its -life breath should not escape. A sheep killed for food is also -strangled, but an animal which has its throat cut can also be eaten. - -Should an ox be killed, it is stabbed at the back of the neck, but an -ox is said never to be offered as a sacrifice. - -The right half of the carcase is then skinned, that portion being cut -away and removed, and the left half wrapped in the skin and placed at -the foot of the tree and left there. This is believed to be eaten by a -hyæna or wild cat which is moved to do so by the deity. - -A fire is then lit at a little distance from the tree and the pieces of -meat from it are stuck on skewers, roasted and eaten by the elders. In -olden times this fire was always supposed to be kindled from new fire -made by friction, but nowadays a firebrand is often brought from a -village, or better still from a fire in a garden. - -The place at which this sacrificial fire is kindled is called ichua. -The meat is laid on the branches of certain sacred trees, viz: - - - 1. Muthakwa. - 2. Nahoroa. - 3. Muthigio. - 4. Mugumu. - 5. Mararia. - - -which are collectively termed mathinjiro. The skewers used for roasting -the meat are called ndara, and must be of muthakwa and muthigio wood. -The branches and the skewers have to be burnt in the sacred fire on the -same day as that on which the meat is cooked. The burning of these is -said to be in the nature of a prayer to Engai, and it is specifically -stated that this is not done for fear of anyone using these branches -and skewers as fuel as everyone would dread touching them. - -When the meat is cooked, it is eaten by the elders, who each drink a -horn of beer. The fat of the ram is boiled down in the cooking pot -provided for the purpose, and one of the elders climbs into the sacred -tree, and pours the liquid fat on to the main stem of the tree. The -breast of the ram is often cut out and also hung up in the tree. Cf. -Exodus xxix. 26: “And thou shalt take the breast of the ram and wave it -for a wave offering before the Lord.” The bones of the portion of the -sacrificial ram eaten by the elders are each broken into two parts and -placed at the foot of the tree, the marrow not being extracted. Not a -single piece of the meat may be taken back to the villages. The elders -then retire some little distance away and chant as follows: “Tathai -Engai mwangi utue mbura”—“We Mwangi elders pray God to give us rain.” - -If, of course, the sacrifice is for another object the prayer is -varied. After the prayer no man must look back at the tree. Each man -returns to his village. Next morning the principal wife of each elder -goes to the tree and deposits at its foot offerings of uncooked bananas -and various kinds of grain. - -If, however, they notice that the sacrificial meat is untouched they do -not deposit their offerings, but retire to some distance and call out -to their husbands, telling them that Engai has refused the sacrifice. -The elders assemble and send the women back with their offerings. They -then select another elder and direct him to provide a fresh ram, which -is sacrificed as before. They pray to Engai and beg him not to refuse -their sacrifice a second time, as they have brought a fatter sheep. -Their exhortation is: “Tiga Engai kutumbia”—“Beg God not to refuse.” - -The women come again on the following morning, and, if the meat is -eaten, they leave their offerings and return to their villages, -chanting a pæan of joy as they go. The chant is called Ngemi, and is a -form of what is usually known as “ululuing.” - -They sacrifice at the sacred trees to invoke rain, and they also -sacrifice to check the progress of an epidemic, when they say: “Kurinda -murimo utikaoki muji”—“To stop the sickness that it may not come to the -village.” - -They sacrifice and pray for relief from famine: “Kuoya mugumuini -ngnaragu ithire”—“To pray at the mugumu tree that the hunger may -finish.” - -Here again a ram is sacrificed, but before the animal is killed an -important magician pours medicine into its mouth, and also squirts beer -from his own mouth into that of the ram. - -Unlike other tribes, they neither shave their heads nor deposit -offerings of hair at the sacred tree. It is said that sometimes lights -are seen at night in a sacred tree, and the following day they hasten -to sacrifice there. Every season, when the maize is just coming up, the -elders summon the important medicine men to go with them to the sacred -tree to sacrifice. One of the magicians pours medicine into the mouth -of the sacrificial ram before it is killed, and also pours it on the -fire on which the meat is roasted. The bones of the animal are then -burnt in the fire. These are supposed to be burnt so that the smoke may -ascend into the sacred tree and be pleasing to the deity. “It is a -burnt offering to the Lord: it is sweet savour an offering made by fire -unto the Lord” (Exodus xxix. 18). - -The blood is caught in a half gourd, njeli or kinga, and then placed in -an ox horn; one half is poured at the foot of the sacred tree, the -other half being mixed with tiny pieces of intestinal fat and placed in -the large intestine of the sacrificial ram. This is roasted over the -fire and eaten by the senior elders of ukuru. The mixture is called -ndundiru. - -Near the time of the harvest, when the crops are ripe, but before they -are cut, the elders take a ram to the sacred place and slaughter it. -They pour the blood at the foot of the tree and pray: “Engai twaoka -kukui enyama tutikarware enda twa getha iriu wega”—“O God we have to -bring meat so that we may not get ill, for we have good crops and are -glad.” - -The elders then eat the meat. After the feast, they take the tatha or -stomach contents of the sacrificial ram and sprinkle it over the ripe -crops, and also sprinkle some over the mukumbi or big wicker bottles in -the grain huts and over the big gourds in which grain is stored. It is -believed that if the elders failed to do this, the people would suffer -greatly from diarrhœa. The last two rites are evidently rudimentary -forms of the ancient Semitic ritual of the offering of the firstfruits, -or cereal oblation. The sprinkling of the crops and of the grain -receptacles with tatha indicate either a conservation of the crop for -human consumption, or a purification of it from all influences which -might be harmful to the consumers. The latter is probably more in -accordance with their line of thought. - -On the particular day when sacrifices for rain are offered, no one may -touch the earth with iron; not even a spear or sword may be rested on -the ground, as the sacrifice would then be useless. - -The Kamba have a somewhat similar belief, and think that to till the -soil with iron drives away the rain. - -Among the Kikuyu, however, the ground on such days must not be struck -by anything, and an elder may not even strike his mithege staff into -the ground in the usual way. - -Sacrifices for good crops are also made at the mugumu trees by medicine -men. On the same day, a mwanake (a young man of warrior age) patrols -the whole district (ridge) with a torch, which he finally throws on the -ground. No one may then come from another ridge or leave the ridge to -go to another. - -Sanctuary.—The ancient idea of a sanctuary at a holy place is known to -the Kikuyu. If a murderer, or a person who has committed a serious -crime, runs to a sacred place and touches the tree, he is safe from -vengeance. The criminal cannot, of course, stay indefinitely at the -tree or he would starve, but the elders come and take him away, and his -life is safe. He cannot, however, re-enter a village, and his clans-men -have to go to the tree and sacrifice a ram, which they are supposed to -offer in exchange for him. He is smeared with the tatha, and a line of -white earth, ira, is drawn from his forehead to the tip of his nose by -a senior elder, of ukuru. After which he is tahikia, or ceremonially -purified, and can return to his family. All the meat of the sacrifice -is eaten by the elders, and none is left at the tree. Some of the -tatha, however, is sprinkled at the foot with the object of purifying -the spot where the criminal stood. In a case of this sort the criminal -does not pay blood money himself, but his blood relatives have to pay -for him. If in war an enemy were pursued and took sanctuary at a sacred -place, he could not be attacked whilst he was there, but would probably -be seized and killed at some distance from the sacred place. - -If, again, a man should kill a tribesman, he can run to the house of -his victim’s father and, by confessing his crime, obtain sanctuary -there. The father will then kill a ram and place a strip of skin on the -right wrist of the homicide, who must have his hand shaved and be -ceremonially purified by a medicine man—tahikia, as it is termed. He -will henceforth become as the son of the deceased’s father. - -Private Sacrifice to the Deity.—The head of a village usually has a -private sacred tree at which he sacrifices to the deity for good -fortune or for assistance in times of trouble. - -The ceremony described by Routledge—“A Prehistoric People,” pages -232–734—is a private sacrifice to the deity. - -As we have said before, women are not allowed to attend a sacrifice to -the deity at one of the regular sacred trees. But at a private -sacrifice for good fortune, carried out at a sacred tree belonging to a -particular village, the village elders attend with their wives and -children, their cattle, sheep and goats. - -The sacrificial ram is killed, and the whole family, as well as flocks -and herds, are smeared with fat. The party then returns home, uttering -the usual African cry of joy, sometimes called “ululuing” which the -Kikuyu term ngemi. - -The women and children are not actually allowed to come near the tree, -but must remain some little distance away. The people belonging to the -Masai circumcision guild use muzigio, mutumaiyu (Olea chrysophylla), or -mugumu trees for their private sacrifices. They would probably begin -with a mutumaiyu or muzigio tree, and if the luck was not good they -would change to a mugumu. Those belonging to the Kikuyu guild use -either mugumu or muthakwa trees. - -In a private sacrifice, the skin of the sacrificial ram is taken back -to the village and presented to the head wife of the elder, but this is -never done at a public communal sacrifice. - -The night before the sacrifice, the elders of the village sleep in -their own huts, but must observe celibacy. The night after, they sleep -in the goat hut or thengira. - -For two days before and after a sacrifice, no stranger is allowed to -sleep in a village; nothing is sent out of the village to sell, and -nothing is allowed to be carried away. If a stranger comes, he can be -fed, but he must eat the food there and not take it away. At both a -public and private sacrifice the eyes of a ram must be very carefully -removed from the carcase, for it is considered an extremely bad omen if -an eye should burst during extraction, and a fresh sacrificial ram then -has to be provided. - -Two days after a private sacrifice, ceremonial beer drinking takes -place at the village, the men drinking together in the goat hut, or -thengira, and the women in the hut of the principal wife; this is -called a kithangaona ya muchi. During the ceremony they pray to the -deity: “Twa thuitha Engai utue endo chiothi chiana na mburi na -ngombe”—“We pray thee, O God, that you will give us all things, -children, goats, and cattle.” - -On the morning of the day following a private sacrifice the wives go to -the sacred tree and deposit offerings of grain, bananas, and other -things. - -Sacrifice to Ancestral Spirits.—In addition to the sacrifice at the -sacred trees to the deity Engai, the Kikuyu sacrifice to the ngoma, or -ancestral spirits. These rites, however, never take place at the sacred -trees, but in a village, close to the village shrine. - -The animal sacrificed is a ram. It is killed in the same way as those -sacrificed to the deity, the carcase being laid upon branches from -certain sacred trees, viz: - - - Mukuyu—Ficus sp: - Mutumaiyu—Olea chrysophylla. - Muthakwa—Vernonia sp: - Mutare. - Mugumu—Ficus capensis. - - -The branches are called mathinjiro. - -Four skewers, ndara, are cut from each of the above species, and the -pieces of meat which are eaten are impaled upon the skewers and roasted -at a fire specially kindled for the purpose, called ichua and muzigia. -Mutumaiyu or makuri wood must be used. - -The branches on which the meat has rested, as well as the skewers, must -be burnt the same day in the fire on which the meat was cooked. Early -next morning, before sunrise, beer is poured on the spot. - -The ichua fire was formerly kindled on the spot from new fire made by -friction, but nowadays it is supposed to be brought from a village. - -These sacrifices generally take place at about nine a.m. - -An elder usually sacrifices a ram every three months or so at the grave -of his father. He pours blood, fat, and beer upon it and leaves the -skin there. - -If the father died away from home, on a journey, the son proceeds some -distance along the road by which the father left and sacrifices a ram -by the roadside. The son and his wives eat the meat of the sacrifice, -but a wife married after the father’s death, as well as the man’s -children, are not allowed to touch it. - -The sacrifice must take place before sunrise. This would seem to be a -very common feature in many ancient sacrifices, and some authorities -consider that it may be in some way connected with the worship of -Venus, the morning star. It is, of course, a difficult question to -settle, but I would venture to suggest that it is more likely to have -some connection with the idea that ancestral spirits are more active at -night, and therefore more appreciative of attention, and that they -lapse into inaction with the sunrise. - -There appears to be no particular day in the month for the celebration -of these sacrifices. - -If, on the occasion of a sacrifice at the sacred tree, the elders -chance to see a snake, they say that it is a ngoma, or ancestral -spirit, which has taken the form of a snake, and endeavour to pour a -little of the blood from the sacrificial ram on its head, back, and -tail. - -If the owner of the village should meet a large caterpillar, called -thatu, near the gate, he pours a little fat and milk in its path; if it -turns back, all is well. If, on the other hand, it should walk round -the spot where the fat, and so forth, was poured, and still come on -towards the village, the people know that it is a spirit which has -assumed the form of a caterpillar, and a ram is sacrificed in the -village. If one of these caterpillars is found in a food hut, a ram is -again sacrificed for the same reason. - -Should anyone set fire to the grass or scrub on the spot where the dead -are thrown out, spirits of the departed are supposed to be heard -calling out. When this happens, the person who lit the fire gives a -ram, which must be killed on the spot, and the elders of ukuru sprinkle -the tatha all round to appease the ngoma. - -Sometimes a spirit will come and call in a peculiar way outside a -village at night. The people believe that it is hungry, and next day -sacrifice a ram. - -The elders, when they eat, always throw a little food to the spirits -before commencing their meal, and at a beer-drinking always pour a -little beer on the ground to propitiate the spirits so that they may -not harm them. Women, too, when they are cooking porridge or gruel, -invariably throw some on the ground for the spirits. - -Description of a Sacrifice at a Sacred Fig Tree in Kikuyu. (Witnessed -by the Author.)—The elders first took some sugar cane and poured a -little on each side and in front of the tree, praying at the same time. -The sacrificial ram was then strangled, held up before the tree, and -its throat pierced. The blood was collected in a cow’s horn and a -little poured out on each side of the tree and allowed to trickle down -the trunk. At this stage of the proceedings another prayer was uttered. - -A strip of skin and fat running from the throat of the carcase down to -its belly, and including the genitals, was then cut off and hung up on -a small branch projecting from the tree. The elders now prayed again. -After this the ram was dismembered and the feast took place. - - - -If the head of a village notices the appearance of disease among his -flocks and herds, or among his people, he sacrifices at his own sacred -tree. But he first of all consults a mundu mugo, or medicine man, to -find out whether the affliction comes from the high god or is due to -the offended ngoma, or ancestral spirits. The medicine man throws his -stones, and if, after sorting them into little heaps, the balance left -is eight, he knows the trouble comes from the high god; if, on the -other hand, the balance is seven, the trouble is attributed to the -ngoma or ancestral spirits. - -For a man, the heap consists of five stones, and for a woman three. - -The sacrificial ram is obtained from a neighbour. - -If a bad storm comes and damages the crops, or if there is too much -rain or a drought, a large assembly of elders is convened. They meet -and sacrifice at the communal place of sacrifice, called the big -mugumu. - -Sacrifice among A-Kamba.—We will now examine the ceremonial connected -with sacrifice among the A-Kamba, and principally among those of Kitui. -These people have two kinds of sacred places, or mathembo (singular, -ithembo). - -(1) Sacred places for the whole country, or rather for each big -division of the country, at which they pray and sacrifice to Engai or -Mulungu for rain, and in the event of a pestilence among human beings -and cattle. - -(2) Sacred places for a group of two or three villages, where they pray -to the aiimu, or ancestral spirits, on the occasion of sickness among -people or cattle. - -The holy places are almost always at a tree. For the first-mentioned a -fig tree of the species known as mumo is chosen. For the village -shrine, on the other hand, the tree may be either a mumo, fig tree, -another variety of wild fig called mumbo, or a mutundu tree. - -The mode of procedure of a sacrifice for rain at an ithembo of the -first kind may be taken as an example, and the following description -was given by a couple of leading elders: - -On the day settled for the ceremony, the elders of ithembo assemble -early in the morning, and at about nine a.m. proceed slowly to the -sacred place, taking with them an nthengi, or male goat, usually black -in colour, as well as milk, snuff, and a small quantity of every kind -of produce which is grown. - -The following were specified: mbaazi (cajanus), mawele (millet), mtama -(sorghum), bananas, wimbi (penicillaria), sugar cane, beans, sweet -potatoes, cassava, and pumpkins; also some sugar cane beer (honey beer -is not allowed), red trade beads and cowries, the leaves of a sweet -smelling plant called mutaa, butter and gruel. - -The men lead the goat and carry the milk, gruel, snuff, and beer, each -one putting a little butter in the milk, whilst the other items are -carried to the tree by the old women. - -The women are not allowed to approach the tree, but dance together some -distance away; as mentioned above, the ceremony commences at about nine -a.m., and goes on till about two p.m., when the actual sacrifice takes -place. The proceedings are not hurried, as some of the elders have to -travel long distances before reaching the spot. - -Six senior elders and six old women are selected, and all proceed to -the tree; they can wear their loin cloths, but their blankets are taken -off and left some distance away. The men go first and taste a little of -the milk, gruel, and beer, which they spit out at the foot of the tree, -and then give way to the old women who go through the same ceremony. -The men again return to the tree and pour the balance of the milk and -so forth at its foot. Each elder now puts some of the snuff in the palm -of his hands, takes a little, and deposits the remainder. The women -again come up and pour the foodstuffs at the foot of the sacred tree, -the butter being smeared on it. - -When the offerings are deposited, the officiating elders—one can almost -call them priests—pray as follows: “Mulungu chao ya nekeu twenda nbua -na aka machisi na ngombe kisia na mbui kisia engai tupiengea muimu andu -ma kakwe”—“Mulungu, this is food. We desire rain and wives and cattle -and goats to bear, and we pray God that our people may not die of -sickness.” - -The sacrifice of the goat comes next, but before this is done, they -take the roots of two trees called mriti and muthumba, grind them -together, mix them with water, and make the animal drink the mixture -with a view to sanctifying it. This done, they lead the goat up to the -tree, stand it on its hind legs before the tree, or, as they say, -“show” it; its throat is then pierced and the blood allowed to flow -over the offerings previously enumerated. The carcase is skinned and an -incision made from the throat to the stomach. The upper portion of the -skull with the horns is cut off and buried at the foot of the tree. The -leg bones, however, must not be broken, but carefully disarticulated at -the knee-joints and elbows. Small pieces of meat are cut from every -part of the carcase and from every internal organ and deposited at the -foot of the tree. The meat is then divided, the left shoulder and part -of the back is given to the officiating old women, whilst the elders -take the rest. (Cf. Exodus xii. 46: “The bones of the meat of the -passover feast must not be broken.”) - -Each party, male and female, lights a separate fire and eats, the -selected officiating elders eating with their fellows. The fire must be -made of the wood of a mumo tree, not that of the sacred tree, but of -another of the same species. The six men and six women each impale a -fragment of the meat on a skewer of mumo wood, roast and eat it. This -is a ceremonial meal, and when it is over the remainder of the meat is -divided up, and any kind of firewood can be used for cooking it. - -The actual sacrifice of the goat is called kutonya ngnondu, to pierce -the sacrifice. The mere word sacrifice, however, hardly expresses it, -for the word ngnondu really implies purification, or perhaps expiation, -the underlying idea being that the goat is an expiatory gift offered -with the object of relieving the country from the effects of the -deity’s displeasure and of the consequent drought. - -No work is done on the day following the sacrifice, and no cultivation -is undertaken, neither any house building. A man may stroll over and -see a friend close by, but he is not allowed to go on a real journey. - -The night before the sacrifice the elders must observe celibacy, as -well as on the six following days, the day on which the sacred meat was -eaten counting as the first. - -No elder can participate in this ceremony if he has the stain of death -on him; that is to say, if his wife or child has died, and the -purification ceremonies connected with the event have not been -completed; or again if he, or one of his men, has killed someone and -the ceremonies for removing the bloodstain are not over. Any fighting -or quarrelling or fighting among the people would also be likely to -destroy the efficacy of the ceremony. - -If a man breaks a stick from the sacred tree the elders at once fine -him, and a bull or goat is sacrificed. The wound in the tree is -anointed with butter, and milk is poured at its foot. Lights are -sometimes seen at night in mathembo, but people very rarely go out to -them while it is dark; those who have tried it declare that stones were -thrown at them from the tree, and that these stones strike fire when -they hit the ground. If a person be thus attacked, it is a sure sign -that he is fitted for a medicine man. - -Another account of the procedure was obtained from elders in a -different part of the Ukamba country, and as this varies a little and -contains a few additional details, it is considered advisable to -describe it. - -The day before the sacrifice, the women of the neighbourhood gather -together and go to the sugar cane plantations, every woman bringing -back two or three sticks of cane and taking them to the thomi, or -village meeting place, of one of the elders, where they are crushed to -make beer. In the evening, the elders of ithembo take the beer and -place it near the sacred tree. They light a fire there with a firebrand -from the village, and the gourds of beer are put near it; a little beer -is also poured at the foot of the tree and they pray to the imu of the -person to whom the tree is dedicated, and then return home. It is -believed that the object of this ritual is to attract the attention of -the guardian spirit of the shrine, and to propitiate it and to ensure, -as it were, its attendance on the morrow as the intermediary between -the people and Engai. - -In the morning, the elders of ithembo and certain very old women -proceed to the ithembo. The elders bring the sacrificial beast and -first suffocate it; they then quickly skin its throat, and the oldest -of the elders stabs it in the neck with a knife, collecting the blood -in a half gourd (nzeli). The skinning is then completed, and small -pieces of meat are cut from the tongue, ribs, and the left flank. One -kidney, one testicle, and a piece of the liver, heart, and every -internal organ are also taken, all these fragments being placed in a -half gourd. They then take a half gourd of beer, and the gourds -containing the meat and the blood, and empty them at the foot of the -tree. The old women now approach and deposit samples of every kind of -field produce—beans, maize, and so forth—and milk. Some of the food is -cooked and some is raw. - -When the men deposit their offerings they pray as follows: “Engai -twaevoya mbua kuamba eyima sionthi Engai”—“We pray to God that rain may -bless all our country.” - -The women merely say “Twaevoya mbua”—“We pray for rain.” - -The sacrificial meat is then cooked and eaten. The first to partake of -it are the four senior elders. - -The fire for cooking the meat is lit a little away from the tree, and -the fuel must consist of dry sticks picked up in the sacred grove. The -fire having been lit, a small staging is built over it, and the pieces -of meat are placed thereon to roast. The place of the fire is called -ivuvio; the wood used for the framework is muthakwa; the sticks -composing it are mbatwa, and the whole framework when completed is -called ndala. - -When removing the marrow the bones of the sacrificial animal must not -be broken. - -After the feast the bones are collected and placed on the fire and -covered with the stomach contents (tatha or muyo), and the smoke which -rises to heaven is said to be pleasing to Engai. - -A private sacrifice is called kithangaona by the Kamba people, its -object being to purify a village from sickness. The ceremony is also -termed kuvindukia muimu—“to cleanse the place from the spirit” -(ku-indukia—to cleanse) and may possibly have an implied meaning to the -effect that the spirit must be appeased. - -Sometimes a woman who goes into a cataleptic condition, which is known -as being seized by aiimu, will say that to obtain rain a beast of a -particular colour must be sacrificed. A black goat is said to be -preferable as a supplication for rain, the colour probably being -symbolical of the rain clouds. - -Sheep and goats, both male and female, are sacrificed, and also bulls -and bullocks, but never a cow. - -A black bullock is thought to be the most acceptable and a white sheep -comes next, whilst many of the Kamba people consider a red animal bad -for the purpose of sacrifice. - -Sacred Places (Mathembo) in Ukamba.—Dotted about the country, near most -of the older villages, there are sacred trees, representing private -shrines, called mathembo. The sacrifice which takes place here is -similar to that described above, but the proceedings do not take so -long, as the assembly is smaller. There is no particular day of the -month for such a ceremony, but it should not be performed in the months -called Nyanya and Kenda (the month Nyanya in 1912 commenced on June -14th). Ikumi is suitable for a sacrificial ceremony, as it is then -considered possible to prepare the fields for planting, in expectation -of the rain which will fall as a result of the ceremony. - -Four pieces of the stalk of the castor oil bush are planted at the foot -of the sacred tree. If on a certain day a man brews beer, he visits the -tree in the evening and pours a little of the beer into each of the -castor oil stems, and prays to the aiimu, saying, “I have made some -beer, and this is your share; do not come into the village and bother -us.” The castor oil stalks are meant to imitate gourds of beer. It is -customary to deposit at the tree a piece of the fruit of Kigelia -pinnata, or K. Musa (called miatini and used in producing fermentation -in beer), and the leaf of a mumo tree. They then say, “This is your -nzeli to drink the beer from,” the nzeli being a half gourd used as a -drinking cup, and the mumo leaf in this case representing a nzeli. As -these things decay, they are periodically renewed. - -The people of a village utter a prayer when they see the new moon, -begging that they may go safely through the month. This bears a close -resemblance to the European habit of turning one’s money and bowing -nine times to the new moon. At the village ithembo beer is poured out, -generally on the advice of a medicine man, when someone is ill in the -village. - -The sacrifice at the village ithembo usually takes place about ten -a.m., the people returning at noon. On their arrival at the village, a -mixture of tatha and water is sprinkled upon the cattle, and upon the -water pots of the village. This is called kikaela muyo and is done for -the benefit of those villagers who are not qualified to go to the -sacred place. - -The women qualified to attend a ceremony at an ithembo are those who -are past the age of child-bearing and have a husband who is a mutumia -ya ithembo (an elder of the ithembo). A childless old woman may also be -allowed to go. - -It often happens that during a ceremony at an ithembo a woman is -seized, or possessed, and passes into a condition of semi-trance in -which she will prophecy either that the rains are coming or that they -will fail, or, in former days, that a Masai raid was imminent. An -explanation of this was carefully sought, and, upon investigation, I -was told that the message came from the imu or spirit of the person of -olden times to whom the ithembo was dedicated and to whom it was -supposed to belong, but quite clearly, that this spirit was only an -intermediary, the message really coming from the high god Engai or -Mulungu. - -A little house is always built at the foot of the sacred tree on the -east side, with the door facing the rising sun, and two days before the -time settled upon for commencing planting a pot of water and one of -food, as well as butter and milk, are placed in it. On the day -following the deposit of this offering, no work is done. These -offerings are said to be for Engai; the pot of water is a reminder that -rain is required, and the food represents the crops. - -Sacrifices for Rain.—Kikuyu—If the elders go to the sacred fig tree for -rain they sacrifice the usual ram, preferably a black one. If, on the -other hand, they pray for rain to cease, the sacrificial ram is -preferably a white one, although a red one may be used. After the -sacrifice, the intestines are taken and tied round the stem high up in -the tree. The melted tail fat is then poured at the foot of the tree -and a strip of the meat and fat are hung on a branch. - -Ukamba.—Among the Kamba a black goat should be sacrificed for rain; a -red one, however, is occasionally used. But whatever the colour of the -animal sacrificed, it is very important that it should be entirely of -one colour, and not spotted or parti-coloured. A parti-coloured animal -would probably be considered as having some blemish. (Cf. Deut. xviii. -1: “Thou shalt not sacrifice unto the Lord thy God any bullock or sheep -wherein is blemish or evil-favouredness”; also Numbers xix. 2: “Speak -unto the children of Israel that they bring thee a red heifer without -spot.”) - -The Kitui A-Kamba also have another curious ceremony which they perform -when their crops are in danger of being spoilt for lack of rain. They -snare a couple of hyrax (Procavia sp.) and carry them round the fields -containing the standing crops; one is then released, the other is -killed. The heart, contents of the stomach, and intestines of the -victim are then taken and placed on a fire which is lit among the -crops. The smoke of the sacrifice is said to be pleasing to the deity -(Engai). Cf. Exodus xxix: “And burn them ... for a sweet savour before -the Lord.” The carcase is not eaten. - -The use of a hyrax for sacrificial purposes is rather curious, and may -well be a relic of an old Semitic belief in which the hyrax was thought -to have possessed originally the human shape. It was said that he who -eats of its flesh will never see father and mother again. - -The A-Kamba, however, appear to have lost sight of any connection of -this sort, and it is therefore impossible to say whether it really -existed; the choice of this curious animal may be merely a coincidence. - -General Remarks on Sacred Places and Sacrifices.—The way in which a -particular tree is chosen as a sacred place was explained to me -unhesitatingly in the following manner: In a particular locality, long -ago, there would be a woman, noted as a prophetess or seer, whose -prophecies always came true, and at her death she would be buried in -her village. After a time, a woman of that village became possessed by -the imu, or spirit, of the deceased, and, in a state of exaltation, -would speak in the name of the prophetess, saying: “I cannot stay here, -I am called by Engai, and I go to live at a certain tree” (which would -be specified). The tree thus designated then acquired sanctity. Four -elders and four old women would then be selected; taking some earth -from her grave, and one (a blood relation of the deceased) taking a -goat, they would all proceed to the tree. The earth was deposited at -its foot, the goat led thrice round the tree and then sacrificed. The -delegates then prayed: “We have brought you to the tree you desire,” -and a small hut was built on the spot. This hut is renewed from time to -time, usually before a great ceremony takes place at the tree. - -The elders who build the hut must have their heads shaved next morning, -but must shave one another, as no one else is allowed to do it. They -then hide their hair. (Note.—Hiding away of hair after it is cut or -shaved is a common custom among Africans; the idea is supposed to be -that an evil-disposed person might use the hair as a medium for -bewitching the owner.) - -An interesting and thoughtful paper on the A-Kamba of Kitui, by Hon. C. -Dundas, appeared in the Journal R.A.I., 1913, and on page 534 et seq. -the writer discusses the religious beliefs of these people. He has come -to the conclusion that they have no conception of a high god, and that -the terms Engai and Mulungu are merely collective words denoting the -plurality of the spiritual world. The present writer, however, is -unable to accept this opinion, for while it is recognised that great -confusion of thought may exist on the subject among the bulk of the -people, there is little doubt that the elders of ithembo, or tribal -shrines, are quite clear on the matter. Great care was taken to record -only such information on the question as was furnished by this grade of -Kamba society. And as the elders of ithembo correspond, in a measure, -to the priestly castes of more highly developed communities, their -opinion has a certain value, and we therefore feel justified in saying -that the Kamba religion contains the concept of a high god. We would -also contend that the information herein recorded contains internal -evidence of this, and every effort has been made not to read more into -the information than it actually contains. The fact that the writer was -known to have been duly recognised as an elder among the neighbouring -tribes, the Kikuyu, undoubtedly induced the elders to discuss these -questions with considerable freedom in his presence. The words used to -designate what may be conveniently termed the high god are Engai, -Mulungu, and sometimes Chua (or the sun). - -It is sometimes said that Engai lives in the high mountains, Kenya for -instance, and this would appear to differentiate the great spirit from -one which has its origin in an ordinary human form. They insist also -that there is only one Engai. They say that if the aiimu, or ancestral -spirits, want to kill someone, Engai or Mulungu can stop them, their -explanation being that although the aiimu can afflict a living person, -they cannot kill him unless Mulungu concurs. - -There is a saying when anyone dies, “Nundu wa chua,” which means “the -order of the sun,” the obvious inference of which is that death comes -from the high god. - -They are emphatic in stating that Engai, and not the aiimu, brings the -rain. It is said that a woman will sometimes bear a child having a mark -on its body similar in position to that of a wound which caused the -death of a brother-in-law or some near relative in the village. The -deceased is supposed to have been seen by Engai, and it is he who puts -a similar mark on the new-born child. I am not sure, however, that the -term Engai is not somewhat loosely used in this case, as the imu of the -deceased might well be held responsible for such an occurrence. - -Other confirmatory evidence of the presence of the concept of a high -god will be found in the account of various ceremonies. - -There is no doubt about the definition of the concept of the imu, and -it can be translated as the spirit of the deceased person. - -The Kitui elders stated that the sacrificial fire for cooking the meat -at the ithembo must always be made by friction, so as to avoid any such -impurity or uncleanness being brought from a house as might occur were -burning embers from a household kitchen taken to the tree. - -No one who is under a thabu or tabu can take part in a ceremony at an -ithembo, nor must the muma or kithito oath be taken on such an -occasion. Inquiries were made as to whether, in olden times, any of the -spoils of war were sacrificed at an ithembo, but this was said not to -have been the case. - -When, as sometimes happens, a shooting star appears to fall in an -ithembo, it is supposed to be a sign that Engai has descended to the -ithembo and demands food. Various kinds of food are then taken there as -offerings. It is, however, not usual to sacrifice an animal. The -shooting star falling on an ithembo may be compared with the story of -Jehovah appearing to Moses in a burning bush, which seemed to burn and -yet not be consumed. It is here to be noted that it is Engai who -demands food, not the aiimu. - -Sacrifice apparently is only performed when the people desire to invoke -help. - -One elder only from each clan, mbai, can participate in a ceremony at -the ithembo on any particular occasion, and, further, no elder whose -father is alive can go to the tree. - -If in war an enemy took sanctuary at an ithembo he was allowed to stay -there unmolested, and was safe; at night he escaped. If, again, he -caught hold of an elder of ithembo, he was equally safe; the elder -would take him to his village and send one of his sons to convey him -safely out of the country. It is considered that this fact emphasises -the priestly position of the elders of ithembo, who must, at all cost, -avoid the stain of death. - -If a snake is seen at a sacred place it is customary to pour milk, -butter, and gruel over it; it is supposed to be njoka ya aiimu (snake -of the aiimu). - -Arms must not be taken to an ithembo, small knives to skin the -sacrificial animals only being allowed. - -No bird or beast can be killed at a sacred tree in the grove which -generally surrounds it. - -Should a sacred tree, of the old communal mathembo kind, fall down, the -people will still worship on the site. - -If a village which possesses one of the small mathembo is moved, the -assistance of a medicine woman is sought for the selection of another -one near the new site for the village. The elders take her to the old -tree and leave her there all night in solitary vigil; in the morning -she is fetched and taken to the new tree. - -When the elders return from sacrificing at a sacred tree, each takes a -small piece of the skin of the sacrificial animal and ties it on the -thorn fence near his hut. It is believed, however, that this would not -be allowed in the case of a great communal gathering to pray for rain, -such as previously described. - -The sacrificial animal is provided by the elders of ithembo in -rotation. - -It is said that before going to war a black goat was sacrificed at the -ithembo, and success was prayed for. - -Upon returning from a successful raiding expedition, they went to the -organiser of the party, the muthiani, killed the biggest ox, and prayed -to Engai as a thanksgiving ceremony. This did not take place at the -ithembo, as, in all probability, they dared not go to the ithembo with -any suspicion of bloodstain upon them. - -The Kamba belief that the spirits like to haunt certain sacred fig -trees is very widespread, and there is one factor connected with it -which is common to the whole area in which the belief is found, and -that is that sacrilegious trespassers in a sacred grove are assailed by -showers of missiles. Such incidents are often alleged to occur in -India, and, apart from native superstition, the writer has even heard -of two examples in East Africa, where European colonists, who had no -knowledge of these beliefs but had built in the vicinity of sacred fig -trees, asserted that they were periodically disturbed at night by -stones thrown on the roofs of their houses. In Phil Robinson’s -well-known book, “In my Indian Garden” (page 208), it is stated that in -Burmah to this day the Government pays a fee, called murung, to the -headmen of certain tracts for appeasing the manes of their ancestors -lodged in old sal trees. - -Robertson Smith also quotes an old authority to the effect that fig, -carob, and sycamore trees are haunted by devils. - -The belief in ghosts is widespread in Kitui, and people who allege that -they occasionally see the ghosts of human beings are not uncommon. They -do not appear to be terrified about it, but state that they call out to -the apparition to verify its immaterial character, and if no reply is -received they know that it belongs to the aiimu. If, however, a ghost -is seen, it is necessary for the observer to kill a ram and smear his -face with some of the purifying tatha, together with some of the ram’s -fat. - -We thus see that when a shrine is established, tradition and the -continual use of it for worship sanctifies it and maintains its -position in the popular mind. As the authority previously quoted points -out: “Holy places are older than temples, and older than the beginnings -of settled life.” - -It is also interesting to note how the old Canaanite high places were -associated with a tree or grove of trees. This is considered by some -authorities as an indication of an ancient cult of tree worship. There -is little evidence of the survival of such a cult among the people -under consideration, but an account has been given of a ceremony which -has to be performed when a large solitary tree in a clearing is cut -down, and certain rites have to be performed to transfer either the -spirit of the tree to a new abode or perhaps human spirits resident in -the tree. - -There is, however, little doubt that the ancient altars erected under -trees were a later development of worship which originally took place -at the tree without any altar. It is said that our English maypole is a -degraded survival of the worship under trees. Generally speaking, in -ancient Arabia the gifts of the worshippers were presented to the deity -by being laid on sacred ground, often at the foot of a sacred tree, or -they were hung on it, and when libations of sacrificial blood or other -things were offered, they were poured either there or over a sacred -stone. All this might have been written of our African peoples of -to-day, and one cannot, therefore, be accused of special pleading in -inviting attention to the similarity of practice. - -It is supposed that the ceremonial dedication of the foundation of a -sacred building is a direct survival of the rites which took place in -ancient times when a new “holy place” was formerly recognised and -adopted. - -The ancient flavour will be detected in the following extract from the -account of the proceedings which took place a few years ago upon the -occasion of the laying of the foundation stone of a Jewish synagogue, -in British East Africa, the sacrificial nature of the rites being very -noticeable: - - - “Corn, wine, and oil were presented to His Excellency by three - prominent Freemasons. His Excellency strewed the corn on the stone, - and the bearer of the corn said: - - “‘There shall be a handful of corn in the earth upon the top of the - mountains, the fruit thereof shall make Lebanon, and they of the - city shall flourish like grass of the earth.’ - - “His Excellency poured the wine on the stone, and the bearer of the - wine said: - - “‘And for a drink offering thou shalt offer him a third part of a - bin of wine, for a sweet savour unto the Lord.’ - - “His Excellency poured oil on the stone, the bearer of the oil - said: - - “‘And thou shalt make it an oil of holy ointment, an ointment - compound after the art of apothecary, it shall be an holy anointing - oil. And thou shalt anoint the tabernacle of the congregation - therewith and the Ark of the testimony.’ - - “Benediction—‘May the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, - shower down his choicest blessings upon this Synagogue about to be - erected for His Honour, and may He grant a full supply of the Corn - of Nourishment, the Wine of Refreshment, and the Oil of Joy.’” - - -Making of Fire (Kamba of Kibwezi).—The fire required for sacrificial -purposes was formerly always made anew by friction, as fire so produced -could carry no evil with it, whereas if firebrands were brought from a -hut some thabu or curse which rested on the family owning the hut might -inadvertently be brought with it, and the wood might in fact be -infected. - -Nowadays, however, it is curious to note that a sacrificial fire is -lighted with matches; for they consider that these, being of foreign -origin, can bring no infection derived from Kamba spirit influence. -This gives some insight into the ratiocination of the native mind. - -Fire was formerly made, and is still made, on occasion, by hunters and -others who rapidly rotate a piece of hard stick, held vertically -between the hands, in a cup-shaped cavity cut in a piece of soft wood -which is held between the toes, the friction generating enough heat to -produce sparks which light some tinder. The vertical stick is called -the male, and the other piece the female, the reasons for which -nomenclature are obvious. - -It is curious to note that a woman is not allowed to make fire by -friction, the reason given for this being that a man has to squat to -make fire, and that if a woman does the same, it is unseemly, as she -thereby exposes her nakedness. It is believed, however, that there is -more in it than this, and that only a male is really supposed to -manipulate the masculine portion of the fire-making apparatus. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III - -SACRED STONES OR VILLAGE SHRINES IN KIKUYU - - -When the Kikuyu people found a new village, the elder of the family -collects three stones, two being brought from the bed of a river to the -north of the village, the direction from which the tribe migrated, and -one from a river to the south of the village. The river in the north is -generally the Thika, and the river in the south is generally the -Mbagathi. The stones must not be collected from a river from which the -villagers take water for their domestic use, and it must also be a -river with a perennial flow. - -These stones usually weigh from thirty to forty pounds, and are used as -a village shrine. Having obtained the stones, the people take a black -ram, sew up its left eye, and bury it in the middle of the village. -This is done with the idea that if anyone comes to bring bad magic to -the people of the village, he will, like the ram, lose the sight of one -eye. The three stones are then planted round the spot where the ram is -buried. Four people carry out this ceremony: the head of the village, -another elder of the same clan, and the two senior wives of the village -head. They break branches from the mutumaiyu, mukenya, and muthakwa -trees and plant them round the spot. If they take root, it is -considered a very good omen; if the branches die, however, they are -replaced periodically by fresh ones. - -Whenever a sacrifice is made in the village, in connection with any -ceremony, the ram is killed near this spot and blood and fat are poured -into the ground between the stones. Meat for the spirits is always put -out in two heaps, one for the male and one for the female spirits. It -is believed that if the stones are obtained from strong flowing rivers, -they will help to protect the village from nocturnal thieves. Moreover, -the stones from the rivers to the north of the village will stop the -entrance of bad ngoma or spirits coming from that direction, and -similarly, the stones from the south will form a protection against the -evil spirits from that direction. - -The stones are not supposed to possess a spirit, but if a stone is -stolen it is looked upon as a terrible crime. The thief is said to -have, by its possession, the power to inflict a serious curse upon the -village, whenever it was stolen. When the stone is missed, the head of -the village collects the kiama, or council of elders, and presents them -with a fee of a ram and a bullock, which are killed. They tell the -owner to wait three days, and if by then the stone is not returned, -they bring him the kithathi on which to curse the thief. In all -probability, the stone is secretly returned by night; if not, the owner -curses the thief on the kithathi, and some time afterwards it will be -found that two or three people have died mysteriously in a certain -village and the stone is brought back. The owner of the stone will then -kill a sheep, and place strips of the skin, rukwaru, upon the right -wrist of all the men, and upon the left ankle of all the women in the -thief’s village. After this, they all go to a river and are purified on -the bank of it by a mundu mugo, or medicine man. They then bathe in the -river and are marked on their foreheads by a vertical mark made with -ira, or white earth, and return home. The owner of the stones now -presents a ram or male goat to the elders of kiama, to show that the -trouble is over. It is said that no theft of this kind has occurred in -recent years. - -The sacred stones are called Kithangona ya muchi, which may be -interpreted as “village shrine” or altar. The Swahili equivalent is -Mathbah ya Kafara ya miji; mathbah is evidently the same as the Arabic -masseba. It is believed to be associated particularly with the ngoma, -or ancestral spirits, and has no connection with the deity. They may -perhaps believe that the stones form a resting-place for the beneficent -ngoma of their ancestors, or that they indicate a spot where the -villagers can render service to the spirits. The former interpretation -is the more likely; why, otherwise, should there be such trouble when -one is stolen? These stones must never be used as seats. - -The same idea occurs in Bantu Kavirondo, where these stones are to be -found in each village. Mumia pointed out such a shrine, decked round -with white feathers, where a fowl was periodically killed and the blood -poured between the stones. The stones were said to have come from the -north of the Nzoia River, from a place whence the Wanga clan were -supposed to have migrated. - -Some years ago, one of these stones was stolen by a complainant who -alleged that he could not get a hearing in a case regarding the debt of -a cow. The whole country-side was upset at the loss; the suit was -immediately heard and disposed of, and eventually the stone was -returned. The incident clearly showed what importance was attached to -these apparently insignificant objects. - -If a Kikuyu village is moved, the stones are moved to the new village, -a fresh ram being buried in the new spot. Before the stones are -removed, the head of the village and his senior wife pour out -honey-beer and sugar-cane beer on the space between the stones, which -can then be removed with impunity. When a brew of honey-beer is made a -little of the honey is poured out between the stones, and when the beer -is fermented, a libation is also poured there. - -The writer recently witnessed the celebration of the morning prayer at -a village shrine. The principal wife brought sugar-cane beer and poured -some into a cow horn and some into a small U shaped gourd. The elder, -who was head of the village, then poured the beer, first from the horn -on to the trees growing between the stones, and then from the gourd. He -now uttered a prayer with great solemnity, and called upon the spirits -to grant good fortune to the village and also to the visitor. He prayed -for wealth in live stock, abundance of children, safety in journeying, -and so forth. As the prayer proceeded another elder responded solemnly. -The beer from the horn was a libation to the male spirits; that from -the gourd to the female spirits. The horn had a knob carved on the end, -the origin of which might be phallic. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE FIRSTFRUITS OF THE HARVEST, ALSO PLANTING CEREMONIAL - - -It is interesting to compare all this with the Mosaic ritual laid down -in Exodus xxiii. 19: “The first of the firstfruits of thy land thou -shalt bring into the house of the Lord thy God.” This is the Levitical -minha or tribute. - -Robertson Smith’s “Religion of the Semites,” p. 241, states: “Among the -Hebrews, as among other agricultural peoples, the offering of -firstfruits was connected with the idea that it is not lawful or safe -to eat of the new fruit until the god has received his due. The -offering makes the whole crop lawful food, but it does not render it -holy food; nothing is consecrated except the small portion offered at -the altar, and of the remaining store clean persons and unclean can eat -alike during the year. This, therefore, is quite a different thing from -the consecration of animal sacrifices, for in the latter case the whole -flesh is holy, and only those who are clean can eat of it” (Cf. Lev. -xxiii. 10–21). - -Professor Robertson Smith also points out that in Hosea’s time the -firstfruits of corn were offered at the shrines of the Baalim, who had -become recognised as the giver of rain and the author of all fertility. -This principle, it will be seen, agrees as closely as possible with the -ideas of the tribes under review. - -In Kikuyu, the people do not appear to take the firstfruits to the -sacred tree formally before reaping the crop, but on the occasion of -each harvest the women will take offerings of the various cereal -foods—maize, millet, and so forth (also beans, sugar cane, etc.)—to the -sacred place. They are not allowed to go right up to the tree, but pour -their gifts on the ground near by. All such food must be uncooked. This -being done, they return, and the elders kill either a young ewe which -has not yet borne a lamb, or a ram, at a little distance from the tree, -and a rukwaru, or strip of skin, is placed on the left wrist of each of -the women. The elders then eat the meat; none is actually taken to the -tree or left there. It is a kind of harvest thanksgiving ceremony. - -Firstfruits in Ukamba.—It is customary to eat a certain quantity of the -maize cobs or the bean crop before they ripen. But before this can be -done a little of each kind is reaped and laid at the ithembo by an -elder and an old woman, and a goat is sacrificed. The tatha, or stomach -contents of the goat, are mixed with the green food in a cooking pot -and boiled. A portion of this is then distributed to each village, -after which the green crops can be safely eaten. - -Next comes the proper harvest, but before reaping can commence the -owners again consult the medicine man whose advice was previously -sought at sowing time. They take him a present of every kind of grain, -and so forth, reaped at the previous harvest, and he gives his advice -as to a propitious day for the ceremony. The elders then gather the -firstfruits of the harvest and assemble at the village meeting-place -(thomi) of one of the senior elders and sacrifice a goat. Then, as -above, they cook samples of the various products in a big pot together -with the tatha of the goat. When the food is ready, the women from the -villages round come and receive some of it, which is placed on leaves. - -It is said that were this ceremony to be omitted, the people would be -afflicted with diarrhœa, and would presumably become the victims of -thabu. But when it is concluded, they may reap and eat of the crop -without fear or hindrance. - -Curiously enough, this ceremony is not considered necessary for the -mbaazi crop (Cajanus indicus or pigeon pea). The people give no -explanation of this, but it may be that the pigeon pea was introduced -from Kikuyu or elsewhere, after the belief had developed, and was -therefore excluded. - -A housewife having gathered into her granary (ikumba) all her crops, -must not cohabit with her husband the night on which she has completed -her harvest. - -A present of a little of the new grain has to be made to the medicine -man who advised the people where to plant. - -If a woman has had assistance from her neighbours in the harvest-field -she makes a feast of all kinds of food; no men are present, as they -have nothing to do with it. There is no dancing on such an occasion. - -The next thing is the threshing of the grain, and before the mawele -grain, and according to some the mbaazi pea, can be threshed, -permission must be sought from a medicine man who specialises in -agricultural magic. In Kibwezi district no one has any leave to thresh -mawele until the elders have sacrificed at the ithembo. It is said that -if anyone breaks this prohibition the particular area will miss the -mvua ya ua, or the second portion, of the next big rains. These are the -showers which bring the grain into head and fill out the seed, and thus -they will miss their crops. The first half of the rains grow the stem -and leaves, and the second half bring the plant to fruition. - -Again, if a woman has the assistance of her neighbours she will make a -feast for them at the completion of the threshing. - -Planting of Crops and Harvest.—In Ukamba, before the sowing of the -grain is commenced a medicine man is usually consulted with regard to -the proper season and the prospect of good rains. - -When these preliminaries are settled, the elders of ithembo and the old -women are summoned to the ithembo. The men bring a goat and the women -bring milk and offerings of grain contributed by the villages of the -neighbourhood. - -The goat is sacrificed at the sacred tree; some of the blood and the -beer are poured out as libations, an offering of the cereals is made, -prayers for good crops are offered, and the meat and food is then eaten -and the beer is drunk by the worshippers. - -They then go away and commence to plant with a light heart. After -planting, however, a woman must not cohabit with her husband until the -grain has sprouted and appeared above ground. Should, however, -ceremonial cohabitation become necessary in connection with some other -religious observance, the woman must first go and dig up a seed of each -species of food product which has been planted and bring it back to the -village. - -If any man plants before the proper sacrifice has taken place, the -elders will fine him a goat, which has to be sacrificed at the ithembo -as an atonement. Further, the grain which has been sown has, as far as -it is possible, to be dug up, collected and returned to the village. If -it is left in the ground, it is supposed not to mature, and also Engai -might be angry with the community at large. - -The people of Ulu (Ukamba) again, often perform another fertility -ceremony to ensure good crops. They take the dung of the hyrax, which -is called kinyoi ngilla in Kikamba, and mix it with the powdered root -of the mulinditi tree and a weed called waithu. This medicine is then -mixed with some of the seed which they propose to plant and burnt -together with some of the dry weeds collected from the field. The fire -is made in such a position that the smoke drifts across the field. The -ashes of this fire are then mixed with the seed about to be sown. In -Kitui, however, it is said that a live hyrax is carried round the field -by a procession of villagers, the animal being then killed and its -blood and entrails scattered over the field. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER V - -CIRCUMCISION CEREMONIAL - - -One of the most important factors in the life history of all natives is -the formal initiation to the tribe, of which the outward sign is -usually the ceremony of circumcision. In Kikuyu these rites have -attained some elaboration, and it is important to describe them in -detail. - -It will later be seen in Chapter VII how deeply the division of the -Kikuyu tribe into the two guilds, Kikuyu and Masai, [3] affects their -customs, and in the following description the rites of the two guilds -are described separately. - -Before a child reaches the age of circumcision, however, a ceremony -called Ku-chiaruo ringi has to be gone through, which means “to be born -again.” It must be undergone by young children before they are eligible -for the next stage of initiation, viz., circumcision. - -The occurrence of these two ceremonies, connected as they are, cannot -fail to strike one as being, in a lower stage of civilisation, the -genesis of the idea of the sacraments of baptism and confirmation. It -is said in fact that some of the missionaries do not hesitate to -explain the two Christian doctrines mentioned by reference to the two -pagan ones, and state that with the help of this key the natives at -once grasp the idea of their doctrines. - -But to return to the ceremony itself—the form varies with the guild of -the parents. According to the fashion of the Masai guild, about eight -days after the birth of the child, be it male or female, the father of -the infant kills a male sheep and takes the meat to the house of the -mother, who eats it with her neighbours if they belong to the Masai -guild. At the conclusion of the feast, the mother is adorned with the -skin from the left foreleg and shoulder of the sheep, the piece of skin -being fastened from her left wrist to left shoulder; this she wears for -four days, when it is taken off and thrown on to her bed, where it -remains till it disappears. The mother and child have their heads -shaved on the day this ceremony takes place; it has no connection with -the naming of the child, which is done on the day of its birth. - -The ceremony of Ku-chiaruo ringi, according to the fashion of the -Kikuyu guild, is as follows in S. Kikuyu. The day after the birth a -male sheep is killed and some of its fat is cooked in a pot and given -to the mother and infant to drink. It was not specifically stated -whether this had a direct connection with the rite referred to, but the -description commenced with a mention of this. When the child reaches -the age of from three to six years the father kills a male sheep, and -three days later the novice is adorned with part of the skin and the -skin of the big stomach. These skins are fastened on the right shoulder -of a boy or on the left shoulder of a girl. The skin used for a boy -has, however, the left shoulder and leg cut out of it, and that for a -girl has the right shoulder and leg cut away. The child wears these for -three days, and on the fourth day the father cohabits with the mother -of the child. - -There is, however, one important point, and that is that before the -child is decorated with the sheep skin it must go and lie alongside its -mother on her bed and cry out like a newly born infant. Only after this -ceremony has been performed is the child eligible for circumcision. - -A few days after circumcision the child returns to sleep on a bed in -its mother’s hut, but the father has to kill a sheep before he can -return, and the child must drink some of the blood, the father also -having to cohabit with the mother upon the occasion. - -Owing to similarity of name it is possible that the ceremony of -Ku-chiaruo ringi might be confused with Ku-chiaruo kungi, which is of -widely different significance. This latter is an adoption ceremony, and -is said to be similar to a Swahili rite called ndugu Kuchanjiana. If a -person has no brothers or parents he will probably try to obtain the -protection of some wealthy man and his family. If such a man agrees to -adopt him he takes a male sheep and slaughters it, and the suppliant -takes another one. The elders are assembled and slaughter these sheep, -strips of the skin (rukwaru) being taken from the right foot and from -the chest of each sheep and tied round each person’s hand, while each -is decorated with strips of skin from the sheep of the other party. The -poor man is then considered as the son of the wealthy one, and when the -occasion arises the latter pays out live stock to buy a wife for his -adopted son. - -The Kamba people, at any rate the Kitui section, have nothing -corresponding to the Ku-chiaruo ringi rite of the Kikuyu, but when the -child is about six months old it is moved from its mother’s bed and -thenceforward sleeps on a little bed by itself. If the husband cohabits -with his wife during this period the child has to be placed on the -mother’s back. - -Circumcision.—As previously mentioned, the A-Kikuyu are circumcised -according to two systems, some according to one and some according to -the other. - - - (1) Ku-ruithia ukabi, i.e., Masai fashion. - (2) Ku-ruithia u Kikuyu or Gikuyu, i.e., Kikuyu fashion. - - -The actual surgical operation is the same, but according to the Masai -system the boys stay and sleep in the hut for four days after the -operation, and then go out, shoot birds, and wear the skins of the -birds on the head and neck. When the new moon appears their heads are -shaved, and each one then goes to his home. The head of the village -cannot sleep in the hut where the circumcised youths are staying until -they are well. - -According to the Kikuyu system the youths remain in the hut for eight -days; on the day of the operation a sheep is killed, and on the ninth -day the father of the children takes them away to their homes. The head -of the village sleeps in the hut where the youths stay after the -operation has taken place. - -Those circumcised according to Kikuyu fashion hold the feast called -Mambura the day before the operation; the writer recently witnessed one -of these gatherings, and so is able to describe it with some accuracy. -It was held at a village between the Mathari and Thigiri streams, and -was on the twelfth day of the moon, so there does not appear to be any -particular significance as to date. Several thousand people of both -sexes had collected to dance and take part in the festivities; the -warriors were dressed in their war paint and had their bodies smeared -with red or grey paint, and in some cases were picked out with -star-like patterns. The women were all in their best, and freely -smeared with red ochre and oil; a large collection of elders was there, -and the chief was present, as he explained, in order to keep order and -prevent the young warriors from quarrelling. Over the gate of the -village two long pieces of sugar cane were fastened, and all who -entered the village were supposed to pass underneath. The entrance of -the village was also guarded by a bag of medicines belonging to a mundu -mugo; these were supposed to prevent anyone coming into the village to -bewitch the candidates. In the morning the elders of kiama slaughtered -a big male goat, nthengi, by strangulation, and each male candidate for -circumcision had a strip of the skin fastened round his right wrist, -the same strip being also carried over the back of his hand and his -second finger passed through a slit in it. The male candidates were -nude with the exception of a string of beads or so, and a necklace made -of a creeper called ngurwa; the girls were nude as far as clothes went, -but were enveloped in strings of beads from their necks to below their -waists. Much dancing took place till a little after two p.m., when -there was a ceremonial meal. The candidates came into the village in -Indian file, the girls leading the way. They were received in front of -the hut, where they were to reside temporarily after the operation, by -a few elders who had for some time been preparing a number of strips of -a vegetable creeper, and smearing them with a black oily mixture. Each -girl first came up and had a piece of the creeper fastened round her -left ankle. The creeper is called ruruera, and each piece is smeared -with medicine made from the umu and wangnondu plants mixed with castor -oil. One of the elders then took a handful of porridge made of wimbi -and mtama meal (eleusine grain and sorghum), and placed some on a -bundle of twigs of the mararia bush and offered it to each candidate; -the candidate bit a little piece and then spat it out on the ground, -the balance was then placed in her hand and she ate it. The porridge -was placed on a flat stone used for grinding corn. The boys then came -along one by one, and the ceremony was repeated in the same manner, but -the strip of creeper was fastened on the right ankle of each boy. It -was stated that the object of this portion of the ceremony was to -lessen the pain suffered by the candidates during the actual operation. - -In another part of the village a man was completing five stools of -white wood, roughly hewn out of the solid, which were intended as -special seats for the elders and old women who had to perform the -ceremony. - -Immediately after the ceremonial meal was finished a great rush -occurred, and the candidates, followed by the crowd, galloped off to a -mugumu, fig tree, about three hundred yards away; as they approached -it, the boys threw clubs and sticks up into the tree, and then -commenced to climb into the branches, hacking savagely the whole time -at the leaves and twigs; each youth had a light club with the head -sharpened to a blunt cutting edge, and by dint of vigorous hacking -gradually broke off small branches which fell down among the crowd -below, and were immediately seized by the people, some of whom at once -began to strip off the bark. - -The bark was supposed to be used to bind round the heads of the -candidates. The people then danced round the tree, and this ended the -proceedings. The leaves of the fig tree are collected and strewn in the -hut where the candidates sleep after the operation. They are said to be -for the purpose of catching the blood, and possibly to prevent the hut -being defiled by the blood soaking into the earthen floor. They would -never throw sticks into, or gather leaves from, a sacred mugumu tree. - -The actual operation was not seen, as it took place at dawn the -following morning; it is performed in the open near the village. The -bulk of the prepuce is not cut off at all, but forms an excrescence -below the glans, a small piece of skin only being cut off; it is thrown -away, and not buried. - -At the similar operation in Ukamba the prepuce is left on the leaves on -which the youth is seated during the operation and thrown away with -them. - -The neophyte is placed on a bed of leaves for the operation, as it is -very bad for the blood to fall on the earth. If anyone touches the -blood it is considered unlucky and he must cohabit with his wife, and -the mother of the child with her husband, and no harm will ensue. - -Mambura Festivities Preceding Circumcision According to Masai -Fashion.—The festival which precedes circumcision according to the -Masai fashion was also witnessed. It was originally to have been held -at full moon, but bad weather caused its postponement till the -twenty-fifth day of the moon, which seemed to be equally propitious. - -In the morning a sheep was killed and eaten by the elders, and at about -noon the candidates had assembled. The people of the village and the -candidates passed their time in dancing until the preparations were -completed. The male candidates were smeared from head to foot with -ashes, and were nude with the exception of a belt of iron chain -(munyoro), a bead necklet (kinyata), an iron dancing bell (kigamba) on -the right leg near the knee; some wore a ring of the ngurwa vine round -their necks. The girls were decorated from neck to waist with a load of -beads as in the Kikuyu form of the ceremony. - -The first proceeding was the decoration of each of the male candidates -with a bracelet made of climbing euphorbiaceous plant called mwimba -iguru. - -The elders of kiama and the wives of the owner of the village, who was -one of the elders, sat round in a circle in the middle of the village -with a quantity of tendrils of the plant on a wicker tray, kitaruru, in -the centre; a small gourd of white diatomaceous earth, ira, was -produced, and each person licked a little and then smeared a small -portion of the white earth on his throat and navel; this was to purify -himself for the ceremony. A horn cup of honey-beer was then produced, -each one taking a sip, and then all simultaneously blowing it out of -their mouths in spray on to the plant; it was said that the object of -this was to purify or dedicate the plant to the use to which it was to -be applied. The male candidates then came up one by one and a bracelet -of the creeper was fastened on the right wrist of each. - -After a little more dancing the male candidates were seated in a row on -ox-hides spread out on the ground; a woman, the sister of the owner of -the village, came along and poured first a little milk and then a -little honey-beer on the head of the one on the left of the line; she -smeared it over the scalp and shaved a place on the right side of his -head and passed on to the next. The shaving was merely ceremonial, as -the candidates had all been shaved on the head before coming to the -ceremony—the native razor, ruenji, being used. The milk was in a gourd -and the beer in a cow horn. The male candidates then got up, and the -same performance was gone through with the girls. - -Shortly after this two great branches from the mutamaiyu tree were -brought to the gate of the village and held upright, one on each side -of the entrance; the elders said that in the ceremonies according to -Masai fashion the mutamaiyu had the same significance as the mugumu -tree had in the Kikuyu ceremonial. The candidates came through the -village dancing and singing all the time up to near the mutamaiyu -branches, and stopped a few yards away from them, still dancing and -singing. The song did not appear to have any great significance, being -to the effect that from time immemorial they always had the mutamaiyu -at these festivals, and now it had come they could proceed to -circumcise the candidates according to old custom. - -They then all returned to the village, and the candidates were arranged -in the order in which they could be circumcised on the morrow. The -owner of the village divested himself of his blanket and donned an oily -kaross made of goatskin from which all the hair had been scraped; his -hands were carefully wiped and some ira (the white earth previously -mentioned) was poured into the palm of his hand from a small gourd. He -then commenced at the left of the line and anointed each candidate on -different parts of the body with smears of the white earth; he was -assisted by his principal wife and two sisters and another elder. - -The boys were first touched on the tongue, and a line was then drawn -down the forehead to the point of the nose; a spot was placed on the -throat, the navel, the palm of each hand, and finally between the big -toe and first toe. - -The procedure with the girls was slightly different, the tongue being -smeared first, and a horizontal line then drawn across the forehead. -The palms of the hands and the navel were next smeared, and finally a -band was drawn round each ankle. - -After the candidates had thus been anointed, the elders took mouthfuls -of honey-beer out of a horn and blew it in spray over each candidate’s -head and shoulders. This part of the proceedings was a ceremony -intended to purify the candidates from any thahu which might be on -them, and to protect them from any thahu which they might possibly get -from an onlooker. The spectators “ululued” loudly during this -operation. - -It was then about two p.m., and nothing further of importance took -place; the crowd, which had been gradually growing, however, danced on -till sundown. - -At nightfall each candidate was said to receive a dose of the crushed -seeds of a plant called ngaita, which acted as an aperient, and in the -morning before the operation each one had to bathe in water in which an -axe head had been placed to make it cold; it was, however, stated that -if there were a large number, some would not bother about this, but -would bathe in the nearest stream. - -The operation took place at dawn on the following morning, and was not -witnessed. No firewood but that from the mutamaiyu tree is allowed to -be used in the hut where the candidates live after the operation. - -This custom of circumcision according to the two different systems -applies to both sexes. Both classes dance with the oval wooden shields -called ndomi before circumcision, and travel through the district -painted in zig-zag stripes with white clay. - -A man circumcised according to Masai fashion can marry a girl -circumcised according to Kikuyu fashion and vice versâ; but a medicine -man and the elders have to perform a ceremony to change the girl from -Kikuyu to Masai before the marriage can take place. The ceremony is -said to be as follows: a male sheep is killed, and the small intestines -are extracted. The medicine man and the girl take hold of them, and the -elders then cut the intestines with three pieces of wood sharpened to a -knife edge and made of mathakwa, mukeo, and mukenya bushes. A piece of -intestine is cut with each knife. The girl is then anointed with the -fat of the sheep by another woman and smeared over with tatha (the -stomach contents) mixed with water. - -In the case of a marriage between a couple belonging to different -guilds the man never changes; it is always the woman who relinquishes -the system in which she was brought up. A man can, however, at his own -wish and for reasons of his own, change his guild; that is to say a man -brought up Masai fashion can change over to the Kikuyu side. It is a -much simpler matter for him than for a woman; a male sheep is killed by -the elders, and a medicine man then comes and puts him through the -ordinary purification ceremony. - -A man usually belongs to the guild of his father; that is to say, he is -circumcised according to the system of his father and grandfather -before him. The mark of a person circumcised Masai fashion is as -follows: a copper ring is placed in the lower lobe of each ear, and a -piece of stick with an ostrich feather on it is bound on each side of -the head; a band of sanseviera fibre, ndivai, [4] is bound round the -forehead, and on this band bird skins are fastened. - -These ornaments are worn for eight days only; bows and arrows are also -carried and sandals are worn. After eight days they put off the -ornaments and give up the bows and arrows, leaving them in the village -where they were circumcised. They then have their heads shaved at the -village and return home. - -Those circumcised Kikuyu fashion go through none of this, but for two -days wear a strip of banana fibre, maigoia, in the lobe of each ear. -During five days after recovery they also wear in their ears a round -plug of mununga wood whitened on the top with ira and a necklace of the -leaves of the mutathi plant. This is probably a protective magic to -preserve them from evil influence during their convalescence. - -The marks just enumerated only apply to the male sex. With regard to -girls, further inquiry has elicited the following facts: a girl whose -father belongs to the Masai guild wears rings of copper called ndogonyi -on each ankle. A girl whose father belongs to the Kikuyu guild wears an -anklet of iron with little rattles, called nyara runga, attached to it. - -If a girl who is Masai marries a man who is Kikuyu the ndogonyi are -taken off at marriage. If a girl who is Kikuyu marries a man who is -Masai she does not, however, discard the nyara runga. - -The elaborate ceremonial of old days in connection with circumcision is -now rapidly dying out in Southern Kikuyu. - -Inquiries were made as to whether the bull-roarer, which is well known -in Kikuyu as kiburuti, was used in these ceremonies, but curiously -enough it appears to survive only as a child’s toy, whereas in many of -the neighbouring tribes it and its first cousin, the friction drum, are -regularly used in initiation ceremonial. - -Among the Kikuyu, two men circumcised at the same ceremony cannot go -into each other’s huts or even touch one another and neither may their -children by their first wives. The prohibition may be removed by an -exchange of goats, or beer, which both families consume together in a -hut. This prohibition does not extend to children of younger wives or -to grandchildren. It does not appear to be connected in any way with -thabu, but a penalty of a goat or two is paid for breach of the custom. - -Generations of the A-Kikuyu.—The description of the circumcision may be -concluded by an enumeration of the circumcision ages of the Kikuyu as -far back as they can be traced. - -In the December number of Man, 1908, the late Hon. K. Dundas gives a -list of the Rika or circumcision ages of the A-Kikuyu which probably -goes back about one hundred years or so, but this enumeration did not -go sufficiently into detail, and certain important points were missed, -so it has now been revised. - -Four well-known elders, named Katonyo wa Munene, Karanja wa Hiti, -Ithonga wa Kaithuma, and Mukuria wa Mucheru, were consulted, and the -following lists are probably as reliable as can be expected, dependent -as they unavoidably are on the memory of old men. The first list was -given me by the first two, the second list by the second two. There are -slight variations, but these are almost inevitable under the -circumstances. - -Morika, or Muhurika, singular—Rika, plural, is the circumcision age or -generation, and corresponds more or less to the poror among the Masai. -The Rika called Manjiri, Mamba, Manduti, and Chuma were not recognised -by either of the elders, who both commenced their count with Chiira, -which is obviously the same as Shiera of Dundas’s paper, and possibly -the farther north one goes among the Kikuyu tribe the farther back do -their legends go. - -The following is the list beginning at the most remote point: - - - VERSION I - - 1. Chiira. - 2. Mathathi. - 3. Endemi. - 4. Iregi } These three, it is said, are often - 5. Kiarie } grouped as Iregi. - 6. Kamao } - 7. Kinuthia } - 8. Karanja } The fathers of the oldest men - 9. Njuguna } alive in the country belonged - 10. Kinyanjui } to these ages, and are called - 11. Kathuru } Maina. - 12. Ngnanga } - 13. Njerogi, means the orphans, Chief Katonyo is of this morika. - 14. Wainaina, means those who shivered during the circumcision - ceremony. - 15. Mungai, means swelled faces. - 16. Kitao, refers to their eating colocasia roots after they - were circumcised. - 17. Ngua ya nina, those who wore their mothers’ clothes. - 18. Mbugwa or Kuchu, because the circumcision wounds did - not heal. - 19. Mwiruri, name of a song they sang at the ceremony that year. - 20. Mwitungu, means small-pox. - 21. Kiambuthi, called Mwangi, those of the dancing place. - 22. Kirira or Ngugi, because fire was on Kenya at the time of the - circumcision ceremony. - 23. Mangorio, named after a sweet-smelling tree used to decorate - the youths after circumcision. - 24. Rohangha, named after a girl who had decorated her ears before - marriage. - 25. Wanyoiki, because they came one by one to the place of - circumcision. - 26. Boro, the big stomach of a sheep. - 27. Imburu, the poor people (there was a famine at the time). - 28. Ngoraya. - 29. Kiniti, from a song. - 30. Ingigi, season of the locusts (Katonyo’s son, Thuku, belongs - to this generation). - 31. Mutongu } Called Mwangi. { Time of the small-pox, probably - 32. Kenjeko } { about 1895. When circumcised - { they went to dig potatoes in - { the fields. - 33. Kamande } { Time of the caterpillar - } { plague. - 34. Wanyaregi } Called Mwiringhu. { The wanderers. - 35. Kanyuto } This is a name { The man-eating leopards; - } given by the { there were several about - } youths themselves { in that year. - 36. Thegeni } to this age. They { The year of the cutting - } will probably be { of the iron wire. - 37. Kariangara } renamed later by { They ate gruel made of - } the elders when { immature maize (Thuku’s - } the generation { son belongs to this - } is complete. { year). - 38. Njege } { The porcupines. - 39. Makio } { Named after a liquid - magic medicine which - was sold in Kikuyu - during the year. Those - circumcised in 1910 - belong to this morika, - it will finish early - in 1911. - - - VERSION II - - 1. Chiira. - 2. Mathathi. - 3. Endemi. - 4. Iregi. - 5. Mukuria. - 6. Kicharu. - 7. Kamao. - 8. Kiarie. - 9. Kimemia. - 10. Kimani. - 11. Karanja. - 12. Kinuthia. - 13. Njuguna. - 14. Kinyanjui or Kathuru. - 15. Ngnanga. - 16. Njerogi. - 17. Ubu. - 18. Wainaina } These are often - 19. Kangnethi } grouped as Wainaina. - 20. Kitao } - 21. Mungai } Often grouped as - 22. Injehia } Mungai. - 23. Mairanga } - 24. Marire. - 25. Wangigi. - 26. Ngua ya nina. - 27. Wakirutu. - 28. Mougwa or Kitindiko. - 29. Mwitongu. - 30. Mwiruri. - 31. Uchu. - 32. Kiambuthi. - 33. Ngugi or Kirira. - 34. Mangorio. - 35. Rohangha. - 36. Wanyoike. - 37. Kinyiti. - 38. Imboru. - 39. Ingigi. - 40. Mutungu. - 41. Kenjeko. - 42. Kamande. - - -This brings us up to the last few years, and the elders said they had -no interest in them. - -The name given to the morika generally has some topical allusion to an -event which occurred during the year and about the time of the -circumcision ceremonies; these allusions are naturally forgotten in -course of time, and the derivations in many cases now appear senseless. - -One morika extends over two years, or four Kikuyu seasons, called -Kimera. - -The terms Maina and Mwangi as names for the rika of the last fifty -years seem to be fixed as far as one can gather, e.g.:— - - - The Chief Katonyo’s father was Maina. - Katonyo himself is Mwangi. - Katonyo’s children are Maina. - Katonyo’s grandchildren when circumcised become Mwangi. - His great-grandchildren when circumcised become Maina. - - -So apparently every person when circumcised takes the name of the -morika of his grandfather. - -The word morika is used indifferently as applying to the larger group -as well as to the group of a particular year. Any young men, however, -who have been circumcised of recent years, and are still under the -class Mwiringhu, would not be called Mwangi until the group of years -was complete. - -The time of the completion of a group of years is decided by the -elders, but what determined the commencement of a new group was not -ascertained. - -These rika names only apply to males. - -A leading Kikuyu elder named Lorigi was independently questioned on -these matters by Mr C. Dundas, and his view was as follows: The Azamaki -of to-day are practically all Mwangi, and Lorigi himself, who is among -the most senior Azamaki, belongs to Mwangi. Kamiri, and a few others, -are Maina, like the Mwangi he attends the councils. The sons of Maina -are Mwangi and the sons of Mwangi are Maina, so that a man always -belongs to the same division as his grandfather: thus Lorigi’s father -was a Maina and his son also belongs to Maina, but Lorigi himself -belongs to Mwangi as his grandson does. It thus comes about that there -are two generations of Mwangi and Maina living at the same time, and -the younger generation of either is distinguished by the temporary name -of Mwirungu (plural Irungi). When these become elders they will be -called Mwangi or Maina, as the case may be, without the addition of -Irungu. - -The Itwika Ceremony.—As explained in the last section, the Kikuyu have -rika or circumcision ages, and a long list was given; these rika fall -into groups and so many form a greater rika, named either Mwangi or -Maina, which follow one another alternately. It was not clear at the -time what determined a group of rika being lumped together as Maina or -Mwangi; it now appears, however, that this is connected with a periodic -ceremony called the itwika, which takes place every fifteen years or -so. These correspond to a great extent to the eunoto of the Masai, and -are of tremendous importance to the Kikuyu; the elders, in fact, state -that they originated in Kikuyu, and were copied by the Masai during the -period when the Kapotei and Dogilani Masai were very friendly with the -S. Kikuyu and the Purko Masai with the N. Kikuyu; in the present state -of our knowledge it is, however, impossible to say whether there is any -foundation for this. [5] Probably the best test would be to inquire if -the Bari people who live in or near the country from which the Masai -are believed to be derived, possess this kind of social organisation. -The itwika has been described by Mr. Routledge as a secret society -connected with snake worship, but as far as can be discovered in S. -Kikuyu there is no foundation for this idea, elders, however, do not -care to discuss its ceremonial unless one is very well known to them; -they are not supposed to discuss it with any person of younger grade -than themselves, and the ceremonies may be considered, in fact, as a -final initiation at which only fully qualified elders are allowed to -attend. - -The last great itwika ceremony was at the end of the big famine of -1898–9, and was held about the time that the Government founded Fort -Hall. [6] The gatherings were formerly held on the area between the -Thika and Chania rivers, just above the junction of these two rivers, -and the name Thika is derived from its connection with the itwika. The -last itwika was held near Kalaki’s, in the district known as Tingnanga -in Mimi wa Ruchu’s country; it is said that on account of the -decimation of the people by famine and small-pox it was decided not to -hold it at the old place. The next itwika will take place when the -grandchildren of people of the same rika as the chief Kinanjui have all -been circumcised, and the decision of the date rests with the athuri ya -ukuu of the Maina generation, this being the senior generation to-day. -This apparently corresponds to the ngaje of the Masai (vide Hollis’s -“Masai”). - -An account of the last ceremony was obtained from one who was present, -and the first step is said to be the building of a huge long hut to -accommodate those who participate in the festival. This is divided into -two main divisions, one for elders of the Maina generation and one for -those of the Mwangi generation, and in addition, a small room for the -athuri ya ukuu, who may be considered as the officiating priests of the -festival. These thuri ya ukuu are always eight in number, and at the -last itwika their names were, Muthaka, Ngombwa Tutua, Kimwaki, -Kathungu, Kithenji wa Njuki, Rimui wa Kanjuku, Ngegenya and Mbura wa -Katuku, and the whole programme rested in their hands. - -The principal elder of each village is supposed to attend, and often -the next in importance as well; the gathering, therefore, consists of -several thousand souls, and the proceedings continue for three months -or more. Each elder brings sheep and goats, bullocks, gourds of -honey-beer, and gourds of sugar-cane beer, and relays of food are -brought to the camp during the ceremonies by women, but no women are -allowed within the confines of the camp. A number of men are also -selected to collect firewood, but do not come inside the camp. The only -persons allowed inside the camp, except the elders, are eight spearmen, -who are told off to attend on the eight athuri ya ukuu. - -It does not appear possible to obtain a detailed account of the -proceedings, but it is said that every day the eight athuri ya ukuu -instruct their juniors in the customs of the tribe and so forth, the -elders also hold “ngomas” or dances. - -One man is chosen as an official trumpeter to the proceedings, and he -collects the elders for the various rites by blowing a horn of the rare -bongo antelope (ndongoro). The horn is called choro, and no one else is -allowed to blow it; this is considered a very honourable office, and -the trumpeter is paid nine rams and nine female kids for his services. - -In former days towards the end of the festival the elders in charge of -an itwika sent two envoys to a certain place on a stream called Kikira, -in Kenya province, which was said to be the habitat of a mysterious -reptile called the ndamathia. It was described as being more like a -crocodile than like a snake. This beast was given beer to drink, and -when it was drunk hairs were plucked from its tail. A hairy tail is not -characteristic of reptiles, but all are agreed that the hairs were -obtained. The envoys then returned, and the hair was plaited together -with some strands of fibre of the wild date palm (Phœnix reclinata), -and then placed on the top of the itwika hut. At the conclusion of the -festival the people went in procession to a sacred fig tree (mugumu) in -the vicinity, and stuffed the hair into a crevice in the tree and left -it there. They then took the milk of a cow which had only borne one -calf, the milk of a ewe which had only borne one lamb, and the milk of -a goat which had only borne one kid, and poured them as a libation at -the foot of the fig tree; a dance round the fig tree then ensued. This -was the concluding ceremony of the itwika. Each person attending was -finally adorned on the wrist with a rukwaru or strip of skin from a -male goat, and the itwika house was broken up and they returned home. - -At the last itwika held in South Kikuyu the elders did not send for the -hair of the ndamathia, but the concluding ceremony was carried out with -a big black ox, which was tied by its fore and hind legs and laid -between two poles; all the people then came along, one after the other, -and stamped on the ox, which eventually died. The ox was not eaten but -was left lying there, and they then poured libations of milk and fat at -the foot of the sacred mugumu tree and danced round it, praying to God -(Engai). After this they shaved their heads, were adorned with the -rukwaru from a male goat, and returned home. Upon reaching their -villages each elder killed a ram and placed a rukwaru cut from its skin -on every person in his village; these were worn for one day only, the -villagers then ceremonially bathed and threw them away. - -These ceremonies are said to be very pleasing to God (Engai). No one is -ever allowed to cultivate on the area which has been used for an itwika -ceremony, and no one must ever cut the mugumu (fig tree) with an axe or -knife. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -DEATH AND BURIAL CEREMONIAL - - -Kikuyu.—Among most peoples, irrespective of their stage of culture, -definite ceremonials have to be observed upon the occasion of a death, -and before the heirs can succeed to the property. In Kikuyu land these -are somewhat complex, and like many other observances in that country, -their form greatly depends on the circumcision guild to which the -person belongs. This is the excuse for introducing the subject, as it -is submitted that this factor has apparently escaped the notice of -previous investigators, and to understand fully the life-history of a -Kikuyu native it must be clearly realised how, from his early years to -his death, he is bound down by the ritual of the guild to which he -belongs. The nearest analogy one can find to illustrate this is the -case of one child who is baptised a Protestant and another a Roman -Catholic; the main principles of these religions are the same, and -among the Kikuyu the guild to which a man belongs does not affect his -beliefs as to the ngoma, or spirits, and their influence upon mortals, -but the ritual of his religion varies throughout his life according to -the guild to which he belongs. - -The ceremonial observed upon a death is called ku-hukura—the Swahili -synonym, sadaka, has practically the same meaning. - -The death and funeral ceremonies of an elder circumcised Kikuyu fashion -will be first described. On the day of the death the children or heirs -take two rams and present them to the elders to pay for the digging of -the grave; every elder who has circumcised children is buried, married -women who have borne five or six children are also buried. The grass is -dug with a mubiru or mukuruwi stick, the sons of the deceased doing the -actual digging, but the elders decide the site and supervise the work; -if a son refuses to assist in digging his father’s grave it -disqualifies him from receiving a share of the estate. The -grave-diggers receive a big male goat (nthenge), or, if the family is -rich, a bullock, the bullock being slaughtered and the corpse buried in -the hide. The corpse of a male is buried on its right side with its -knees doubled up and with the right hand under the head. The site of -the grave is near the gate of the village, and the face of the corpse -is placed looking towards its hut. A woman is always buried lying on -her left side. - -On the third day after the interment, the elders assemble at the -village to kill a ram to cleanse the village from the stain of death, -and the sons eat the breast of this animal and next day shave their -heads. The same day the elders bring with them one of their number who -is very poor, and of the same clan as the deceased, and he has to sleep -in the hut of the senior widow of the deceased and have connection with -her; he generally lives on in the village and is looked upon as a -stepfather to the children. - -There is then a pause of six days, and on the seventh day the elders -return, a supply of beer is made ready for them, and a big male goat is -killed and eaten by all present. This is called nthenge ya noro, which -means the “goat of the whetstone,” referring to the whetstone used in -sharpening the razors with which the heads are ceremonially shaved at -the conclusion of the ceremonies. During the first four days after the -death, the married men in the village must have connection with their -wives; during the succeeding four days, however, they must observe -strict continence. - -After the nthenge ya noro has been killed the property is divided. - -If the deceased belongs to the Masai circumcision guild the ceremonies -are as follows: - -When a death occurs the elders decide whether the person is to be -buried or not. Only elders above what is known as the “three goat” -grade are buried; these are called athuri ya mburi tatu, which means -that they have reached the grade, the entrance fee to which is three -goats; the next grade is athuri ya mburi nne or the “four goat” grade. -No elder is a fully qualified member of council till he reaches that -rank. Generally speaking, it works out that only those elders who have -grown-up children are buried. In the case of a person not entitled to -burial, it is the duty of the elders to decide the place in the bush -where the corpse shall be deposited. - -Assuming that the deceased is entitled to burial, the local athuri ya -ukuu (highest grade of elders) are summoned, and the corpse is taken -out of the hut by the sons and laid on the hide on which the person -slept during life. A ram (ndorume) is then slaughtered, the fat being -cooked in an earthenware pot and some poured on the corpse, the -children of the deceased also being smeared with the fat. The ornaments -of the deceased are then removed under the supervision of the elders -and divided up among the immediate family; the eldest son has the first -choice, then the senior wife, and each child gets something. An ox of a -uniform colour, preferably all white or all black, is now slaughtered -and the hide is set aside. The elder sons dig the grave, the site -having first been chosen by the elders; it is usually situated inside -the village near the goat hut or bachelor quarters, thengira. The -corpse is then interred lying on the sleeping hide used during life; if -a male, it is laid on its right side, knees doubled up and right hand -under the head; if a female, it is laid on its left side in the same -position. The corpse is then covered with the raw ox hide with the hair -side upwards and the grave is filled in. Nothing is buried with the -body, but after the grave is filled in, the elders pour honey and -cooked fat on the grave, and say, “We give you this to drink.” - -A little later in the day a male goat, nthenge, is slaughtered, the -meat being roasted on a fire near the gate of the village, and a little -of the fat is placed on every fire in the village; the smell of this is -believed to be very pleasing to the ngoma, or spirits, and any thahu or -curse that may be impending is drawn away. This act is also said to -lustrate the sons who have performed the burial. - -A month, or perhaps more, is allowed to elapse, and the division of the -estate takes place. The children or heirs then take four rams, and the -women of the village shed all their ornaments and sleep together in the -same hut, which is also shared by the four sheep. In the morning the -elders arrive and the sheep are killed, the fat is cooked and then put -away to cool, while the meat is eaten by the assembled people, -providing they belong to the Masai guild. The head must be cooked and -eaten away from the village; the skin is taken by someone else, and the -viscera by yet another person. - -On the following day the heads of all the inhabitants of the village -are shaved and they are anointed with the fat of the sheep. During the -ceremony the people present wear their skin garments inside out, and -these are anointed with the cooked latex of the mugumu fig tree; after -their bodies have been anointed with the fat they can once more turn -their skin robes right side outwards, and the women resume their -ornaments. - -The property of the deceased is then divided up by the elders; the -principle followed is that each son takes the property which had its -dwelling-place in his mother’s hut, the goats and sheep, for instance, -and which lodge, so many in the hut of each wife. With regard to which -cattle, each son gets those which have been milked by his mother. -Strict continency must be observed by all in the village until these -proceedings are finished, and at their close the inhabitants and all -the property of the deceased are ceremonially purified by a medicine -man. - -Among the Kikuyu a woman’s skin cloak is laid outside on the ground -when she dies and no one will touch it; a Dorobo husband, however, -wears his wife’s cloak after her death; hence one may at times see a -man wearing a woman’s cloak. The fear of corpses is intense with the -Kikuyu, but it appears to be much less so with the Dorobo. They will, -for instance, live in the house of the deceased, and do not seem to -mind handling the corpse, a man’s sons, in fact, anointing his corpse -after death. - -Burial (Ukamba of Kitui).—Among these people the head of a village is -buried if his wife, wives, or any sons are alive. If they are all dead -the body is thrown out. - -A man of importance and of high social grade is nearly always buried -and is interred at the side of his cattle kraal. - -The head wife of an elder is buried. - -Beer and blood are periodically poured out by the side of a grave of a -deceased medicine man, but not by that of other elders. It is essential -that this libation should be made just before sunrise, and as this is -in accordance with the practice in several other places, the custom is -probably a very old one. - -In the case of deceased elders, a libation of beer and blood is poured -out inside the hut of the deceased when liquor is brewed or when a goat -is killed. - -If a childless wife, who is the first wife, dies, she is buried inside -the village. In the case of a second or third wife, the body is thrown -out, but curiously enough it must not be taken through the gate; a -special opening is made in the village fence for the purpose, the -opening being afterwards closed up again. Presumably this is to prevent -her spirit from finding its way back into the village. - -There is a curious custom among the Kamba of Ulu, in the event of a -member of the family being away when a death occurs in a village. An -elder measures the corpse, cuts a stick of the same length and places -it alongside the house of the deceased; this procedure is believed to -protect the absent one from evil. Upon his return, a goat is killed and -he is smeared with the contents of the stomach, muyo in Ki-Kamba, the -tatha of Kikuyu, and some is deposited at the door of the hut, and he -must tread in it before entering the hut; this ceremonially purifies -him. The stick is then taken up by a mutumia ya makwa, one of the -elders who understands the ritual connected with the removal of thabu -or makwa, and is thrown out into the bush where the corpse of the -deceased was deposited. - -In Kitui if a man is on a journey and a death occurs in the village -during his absence, his wives may not cut their hair till he returns -and has performed the ceremonies necessary upon the occasion of a -death. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE CURSE AND ITS MANIFESTATIONS - - -(A) THAHU AND ITS CONNECTION WITH CIRCUMCISION RITES, ETC. - -Thahu, sometimes called nzahu, is the word used for a condition into -which a person is believed to fall if he or she accidentally becomes -the victim of certain circumstances or intentionally performs certain -acts which carry with them a kind of ill luck or curse. A person who is -thahu becomes emaciated and ill or breaks out into eruptions or boils, -and if the thahu is not removed, will probably die. In many cases this -undoubtedly happens by auto-suggestion, as it never occurs to the -Kikuyu mind to be sceptical on a matter of this kind. - -It is said that the thahu condition is caused by the ngoma, or spirits -of departed ancestors, but the process does not seem to have been -analysed any further. - -We are now in a position to realise the attitude of the Kikuyu mind -towards thahu, and it is considered that the term curse, in its -mediaeval sense, expresses it. Everyone will remember in the Ingoldsby -Legends the pitiable condition of the Jackdaw of Rheims after he had -been cursed by the Cardinal for stealing his ring; now this would -appeal to a Kikuyu, and he would at once say the jackdaw was thahu. In -one of the cases of thahu, quoted hereafter, it is possible for a -person to lay a curse maliciously on a whole village by breaking a -cooking pot, and in another instance, a father can lay a curse on his -son for disobedience. We thus have parallel instances from both higher -and lower civilisation; in the first, the Cardinal curses the jackdaw -with the help of the supernatural powers with which he is invested by -virtue of his sacred position, and in the lower culture it is -apparently held that any person can inflict a curse by invoking the -supernatural powers of the ngoma, or spirits, of the dead ancestors. -[7] - -The position has, indeed, changed but little. It would appear probable -that as the priests gained power, they arrogated to themselves the -monopoly of laying a curse upon their flock; but the freedom with which -people use the conventional formula of curses to this day is evidence, -however, that the power to inflict a curse was formerly at the disposal -of all. It is nevertheless important to realise that when curses were -believed to be effective, and in the case of malicious ones, punishable -by native law, people were more careful about the custom than Europeans -are to-day, when all belief in the power of a curse has died away. - -Some people use the term ceremonial uncleanness to express the meaning -of thahu, but, as far as my inquiries go, the phrase inadequately -explains the Kikuyu ideas on this question. Acts which cause a person -to become thahu are also often found to be enumerated under the heading -of “prohibitions” and “tabus.” - -The similarity between thahu and tabu is somewhat striking and worth -considering. Tabu appears usually to be applied to some act or object -by a man who often acts in the dual capacity of ruler and magician. -There is, as far as can be discovered, no record of a Kikuyu thahu -having been imposed by any known personage, but these beliefs must have -originated somewhere, and it may be that they were originally imposed -one by one by great medicine men in former times, and have thus become -incorporated in what may be termed the tribal religion. - -The removal of the curse is effected by a process of lustration which, -in the more serious cases, has to be done by the mundu mugo, or -medicine man, and in others by the members of the native council, or -kiama; the latter is an interesting case of the overlapping of judicial -functions and those of a sacerdotal character. - -The lustration ceremony is almost always accompanied by the slaughter -of a sheep and anointment with the contents of the stomach, the white -diatomaceous earth called ira being used in some cases. The -purification is called tahika. - -In a few cases smoke is used as a purifying agent and seems to be -considered effective in some more trivial ones. - -The reality of this aspect of Kikuyu life and thought may easily be -under-estimated, but it is important that all who wish to gain a deep -insight into native affairs should understand it and give the -phenomenon its true value. To give the question a practical -application, it may safely be said that no Kikuyu native who becomes -thahu during the course of his employment by a white master, will rest -until he has been freed of his curse or ill luck, and he will probably -desert with wages due to him in order to get rid of it; he cannot -afford to wait, the risk is too great. - -There is another curious side to the question; a Kikuyu, when he is -circumcised, undergoes this rite either according to the old Kikuyu -custom or according to Masai custom; the physical operation and result -are the same, but the ceremonial varies, and for some unfathomed -reason, a man who is circumcised Masai fashion can do certain things or -encounter certain circumstances with impunity which would, if he had -been circumcised Kikuyu fashion, render him thahu. This is a very -curious fact, and the Kikuyu themselves do not seem to be able to give -any reason for it. The matter should, however, be made the subject of -further research, as my information is derived from the southern branch -of the tribe, and many customs which are dropping into disuse in that -area, and thus losing their inner meaning, are found to be very much -better known in Kenya Province or Mwaitumi, as they call it. - -List of Thahu.—I will now proceed to give a list of thahu which I have -collected with the assistance of the Kikuyu chief Kinanjui and his -kiama, or council, of athuri, or elders; the question of the two -classes of circumcision will be discussed later. - -(1) If a small child dies and the mother carries the body away into the -bush, the woman is thahu, and if the husband cohabits with her before -she is purified, he becomes thahu and the woman is cleansed. The man -carries the thahu away with him, and, what is worse, may transmit it to -his other wives. If the man becomes thahu in this way it is much more -serious for him than the woman, and a mundu mugo, or medicine man, has -to be called in: the woman has to be purified by three elders, athuri -ya kiama, and an elder woman, mwirui. For instance, if a man has two -wives and the younger had become thahu, the senior wife would shave the -head of the woman who was to be purified; a sheep is killed, and she is -smeared with tatha, or the contents of the stomach. - -This thahu only falls on those who have been circumcised according to -Kikuyu fashion: if the man has been circumcised according to Masai -custom he does not become thahu. - -(2) If a woman who has assisted at a birth cohabits with a man before -the end of the umbilical cord of the newly born child has shrivelled up -and come away, and before she has bathed herself ceremonially, the -infant, although not her own, will become thahu. To remove the curse -from the child the principal elder of the village kills a sheep and -smears the woman with tatha, the contents of the animal’s stomach, and -thus cleanses her. - -This applies to those circumcised either according to Kikuyu or Masai -fashion. - -(3) If a man touches or carries a corpse, he becomes thahu until he is -cleansed. The lustration is performed by members of the local council -of elders, athuri ya kiama, and the final purification by a mundu mugo, -or medicine man. If he cohabits with a woman before he is cleansed she -also becomes thahu. - -(4) Stepping over a corpse inflicts a thahu of a very serious nature, -and the person contracts a sickness called mangu (possibly leprosy). He -is said to break out into an eruption, and the fingers come off and the -nose rots away. To remove this thahu, both the elders, athuri ya kiama, -and the mundu mugo are called in; the latter procures the bone of an -elephant, and this is placed on the ground, the athuri forming a circle -round it, and the patient then steps over the bone; the mundu mugo -afterwards purifies the man in the usual way. [8] - -This thahu applies to both sections of the tribe, viz., those -circumcised Kikuyu fashion and those circumcised Masai fashion. - -(5) During a marriage ceremony five goats have to be presented to the -athuri ya kiama and are killed for a feast. After they are slaughtered -the eyes of the carcases have to be removed, and if, during this -process, an eye becomes cut or broken, the bride becomes thahu, and -unless something is done will not bear children; the father of the girl -has to present a sheep to the athuri, and the girl is purified by -them—this not being a matter which necessitates a medicine man. This -applies to both sections of the tribe. - -(6) On the occasion of a birth, the young men of the village kill a -sheep for a feast called mambura; if the man who slaughters it cuts his -finger and his blood drips on to the meat, he is thahu until he is -purified by the athuri ya kiama. - -This again applies to both sections of the tribe. - -(7) If a man, the head of the village, attends the circumcision of a -child at the hut of one of his wives, he is thahu until the children -who were circumcised in the hut are cured; a mundu mugo then comes and -purifies him and the woman in whose hut the children were circumcised. - -This applies only to the men circumcised Kikuyu fashion, for in that -section it is the custom for the village head to sleep in the hut where -the circumcision has taken place, and he becomes thahu, whereas it is -the custom for a village head who was circumcised Masai fashion to -sleep in another hut until the ceremonies are quite over, thus escaping -the thahu. - -(8) If one man kills another, and comes to sleep at a village and eats -with the family in a certain hut, the people with whom he has eaten -become thahu, and the skin on which he has slept is thahu and may -infect anyone sleeping on it. This is a case for a mundu mugo, who is -called in to purify the hut and its occupants. - -If, however, the owner of the hut and his family have been circumcised -Masai fashion they do not become thahu. - -(9) If an important elder dies he is buried by his sons and they are -thahu until purified by the athuri ya kiama. They are smeared with oil -and their heads are shaved during the ceremony; this is not considered -a very serious thahu. If they have been circumcised Masai fashion they -can be purified forthwith, but if they belong to the other section it -is necessary for them to isolate themselves until the new moon appears. - -(10) When a child is born the father kills a sheep, of which a large -part is given to the woman who has assisted at the confinement, and if, -before he has pegged out the skin and divided the meat, he is summoned -away from the village on urgent business (my informant gave an example, -and said: “Suppose he was arrested and taken away as a prisoner”), the -infant is thahu and the principal elder of the village has to kill a -sheep, take a strip of skin from the forefoot of this animal, and -fasten it as a bracelet on the wrist of the infant to remove the ill -luck. - -This applies to both sections of the tribe. - -(11) If children are being circumcised at a village, and the owner of -the hut where the ceremony has taken place goes away to sleep at -another village before he is cleansed, and, say, on the way, meets a -crowd of people, the children who were circumcised will all be thahu. -This is a case for a mundu mugo. - -This only applies to those circumcised Masai fashion as, by Kikuyu -fashion, the man does not sleep at another village. - -(12) If two men who were circumcised at the same ceremony fight and -blood is spilt, they are both thahu until a mundu mugo comes and -removes it. He kills the usual sheep and the athuri or elders put a -strip of the skin of the sheep on the wrist of each of the two men. -Persons who are circumcised at the same feast are called wakini. This -holds good for both sections of the tribe. - -(13) If one man circumcises his children according to Masai fashion and -another according to Kikuyu fashion, and the former should eat meat -killed by the latter, the former will be thahu and vice versâ. - -(14) If a person belonging to the Mweithaga clan sleeps in the hut of a -person belonging to another rika or clan, the people of that hut become -thahu; this is a case for both medicine men and elders, and applies to -both sections of the tribe. - -(15) If a man throws some earth at his wife, both become thahu; this is -a case for a medicine man, and both have to be purified. This only -applies to those circumcised Kikuyu fashion. - -(16) If food is eaten from a cracked pot the persons eating it become -thahu and a mundu mugo has to be called in. This affects both sections -of the tribe. - -(17) The wives of smiths are usually decorated with armlets made of -twisted strips of iron called mithiori. If a man enters the hut of a -smith, and cohabits with a woman so decorated, he becomes thahu. A -sheep has to be killed and a supply of honey beer provided; a strip of -skin from the sheep is placed on the wrist of the man, the woman, and -any children she may have; this bracelet is placed on the left wrist of -females, and the right wrist of a male. The purification ceremony is -performed by another smith. - -This thahu affects both sections of the tribe. - -(18) Persons eating food in a smithy become thahu; the smith himself -can purify one from this curse. - -It affects both sections. - -(19) If a bead worn on a warrior’s neck or waist falls into food, the -persons who partake of the food become thahu; if such a bead falls into -the grain store and becomes inadvertently cooked with the food the -result is the same. This only affects persons circumcised Kikuyu -fashion. - -(20) If a Kikuyu has had his crops protected by magical processes -performed by a medicine man (to protect in this way is called ku-roga), -and someone takes food from a garden so protected, he becomes thahu, -and this form of thahu can only be removed by the medicine man who has -roga-ed the plantation. - -This applies to both sections of the tribe. - -(21) If a man has connection with a woman from behind, they are both -thahu. This is a very serious thahu and both the athuri ya kiama and a -mundu mugo are necessary to remove it, neither the man nor the woman -being allowed to eat any of the sacrificial sheep. - -This applies to both sections. - -(22) If a man beats his wife and draws blood, the woman is thahu, and -the man cannot sleep in her hut until she is freed from it; the elders -are called in and kill a sheep. The two persons concerned are not -allowed to eat any of the meat, and the skin is reserved as a fee for a -mundu mugo who is called in to perform the formal lustration. - -This affects both sections of the tribe. - -(23) If a woman is carrying a baby on her back, and it slips out of the -leather garment and falls to the ground, it is thahu; the child must -not be lifted from the place where it fell until a sheep has been -killed on that spot, and this is a case for both the elders of kiama -and a medicine man. Both sections of the tribe are affected by this. - -(24) If an elder or a woman when coming out of the hut slips and falls -down on the ground, he or she is thahu, and lies there until a few -elders of kiama come and slaughter a sheep near by, and some blood and -tatha (contents of the stomach of the sheep) are rubbed on the spot -where the person fell. The elders then say, “So-and-so is dead, let us -bury him,” and they plant a sprig of the bushes called mukuria and -muthakwa on the site of the mishap. This applies to both sections. - -(25) If a man marries a woman and she steals anything from a member of -her father’s clan, she is thahu, and milk will flow from her breasts -without any natural cause, and any child she bears before the thahu is -removed will be thahu. This is a matter for the athuri, or elders of -kiama; a sheep is placed on the woman’s shoulders, and its throat is -pinched until it micturates on the woman’s body, the sheep then being -killed, and the contents of the gall bladder, mixed with urine from its -bladder, poured over the leather garment of the woman, and her navel -touched with a little of the mixture. The milk that was unnaturally -flowing from her breasts will then dry up, and by this sign they will -know that the thahu is removed. - -This applies to both sections of the tribe. - -(26) If a man’s son commits adultery with one of his father’s wives, -and the father is still alive, the father becomes thahu and not the -culprit, the reason given being that the father takes the thahu because -he begot the son. The erring woman does not return to her husband, she -is not thahu, and can still bring food to her husband, but he does not -cohabit with her, and her hut is broken down. The son who has -transgressed in this way has to make peace with his father by a formal -present of a big male goat, nthengi. This thahu can be removed by the -athuri ya kiama; it is a very serious matter, and if the thahu is not -quickly removed from the father, he will die. - -It applies equally to both sections of the tribe. - -(27) If a person touches menstrual blood, he or she is thahu; or if a -man cohabits with a woman in this condition he is thahu. The person who -is contaminated will first take some cow dung and then red ochreous -earth (thiriga) and plaster it on the part of the body touched by the -blood; ochre is said to be used because it is the same colour as the -blood; the woman from whom the contamination came is also thahu. The -mundu mugo has to be called in to purify the persons. - -This applies to both sections. - -(28) If one woman is circumcised Masai fashion and another Kikuyu -fashion, and the child of the latter is suckled by the other woman, the -child becomes thahu: this is a case for a mundu mugo. - -This applies to those circumcised Kikuyu fashion. - -(29) If a hyæna comes into a hut at night, kills a goat and the owner -kills the hyæna in the hut, the hut will be abandoned, and the whole -village has to be purified by the kiama. - -This applies to both sections of the tribe. - -(30) If a hyæna defæcates inside a village, the village and its -inhabitants are thahu, and this is a case for the kiama to arrange; the -usual sheep is killed and must be eaten by the people of the village. -If a person belonging to another village eats any of the meat, a hyæna -will come and defile the village where he lives. - -This applies to both sections. - -(31) If a woman is carrying a gourd on her back and it falls and -breaks, she is thahu. This is a matter for the elders of kiama to -arrange. - -(32) If a goat should come up to where people are sitting, and try to -suckle a woman’s breast, the woman is thahu, and the goat has to be -taken away and slaughtered at the village of the woman’s father, the -elders of kiama being called in to purify the woman. - -This applies to both sections. - -(33) If a woman is milking a cow and the calf climbs up on her -shoulders while she is so occupied, the calf is not allowed to suckle -the cow again and is forthwith slaughtered; this is a case for the -elders. The people of the village must not eat any of the meat, half -being taken by the woman to her father and the other half eaten by the -elders. - -This applies to both sections. - -(34) When a woman has recently been confined and the discharges are -still unfinished, it has sometimes happened that a cow has come along -and licked the stool upon which she has been sitting. In such a case -she must immediately tell her husband; if not, he will become thahu and -die, and all the other people in the village will become thahu in a -lesser degree and get ill. The cow has to be killed without delay by -the elders and eaten by them; no person of the village must eat of the -meat unless he has been circumcised Masai fashion. Three elders in -Kikuyu are said to have died from this thahu within recent years. - -It only applies to those who have been circumcised Kikuyu fashion. - -(35) If a cow is out grazing and its tail becomes twisted round a tree, -it is thahu, and must be slaughtered there and then; it is killed by -the owner, and the elders receive the saddle and the young warriors the -neck. - -This only applies to cattle owned by persons circumcised Kikuyu -fashion. - -(36) There is a white bird called nyangi (the bird nyangi is in Swahili -called furakombe); if one is seen to settle on a cow, and the cow is -not killed, the owner of the cow will be thahu and die. The cow must be -killed there and then and the meat divided up, the elders receiving the -saddle, and the neighbouring warriors the neck, whilst no person -belonging to the village must eat of the meat. The herd of cattle also -need to be purified, and the owner of the village, assisted by the -elders, must take a female sheep which has not borne a lamb, and a male -goat; these are slaughtered, and the intestines and bones of the -animals (termed ichua) are placed on a fire, which is lit to the -windward of the cattle kraal, and the smoke passing through the kraal -and among the cattle will purify the herd. Should the bird be killed -among the cattle, the whole herd would die. - -This applies to both sections. - -(37) If a cow’s horn comes off in a person’s hand the animal is thahu -and is slaughtered, and the meat is eaten by all. This applies to both -sections. - -(38) If a bull or bullock leaves the herd when out grazing and comes -home alone, and stands outside the village digging at the refuse heap -(kiaraini) with its horns, it is known to be thahu, and is forthwith -killed by the owner. This applies to both sections. - -(39) If a goat is giving birth to a kid, and the head appears first and -the body is not born quickly, it is said to be thahu, and is -slaughtered by the owner. No woman must touch the meat of such an -animal or she would become thahu; men only can eat it. Moreover, if a -goat which is in kid should die, no woman must touch it or eat the -meat, the idea probably being that her fertility might become -contaminated. This applies to both sections. - -(40) If a woman bears twins the first time she has children, the twins -are thahu, and an old woman of the village, generally the midwife, -stuffs grass in their mouths until they are suffocated and throws them -out into the bush. If, however, a woman first bears a single child and -then has twins they are not thrown out. - -If a cow or a goat bears twins the first time, the same practice is -observed, and a necklace of cowries is placed round the neck of the -mother. This practice is observed by both sections. Some kill both -mother and young, and a medicine man is called, who leads a sheep round -the village and then sacrifices it to remove the curse. - -(41) If the side pole of a bedstead breaks, the person lying on it is -thahu, and a sheep must be sacrificed; this is a matter for the kiama -to arrange, and a bracelet called rukwaru, cut from the skin of the -sheep, must be placed on the wrist of the person, or he or she is -liable to die. This applies to both sections. - -(42) A malicious person will sometimes, out of spite or in a fit of -rage, take up a cooking pot, dash it down to the ground and break it, -saying the words urokwo uwe, “Die like this.” This is a very serious -matter and renders all the people of the village thahu; it is necessary -for the people of the village to pay as much as seven sheep to remove -the thahu. This is naturally considered a crime according to native -law, and the offender is punished by the elders of kiama, who inflict a -fine of seven goats. This applies to both sections. - -(43) If a son seriously disobeys his father, he can be rendered thahu -by his father rubbing ashes on his buttocks, and cursing him, saying, -“May you be eaten by my anus.” The son will have to take a sheep and -then a male goat and a jar of honey and crave his father’s forgiveness. -The father slaughters the animal, and rubs his navel and his buttocks -with the meat, and the curse is removed. This applies to both sections. - -(44) If the head of a village has a quarrel with another man, wounds -him with a simé or sword, and blood is spilt in the village, the -village becomes thahu, unless the offender takes his adversary and -leads him round the outskirts of the village, letting the blood drip on -the ground as they go; the elders will then have to be called in, a -sheep is killed, and they purify the village. This applies to both -sections. - -(45) If an idiot or maliciously-minded person picks up a skull, walks -round a village with it and leaves it on the “thomi,” or “place of -conference,” the village is thahu, and is in very serious danger. The -elders are first called in, and they take a sheep and drag it round the -confines of the village by the same route as that taken by the person -with the skull; the animal is killed and pieces of the intestines are -dragged round the village. The meat of the sheep is only eaten by very -old men. Six other sheep then have to be killed by the elders, and -finally the medicine man has to purify each person in the village. - -(46) If a wild animal is killed among a flock or herd of animals out -grazing the beasts are thahu; they can be purified by the owner and the -kiama; a sheep is killed and the bones and intestines are placed on a -fire lit to windward of the infected flock or herd, and the smoke -cleanses them and removes the curse. Vide Tylor’s “Primitive Culture,” -Vol. ii, pp. 430–434, “Fire serves for purification in cases too -trifling to require sacrifice.” This applies to both sections. - -(47) If domestic animals are attacked and stung by bees they are thahu; -a sheep is killed and the bones and intestines are placed on a fire lit -to windward of the herd and the smoke removes the curse. This applies -to both sections. - -(48) If a son curses his father seriously he becomes thahu; he has to -bring a sheep, which is eaten by his father and mother, the fat is -melted and all three are smeared with it; the son then has to peg out -the skin of the sheep in front of his mother’s hut. This applies to -both sections. - -(49) If a person strikes anyone who is herding cattle, etc., and draws -blood, the flock or herd is thahu; the offender must pay a sheep, which -is killed by the elders, and a strip of skin (rukwaru) is placed on the -wrist of the offender; no young person is allowed near during the -ceremony. This applies to both sections. - -(50) If the droppings of a kite or crow fall on a person he is thahu; -he must shave his head and bathe at a river, and the elders kill a -sheep and fasten a strip of the skin on his wrist. The skin of the -sheep must not be pegged out to dry in the village where the person -lives. This applies to both sections. - -(51) If a woman sleeps with her leather garment inside out it is -unlucky, but she is not thahu, the procedure being for her to spit on -the garment and turn it the right way. This applies to both sections, -but is considered much more unlucky for a woman circumcised Masai -fashion. - -(52) When a man dies, the eldest son gives one bull or a big male goat -(according to his means) to the athuri ya kiama for a feast, and the -elders then teach him his duties (kirira). The next step is to give the -elders a male sheep (ku-hukuria), which must not be eaten by the -children, the object of this being to cleanse the village of the -deceased. Now if a son has not made these gifts nor gone through the -necessary ceremonies marking his succession, he cannot participate in -the sacrificial feast which has to take place at the sacred fig tree -after the death of an elder (called ku-hoya Engai). The principal wife -of the deceased can attend the sacrifice, but not the other wives and -their children. And should they do so they will become thahu and it is -a case for a medicine man to arrange. The women and children from the -neighbouring villages can go. - -If a sacrifice is made at a sacred fig tree to invoke rain only, athuri -ya kiama can attend and eat it. No woman must go near. These rules -apply to both sections. - -(53) If children are being circumcised at a village according to Kikuyu -fashion and the head of the village goes on a journey before eight days -have elapsed or, according to Masai fashion, before four days have -passed, he and those of his children who have been operated on become -thahu; this is a case for the medicine man to arrange. - -(54) If a child has been circumcised and, on the first occasion after -the ceremony on which he leaves his village, the goats and sheep come -back from grazing and enter the village before he returns, he is thahu. -He cannot return to his village until it is removed and must sleep at a -neighbouring village where some of the other boys, who went through the -ceremony with him, reside. To remove the thahu, his father has to kill -a sheep and place a strip of skin (rukwaru) from the animal on his -wrist. - -(55) If a father picks up one of his children and places it on his back -or shoulders, the father becomes thahu and the child will die, the -result being the same whatever the sex of the child; if he carries the -child in front of him there is no evil result. This is a case for a -medicine man to arrange, and it applies to both sections of the tribe. - -(56) If a person should be bitten by a hyæna or a dog he or she is -thahu and a medicine man has to be called in; he kills a sheep and -places a bracelet, or rukwaru, of the skin on the wrist of the patient. -This applies to both sections. - -(57) If a dog dies in a village it is a very serious matter; the head -of the village and his people are thahu, and the elders are called in. -The village head provides a sheep which is slaughtered, and the stomach -contents (tatha) are sprinkled round the village, which is then -ceremonially swept by the elders; the medicine man is then called in to -purify all the people of what is called the mugiro of the dog. -(Note.—The mugiro means the pollution produced by the blood of the dog -having fallen on the ground of the village or the death of the dog in -the village.) This only applies to the Kikuyu section of the tribe. - -(58) The children and grandchildren of brothers and sisters cannot -intermarry. Breach of this rule is considered to be a very grave sin, -and all children born of such marriages surely die; the thahu on them -cannot be purged by any ceremonial. The parents are not affected. It -sometimes happens, however, that a young man unwittingly marries a -cousin; for instance, if a part of the family moves away to another -locality a man might become acquainted with a girl and marry her before -he discovered the relationship. In such a case the thahu is removable; -the elders take a sheep and place it on the woman’s shoulders; it is -then killed, the intestines are taken out, and the elders solemnly -sever them with a sharp splinter of wood from the mukeo bush, and -announce that they are cutting the clan “kutinyarurira,” which means -that they are severing the bond of blood relationship existing between -the pair. A medicine man then comes and purifies the couple. This only -applies to the Kikuyu section of the tribe. - -(59) If a parent goes on a journey and, during his absence, one of his -or her sons cohabits with one of his father’s wives, the parents are -thahu, and upon his return will be seized with illness. This is a case -for the medicine man, who has to be called in to perform a lustration -ceremony to purify them; the offending son is not affected. Sprigs of -the mahoroa, muchatha, and mitei bushes are bound up together and -dipped in water, and the water is sprinkled over the couple, a little -being also sprinkled at the gate of the village. This only applies to -those circumcised Kikuyu fashion. It is curious to note that -practically the same custom is observed by the A-Kamba. - -(60) If a Kikuyu native kills a man belonging to another tribe he is -not thahu; if he kills a man of his own tribe, but of a different rika, -or clan, to his own, he is not thahu; if, however, he kills a man -belonging to his own rika, or clan, he is thahu, and it is a very -serious matter. It can be arranged by the elders in the following -manner: - -Two trunks of the plantain or banana tree (called miramba in Kikuyu) -are placed on the ground parallel to each other, and an elder sits on -each; one of them is then lifted up by another elder, and the offender -has to seat himself on the tree trunk exactly in the same place; the -other elder is then removed and the elder brother of the deceased or -brother next in age to him is put in his place. - -The mothers of the offender and deceased then bring to the place food -made of every kind of field produce grown by the tribe, as well as -meat; the usual sheep is killed by the elders and a little of the -tatha, or stomach contents, is sprinkled over the food which was -provided by the mothers of the two parties. - -The two elders who first sat on the plantain trunks then solemnly eat a -little of this food, and also administer some to the offender and the -brother of the deceased. Two gourds containing gruel made of meal are -then taken, and the elders put a little of the tatha in each, and one -gourd is sent to the village of the offender and one to that of the -deceased. The remaining food is divided among the assembly. - -The following day the elders proceed to the local sacred fig tree -(mugumu), and kill a sheep. They deposit some of the fat, the chest -bone, the intestines and the more important bones at the foot of the -tree, and eat the rest of the carcase. They say that the ngoma, or -spirit of the deceased, will visit the tree that night in the shape of -a wild cat and eat the meat, and that this offering will prevent the -ngoma of the deceased from coming back to his village and troubling the -occupants. - -A medicine man then has to come and purify the murderer and the brother -of the deceased. - -This ceremony is not considered legal, and cannot be performed till the -blood money has been paid. - -The above case is a good example of the two stages of the removal of a -more serious thahu; in the first place, the spirits of the deceased -ancestors, including that of the murdered man, have to be appeased, and -the personal defilement due to the spilling of blood, which falls on -both the murderer and the family of the murdered man, has then to be -removed by a separate ceremony performed by the medicine man. It is -interesting to note that only the medicine man can remove this latter. - -The above thahu applies to both sections of the tribe. In giving these -details, my informants explained that according to Kikuyu native law, -the blood money for a man was a hundred sheep and goats, and nine sheep -and goats in addition for the elders. If, however, a man could not -raise a hundred goats it was the custom for him to give three daughters -in payment, plus the nine goats for the elders. - -The Kikuyu were formerly only allowed to eat the following wild animals -and birds before being circumcised: partridges (ngware), pigeon -(ndutwa), and hyrax (mi-kami). Many will not eat wild game throughout -their lives, and people follow the custom they have been brought up to -observe; those that eat it probably had Asi or Dorobo ancestors. A -person who eats wild game does not become thahu. This same view is held -by both sections. The repugnance to eating this kind of food probably -had its origin in totemism, but all traces of this belief seem to be -lost in S. Kikuyu. - -(61) If a tree falls on a hut it is considered extremely unlucky; the -hut, however, will not be abandoned, but it is necessary for the head -of the village to kill a ram which is led round the village before -being killed. If this were not done, the owner of the village, or at -any rate the woman who lived in the hut, would become the victim of a -thahu or curse. The owner of the village, however, may not enter the -hut until the sacrifice has been made to appease the ngoma or ancestral -spirits who inflict the thahu. This applies to both sections of the -tribe, viz., those circumcised Kikuyu fashion and those Masai fashion. - -(62) If a jackal (mbwei) comes into a village and calls at night when -the inhabitants are asleep, the people say that a spirit is calling for -meat, and it is considered very unlucky. Next morning the owner of the -village will take a male goat (nthenge), lead it round the village, and -kill it at about the spot where the jackal called out. Pieces are cut -from the loin, lungs, heart, and each of the limbs, and piled up into -two little heaps as offerings to the ngoma, who are believed to have -called out through the medium of the jackal. The sex of the ngoma is -not known, and therefore to be on the safe side two little heaps are -laid out, one for any male spirits and one for any female spirits. No -bone must be broken in any meat offered to the spirits. - -Next morning the elders go to the place where the two offerings of meat -were deposited and pour out a libation of beer on each. They then -address the ngoma as follows: “O ye spirits, take this meat and beer -and give us goats and cattle and children, and do not bring thahu to -this village.” The people of both circumcision guilds follow this -procedure. - -(63) If a certain snake, called nyamuyathi by the Kikuyu, enters a hut, -it is necessary to pour some milk or fat on the floor for the reptile -to drink; it may drink and leave, or it may not. If it does, well and -good; if not, the owner of the village has to kill a sheep, cook some -of its fat, and pour it out in the hut, saying at the same time: “We -offer you some fat to drink, we beg of you to leave us.” It is believed -that a ngoma, or spirit, has come in the guise of a snake, and on no -account must such a snake be killed. After the sacrifice of the sheep -has been made the snake will always go, but it disappears mysteriously -and no one sees it leave. If the snake remained in the hut, the wife -who owned the hut, and her children, would be thahu. - -(64) If a stranger comes to a village and dies in a hut there, the hut -is completely abandoned if the owner belongs to the Kikuyu guild; a -large hole is made in the side of the hut by taking out several of the -wall slabs or planks (mihirigo); the corpse is left inside and the -hyænas come and carry it off. The hut is then left to fall into ruin, -and no articles, such as cooking pots, beer, jars, etc., are removed -from it. The men who break the hole in the wall are even considered -unclean, as much as if they had handled the corpse, and after -performing the duty they go straight off into the bush and stay there -until they have bathed and been anointed with tatha (the stomach -contents of a sheep); finally a very old woman comes and shaves their -heads; they are then ceremonially clean and can return to their -families. A medicine man (mundu mugo) has, however, to come and purify -the whole village in the usual way. - -If the owner of the village belongs to the Masai guild the consequences -are not so serious. The family leave the hut temporarily until the -corpse has been carried off by the hyænas; they then kill a goat or -sheep near the door of the hut, take a little of the fat from the -stomach of the animal, and place a small portion on the cooking fire of -each hut. This removes the thahu due to the death of the stranger and -all is well. - -(65) If a new hut is built in the village and the wife enters it and -finds herself menstruating on the day she lights the first fire in it, -the hut has to be broken down and demolished the very next day. The -woman must on no account sleep a second night in it; a thahu is on both -the woman and the hut. A medicine man has to be called in to purify -ceremonially the woman and her children, a new hut is built and the -medicine man ceremonially sweeps it out with a broom made of the twigs -of the mukenya, mahoroa, and michatha bushes; he then collects the -sweepings and throws them outside the village. This custom applies to -both sections of the tribe. - -This custom also has another phase which is as follows: If on the day a -hut is built, the wife, who is the owner of the hut, is away from the -village and finds herself menstruating, she cannot even return to the -village, but has to seek shelter with neighbours for three days. On the -fourth day she returns, bringing with her a gourd of water. When she -reaches the thomi, or meeting-place outside the village, she pours some -of the water into a half gourd and washes herself. She can then enter -both village and hut without further ceremony. This applies to both -sections of the tribe. - -(66) When a new hut is built, the first fire to be lit in it must be -brought from a fire out in a shamba, or field, not from another hut. If -fire cannot be obtained from a shamba it is first obtained from another -village; with this a fire is lit in a shamba and burning sticks are -taken from that fire. The Kikuyu state that they are afraid to get fire -direct from another village in case they bring some unknown thahu along -with it or with the firewood; they consider it a great risk, -particularly for the children, who might get thin and ill in -consequence. - -Two or three days after the first fire has been lit a male sheep has to -be slaughtered by the owner of the village. The meat is cooked in the -hut, and the blood is poured out on the village thomi, then beer is -brewed and a libation of it is poured out inside the hut near the door -and on the thomi or village green. The above applies to those -circumcised Kikuyu fashion. Those circumcised Masai fashion make the -first fire in a new hut by friction with a firestick, and the wood for -the first fire must come from two of the trees sacred to this branch, -viz., mutamaiyu and mutarakwa (juniper). - -(67) Anyone can impose a thahu upon the owner of a hut by plucking out -a handful of thatch from over the door and throwing it on the ground. -The thahu apparently affects the wife who lives in the hut, and she is -apt to be attacked by a wasting disease. To remove the evil effects, a -number of elders and a mundu mugo, or medicine man, are called in; they -kill a ram or young ewe, which has not yet borne, near the door of the -hut, and sprinkle the tatha inside the hut and at the door. They then -take a rough brush made of twigs of the marario and mahoroa bushes and -sweep up the tatha. This proceeding purifies the hut. They also -sprinkle some of the tatha on the thatch over the door and put some -muthakwa and mukenia sprigs in the place where the piece of thatch was -taken. - -Only the elders and the medicine man eat the meat of the sacrifice; -none of the inhabitants of the village must touch it, and even the -brothers of the owner of the hut may not eat any. If the hut is not -thus purified, it must be forthwith destroyed. - -Should the thatch be pulled out unintentionally by a drunken man, he -will only have to pay a goat for the purification ceremony. If, on the -other hand, it is done with evil intent, the kiama, or council of -elders, will fine the offender five goats. The writer is indebted to Mr -Beech for bringing this example to his notice. - -If a man goes to sleep at a strange village, and if the owner belongs -to the same rika as himself, he is told to sleep in the hut of one of -the wives of the owner. If this woman has lost a child and has not -performed the usual purification ceremonies after a death, the man will -return home with a thahu and will pass it on to the wife in whose hut -he sleeps on his return home. - -It is necessary for the hut to be purified as in the previous case, and -then the man and his wife have also to be purified. - -Again, if a wife goes and sleeps abroad and cohabits with a man who has -assisted in the burial of a corpse or touched a corpse and not yet been -purified, she will, on returning home, bring a thahu to her husband, -and the same ceremony of lustration has to be undergone. - -(68) The last of the Kikuyu thahu which will be quoted is one of some -importance, as it may be, in primitive culture, the germ of one of the -beliefs which affects the life of civilised peoples: this is the ill -luck which is attached to the seventh day. - -A herdsman will not herd his flocks for more than six days, and on the -seventh must be relieved by another man. - -If a man has been on a journey and absent for six days he must not -return home on the seventh day, and must observe continence on the -seventh day; rather than return to his village on that day he will go -and sleep at the house of a neighbour a short distance away. If this -law is broken, serious illness is certain to supervene and a medicine -man (mundu mugo) has to be called in to remove the curse. Both sections -of the tribe are subject to it, and both male and female are affected. -Moreover, the live stock of the offender will become sick. - -This belief makes it easy for the missionaries to explain to the Kikuyu -the meaning of the Christian observance of the Sabbath. - -An important point in connection with thahu in Kikuyu which previously -escaped notice is that an owner of a village, if he belongs to the -Kikuyu circumcision guild, cannot enter or sleep in a hut which has -been ceremonially purified until two days have elapsed, or for two -months if he belongs to the Masai guild. This prohibition has a very -practical effect, for in cases where the whole village has to be -purified to rid it of some serious thahu the owner of the village would -naturally be homeless for either two days or two months, as the case -may be. To obviate this difficulty the purification ceremony is carried -out in two instalments: one half of the village is done first, and a -little later the medicine man returns and performs the lustration -ceremony on the other half; the people are not thus greatly -inconvenienced. - -A variant of the word thahu in Kikuyu, which is often used by the old -men, is nzahu. - -It appears upon inquiry that not every elder in Kikuyu has the power of -removing thahu, but only such as have lost a wife who is a mother. - -If a wife dies and leaves children, the husband calls in two athuri ya -ukuu (these are the very senior elders), a muthuri ya kiama (elder of -council), and an old woman past the age of child bearing. - -They kill a lamb, mwati, or a ram, and the elders then take the tatha -(stomach contents), pour them into a half gourd, njeli, dip a bundle of -leaves in the tatha and sprinkle the hut. This ceremony is believed to -remove from the father and his children the thahu left by the death. -The half gourd is then placed at the bed head of the father. A medicine -man finally comes and purifies the whole family. If his generation or -age is junior to that of the elders who come to perform the above -ceremony he cannot participate in it, but has to sit apart. - -After this the father is considered to be eligible to take part in -ceremonial connected with the removal of thahu, but only if he is a -qualified muthuri ya kiama ya imburi nne or mburi ithano; that is to -say, if he has reached the grade to which the entrance fee is four -goats or five goats. - -Partial Immunity of Elders from Thahu.—The elders of the highest grade, -ukuru, are as a rule proof against the incidence of thahu. They -probably acquire a certain sanctity from their communion with the deity -when they take part in the performance of sacrifices at the sacred -trees and can thus be considered as a primitive priesthood. If, -however, they assist in the burial of a corpse and cohabit with their -wives within two months, they will be stricken with illness. If they -participate in the native oath ringa thengi, they must be celibate for -four months, and if they assist at the kithathi or githathi oath -ceremony, they must remain so for five months, or nothing can save -them. In all the above cases they must, like ordinary people, be -purified by a medicine man before they can resume their marital -relations. - -Thabu in Ukamba.—In Ukamba thahu is called thabu or makwa, and the -popular attitude towards it is very similar to that existing in Kikuyu, -but it does not appear to be such an important factor in the lives of -the people, and for some reason or other does not seem to have reached -such a high development. It is looked upon with awe, and people -generally dislike to discuss it. The bulk of the elders can therefore -only give one or two examples of it. They declare that the only people -who can give much information are the atumia ya makwa (elders of makwa) -and atumia ya ukuu (elders of ukuu), and these important people -undoubtedly endeavour to envelop the beliefs in mystery. - -The incidence of makwa or thabu does not appear to be nearly so -frequent in Ukamba as it is in Kikuyu. The Kamba, in fact, sneer at the -Kikuyu, and say they are full of makwa. Moreover, owing to the -reticence of the Kamba on the subject, it is not easy to collect -examples. Mr C. Dundas, who has assisted in this inquiry, had to pay a -fee of a bullock for himself and a goat for his interpreter before he -could get any information on the subject. These fees admitted him to -the grade of mutumia ya ukuu. All inquiries, however, had to be -conducted in a low tone, and no one was allowed to listen. The -following are all that have been discovered up to date, but there is -little doubt that others exist: - -(1) On the death of a man the village is unclean and must be purified -by the elders, and during the period of purification strict continence -must be observed by all those resident in the village. If a man fails -to observe this rule he will become afflicted with makwa; also the -woman, providing she belongs to the village where the death has taken -place. Moreover, if a daughter of the deceased who is living away from -the village visits there within eleven days of the death of her father, -she will become afflicted. - -The curse is removed in the same way in either of the above cases. A -brother of the deceased must first cohabit with his wife. He then -brings a goat and the afflicted person brings some beer. One of the -elders then collects twigs of the movu, mulale, and muteme bushes; -these are pounded up with water, and the mixture is called ngnondu. -Some of the ngnondu is poured down the goat’s throat, the idea probably -being to purify the animal ceremonially. The patient then walks three -times round the goat, and the animal is lifted up by the elders. Its -throat is cut and the blood spurts over the patient’s head and body. A -piece of stick is then placed under his left arm and another between -the toes of his right foot; two elders take hold of each of these -sticks and pull them away saying, “We purify you.” The belief is -possibly that by some magical process the defilement is passed into the -sticks. Subsequently the brother of the deceased again cohabits with -the same wife, and the patient is then cured. - -(2) A man may not lie on his mother’s bed, or even take any articles -from it, without becoming makwa. Upon the death of his father he -inherits, and is then entitled to use, his father’s bed, which was, of -course, also occupied by his mother, and it is therefore necessary that -he should be protected from any evil which may come from this. So the -elders make a mixture called ngnondu, and smear the soles of his feet -with it; they also sprinkle the framework of the bed. They say that if -this were not done the son would become makwa if he even put his foot -on the bed. If a son becomes makwa through transgressing this law -before his father’s death, he has to be purified as in the previous -case. It is suspected that this prohibition was devised as a safeguard -against incest, but if the theory is correct the natives seem to have -forgotten the reason. A man, moreover, may not sit on his -brother-in-law’s bed without incurring thabu. - -Reference is invited to the author’s work on the “Ethnology of the -A-Kamba” (Camb. Press), p. 65, discussing the danger to a girl if a -stranger touches her menstrual blood; this is a clear case of makwa, -which falls on the girl in consequence. - -Some of the prohibitions mentioned on p. 102 op. cit. are also cases of -makwa, and on p. 97 op. cit. there is an account of a man who was -suffering from thabu or makwa. At the time, unfortunately, the -importance of the phenomena had not been fully recognised. - -(3) If a man dies and leaves young wives, the sons usually take them -over; but, of course, a son must not marry his mother. A son cannot, -however, succeed to one of his father’s wives until the elders have -performed certain ceremonies. If he cohabits with her before these are -carried out he will become makwa. - -To remove the curse in this case the ceremonial is as follows: a -paternal uncle of the offender collects the elders and provides beer -for them; the woman concerned brings a goat. The elders make some of -the ngnondu mixture, which is handed to the patient, who pretends to -pay it to the elders. The elders then bring a branch of a tree called -muuti and tell him to pay it to his uncle. He does so by throwing it at -his uncle, saying, “I pay you before the elders.” This looks as if the -spirit of the deceased father were offended, and ceremonial payment had -to be made to the brother of the deceased, who for the time being -represents him. - -A piece of wood about fifteen inches long, cut from a mukingezia tree, -is then brought. This is first inserted into the vaginal passage of the -woman, and the man’s penis is then touched with it twice or thrice. One -of the elders afterwards carries the stick away and throws it across a -river saying, “I throw this evil away.” In the evening the uncle -cohabits with the woman. The makwa is thus believed to be removed, but -the man can never have anything to do with that woman again. He can, -however, marry another of his father’s wives after the elders have -performed the necessary rites. - -(4) After the death of a father none of the sons may take honey from -the father’s hives until the paternal uncle has first done so. Any who -break this law will become makwa. It can, however, be removed by the -uncle, who brings a sheep, and he, the elders, and the mother of the -patient lead the sheep three times round the patient; at the conclusion -of the third turn the sheep is lifted up and its throat is cut, and the -blood is allowed to spurt over the patient. The animal’s throat is cut -by one of the elders, whose forearm is held by the uncle and the -mother. After this ceremony the patient is believed to be cured, and he -can take honey. It may be that this was devised to prevent a son -rushing off into the woods after his father’s death and annexing any -honey he found, irrespective of whether such and such a hive would fall -to his share when the elders decided as to the division of the estate. - -(5) If a woman loses a young child by death it is necessary for her to -have her breasts ceremonially purified by a qualified elder, or it is -believed that any future children she may bear will die of makwa. - -(6) If a man cohabits with a married woman in the woods while the -cattle are out grazing, it brings makwa upon the cattle and they will -die. The woman, however, is generally afraid of evil falling on the -precious cattle, and confesses. The cattle are then taken out of their -kraal, medicine is placed on the ground at the gate, and they are then -driven back over the medicine, and this lifts the curse. The woman has -also to be ceremonially purified by an elder. - -(7) If a woman who has borne children is forced by a man a curse is -said to fall on the children and they will die. The evil can, however, -be averted if she is purified by an elder; the man has to pay a goat -and the expenses of the purification ceremony. - -(8) If a hyæna defæcates in a village during the night a makwa falls on -the village, and the elders have to kill a goat and purify (tapisha) -the village. - -(9) Some medicine men have the power to place a makwa upon one of their -wives who is a particular favourite. This is done by medicine, but the -details are kept secret. If a man seduces the woman in question it is -said that death will ensue unless he can by payment induce the medicine -man to lift the curse. - -(10) If a person goes to his mother’s native village and eats food -there, and if by any chance a death has occurred in that village and -the funeral ceremonies are not completed, he will be stricken with -makwa. Even if a wife goes to pay a visit to her father’s village under -the above circumstances the result is the same. This form of makwa can -only be removed by a medicine man. - -The little known Thaka or Tharaka people in the Tana Valley south-east -of Kenia also believe in makwa, and use the same word for it. A few -examples have been collected by Mr C. Dundas, and are given below: - -(1) If a village is ceremonially unclean for some reason or other, and -a man cohabits therein with a person of the opposite sex before it is -purified, they are both stricken with makwa. - -(2) If a man belonging to a village has been absent on the occasion of -a death and at the necessary subsequent purification of the village, he -may not enter until a sheep has been killed and the contents smeared on -the threshold of his mother’s hut. If this lustration ceremony is -omitted he is stricken with makwa. - -(3) After the death of the head of a family the sons may take the -younger widows to wife, but not until the brother of the deceased has -ceremonially cohabited with the principal wife of the deceased. If this -rite is not observed before a son marries one of his father’s widows, -he will become makwa. - -Little is yet known of the procedure which has to be adopted to remove -the makwa, but it is said that only medicine men can do so. An elder, -seen recently, who was covered with small sores, and some of whose toes -had dropped off, was stated to be suffering from makwa, due to -infringement of the rule mentioned in example (1) above. - -A new road was recently opened in Kikuyu country, and where it crossed -the Ruiru River a bridge was built. At one end of the bridge an arch, -made of bent sticks, was erected, and on this a small wicker-work -arrangement was suspended. Over the bent sticks a strip of the skin of -a sheep was entwined. This was called “rigi,” and was a miniature of -the wicker door of a hut. The Ruiru River at this place is the boundary -between two sections of the country, and the object of the model door -was to prevent evil influences, or thahu, entering the neighbouring -area by the bridge. The strip of skin was taken from a sheep which had -been sacrificed there. - -There is a curious belief in Kikuyu with regard to the burning of a -hut. If a hut is burned down, the owner must not lodge the goats from -that hut in the house of a friend, the idea being that the hut caught -fire as the result of some kind of thahu, and that the goats are -probably infected with the thahu and may thus bring sickness to other -people’s animals. There was, for instance, a case where a hut was -destroyed by fire, along with several goats, but the people dare not -eat the carcases, although the meat was apparently quite wholesome. - -When a burnt hut is rebuilt, a goat is slaughtered to prevent the new -hut from being destroyed by fire. The meat of the goat is eaten by the -elders, and the skin is given to an elder who has had a hut burnt. But -although he may use the skin he must not sell it. - -Extinction of Fire in a Hut.—Though not definitely connected with the -thahu beliefs, the ill luck which is associated with the extinction of -fire in a hut is rather interesting to note. - -If a man has several huts it is considered extremely unlucky if the -fire goes out in all of them in a single night. He must at once summon -the elders, who kill a male sheep and sprinkle some of the stomach -contents or tatha on each fireplace. If his nearest neighbours live -some little way off, he relights the fire by means of a fire stick, -mwaki ku-thegetha, but if they live near by he begs some fire from -them. When the sheep is killed they also fry the fat in a cooking pot -and sprinkle some of it in the village and pray to Engai (God)—“We give -thee fat to drink, and beg thee not to extinguish the fire again.” - -When fire goes out in the hut of a medicine man it is not necessary for -him to kill a sheep like ordinary people, but he feels the ill luck all -the same. He dare not travel next day, and if anyone comes to him for -medicine or to be purified, he will not perform the ceremony until a -whole day has elapsed. - -The elders who were interrogated about this were quite clear that it -was God who put out the fire and not the ngoma, or spirits. - -Effects of Breaking a Tabu.—A curious case of the results of an -infringement of tabu recently came to the notice of an officer in -Western Ukamba. He was inspecting the hospital, and found there a Kamba -porter stricken with illness; his face was much swollen and covered by -a kind of congested rash, and his testicles were also swollen. On -inquiry, he stated that his affection came on suddenly after eating -some hartebeest meat, and that he belonged to the Aitangwa clan, in -which this was a forbidden meat. The officer immediately sought out an -intelligent Mu-Kamba, who knew nothing about the incident, and asked -about the Aitangwa and their tabu, or makwa, and without hesitation he -was told that hartebeest meat was forbidden, and described exactly the -symptoms from which the porter was suffering as being the result of -breaking the prohibition. It was said that the man would have to -sacrifice a goat and go through a purification ceremony to get rid of -the affliction. The final result was not heard. - -These phenomena are very curious, and psychologists would no doubt -attribute them to self-hypnotic suggestion. It must, however, be -remembered that a man who breaks the clan tabu is probably, before -breaking it, very sceptical as to the evil effects, and, being -sceptical, would presumably be proof against the hypnotic -auto-suggestion. - - - - -(B) PURIFICATION AND BLESSING - -Ku-tahikia in Kikuyu.—Reference has been made to purification by the -medicine man, which generally concludes the ceremonies connected with -the removal of thahu. This ceremony is the same in all cases in which -it is considered necessary; it may vary a little according to the -practice of a particular medicine man, but that is all. - -The writer was recently present at one of these ceremonies, and the -procedure was as follows: The medicine man first received a sheep; he -then made a small incision between the hoofs of the right foreleg and -rubbed a little medicine into the wound. The medicine consisted of a -powder made from the mararia bush and mahunyuru, which is the epidermis -and hair of a sheep. Probably the idea underlying this was a -consecration of the animal for the purpose of the ceremony. The -medicine man then brought a number of sprigs of various plants: - - - Mahoroa, - Murumbai, - Uruti-Emilia? - Mukandu, - Muchatha-Emilia, sp., - Matei or Mitei, - Ihurura, a creeping, vine-like plant. - - -He separated these into two bundles, and bound each at the base with -the creeper ihurura; they resembled two hand brushes of green leaves. - -The mother of the patient or person who was to be purified then fetched -about a pint of water from the stream, carrying it in a couple of -banana leaves laid over each other. A small depression was scooped in -the ground, and the water, still in the banana leaves, was deposited -therein. The medicine man and the patient squatted opposite each other. -The former then put a variety of powders in the water. These were -enumerated as follows: - - - (1) Powder made from the stomach contents of the tree hyrax. - (2) Ruthuku made from the muhokora root. - (3) Umu, a reddish powder made from the root of a thorny plant. - (4) A powder made from the irura (papyrus) and the mahoroa plant. - - -He then produced the dried right black forefoot of a sheep, dipped it -in the water, stirred up the contents, and placed the wetted foot in -the mouth of the patient, who licked it vigorously and then -expectorated the liquid on the ground. This was repeated some twenty or -thirty times, the medicine man incessantly recounting all kinds of -dangers and evils in a chanting voice with a general refrain, “May you -be delivered from all these.” He then took one of the bundles of plants -and dipped the lower end in the water. The patient licked it and -expectorated, as above described, the medicine man chanting the whole -time. - -The same procedure was adopted with the second bundle of leaves. - -The patient then stood up; the medicine man took one of the brushes, -dipped it in the water, and sprinkled the patient’s head and wiped the -front of his body with the wetted bundle of leaves. The patient now -turned round and the back of his body was similarly treated. - -The patient then knelt down and washed his face with the water and -washed each foot and leg. This done, he wiped his face, feet, and legs, -first with one bundle and then with the other. The patient then put his -finger into the water and pierced the banana leaf basin, and the water -soaked away into the earth. Thereupon the medicine man gathered up the -banana leaves and his bundle of leaves and deposited them on the -village manure heap, kiaraini. - -There was still a final stage of the proceeding, viz., the anointing -with white clay, ira. The patient still stood in front of the medicine -man, who took from a small gourd some of the white earth, and smeared -it down the line of the nose, on the upper lip, under the chin, on the -right and left big toe, and on the palms of both hands. A little of the -medicines called irura and muhokora were then taken and a little placed -in the palm of each hand of the patient, who crossed his hands and, -holding them in this position, alternately licked each palm. The -medicine man then licked a little of the above medicine, and the -ceremony was finished. - -The purification ceremony cannot be performed without payment; it is -otherwise of no avail. - -Ceremonial Blessing by a Medicine Man (Kikuyu).—This is believed to be -efficacious, upon certain occasions, against evil and as a -purification. The medicine man gives the supplicant a powder made from -an aromatic root called muhokora. It is of a greyish brown colour; a -little is poured into his hand and he eats it. The medicine man also -eats some, with the object, perhaps, of showing the patient that -nothing bad has been mixed with it. - -The medicine man then takes a long narrow gourd with tiny holes on one -side of it and shakes out, as from a pepper castor, a powder made of -the roots of the muhokora and mchanja muka plants, and at the same time -uttering a prayer. The patient receives the powder on his hands and -rubs it on his head and down the middle of his forehead. The medicine -man now takes a draught of beer and ceremonially spits a little on to -each of his breasts, first, however, spitting a little on the ground as -a libation to the ngoma, or ancestral spirits. - -The general idea of the purification ceremony is of a dual character; -its first object is to cast out the contamination of an evil influence -and, this being done, to re-establish normal relations between the -worshipper and his deity. It is believed that among African natives the -idea of the evil influence is not very concrete, but among other -peoples the evil influence assumes the shape of a demon, the nature of -which may be identified by a magician and expelled by him by the use of -appropriate formulæ. The one is a higher development of the other. In -Math. xvii. 14, and Mark ix. 14, for instance, we find the founder of -the Christian religion playing the part of the magician and casting out -an evil spirit. The only parallel to this class of procedure among the -African natives under investigation is the curious Engai possession of -the Kamba and the ritual undertaken to cure persons possessed: the odd -point about those ceremonies, however, is that although the afflicted -person for whom the dances are convened may be cured, others will be -seized during the proceedings, the affliction apparently becoming -infectious. - -Kithangaona cha muchi—The Purification Sacrifice for a Village (Kamba -of Kitui).—If sickness becomes prevalent in a village, the headman will -consult a medicine man, who may declare that the spirit (imu) of a -person who died long ago is bothering the people and needs appeasing, -and he will therefore order a fowl to be taken round the village -ceremonially and killed. This is supposed to be very efficacious in -restoring the good luck of the village, and is done as follows: the -village head will walk round outside the village with some ashes in his -right hand and a fowl in the left; on reaching a point opposite the -gate of the village the fowl will be released and allowed to fly -inside. It is then caught again and its throat is cut and the knife is -afterwards buried in the cattle kraal. The children of the village eat -the fowl. The village head then prays to the deity (Engai) to remove -the sickness and keep it from the village, and afterwards prays to the -imu, or spirit, of the deceased person who is supposed to have brought -the sickness. It is stated that they first pray to Engai because the -imu is believed to have gone to Engai. - -The aiimu which afflict villages are said to be usually those of -deceased medicine men who, when alive, were supposed to communicate -with Engai in their dreams. They declare that they have seen someone -glowing like a fire, giving such and such a message. - -There is another kithangaona cha muchi, which also deals with sickness -in a village, but differs from the previous example in which a fowl is -used. As with European physicians, the practice of medicine men varies -for individual patients. - -The magician, having decided that the sickness is due to the imu of a -deceased person, will order the women of the village to grind some -mawele or wimbi flour and cook it and make porridge. - -The porridge is brought to the hut of the afflicted person and some -butter is added; the people present dip their wooden spoons in the -porridge and each one eats a little and then throws some on to the -floor as an offering to the imu; the senior wife of the village head -commences and the others follow suit. - -The village head then brews some beer, drinks a little, and pours some -out to the troublesome imu. Having done this he kills a he-goat, cuts a -strip of meat from the breast, cooks it, and deposits it at the door of -the hut. It is probably eaten by the village dogs or fowls, but this -does not matter. - -The people then pray to the spirit and say, “We have given you food, -beer, and meat, we beseech you to allow the sick one to recover.” - -Kithangaona cha mburi—The Purification Sacrifice of the Goat.—On some -occasions the medicine man will advise that the ceremony of kithangaona -cha mburi be performed. This is done as follows: The evening before the -ceremony, the head of the village puts a stone in the hut fire and -leaves it there all night; next morning he calls a small boy and girl, -and the former, accompanied by the headman, leads a male goat round the -outside of the village, followed by the girl. The goat must be all one -colour and not spotted. When the party reaches the gate of the village -the headman takes a half gourd of water and places it on the goat’s -head between the horns. The red hot stone is brought out from the -glowing embers in the hut, dropped into the bowl of water, causing the -water to boil and give off steam. A hole is now dug at the door of the -hut of the village head, who holds the stone over the hole and prays as -follows: “Engai muimu mivo nathika dikoni wao mivo nathika hivia -nathika wao pamwe nabia hii,” which, freely translated, means: “Oh God, -I do not wish to see the sickness enter my village, so now I bury this -stone and bury the sickness with it.” The goat is not killed, but is -allowed to go free. This is an unusual proceeding. It is a curious -example of a combination of magic and primitive religion. - -Kithangaona cha munda—Prayers for Crops (Kitui).—When a villager sees -that his crops are suffering from drought, the ravages of insect pests, -and so forth, he will go to a river bed and cut the branch of a tree -called kindio which grows there. He will then take the egg of a fowl, -dig a hole in the ground, among the crops, and place the egg in it, -planting the branch of the kindio tree in the hole. He prays to the -deity (Engai) beseeching him to make his crops grow like the kindio, a -tree which never withers. The egg is said to be used because of its -nourishing properties, and it is also believed that no bad influence -can penetrate its shell. This is a very pretty example of homœopathic -magic. - -The Dedication of the Bull—Kithangaona cha nzau—Kitui A-Kamba.—It -sometimes happens that when a man consults a magician about a -contemplated marriage, or some other matter, the magician informs him -that in his village a cow is in calf and that this cow will bear a bull -calf which will be of a certain colour, red or black or spotted. He -tells the owner that the calf must not be killed or sold in the -ordinary way, as it will be the property of the ancestral spirits (nzau -ya aiimu), or will be dedicated to them. If, however, it is necessary -at any time to kill this beast, some beer must be brewed, and the meat -must be divided among the owner’s wives. No portion with a bone in it -must be given to a stranger, but all the bones should be collected and -buried in the cattle kraal. The meat of the beast must be cooked and -offered to the aiimu, and some of the beer poured out to them. The -bones of the carcase may be broken, if so desired. - -A beast thus dedicated to the aiimu will never die of disease. If, for -any special reason, the owner wishes to sell or kill such a bull, a -substitute must be found for it, and an important ceremony has to be -observed. The original animal and the substitute are tied and thrown on -their sides; the two animals are then placed touching each other. Some -hair is cut from the forehead, the chest, and the tail of the original -beast and placed on the substitute, the animals being then released. -The aiimu are addressed, and it is explained to them that owing to -pressing reasons the original beast has to be killed or sold, as the -case may be, but that a suitable substitute has been provided. Some -beer is brewed, and a libation of it is poured out in the hut of the -village head. - -Old Testament Parallels.—It is considered that the principle of thahu -or thabu existed among the Israelites, and the following references to -Mosaic law may be reasonably quoted: - -Leviticus xix. 8: “Therefore everyone that eateth it shall bear his -iniquity because he hath profaned the hallowed thing of the Lord and -that soul shall be cut off from among his people.” - -This refers to the eating of a sacrifice of peace offerings on the -third day; it may be eaten the day of the sacrifice and the following -day, but if eaten at all on the third day, inflicts a thabu on the -culprit. - -Leviticus xix. 22: “And the priest shall make an atonement for him with -the ram of his trespass offering ... and the sin which he hath done -shall be forgiven him.” - -This can be taken as a case of a man who has committed a crime against -tribal law, and takes a ram to the priest or one of the elders of the -tribe, who performs the ceremony of tahikia to cleanse him from his -sin. - -The elaborate ceremonial laid down in Leviticus xiv. dealing with the -case of purification from the plague of leprosy might be the procedure -adopted by a Kikuyu medicine man to-day: the use of special plants, the -sacrifice of a ewe lamb of the first year. The latter is identical with -the mwati of Kikuyu practice. - -It is laid down in verse 19 that: “The priest shall offer the sin -offering and make atonement for him that is to be cleansed.” This -certainly looks as if the plague were the result of evil-doing on the -part of the patient, and of the nature of a thahu, and is quite in -accordance with present-day beliefs in Kikuyu and Ukamba. - -The comminatory chapters xxviii. in Deuteronomy are of considerable -interest as a parallel to the cases quoted as existing to-day in -Africa, e.g., xxviii. 45: “And all these curses shall come upon thee -and shall pursue thee and overtake thee till thou be destroyed.” - -General Remarks on Thahu and Thabu.—It will be well to review the -results of this inquiry. It should be noted that in a number of cases, -about one-third of those enumerated, the thahu is brought upon the -offender or brought upon a third party, by the intentional act of the -offender; in other cases the person, and sometimes the live stock, are -the victims of circumstances over which there is no control. - -The investigations throw a vivid light upon the complicated nature of -the life history of a Mu-Kikuyu or Mu-Kamba, and it is evident that a -native of one of these tribes cannot go through life without becoming -thahu or thabu some time or other. - -Mr C. Dundas, writing on this subject, says with regard to the Kikuyu -people: “The fear of thahu is always present, a man may be subject to -it without knowing the cause. When anyone goes on a journey he cannot -tell whether he may not have contracted thahu in strange houses and -villages, and therefore when he returns he will kill a goat for -purification before he enters his village. This was done on one -occasion by a number of elders who had been on a journey with me, but -as they were representatives of the western part of the district, the -goat was killed on crossing the Kamiti River, which river they regarded -as the boundary of their country.” - -Unmarried men and girls are not subject to thahu. On one occasion a -woman in hospital was said to be suffering from thahu caused by having -touched the genitals of a strange man; the symptoms of thahu were in -reality only a bed sore, but a medicine man was called in to cure her. -A case, in which a man was sued for a goat for the purification of a -woman whom he had raped, and who, in consequence, could not suckle her -child until she was purified, was tried before a kiama. The idea seemed -to be that the child would become thahu. - -The thahu is, however, in nearly all cases removable by the elders and -medicine men for payment, and it may therefore be urged that the belief -has not much value as a moral restraint. This view cannot, however, be -seriously maintained for the following reasons: Take the case of a -person who commits an act which he knows will bring thahu; it must be -clearly understood that he never questions the validity of the -principle; he goes about with the burden of the misdeed on his -conscience, and this worries him so much that he gradually gets thin -and ill, and puts it down to the thahu. It therefore ends by his -confessing to the elders and begging them to free him from the curse. -It is in essence nothing more or less than the confession and -absolution of the Christian Church. Then again we have to consider the -publicity of kraal life, where very little goes on which is not known -to the neighbours; polygamy also increases this, a man confides in one -wife, she tells another wife and so it goes through the village; if one -person commits an act which inflicts thahu on himself or a neighbour, -it will gradually leak out by some means or other, and public opinion -will insist on measures being taken to remove it. No living person -would ever dream of evading the wrath of the ngoma, or ancestral -spirits. Occasions may, of course, arise when the commission of a -prohibited act may involve a third party, and the person who committed -it may preserve silence on the point, but the elders will in most cases -be in possession of complete information as to the movements of every -person in the neighbourhood, and, moreover, the demeanour of the -conscience-stricken culprit will invite suspicion, so in practice it is -but rarely that the offender is not detected. - -In some of the examples of thahu which are cited above, cases will be -noted in which the hut is affected and has to be forthwith demolished -if the curse is not removed; this feature appears to be worthy of note, -and it may in some measure account for the low type of domestic -architecture among these tribes. Obviously there is but little -incentive to build large permanent structures if, owing to the -incidence of a thahu, the owner may have to demolish them at any -moment. The author’s attention was first called to this point by a -learned French missionary who has studied the Kikuyu for many years. - -It must not be assumed that every native is conversant with all the -acts of omission or commission by which thahu or thabu may be incurred -and there are doubtless variations in different areas, i.e., the thahu -of Western Kenya are not identical in number and character with those -of Kyambu district. All the tribesmen, however, know a certain number, -and if anything untoward occurs to a man he will consider it advisable -to consult an elder; the elder will cross-examine him and ask if he has -done so-and-so, or omitted to do certain things. Eventually the -applicant will admit having done something which results in a thahu; -the way is then clear, and appropriate treatment must be sought in the -proper quarter. Ridiculous as most of these taboos appear, they -probably have a general value in regulating conduct in communities -where legal restraint is in an undeveloped state. - - - - -(C) THE DYING CURSE - -This is a very interesting belief, which occurs in both Kikuyu and -Ukamba. In Kikuyu it is called kirume, and in Ukamba kiume. The belief -is also said to be found, under the name of ukuongo, among the Ja-Luo -Kavirondo. - -It is really a thahu, thabu, or makwa which can be suspended by a dying -man over his descendants. The same idea, somewhat inverted, exists -among the Swahili, who call it rathi, or the dying blessing. If a man -does not receive his father’s blessing, he is believed to go through -life attended by much misfortune. - -The general idea is that a dying person can put a curse upon property -belonging to him, or can lay a curse upon another person, but only upon -a person belonging to his own family; thus, for example, the head of a -village, when dying, can lay a curse on a certain plot of land owned by -him and will that it shall not pass out of the family, and if a -descendant sells it, his speedy death is said to follow. A case -recently came to the author’s knowledge where an elder was offered a -very tempting sum for a particular piece of land, and equivalent land -elsewhere, but refused it because the property had come down to him -with a kirume on it. This is a very interesting revelation, because -when one comes to consider it, in all probability it is the genesis of -a last will or testament. Furthermore, it is the rude beginning of our -principle of “entail.” It shows, moreover, that these people have -almost reached the stage of individual tenure in land, or at any rate, -of tenure by the family, the head of the village being the trustee for -the family, and it is his duty to see that the gethaka rights are -preserved intact. The gethaka is the portion of a ridge owned by a -particular family, title being obtained by an ancestor by purchase from -the original occupiers, the Dorobo hunting tribes. - -If the head of the family feels that he is nearing his end he assembles -his sons, and to the eldest he will probably say, “The goats belonging -to such a hut shall be yours”; he will then call another son and say, -“The goats of such and such a hut shall be yours, and if any of you -break these wishes he shall surely die.” He will then mention a certain -shamba (cultivated field) and say, “Such and such a shamba, shall not -be sold, and if this wish is broken the one who sells it shall die.” -This operates as an entail on the property which will be passed on from -generation to generation; such is the strength of the belief. Upon -inquiry, examples may be found all over the country. - -Another case quoted was that of a man who had a ne’er-do-well son who -was in the habit of pilfering the neighbouring villages; the custom is -for those who have suffered to collect and seize the equivalent of -their losses from his father. If this continues, the father, in the -end, becomes so annoyed with his son’s misdeeds that he will put a -kirume on him when on his death-bed. There is quite a mediaeval flavour -about this action. - -Sometimes, too, a man, when he is very old, entrusts a son with charge -of his live stock, and the son may abuse the trust and let the flocks -and herds melt away. Cases have been known where an old patriarch on -his death-bed has put a kirume on his son to the effect that he shall -neither grow rich nor have wives, but to the end of his life shall be -condemned to perpetual poverty. - -Again, a daughter may be a trouble to her father; she is, say, married -to a husband who has paid the required dowry to her father; she runs -away, repeatedly misbehaves herself, and so forth, and the father will -then be subject to continual worry, owing to the husband’s demands for -the return of the dowry. The father may eventually become so weary of -all this worry that he will put a kirume on her and condemn her to -perpetual barrenness. - -Another case quoted was that of two brothers, one rich and one poor; -the poor man may be envious of his brother and hate him in consequence. -One day they go to drink beer, and, excited by the liquor, the poorer -one brutally attacks his brother and grievously injures him. When the -injured man recovers consciousness he will call his brother and say, -“You have always been jealous of my wealth, and now I shall probably -die from treatment received at your hands, but when I am dead if you -attempt to seize any of my property you shall only be able to look at -it, for if you touch a single head of stock you will die, and if your -son comes to take any of my beasts he will also die.” - -If a dying man calls out to a man of his own clan, muhirika, or morika, -and makes a request such as, “Give me water,” and the person refuses, -the dying man can impose a kirume upon the one who refuses. - -A man is, generally speaking, only able to lay a kirume upon a person -belonging to his own muhirika, or clan, which really means that a -kirume will only affect one with a common blood tie. - -There are, however, two exceptions to this: - -If a man of one clan marries a woman of another clan (as is the rule) -he can, if necessity arises, place a kirume upon the family of his wife -if they live in the village of his father-in-law, because they have, as -the expression runs, “Eaten of his property,” referring to the live -stock he has paid over to his father-in-law for his wife. - -The converse can also happen, for if a man has married a woman and has -not paid his father-in-law the full amount agreed upon, the -father-in-law when he dies can impose a kirume upon his son-in-law, and -such kirume may also extend to his daughter, the idea probably being -that the daughter has not sufficiently worried her husband to pay the -balance due. - -The power to impose a kirume is apparently not altogether confined to -elders, for it is said that if an incorrigible child is driven away -from home, becomes starved and dies in consequence, it can, before it -dies, curse its parents and say, “You have treated me like this, and -therefore you shall not have any more children.” - -It is said that if a person hears that someone of his own clan is -threatening to impose a kirume on him, he can take steps to prevent its -infliction. The procedure was described as follows: If a person hears -that, say, a brother intended to place a kirume on him, he at once -takes a male goat or sheep to his village and kills it there; he offers -some of the fat, some milk and beer to the dying man, who cannot refuse -to forgive the suppliant, and who ceremonially spits into his hands and -rubs a little saliva on his forehead, navel, and feet. The threatened -person then departs in peace, free from any danger of a kirume from -that person. This applies to both guilds. - -One curious case of kirume which was described deserves notice. It is -probably very rare, but it possibly carries evidence of the ancient -origin of the belief and dates back to matriarchal times. - -Suppose a dying mwanake, or member of the warrior age, lays a kirume -upon his maternal grandfather, what course would he pursue to rid -himself of the dangerous infliction? If he was unable to get the one -who imposed it to spit on him as above described, he would have to seek -a grandson by another daughter, take or send to him a male goat, some -beer, the milk of a cow and seed of the various kinds of grain grown in -the country, and beg him to come to his village. The grandson would -then come accompanied by the elders; he would taste the meat, beer, -milk, etc., and ceremonially spit them out on the grandfather, and this -would relieve the old man of all danger from the kirume imposed by his -other grandson. There is a word kigao, which is intimately connected -with kirume, and is often confused with it, but inquiry seems to show -that kigao means the neglect of a dying father’s wish with regard to -the disposal of property, and the result of kigao, is, therefore, -kirume, cause and effect being often very closely allied in the mind of -a native. - -The fear of kirume seems to be much greater in the section of the tribe -circumcised Kikuyu fashion, for a prominent elder of the Masai guild -stated that when those circumcised Masai fashion succeed to their -father’s property they are invested with the brass bracelet worn by -elders on their right wrist, and upon their mother’s death they wear -the iron bracelet worn by her. These are called kigao, and once an -elder has been invested with them he is quite safe from the effect of -any kirume from his parents. The younger sons receive pieces of the ear -ornaments, ichui, which are made into finger rings and fulfil the same -purposes as the bracelets. This probably accounts for the greater -popularity of the Masai guild among the Kikuyu people. At the same time -the elder admitted that it would be bad to squander the flocks and -herds left by his father, and that if they became depleted he would -probably sell a portion of the landed property to make the flocks and -herds up to their original strength. - -If a man hears that a near relative is very ill he makes a point of -going to see him, and takes the precaution of getting him to spit -ceremonially on his hand and rub his visitor on the navel. - -If a man goes to see his sick father or mother he takes a piece of -mutton fat, and the sick parent ceremonially spits on it and the -visitor rubs the piece of fat covered with saliva on his navel. - -A married woman can impose a kirume, but not on an unmarried woman. The -following is an example of a case in which a married woman may invoke -this curse: - -If a married woman has for a long time been systematically ill-treated -by a brutal husband she can, when dying, put a kirume on her father for -having forced her to marry such a bad man, and also upon her husband -for his brutality. - -The kirume is looked upon as the severest form of thahu or nzahu known; -in most cases of thahu the subject rarely dies, because it is slow in -its action and the patient has an opportunity of making reparation and -seeking relief from the prescribed medicine man or elders, but in the -case of a kirume the curse is very swift in its action, the patient -rapidly sickens, breaks out into ulcers and often dies before he can -arrange to take measures to arrest its onslaught; his live stock will -also die mysteriously. - -It is believed that the effective power of the kirume is derived from -the spirit (ngoma) of the deceased person by whom it is imposed, -assisted by the ngoma of the ancestors of the family. - -It is said that there is no poison without its antidote, and the same -applies to the kirume, but the antidote must be applied in good time -and the only persons who can effect a cure are certain persons called -athuri ya ukuu. The athuri ya ukuu compose a grade of elders above that -of athuri ya mburi nne (elders of four goats—referring to the fee they -pay for initiation to the grade). They are always old men and rich, and -have to pay to their fellow elders of the grade a bullock and a male -sheep or goat as initiation fees. - -While the athuri ya mburi nne form the ordinary kiama, or council of -elders, the athuri ya ukuu constitute a native court of appeal, but -they do not admit appeals except in very important cases, when it is -within their competence to revise a judgment and, if they consider fit, -reduce the amount of compensation. It is also the duty of the athuri ya -ukuu to instruct the heir in the customs of the tribe when he succeeds -to the property after his father’s death. - -The athuri ya ukuu do not treat ordinary cases of thahu but have to be -called in for cases of kirume. - -The ceremonial connected with the removal of a kirume is as follows; it -is called ku-tahikia kirume in Kikuyu, which means “to purify from the -kirume.” - -The athuri ya ukuu are summoned to the patient’s village, and the day -before the ceremony the elders catch a mole-like rodent called huku -(Tachyoryctes sp.), put it alive in a cooking pot with some sweet -potatoes, and cork up the mouth of the pot. The huku must be caught -near the patient’s village. Next morning the athuri ya ukuu arrive with -a medicine man belonging to another clan and a male sheep is killed; -the elders then take the huku out of the pot and make passes all over -the patient’s body with the live animal and now take the huku and -samples of various kinds of native food, beads, etc., and proceed to -the place where the corpse of the person who imposed the kirume has -been buried or thrown out. Another sheep is taken with this party and -also a small cooking pot; upon reaching the spot referred to the second -sheep is killed and some of its fat is cooked in the pot. They then dig -a hole and pour the fat in it, also milk, honey, beer, etc.; they smear -the huku with the tatha, or stomach contents of the sheep, and the -medicine man ties a tiny piece of meat to the right and left foreleg of -the animal with a string made of mugeri (hibiscus) fibre, then -fastening it up in a rough net made of the roots of the ruriera plant, -and cuts the face off the sacrificial sheep, leaving the eyes intact, -and places them all in the hole saying, “Go back to your burrow and -take with you the spirit of the person who left this curse.” The hole -is then filled in. The medicine man eats the remainder of the meat and -afterwards returns to the village and purifies it. - -The huku is said to personify the person who imposed the kirume, and -the eyes of the sheep are to watch the huku and see that it does not -return to the village. The huku is chosen because it lives below -ground, and the ngoma of deceased persons are believed to live below -ground. - -After this ceremony the affected one is believed to recover; some say, -however, that it only alleviates the effect of a kirume, but does not -remove it completely. The elders stated that this would not affect a -kirume placed on a piece of land forbidding its sale, and what may be -called the kirume of entail could not be lifted. - -The lustration from a kirume by the huku ceremony only applies to the -Kikuyu guild. - -Altogether this is a very pretty example of what Sir J. G. Frazer terms -“homœopathic magic.” - -If a young woman has been abused or vilified by the young men (anake) -of her particular rika or generation, it is a serious matter for her, -but nothing is done about it until the girl is about to be married. The -father, however, then takes a ram and makes a feast for the anake of -the same rika or circumcision generation as his daughter, and they -assemble and ceremonially spit on the girl. She can then be safely -married and bear children. In fact, as a precaution, this is generally -done even if there is no record of a quarrel between the girl and the -young men of her rika. A medicine man is called in, a ewe is -slaughtered, and he ceremonially purifies the girl before her marriage. - -Ukamba.—As was mentioned before, the doctrine of kirume or the dying -curse is found among the Kamba people and is there called kiume. - -Elders, atumia, and young married men, anthele, can impose a kiume -among the A-Kamba but not among the warrior class, anake. - -A man is able to place a kiume upon the people of a village to the -effect that they shall not refuse food or good treatment to a -particular person, the friend of the dying man; this friend may even -belong to another tribe. - -A person cannot impose a kiume on anyone outside his immediate family. -A married woman can place a kiume on her father’s village if she has -reason to do so. - -An eldest son can place a kiume on a particular thing in the village -from which his mother came, a common case of this being when a man -places a kiume on the people of his maternal grandfather’s village, -contingent on the disposal of a beast which was paid by his father to -his mother’s people as part of her marriage price. The reason of this -is that an eldest son has a claim to a heifer, the progeny of the -marriage price paid by his father to his maternal grandfather for his -mother, and he can, when dying, will this beast to any particular -person, and if anyone prevents this bequest being carried out he will -die; the kiume generally falls on the head of the village. The formula -used is: “If you do not carry out this wish you will not be able to eat -meat, to drink water, to drink milk to eat maize, to eat millet, and so -on—and you will surely die.” - -As in Kikuyu, a dying elder in Ukamba can place a kiume on a cultivated -field, forbidding its sale out of the family. - -If a Mu-Kamba breaks a dying wish and incurs a kiume, he can generally -be freed from the consequences if he goes to an elder of his father’s -village or to a near relative of his father and takes a bullock; the -beast is killed and the elders spit water and milk on his face—this -saves him from the worse effects of the kiume, viz., death. The -ceremony is called kuathimwa. - -There is little doubt that much more remains to be learnt about the -ritual of kiume in Ukamba, but these things are more difficult to work -out in that district and the details have to be dragged out bit by bit. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -SUPERSTITIONS REGARDING CHILDREN AND WOMEN - - -Regarding the Birth of Children, etc. (Kikuyu).—In former times, if a -child was born feet first it was suffocated and thrown out. - -If a child touches the ground at the time of its birth it is considered -very unlucky. A ram, a mwati (young ewe) or an arika (young female -goat) is killed, and a bracelet made of the skin is placed on the -mother’s wrist. This is done for the sake of the child. The skin of the -animal sacrificed is used for carrying the child on its mother’s back. - -It is again very unlucky when an infant cuts its upper teeth first, but -the child is not killed, and is merely sent to its maternal -grandmother. This only refers to those belonging to the Kikuyu -circumcision guild. The child is termed kingu. To avert the ill luck, a -friend is asked to cohabit with the mother for a month, after which the -husband returns to his wife. - -The birth of twins is a great misfortune either in human beings or -domestic animals, but only when it occurs the first time a woman or -animal bears. - -It is believed that the father will die if he cohabits again with the -mother; a case was cited of a man who did so and was killed by a train -a few days later. - -Formerly twin infants were always suffocated, and in such cases were -thrown into the bush by the old woman who assisted at the birth. This -probably still occurs in the remoter parts of Kikuyu, but the elders -stated that in the more civilised parts they are no longer killed but -are given to a member of the clan of the father to rear. - -In order to free the mother from the curse, the husband hands her over -to another man called a mundu rohiu, and when she has borne to him, her -husband takes her back. A ram has to be killed and the woman adorned -with a rukwaru before she is taken back. - -This only refers to those belonging to the Kikuyu circumcision guild. - -If a person, who is a twin, crosses a river, he or she must stoop down -and fill the mouth with water and, facing downstream, spit it out into -the river, saying, according to their sex: “May I not beget (or bear) -twins as my father (or mother) did.” - -Anyone seeing this ceremony might well mistake it for a propitiatory -offering to a river spirit, and the error indeed has occurred. The root -idea, however, is that the flowing water may carry away the kind of -thahu which results in such an unlucky tendency as that of bearing -twins. They can give no explanation as to why twins should be of such -ill omen if they happen to be the first children of a married couple or -of a domestic animal. They do not appear to believe, as in some -countries, that twins have any influence over the weather. If a woman -bears twins a second time, one of the children will be given to another -man to bring up. - -The Hon. C. Dundas made some inquiries on this point in Kyambu -district, and he states that in S. Kikuyu the birth of twins is -considered unlucky excepting in the case of a woman who has borne other -children; the younger the woman the more unlucky the occurrence, and if -the first birth is of twins, no medicine man can remove the evil, and -the only course is to throw the twins into the bush or to give them to -another man of a different tribe or clan. In Kenya Province it is said -that twins are sold to other tribes, but in Kyambu district the elders -held this to be a bad custom. The foster-father becomes sole owner of -the twins and if they are girls receives dowry for them. In such case -if the twins were the first birth of a woman, the father can accept no -part of the dowry, but if they were second or subsequent births, he -receives the whole dowry from the foster-father and returns ten goats -to him. - -At Ngenda Mission, a twin was handed over to the missionary, and the -father agreed to give them the customary ten goats out of the dowry -when the child should be married. No reason for this belief is known, -but the custom is rigorously followed to this day. No one can sleep in -the hut in which twins were born until they are disposed of, and the -mother must cohabit with a stranger who is then called mwendia wa rohio -or mundu rohiu (man of the sword). [9] - -A short time ago a case of triplets occurred. The mother had first -borne one child, then twins, and finally triplets. In this case only -one of the triplets was given away to a man of another clan, for, as -the woman had borne several times before, the triplets were not -considered unlucky, and the giving away of the one was said to be due -solely to the mother’s inability to suckle all three. - -On the birth of a child a sheep is killed and a strip of the skin is -worn on the mother’s wrist, rukwaru, and her head is shaved; the fat of -the sheep is prepared and given to the infant to eat, being put into -its mouth with the finger. This must be done before the child is -suckled, and the same ceremony, in respect to the mother, is performed -by the foster-mother in cases where a twin or other child is handed -over to a family of another clan. - -In every case where a child is handed over to foster-parents it will -belong to the clan of its foster-parents and not to that of its real -parents, but if the child is a girl she can marry a man of the -foster-father’s clan provided he does not live close to the -foster-father, while marriage with a man of her real father’s clan is -prohibited to her. - -There is an undoubted widespread belief that the only satisfactory way -of dealing with twins is to suffocate them, as they are unlucky. It is -believed that the practice of giving them away is a later adaptation to -the custom followed when a woman dies in child-birth, the child, -whether twin or not, being always, in this case, given away to a man of -another clan. - -Among the Kamba of Ulu, the same general idea as to the unluckiness of -twins, if they are the first-born, prevails. The twins, however, are -not killed or put away, but within a day or two of their birth the -mother is returned by her husband to her father and the marriage price -of the woman is paid back to him. If the husband cohabits with the -mother of the twins after their birth it is believed that he or the -children will die. It is therefore quite clear that the curse or ill -luck is only immanent in the woman. Upon the birth of an ordinary child -a string made of the bark of the ithaa tree is ceremonially tied round -its neck, but this is not permitted in the case of twins. After the -mother of twins has been returned to her father, she may be married to -another husband without the latter incurring the same risks as the -first husband, but the second husband must be of the grade of an elder -of council. It is an interesting point, as a man, on reaching this -grade, is not so subject to the incidence of a curse as a young man. It -would therefore appear that the woman is still to some extent -dangerous. The second husband becomes the adopted father of the twins -and carries out the ithaa ceremony mentioned above; one of the twins -must be named Mbatha, the name of the other one being of no -significance. At the feast of the ithaa, he kills two rams or two male -goats, one for each twin. It is said that twins are not killed at -birth, as among the Kikuyu, because the woman’s second husband would, -under native law, sue the father for the value of the children. - -As the twins grow up, each child must be treated exactly alike; if one -has a present, the other must receive the same. A wife must be found -for each at the same time, and the same marriage dowry must be paid for -each. In the case of boys, when sufficient live stock has been paid -over to the prospective father-in-law to induce them to part with their -daughters, both brides must be brought to their husbands on the same -day. If one of the twins is a boy and the other a girl, and the latter -is being sought in marriage by a young man, it is the custom for the -brother to take his sister to her lover’s village for a visit. They -stay there two days and return home on the third day, the girl being -given a goat by the young man. - -The Kamba of Ulu do not believe that twins have any influence on the -rain or the weather generally. In Kitui, as in Kikuyu, it is most -unlucky for twins to be born if they are the first children of the -marriage. In former times one was buried alive, but this cruel custom -has apparently died out. It is, however, still believed that if they -are girls and both live, the mother will die, and if the twins are boys -and they survive, the father will die. It is supposed that the evil -effect can be mitigated to some extent if, three days after their -birth, the father cohabits with the mother; the parents also kill a -goat and are smeared with the tatha, or stomach contents. - -If a cow bears twin calves at first calving they are invariably both -killed. - -As in Kikuyu, it is lucky for a child to be born head first; it is -unlucky to be born feet first, but the infant is not killed. There is, -however, a curious belief that such a person must never step over -anyone lying on the ground, and if he forgets this prohibition, he must -at once step back over the recumbent person. The stepping back is -called njokela, “to go back,” and is supposed to reverse the ill luck -which would be transmitted. - -In Kitui, if a cow bears a dead calf the children can eat it but not a -woman, as it is believed that the next time she is pregnant she will -have a still-born child. Women are also not allowed to eat the meat of -a beast which dies. - -If a cow bears a deformed calf it is buried, for if it is allowed to -live lung trouble is said to appear among the cattle. - -There is no particular taboo on crippled children, but the people say -that the infant is the reincarnation of a deceased person similarly -afflicted whom they remember, and give it his or her name. - -The Kamba of Kitui believe that the aiimu, or spirits of the deceased, -sometimes pray to the deity (Engai) to give them another body, and if -the request is granted, a spirit will enter a new-born child and -commence another corporeal existence on earth. Their reason for -believing this is that a pregnant woman will sometimes dream of a -deceased person night after night; if she dreams of a certain man who -is dead, and then bears a son, they know it is that particular man who -has come back to earth, and the child will be given his name. This is -part of the same belief as that of the spiritual husband, described in -the author’s work on the A-Kamba, page 39. - -As in the Ulu district and Kikuyu it is considered very unlucky for a -child to be born feet first, and such a child will have ill luck -through life. If it is a male child his wife, if he marries in late -life, is sure to die, and if it is a girl, her husband will die. In the -latter case, however, the evil can be averted if the prospective -husband, before he commences to pay for his bride, sends her mother a -present of an axe. If the woman bears a child which is born feet first, -it is essential that the husband cohabit with her on the seventh day -after the birth. - -Should a child in Kitui cut its upper incisor teeth first it is -considered a very bad sign. Such a child must not partake of the -firstfruits of the fields, and it is said that, should it admire a -growing crop, that crop will never reach maturity. This evil influence, -however, can to a great extent be mitigated if, when the first of the -child’s milk teeth drops out, the father cohabits with the mother. - -A child is taught that when one of his milk teeth comes out he is to -throw it between his legs and say, “May Engai give me a new tooth to -replace the one I have lost.” - -The feeling against twin birth varies according to the locality. In the -more remote parts it is very strong, but in parts of Ulu, the prejudice -is dying out. The father, however, will usually sacrifice to prevent -evil effects. - -Taboos on Women.—When a pregnant woman is near delivery, all arms are -taken out of the hut, and also any iron hoes. They are not brought back -again until the mother’s head has been shaved at the purification -ceremony after a birth. If these articles are left in a hut on such an -occasion and someone, for instance, takes a hoe away and uses it, the -child will, it is believed, be afflicted with a thabu. The food in the -house at the time of birth can only be eaten by the mother and three -old women who assist at the birth; any infringement of this rule is a -great danger to the newly born. Even the father cannot eat in the hut -for three or four months, but if a man is poor and has only one wife, -he will sleep in the thengira, or goat hut, and if he has no thengira, -he will sleep in the hut on a separate bed. - -A pregnant woman must not sew with a needle, as it is said to be very -dangerous for the new-born infant. - -If at child-birth any blood falls on the floor of the hut, the old -women who assist at the birth dig up the earth floor at that place and -bury the soil in the bush at some little distance from the village, for -if a goat licked that particular spot it would die. - -If a man goes into his hut at a birth or after it has taken place, and -accidentally treads in blood which may have dripped on the floor, the -newly born child will become sick, but the evil can be averted by the -cohabitation of the parents. - -This fear of certain kinds of blood is very curious and goes right back -to ancient times. Among these people a woman during her menstrual -period may not grind corn, but is allowed to cook sweet potatoes or -whole maize. She may not, however, milk the cattle, nor may she cut -potato tops as green fodder for the goats. - -A woman must also not step over her husband when in this state or he -will become ill, and to remove the thahu a ewe lamb must be killed and -both husband and wife invested with bracelets made of the skin -(rukwaru). A woman will tell her husband when she becomes ill, and -bathe when she is no longer so. Her husband can then return to her. - -A woman must not shave her hair while her husband is on a journey; if -she does so she will be accused of bewitching him. She can, however, -clip her hair a little in front. This prohibition is said to be -connected with the customs by which a wife shaves her head on the death -of her husband, and were she to do so while he is travelling, it might -possibly bring him ill luck. - -If a man goes away to hunt or to fight, and on his way back, when he -nears his village, is taken ill and suffers from diarrhœa, he knows -thereby that his wife has been unfaithful to him during his absence. He -will thereupon call an elder and tell him to bring a ram and the roots -of certain medicinal plants: kindio, ibalu, and mathengi. The throat of -the ram is pierced and the blood collected in a half gourd (nzeli) and -mixed with the crushed roots and the tatha, or stomach contents, of the -ram. The suspected woman is called out and told to take hold of the -right arm of the elder who is holding the nzeli containing the mixture. -She then takes a handful of the decoction and throws it on the ground, -and the husband rubs his foot in it. The remainder of the mixture is -sprinkled all the way from there to the door of the hut, as well as on -the bed. She is probably beaten by her husband, and her paramour is -summoned before the council of elders and fined a bull or a ram. - - - - - - - - - - -PART II - -MAGIC - - -INTRODUCTORY - - -In a study of the beliefs and practices of primitive people it is -difficult to draw the line between religion and magic. The general view -is that magic is anti-social; that is to say, that it grew up to -satisfy the desire of man to manipulate supernatural powers for his own -private benefit. - -Robertson Smith expresses the position as follows: “The gods watched -over a man’s civic life, etc., but they were not sure helpers in any -private need, and, above all, would not help him in matters that were -against the interests of the community as a whole. There was therefore -a whole region of possible needs and desires for which religion could -and would do nothing, and if supernatural help was sought in such -things it had to be sought through magical ceremonies designed to -purchase or constrain the favour of demoniac powers with which the -public religion had nothing to do.” [10] - -This line of argument is probably unassailable, but in the people with -whom we are dealing the belief in demoniacal powers, as apart from the -ancestral spirits, has not reached a high pitch of development, and is -not at all concrete. They practise magic extensively and have a firm -belief in it, but it is difficult to say with certainty exactly what -powers they believe are being influenced by the magical ceremonial. - -The guild of smiths, both in Kikuyu and Ukamba, possess hereditary -magic powers; one clan of the Kikuyu, called the Eithaga, is believed -also to possess similar powers. A leading elder in Kikuyu, for example, -who is also the priest in charge of a sacred tree, is said to have the -power of destroying plagues of caterpillars. Such a person, however, -could scarcely be considered anti-social, as the destruction of the -pest must benefit the crops of the whole community. There is also the -case of another elder who is apparently a past master in the art of -detecting criminals, and more especially thieves; this power would, of -course, only be exercised at the request of the owner of the property, -and incidentally to the advantage of the magician. - -The power of the “evil eye” probably belongs to magic, although the -power is regarded as an infliction which a person unfortunately -possesses at birth. It is a very ancient belief, and has existed from -the time of the ancient Assyrians to the present day. It still -flourishes among the Semitic races, and also in Morocco; all round the -Mediterranean basin, in fact, as well as in Arabia and Palestine, -people wear armlets or charms to protect them from this evil influence. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE GUILD OF SMITHS IN KIKUYU AND UKAMBA - - -The information relating to Kikuyu smiths was mainly collected from -Kimani wa Nyaga, of the Gachiko clan, who is one of the senior smiths -in Southern Kikuyu. - -A smith in Kikuyu is called muturi, plural aturi. - -The smiths of the Kikuyu tribe are said to have all come originally -from a common centre of distribution at Ithanga, on the south-western -side of Mount Kenya. - -This scattering of the smiths throughout the tribe is stated to have -occurred many generations ago, and the name Ithanga to be that of their -common ancestor, but now the term Ithanga has become a synonym for a -sub-clan of the A-Gachiko, and not all the members of this sub-clan are -smiths. - -It may be that the ancestor Ithanga was a migrant from another tribe -and the first person to bring into the tribe the knowledge of working -in iron. There appears to be, however, no legend as to who invented the -act of smelting or working in iron; it therefore looks as if the craft -were imported. It was certainly not learnt from the Dorobo or Asi -aboriginals, for the Kikuyu declare that when their forefathers came -into the country, the Asi had no smiths, and to this day they have -none. It is believed that the ancestors of the Dorobo were the people -who made the stone implements now being so widely found. - -The Masai, however, appear to have had amongst them for a long period a -clan of serfs called El-Konono, who are their smiths. - -In former times, the ancestors of the Kikuyu dug out nodules of -ironstone at Ithanga, and also collected iron sand washed down by the -rain from the hill. This is probably the place described by Routledge, -p. 80 et seq., of his book. The ironstone was smelted with charcoal -made from the mutumaiyu tree (Olea chrysophylla) and forged with -charcoal from the mutarakwa tree (Juniperus procera). - -The tools and apparatus used by smiths are as follows: - - - Stone Anvil—Ihiga ya uturi (even to this day these are brought - from Ithanga, where hard metamorphic rocks occur). - Hammer—Kiriha. - Pincers—Muhato. - Bellows—Miura. - Wooden nozzles of bellows—Ngeruru (made of murumbu wood). - Clay tuyére—Ngerrua. - Charcoal—Makara. - Smith’s fire—Mwaki wa kiganda. - Smith’s hut (smithy)—Kiganda. - Pot used to contain water for quenching—Rugio ya uturi. - - -In former times one section smelted the iron and another forged it; -imported iron wire is now so cheap that most of the forgings are made -from it. - -If a man wishes to enter the guild, he has to be initiated with some -ceremony. He must bring a ram (ndorume) which is slaughtered just -outside the smithy; the novice is then walked round the anvil. The -heart and lungs of the slaughtered animal are held in the smith’s tongs -and roasted in his fire, which is fanned by the bellows; the novice -eats them and the smith sits on the anvil and anoints the forehead of -the novice with a spot of white earth (ira). The carcase of the -sacrifice is then split from neck to tail, the right half being eaten -by the smiths and the left half by the villagers present. - -The smiths and the villagers then go to the village of the novice to -drink beer, and next morning the smith comes and forges an iron -bracelet, which he places on the right wrist of the would-be smith, -and, if the smith is married, one on the left wrist of his principal -wife. If he has more than one wife, one of his first tasks is to forge -bracelets for the others. The head of a smith’s village wears a twisted -iron bracelet on his right wrist, the other smiths a plain iron band. - -Birth does not confer membership of the guild; the son of a smith has -to go through the same initiation ceremonies before becoming a smith. - -All smiths are believed to possess magical powers which are alleged to -come from the iron they use and are carried on through the spirits of -their ancestors (ngoma). These powers are used in many ways; a smith -can inflict curses which are of the nature of thahu, and they can bless -the weapons they forge. - -When a smith has forged a spear or sword he rubs it with a piece of -kianduri wood (Swahili msuaki, Bot. Salvadora persica) and addresses -the weapon thus: “If the owner of this meets with an enemy, may you go -straight and kill your adversary; but if you are launched at one who -has no evil in his heart, may you miss him and pass on either side -without entering into his body.” This incantation is believed to be a -great charm. - -After this ceremony the smith’s assistant polishes the weapon with a -quartzose stone called ngomongo; the assistant is paid for his work but -is not usually a smith. He is often merely the bellows boy, who is -called a muruguti. - -Some customers bring their own iron and charcoal and bargain for the -manufacture of a sword or spear; others buy a weapon which has been -made at odd moments and laid by for sale. - -A smith will not make the sheath of a sword; he makes the wooden hilt, -but the owner himself covers it with raw hide and also makes the -sheath. - -One of the important functions of the smiths is to make certain -articles used in connection with the circumcision rites of the tribe. -These are as follows: - - - Ruenji—A razor which is especially made for the circumcision rite. - Mukuha—A needle for piercing the ears of small boys. When a boy - is circumcised the elders ceremonially pass this through the - hole in the novice’s ear. - Ngunju—A small iron ornament placed in the ears of boys and girls - at the circumcision ceremony. - Kahiu kaithinja—A knife especially forged to kill the sacrificial - ram at the circumcision ceremony. - - -The head of the village where the rites are to take place orders these -articles from a leading smith before the ceremony. When the smith -delivers them he is given some honey beer, and he ceremonially spits a -little of it on each of the things to free them from any suspicion of -containing bad magic. - -When a smith marries, another smith is called in to forge an iron -bracelet, which is placed on the bride’s left wrist. The husband then -kills a ram, and the fat and the tatha (stomach contents) of the animal -are boiled together in a pot, and the bracelet is dropped into the -mixture. This is supposed to free the bride from any bad magic which -some evilly disposed ancestral spirit might bring upon her by means of -the bracelet. - -The Kikuyu smiths state that they have no special language or dialect -peculiar to their guild. When they die, they are buried or thrown out -in the bush, according to their grade, in the same way as other members -of the tribe, and no symbol of their trade is buried with them. - -Some smiths belong to the Masai circumcision guild, others to the -Kikuyu guild. - -With regard to the magic powers of smiths referred to above: - -A smith can place a spell on a patch of forest to prevent anyone from -destroying it. He takes an iron necklet or bracelet which belonged to a -deceased person, cuts it into small pieces, and walks round the piece -of forest which is to be protected. He then deposits the pieces at the -foot of a tree within the area, and woe betide anyone who infringes the -prohibition! If at any time the spell is to be lifted, the smith -proceeds to the area, sacrifices a ewe, removes the pieces of bracelet, -and smears the spot with tatha, or stomach contents, of the sacrificial -animal. - -If sugar cane is stolen from a garden, or goats are stolen out of a -village by night, the owner often goes to a smith and seeks his aid, -taking with him the iron necklet or bracelet of a deceased person. If -the smith agrees to intervene, he will heat this in his smithy fire and -then sever it with a chisel, saying, “May the thief be cut as I cut -this iron.” Or he may take a sword or an axe-head which he is making, -heat it in his fire and then quench it in water, saying, “May the body -of the thief cool as this iron does,” i.e., “May he die.” - -Both of these curses are said to be equally effective, and it is -believed that the thief will gradually become thin and fade away with a -terrible cough. When he becomes ill, however, he will usually confess -his crime and be brought to the smith or come to him to beg that the -curse may be lifted. He must bring a ram (ndorume) with him, and the -smith will then order him to sit down outside the smithy and will march -round him with the ram. The ram is killed, and the heart and lungs are -extracted; these parts are then roasted in the smith’s fire and the -patient eats them, and the curse is lifted. The complete recovery, -however, is said to take about six weeks. A medicine man has no power -over a smith’s magic. - -In former times smiths were sometimes supposed to bewitch people -against whom they had a grievance. A smith would secretly take the -necklet or bracelet of a deceased person, cut it into pieces, and bury -a piece at the gate of the village he wished to bewitch; the people -passing in and out all day would step on the spot where the piece of -iron was buried and thus incur the evil influence. Another piece would -probably be buried at the watering place. By these means the whole -village became afflicted, and unless the magic was removed the people -would die. The infliction of the magic, in fact, would probably not be -realised until several people had died. The evil magic has to be -removed by a smith and a medicine man; a ram and a young ewe, which has -not yet borne, mwati, are provided, the ram is killed, and the usual -purification ceremony gone through, the ewe being set aside and taken -by the mundu mugo. After the evil magic has been removed, the head of -the afflicted village receives from the smith a twisted iron bracelet -(muthiori). - -Smiths place their old clay tuyéres on sticks in cultivated fields to -protect the crops from thieves; there is no ceremony connected with -this, but if at any time these must be removed, the smith removes them, -carefully placing a little tatha from the stomach of a sacrificial -sheep in the hole in which the stick was erected. This removes the -curse and also the possibility of the magic damaging, at some future -time, a person for whom it was not intended. - -When a smith forges a new hammer for use in his forge, the medicine men -of the district come and collect the iron scale from the forging to mix -with their medicines, more particularly the medicines they make to -protect a village from thieves or wild beasts. The medicine man (mundu -mugo) marches round the village with the medicine and then buries it at -the gate. It is called kihoho by the Kikuyu. - -If anything is stolen from a smith’s forge he calls together all the -smiths of the country-side. This assembly is called njama ya aturi. -Each one in turn is asked if he stole the article, and whether the -culprit confesses or not, they generally fix on one whom they strongly -suspect and insist on his taking the oath of the goat (ku-ringa -thenge). If the culprit confesses he is forgiven and warned, but if he -refuses, he is cursed by the bracelet of a dead person. Should he be -guilty, the spirit of that person will bewitch him to the peril of his -life. He cannot get the curse lifted until the njama ya aturi -reassembles and lifts it. - -The ordinary Kikuyu native is far too afraid of the magic of the smiths -to steal anything from one of them, so that when a smith is the victim -of a theft it is easy to guess that the crime has been committed by -another smith. - -In the old days, the Anjiru clan, before starting on a foray against -the Masai, went to a smith and got from him a small piece of iron -called kiheto, for which the representatives of the clan would pay a -pot of honey beer and one of sugar cane beer. The smith took a little -of the beer and spat it out on the kiheto. The Anjiru then took away -the kiheto, made medicine with it, and buried it on the path at the -entrance to the enemy’s country. This was believed to stop the Masai -cattle from being driven off a long way. - -Smiths were formerly called upon to settle cases. If, for instance, a -man was owed a debt, he would induce some smiths to go to the village -of the debtor and order him to pay. And as the smiths were held in fear -because of this magic the order was generally complied with. - -The Eithaga clan has never counted any smiths amongst its members. The -magic of the smiths was always feared by them. When this clan made -spells to withhold the rain it is said that they were careful not to -let the fields of a smith suffer. - -If a medicine man visits the village of a smith he does not sleep in -one of his huts, but lodges in the goat hut, thengira; a smith does the -same if he visits the village of a medicine man. If a Mweithaga passes -a smithy when it is raining he cannot enter to take shelter. - -A woman cannot enter a smithy unless she is a smith’s wife, and she can -then come to bring her husband’s food. - -Smiths Among the Kamba of Kitui.—The original smiths all belonged to -one clan, viz., the Atui, which is a section of the Anzunzu clan, but -members of other branches have now learnt the art and been admitted to -the brotherhood. In Machakos district some of the smiths belong to the -Eombi clan. - -If a man wishes to become a smith he brews some beer and takes it along -with a goat to a local smith. They drink the beer together; the smith -takes a sip and then ceremonially squirts it over the hand of the -novice, saying, “May your hands become skilful at the work which I can -do.” They then kill the goat and mix some of its blood with some of the -beer, and the smith pours it over the anvil and addresses it as -follows: “This man is now the same as I am, and I shall give him a new -anvil, and may this new anvil be his friend.” - -The anvil is of stone, and when it is worn out the smith searches for -another suitable piece of some tough rock, generally granite or gneiss, -and instals it in the forge. Before using it, however, he brews some -beer and pours it over the anvil, saying, “You are now an anvil, and -you must be as good a one as your predecessor.” - -The cult of the smith does not appear to be as highly developed in -Ukamba as in Kikuyu, for his powers are more limited; he wears no mark -of his trade, and he does not dedicate the weapons he forges, as is -done by the Kikuyu smiths. - -If, however, a man steals a smith’s stone anvil or any tool from his -smithy, the smith can curse him by saying: “So-and-so has stolen my -anvil, and I curse him, and if he eats this season’s food he will die,” -and it is firmly believed that the thief will die before the harvest is -reaped. - -When a man goes to a smith to have an iron rod forged for branding -cattle, the smith will place it in the purchaser’s hand when it is -finished and say: “May the cattle branded with this iron be lucky, may -they escape disease, and may they be fruitful.” This tends to show that -the branding of cattle is believed to have a magical value and is not -solely intended as an identification mark for the beasts belonging to -each clan. - -Iron has always played a great part in ancient magic, and continues to -do so in many parts of the world. This is probably due to the fact that -the art of extracting the metal appeared so marvellous to early man -that it was attributed originally to magic. This idea was very likely -kept alive by the early iron smelters and smiths. In early times, as at -the present day, in certain parts of Africa the same persons smelted -and forged, and these men probably invested the process of manufacture -with an atmosphere of mystery and combined into a guild pledged to keep -the art a secret from the uninitiated. - -In connection with this subject, it is interesting to note that some -scientists lean to the opinion that the manufacture of iron originated -in Africa. Professor Gregory comments on this problem in “Geology of -To-day,” pp. 321–322. Referring to the easier smelting of iron than of -bronze he says: “Grains of iron oxide are very widely distributed, and -in arid areas attract attention by their heaviness and metallic -aspect.... The preparation of iron by the negroes in Africa is a far -simpler process than the manufacture of bronze. Bronze tools, however, -are found in Europe earlier than those of iron, but their earlier -presence may be explained by the readiness with which iron tools would -perish by rust.... This explanation is, however, not satisfactory, for -if iron had been present and removed, the rust would have remained as a -stain or as a cement. Moreover, it is clear that in Western Europe the -bronze age immediately succeeded the stone age, for the early bronze -implements are copies of stone tools. The conflict of metallurgical and -archæological argument probably admits of a geographical explanation. - -“Grains of iron ore in sands and gravels are conspicuous in hot, arid -climates such as tropical Africa, and it is probable that iron working -was invented there before the bronze age in Europe. The inhabitants of -the moister climates of the Mediterranean and Europe had no such easily -found supply of iron. - -“Some conspicuous ores yielded tin and copper, and an ingenious smith -who had learnt iron working in tropical Africa may have combined them, -and obtained bronze.” - -This is one view. Professor Sir W. Ridgeway, on the other hand, is, I -believe, firmly convinced that the secret of the working of iron in the -Western world originated in Central Europe, probably in the Hallstadt -region, and there we must leave this problem. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE EVIL EYE - - -This belief, so widespread in Europe, Morocco, and many other parts of -the world has never received much attention from observers in this part -of Africa, and it was only recently realised that it received much -recognition in Kikuyu. It is called kita or kithamengo. - -The word kita means saliva as well as evil eye. The Swahili synonym is -kijicho. - -A few people here and there throughout the country are believed to -possess this gift, women as well as men, irrespective of the guild to -which they belong. The possessor is born with it. - -It gradually dawns upon the people that So-and-so possesses the power, -owing to the fact that if that person audibly admires a beast belonging -to a neighbour the animal shortly after that becomes sick. If this -occurs several times the various owners compare notes and it becomes -generally known that So-and-so is kithamengo. - -It would therefore seem that the idea is not based on an evil glance -but upon an envious thought. - -After that, if a cattle owner hears that a man who has this power (or -one ought, perhaps, to term it “this infliction”) has been admiring one -of his cows, he will send for him and insist on his removing the evil; -this is done by the man wetting his finger with saliva, and touching -the beast on the mouth and on various parts of the body with his wetted -finger; this is believed to neutralise the enchantment. - -Members of the Chera and Anjiru clans are notably possessed of this -power with considerable frequency; the Ambui and Aithiageni again very -rarely possess it. Even a medicine man cannot remove a curse imposed by -a person with the evil eye; only the individual who imposed it can -remove it, and he can do it only in the morning before he touches food. - -Human beings and also inanimate objects are equally affected by the -power, for it is said that if a person who possesses the evil eye -admires a woman who is enceinte she will abort, and if she is not, her -breasts will become highly inflamed, and he has to come and -ceremonially rub a little saliva on them to remove the danger. - -If an individual object is admired, say a spear, it will soon -afterwards be broken, or if, for instance, the leather-covered sheath -of a sword is admired it will probably be gnawed by rats and spoilt. - -No one who is not born with the power can acquire it, and it appears to -be looked upon as an unavoidable misfortune. It is said to be the gift -of God (Engai), and if a death or loss occurs the person to whom it is -attributable cannot be sued for compensation before the kiama, or -council of elders. - -In time the people get to know who possesses the power, and if such a -person enters a village he is asked in a friendly way to spit -ceremonially on all the children to prevent anything untoward occurring -to them owing to his visit. If a father possesses this power he can -render his children proof against its action either from himself or any -other person by shutting his eyes and then ceremonially spitting into -each of their mouths. - -The power is said to be hereditary, but all the children are not born -with the gift. This belief exists among the Masai, and is called -’Ng-onyek oo’-l-tunganak, and will probably be found to account for the -ceremonial spitting which was so common among them when they wished to -show their friendliness. Refer to Hollis’s “Masai,” page 315, the -spitting on children is undoubtedly done to show the parents that the -stranger is anxious to do the right thing and not afflict the child by -the power of the evil eye. Also vide Hollis’s “Nandi,” page 90, -spitting is again believed to remove the spell of the evil eye -(sakutik). - -In Ukamba, Mr Dundas states that it is called kyeni; there is said to -be a whole clan in Kitui called Mwanziu which possess the power, and it -often happens that when a person has received a slight injury he will -go to a member of this clan and ask him to spit on the injured spot, -which forthwith becomes whole. Possibly he attributes his hurt to -someone with the power of the “evil eye.” It is also said that -possessors of this gift have such power that if they admire a stone it -will split into fragments. - -The evil eye is a belief of great antiquity, for it was even recognised -as far back as Mosaic times, cf. Deut. xxviii. 54: “His eye shall be -evil towards his brother and towards the wife of his bosom,” etc. - -The Magic of the Eithaga.—It has occasionally been incorrectly alleged -that the power of the “evil eye” in Kikuyu is the monopoly of one clan -called the Eithaga or Aithaga, but such does not appear to be the case. -The members of the Eithaga clan are credited with supernatural powers, -but they are of quite a different character, as will be seen below. The -name of the clan is Eithaga or Kiuru, a single member is called -Mweithaga. The name Kiuru is an opprobrious nickname, which means -“those who bewitch people.” - -The stronghold of the Eithaga is Karuri’s country on the east slopes of -the Nandarua Mountain, but it is said that they originally came from -Karira’s to the north of the Saba Saba River. The present head of the -clan is one Kiriri near Karuri’s, and in South Kikuyu the most -prominent Mweithaga is Mkone wa Ndawa, and it is said that the chief -Kiriri has hair growing on the point of his tongue. The clan is nearly -entirely endogamous, that is to say, a Mweithaga generally marries a -Mweithaga, and no man of another clan will marry a Mweithaga woman, but -a Mweithaga man may occasionally find a mate from another clan. The -members of the Eithaga clan practically all belong to the Kikuyu -circumcision guild. They are, however, divided into two divisions, -A-Mbura and A-Kiuru, the first meaning the “rain-makers” and the second -the “wizards.” - -The former profess to be able to make rain, but their powers in this -connection are not considered very extensive, and the majority will -only admit that if rain is about, a Mu-Mbura may cause it to fall if it -is the proper season for rain. If rain comes on in a camp where one has -any Eithaga porters they will turn out, wave branches and blow -vigorously in the direction from which the rain is coming, and, what is -more, firmly believe that they are having some effect on the elements. - -In connection with these rain-making powers, it is curious to note that -no Mweithaga may drink or cook with rain-water that has been collected -in a cooking pot; if he does so he will surely die. Further, no -Mweithaga may carry embers of fire in a fragment of crock from a -cooking pot. He must either carry the fire in some green leaves in his -hand or get a firebrand. - -We now come to the wizard branch of the clan. Only the males have -magical powers. It is said that a Mweithaga will take an ox or Kudu -horn and blow it, and so doing will bewitch an enemy, saying, “I blow -this horn and your heart will become like the wind I blow through this -horn,” meaning, it will disappear and be lost. The person will then be -bewitched, will cough up phlegm, and eventually die unless he takes -offerings to the Mweithaga and beseeches him to remove the spell. The -proper thing is to take a ram and some sugar cane, and if this is done -the wizard is unable to refuse, and will keep the sheep, cook some of -the fat and put it in his mouth with some of the juice from the sugar -cane. He will then squirt a little into the mouth of the bewitched -person, and will also put some into a gourd for the patient to take -back to his village and give to his children. After this ceremony the -patient recovers, and, what is better, it is said that no Mweithaga can -again bewitch him in this way. - -A Mweithaga, if he wishes to bewitch a village, will go into the bush -and find francolin eggs, and will put these, together with the leaves -of the mkurwe (Albizzia) bush, on a fire and will say, “As these eggs -burst and as these leaves shrivel up so shall this village be -destroyed,” and it is believed that evil will forthwith fall on the -people of that village, but only upon the people, for the Eithaga do -not harm live stock. Some will put the francolin eggs with water in a -cooking pot on a fire and then break the pot and the eggs with one of -the hearth stones. The Eithaga rarely use herbs or material substances -in their magic, their spells being done by invocation. No medicine man -can remove a spell imposed by a Mweithaga; it can only be removed by -the one who imposed it or by another Mweithaga. If, however, a -mysterious sickness falls on a village a mundu mugo, or medicine man, -is called in, and he can diagnose it and tell whether it is due to the -magic of Eithaga. A Mweithaga cannot bewitch another Mweithaga, nor can -he bewitch a person belonging to another tribe such as Masai or Kamba. - -Sometimes, however, they are of use, for they are believed to have the -power of bewitching unknown thieves, and so it occasionally happens -that a person who has had, say, some goats or some sugar cane stolen, -will call in a Mweithaga and ask him to throw a spell on the thief. He -will come to the village and take a piece of mud containing the spoor -of one of the stolen animals or one of the stems from which the sugar -cane has been cut, as the case may be, and he will say “A rokwa nguo,” -“I bewitch the thief.” The thief, who is probably not far away, will -hear people talking of this, and being convinced of the effects of the -magic will hasten to return the stolen property to its owner. - -The Mweithaga is then called again, and the owner of the goats takes -one and kills it, the Mweithaga cuts out the stomach with part of the -œsophagus, wets his finger with saliva and touches the end of the -œsophagus with his wetted finger, and then inflates the stomach by -blowing and makes passes with it over the body of the thief, thus -removing the spell. He finally fastens a rukwaru, or strip of the goat -skin, on the thief’s wrist and the thief has to pay a sheep to the -Mweithaga as a fee. If the theft is that of such a thing as sugar cane -the thief has to find the sacrificial goat and then be purified as -above described. - -No Mweithaga may eat wild game, and in no case can he even wear the -skin of a wild beast; the only exceptions to this law are that they can -eat locusts and can make honey bags out of the skin of the ngunu, a -small reddish antelope, probably a duiker. - -For all their magical powers the Eithaga, like other people, are -subject to the incidence of thahu, and are also subject to the power of -the evil eye. - -There is a kind of constitutional antipathy between the Eithaga and the -smiths of the tribe, and it is said that there are no Eithaga smiths. A -Mweithaga may not sleep in a smith’s house or vice versâ; if this did -occur it is believed that illness or even death would supervene. The -evil spell can, however, be removed by the owner of the house; that is -to say, if a smith sleeps in the house of a Mweithaga, the Mweithaga -could remove the evil, and vice versâ. - -The Kikuyu are very afraid of the Eithaga, and in former days after -someone had been killed by their black art the elders would induce one -of them to come and remove the spell from all the people of the village -where the man had died. They would then collect as many of the members -of the clan as they could find and insist on their taking the oath -known as ku-ringa thenge, by which they would swear not to bewitch any -more of their neighbours. Sometimes, however, they would turn out en -masse and slaughter all the Eithaga they could lay their hands on. It -is said that a Kikuyu would never enter the village of a Mweithaga -uninvited. - -If a Mweithaga goes to a village and becomes embroiled in a quarrel -with a member of another tribe, goats must be exchanged to make the -peace, and the Mweithaga must spit on the other party to obviate any -evil effects. The Mweithaga then invites the other man to his village -to drink beer with him, and will take a sip from a horn of beer and -eject it back into the horn, the man then drinking the beer, after -which he is immune from the effects of any Eithaga magic. - -The Eithaga are believed to have the power of protecting forest, and -their powers are sometimes invoked for this purpose. If a man wishes to -protect a patch of forest on his property, he sends for a Mweithaga to -put a spell on it; the magician proceeds to the spot with the local -elders and brings with him a cooking pot taken from the deserted hut of -a deceased person. He fills this with water drawn from each spring and -stream in the piece of forest, and boils it on a fire made on a path in -the said forest; the pot is supported on three stones. After this a -little of the water is poured back into each of the springs or streams, -and the pot is then shattered by dropping one of the hearth stones on -it. The magician then blows his horn and announces that if anyone cuts -the trees in the forest his heart will burst forth like the blasts of -the horn. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III - -KIKUYU MAGIC AND MAGICIANS - - -Njau wa Kabocha.—There is, in S. Kikuyu, a curious old medicine man -named Njau wa Kabocha, belonging to the Anjiru clan, who is held in -great esteem on account of his magical powers and his priestly -functions. He possesses a sacred tree, at which sacrifices are believed -to be very effectual. He is said not to deal in bad magic, and one of -his specialities is the removal of a plague of caterpillars, ngunga, or -wireworms, vigunyu, from the crops. He was good enough to give a -description of the procedure used to effect this useful object. - -The owner of the afflicted crops brings a ram, ndorume, and some beer; -the ram is strangled and the lower intestine, mutura, is extracted; a -number of the caterpillars are also collected. The magician drinks a -draught of the beer and then bites the caterpillars in half, one after -another, and lays the pieces on the leaves of the mutundu (Croton -macrostachys) and mukuyu (Dombeya sp.). He then places fragments of the -caterpillars in the intestine of the ram, goes away into the bush and -buries the parcel in the hole of white ants’ nest (Muthongonina). [11] -He next takes some wood of the morika and muirangani trees and lights a -fire near the place where the caterpillars are buried, and in this fire -he burns the above-mentioned leaves and the remaining caterpillars. - -The magician does not eat any of the meat of the ram; this is consumed -by the owners of the fields and the elders who have accompanied him. - -A second ram is then provided, and the magician, together with the -village elders, goes and sacrifices this at the nearest sacred fig -tree; the breast of the ram is cut out and hung in the tree, and the -remainder of the sacrifice is eaten by the magician and the elders. -After this, the magician takes the ngorima (colon?) from the second -ram, some beer, njohi, some unfermented beer, ngogoyo, honey, beeswax, -medicine, of which he would not disclose the nature, and the horns of -the ram; these he burns in a fire, ichua, in the afflicted field. The -bones are all broken intentionally, but the marrow is not extracted, as -it is said that when the fat and bones are burnt in the fire they make -a smell which is very acceptable to the deity Engai. The fire is called -ichua, the particular name for a fire lit at a sacrifice—a sacred fire -in fact. - -This is the end of the ceremony, and the magician then receives two or -three miati, ewes which have not yet borne a kid. It was stated that -after the ceremony above described the caterpillars would disappear in -a day or two; they would either be killed by heavy rain, eaten by -soldier ants, siafu, or the sun would dry them up. - -On the day after the ceremony no person is allowed to cultivate the -fields, the men may not eat beef that day or the next, and that night -every man must observe celibacy. He must not sleep in one of his -ordinary huts, but in the thengira, or goat hut, among the unmarried -men. - -Njau wa Kabocha declares that he can, if he wishes it, bring a plague -of caterpillars upon any section of people who treat him badly, and -that he can do this by pouring out some beer in his village and praying -to Engai. Within fourteen days, he alleges, the caterpillars will begin -to appear, but he admitted that he could only do this about the normal -season when caterpillars are apt to come in swarms. - -In the old days, when the Kikuyu used to fight the Masai, Njau’s -father, who was a great magician, was a specialist at making medicine -to enable his people to check the Masai invasions, and when they came, -to ensure victory for the Kikuyu. The knowledge of this art is said to -have come down from his ancestors. - -This magic is called mwita, and its most important instrument is a -kiheto, or small piece of iron obtained from a smith. A small clay pot -is made in which the kiheto is placed and some medicine called njeku, -and this is brought to the path by which the Masai usually came to -attack. If this failed, Njau’s father would go to an old woman of the -Asi or Dorobo tribe, buy from her an earthenware pot; this he would -take, along with a ram, and proceed secretly through the forest near -Ngong Mt., to a spot close to the Masai raiding track. He would then -kill the ram as if for a sacrifice, cook the tail fat in the pot, then -melt down some of the body fat, taking care to pick out any pieces of -flesh which had accidentally been put into the pot. He would also add -some tatha from the stomach of the ram and some sugar cane beer to the -melted fat in the pot. He would next seek out a straight and lofty tree -and bury the pot and its contents at the foot of it, being careful that -the mouth of the pot just showed above ground. This is what the -Swahilis call kafara, and it is believed to stop a raiding party from -passing that way. If, however, they did succeed in passing, their raid -would be abortive and many would be killed. The power of this magic is -said to be derived from the deity Engai and not from the spirits. - -The medicine above referred to and called njeku is stated to have been -made from a piece of cloth or an old discarded sandal secretly obtained -from an abandoned Masai kraal; this is charred, ground up, and then -mixed with certain magic herbs. - -Kamiri wa Itherero.—The Hon. C. Dundas has furnished some interesting -information with regard to the magic powers of one Kamiri, who is the -same medicine man referred to in the curious incident described in -“Ethnology of A-Kamba,” p. 143 et seq. - -Close to Kyambu there lives a medicine man of the name of Kamiri wa -Itherero who is said to be one of the most renowned of all Kikuyu. Like -most medicine men, Kamiri is possessed of more character than most of -his countrymen, and this is shown by his manner and appearance to a far -greater extent than is usually the case among other natives. He is one -of the few members of the senior generation of Maina, which in itself -is a claim to veneration; this means that he has practically withdrawn -from the council of elders, and that he must be a man of considerable -age. Yet Kamiri looks younger and better preserved than many an elder -of the Mwangi generation. This may possibly be due to his temperate -habits, for it is said that he has never in his life touched -intoxicating liquors. In height Kamiri is much below the average of his -tribe, but his remarkably clear features and the penetrating look of -his eyes give him a dignified appearance. - -For the European, Kamiri, on the whole, has no liking, and he does not -trouble to conceal this; in his own mind he is clear on the point that -we do very little good and cause vast damage by upsetting all good -customs; in particular the injurious effect of our administration on -the manners of women troubles him. And this is not surprising, for -Kamiri has suffered much by our intrusion. In former times the success -of raids depended to a great extent on his advice and aid, and this, -coupled with his deep knowledge of the art of medicine in general, had -won him great respect, and one can even say that he was held in awe. -Kamiri, in fact, was probably the principal man of the tribe and the -nearest approach to a chief that his countrymen of that day could -imagine. To-day he is a small headman, but nevertheless enjoys no small -standing, as we shall show. - -Missionaries designate Kamiri as the “official poisoner”; yet one -missionary, who knows him better than any other European, tells me that -if Kamiri is hired to poison a man he will first call that man and tell -him so and then he will inquire into the case and endeavour to settle -the quarrel, in which respect he is usually successful. If Kamiri is a -poisoner he is essentially the “official” poisoner; he uses his art -with discretion and in legitimate causes. There is a great difference -between the medicine man of Kamiri’s type and the average witch doctor -of to-day; the medicine man of the old school knows what he does, and -dooms a man perhaps as conscientiously as a judge when he hangs a -murderer. - -Nothing which we or our influence could do has broken his position as a -medicine man; even the paramount chief has a great respect for him, and -he has been seen to get up and give his place to Kamiri. It is believed -that no Kikuyu, however strongly supported by the Government, would -really dare to go against Kamiri. A few years ago he demonstrated this -power by hanging up a bag of rupees in a tree by the pathway and left -it there for several months: no one dared to tamper with it. Natives -attribute marvellous powers to him, and it is pretty certain that once -he has detected a criminal no Kikuyu has any doubt as to his guilt, -neither would they think that any man poisoned by him had been unjustly -dealt with. It is not very surprising that this cunning medicine man, -with his uncomfortable supernatural powers and his science of -detection, should not enjoy great popularity, and that there should be -rather a feeling of distrust between him and his people. - -On one occasion Kamiri volunteered to detect a case of theft of some -cattle in which two men, A, a herder, and B, a man remotely suspected, -were in custody on suspicion. As far as is known Kamiri knew nothing -about the case or the persons suspected. Having set some boys to catch -lizards, Kamiri placed the two men before him and dabbed some white -powder on their noses and on the palms of their hands. The same -substance was streaked on one of the lizard’s heads and he then waved -the gourd containing this medicine round the lizard and likewise round -the suspected man. He then asked B if he had committed the theft, to -which the man replied in the negative. Kamiri then held the lizard to -the man’s nose for some minutes, but it made no signs. Next he repeated -the performance with A, and immediately on his denying the charge the -lizard caught hold of his nostrils with its mouth. This it did several -times. Kamiri was then asked if the man was guilty. He replied that he -was not, because if he had been so, the lizard would have held on and -not let go, but he was also not innocent, otherwise the lizard would -have acted as with B, and therefore he concluded that the man knew -about the theft and had probably abetted it. The charge was never -proved against this man, but it was almost certain that he must have -had some knowledge of the theft. The natives had not the smallest doubt -about it after Kamiri’s decision, and were highly surprised that B was -not at once liberated. - -A famous trick of Kamiri’s is to make a small sheep grow large. The -writer has not seen this, but was told by a European that he had -witnessed it and that he made the sheep swell to an enormous size. One -of Kamiri’s feats is related with great satisfaction by the natives. -Kamiri once gave some medicine to a European in order that he should -win a race, and the story goes that the medicine worked satisfactorily. -So now there is a profound belief that Kamiri’s medicine, unlike most -others, does not lose its potency with Europeans. - -Kamiri’s pupil is his son Kithege, who is said to be almost as -practised in the arts as his father, and he is now generally sent in -his father’s place when there is any distance to go. Kithege was seen -to perform the same trick with the lizard in another case of theft. -This time the lizard hung on to the man’s nose and remained so even -when not held. The man was at once pronounced to be the offender, and -even admitted himself that he had never heard of Kamiri making a -mistake before, although he denied having committed the theft. On this -occasion endeavours were made to discover how the trick was done. It -was certainly not due to any pressure of the hand; a trial was also -made with various colours, but with no effect. Seeing that the writer -was sceptical, Kithege, at his own suggestion, picked out at random two -men from the crowd and tried it with them, but the lizard would not -bite either of them. - -Finally the conclusion was come to that there must be some connection -between the breathing of the man and the lizard’s action; possibly so -long as the man breathed freely, the lizard would not bite, but when he -held his breath or breathed strongly, after holding it for a time, the -lizard, for some reason, hung to his nose. - -The idea that a reptile will fasten on to a criminal has its parallel -in the New Testament, vide Acts xxviii. 3–6: “And when the barbarians -saw the venomous beast hang on to his hand they said among themselves, -No doubt this man is a murderer, whom, though he escaped the sea, yet -vengeance suffereth not to live.” Possibly there is an idea that the -reptile is really a spirit which has temporarily assumed this form. - -It is considered impossible that a medicine man should maintain a real -standing and the absolute faith of the people by mere trickery. Still -less is it likely that a charlatan would have so much self-confidence -as Kamiri, and therefore one is driven to the conclusion that a man -such as Kamiri must repeatedly have proved himself to be right in his -detection. The most successful practices in this respect will always be -such as work automatically, and the more one sees of noted medicine men -the more one inclines to the idea that many of their powers are neither -trickery nor mystery, but are simply due to the nervousness or to the -mental effect upon the victim or patient. - -Kithege was asked if he had any other ways of proving the man’s -innocence or guilt, and he immediately expressed his readiness to try -another test. Asked what he would do, he announced his intention of -taking the man’s eye out, and on being stopped he volunteered to put a -venomous snake round the man’s neck. Unfortunately both of these -experiments entailed more risk than the confidence of the observer -would permit, although the suspected man seemed to have no -apprehensions as to the danger he was running. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -MISCELLANEOUS MAGICAL PRACTICES - - -Rain Magic (Ukamba).—The Kamba have no medicine men who specialise in -rain-making, and in times of drought they pray and sacrifice at the -ithembo, or local shrine, in the manner already described. Some people, -however, pretend that by means of a certain medicine they can make rain -pass by and not fall at a particular place. The ingredients of this are -kept very secret and are only known to a few people. It is a black -powder and is placed in the palm of the hand and blown in the direction -of the rain storm. Some is also placed in the horn of an antelope and -stuck in a tree. It is addressed as follows: “You are now a man and are -placed here to keep the rain away; if you fail you stay out here in the -rain and I will not take you back into the house, but throw you away -into the bush.” - -Presumably the concept is that by these means a human, or perhaps -anthropomorphic spirit, having the power of averting rain, is bottled -up in the horn by the potent medicine, or it may be that the spirit is -supposed to be in the medicine itself. It is a pity we do not know what -the medicine is composed of, as the reasoning might be the easier to -follow. - -Burglar’s Magic.—In the author’s “Ethnology of A-Kamba” an example of -this in connection with the Machakos district was given—p. 95. The same -kind of thing is evidently practised in Kitui, where it is said that a -thief will sometimes obtain medicine from a magician and rub it on a -stone. He then goes to a village at night and throws it on to the -thatch of a hut. It is stated that he then probably waits till he hears -the people say: “Let us sleep.” He presently enters the hut and goes to -the owner and says: “I have come for a cow which I am going to take -away.” The owner is apparently hypnotised and unable to refuse, for he -answers: “Take such and such a one,” and the people go on sleeping till -late the next morning. A neighbour calls at the village early next day, -and is surprised to find the door of the hut and of the cattle kraal -open, one or two cattle missing, and the people still asleep. - -Women often fashion little clay images of men and hang them up in their -gardens to frighten youngsters who go there to pilfer the crops; the -children believe that if they take anything they will be stricken with -a thabu. The elders, however, declare that such charms are only a sham, -as the women do not really wish to harm the children, but only to scare -them. - -Hunter’s Magic.—If a Kamba hunter shoots a very fat beast he must not -take snuff while he is skinning it or he will be seized with diarrhœa. - -Elephant hunters often carry a medicine called ngatho, of which a -little is placed on each arrow before it is shot at an elephant; it is -carried in a hollow reed in the hunter’s quiver. The hunter must not -eat or touch mutton before he returns from hunting or this medicine -will prove ineffective. The medicine man who concocts the medicine -places it in the quiver of the hunter with his own hands, and the -quiver must not be opened till the hunter is in the presence of the -elephants. Hunters often carry another medicine called “nzebi,” which, -if blown in the direction of game, prevents it from seeing the hunter. - -In Kitui, if a man has made his preparations to go on a hunting -expedition, he must not cohabit with his wife the night before he -starts. - -If there is a new-comer in a hunting party and an elephant is killed, -the leader of the party will cut off the trunk and breasts of the beast -before the new-comer comes up, and hide them in the bush. It is said -that if this is not done the new-comer might joke about the peculiar -appearance of these parts and in so doing turn their luck so that no -other elephant would be killed. The elephant spirit would evidently be -annoyed. - -An officer, some time ago, shot an elephant in Kitui, and two of the -natives who accompanied him came up and asked if they might perform -their ceremony, the object of which was to bring him much luck and good -sport. He agreed, and a goat was killed and some of the blood -collected; one of the men tasted a little of the blood, and then each -of them took a little in his mouth and ejected a few drops on the tusks -of the dead elephant, the remainder being poured out as a libation. - -The leader or leaders of the hunting party who are termed A-thiani in -Ukamba and Tha-mati in Kikuyu can alone eat the trunk of an elephant. - -When the hunting party returns it is the duty of the leader to -sacrifice an ox and brew some beer; the blood of the ox and the beer -are mixed and poured out in the village as a libation of thanksgiving. - -The same ceremony is observed after the sale of the ivory. - -A man who organises successful hunts, or proves himself a good leader -of caravans to the coast, obtains great honour among his people. - -Charms.—The Kikuyu people sometimes place a human skull in a tree in a -garden to prevent people from stealing; it is not quite certain whether -this is believed to have any magic power. They also place the clay -tuyéres from a smith’s furnace in trees to protect gardens; in this -case they are probably trading on the dreaded magic powers of the -smiths. - -The horns of the first ox presented to a man by the father or his -son-in-law are not thrown away, but placed on the roof of the hut of -his principal wife. The significance of this is not very clear; it may -be done merely to commemorate the event, but in these matters it is -never safe to jump to conclusions. - -The following observation in Kikuyu may be classed among magical -procedure. A man was sued for return of some cattle which he was -obliged to return. On doing so, he pulled out a few hairs from the -animals’ tails. It appears that when certain medicine is made in the -village the owner has only to pull out a few tail hairs from a beast -and it will always return to his village. - -Occasionally in a Kikuyu village the vertebra of an ox may be seen -transfixed on the stick which surmounts a grain hut. This is a charm to -keep butterflies away from the village, as it is believed that these -insects carry sickness to the goats and sheep. - -Fear of old Women.—Old women in Kikuyu are much feared, particularly -those who are blind, toothless, and decrepit; they are often believed -to possess magic power. When meeting them, it is safer to pass by or to -speak to them pleasantly. If they are annoyed they may bring all sorts -of ill luck. Being bothered one day by a number of very old women, -Chief Marraro and his elders were asked to send them away, but were -afraid to tell them to go, and even many of the police dared not talk -to them. - -Knots, etc.—When a Kikuyu warrior goes to war he ties knots in the -grass on the way, so that he may find his enemy sleepy. Or again, if he -is going to visit anyone he does the same in order that he may find his -friend at home. - -If a man is at war, it is bad for the wife to make string for a food -bag (chondo); it is probably believed that the twisting of string would -have the same deleterious effect as the tying of a knot is supposed to -have on certain occasions. Further, the wife must not sweep out the hut -while her husband is away with a war party. - -A zebra was shot by the writer some time ago in Kitui, and when the -meat was brought to camp a Kamba was observed to tie a knot in the hair -of the tail; the reason given for this was that zebras being rather -subject to diarrhœa, it was a good thing to tie a knot in the tail, as -the persons who eat the meat would then not be likely to suffer from -this complaint. - -In Kitui, also, if two men are starting on a cattle trading expedition -and one gets ahead of the other the one who is delayed plants a stick -in the ground and ties grass to it, this being supposed to delay the -first man, and, the other passing him, will then be able to sell his -cattle first and therefore at a better price. - -War Medicine (Kikuyu).—Before a young warrior departs on an expedition, -the father goes to a medicine man and obtains some medicine called -njeku and smears it on his son’s shield, the object of this being to -protect him from the weapons of his enemies. It is said that sometimes -the medicine man, out of spite, supplies bad medicine and the warrior -will then be killed. This alternative is no doubt the explanation of -casualties, and it would be interesting to know how the medicine man -defends himself from the accusation of having supplied the wrong -medicine. - -If a man collects the saliva of an enemy and takes it away to a -medicine man (murogi) who makes suitable medicine of it, the owner -becomes afflicted with a bad throat. - -A wife must not sleep away from her village while her husband is on a -journey, nor bring a male friend to the village; she may shave her head -in his absence, although this is barred among some tribes. - -Magical Remedies for Sterility.—Among the A-Kamba of Ulu there are -various remedies for barrenness in women. The husband consults a -medicine man, who casts lots, “piga mbau” to find out which of the -various remedies must be adopted. When the proper kind of remedy has -been discovered, the husband takes his wife to the discoverer of the -remedy (ngnondu), who administers it. - -Various remedies are in vogue, viz: - - - (1) A piece of the trunk of the mumo tree is cut out and bound in - the woman’s bead loin band. - (2) One of the yellow fruits of a common wild weed is bound in the - loin band. It is called baringo, and is probably a Solanum. - (3) A goat is led round the woman seven times, and the aiimu are - promised a goat if she proves fertile. - (4) A goat or fowl is killed. Its blood is poured on the woman’s - head till it trickles down her back and breast. She is thus - supposed to derive new blood. - (5) The leather tails of her loin cloth are knotted. - - -Medicine is also made from the following: - - - (1) Two twigs of the mukengesia tree. - (2) One twig of the musumsuyia tree. - - -A branch of mulali tree sufficiently long to go round the woman’s waist -is then cut. - -The woman’s loin skin apron is cut into two pieces, and a knot is tied -in one of them. - -The mulali branch is then passed round her waist and tied into a knot. - -The twigs 1 and 2 are then placed to the woman’s lips, and she bites -some of them and spits out the pieces three times. Part of this is -taken and thrown on a main road for passers-by to tread on. The rest is -taken by the husband, who walks in front of the woman, dropping it for -her to tread on as far as the village. Water in a nzele, or half gourd, -is then drawn by the husband, and all the men and women of the village -rinse their hands in it. A goat, given by the husband, is made to drink -the water in the nzele; it is then killed, and the chest is taken and -eaten by husband and wife. The husband does not cohabit with his wife -till the second night after the ceremony. - -Among the Kikuyu if a married woman does not prove fertile a medicine -man takes her to a mukeo, mukenyia, or muthakwa tree, and there -suffocates a mwati (a young ewe which has not yet borne a kid); the -elders of the husband’s clan take the small intestine of the mwati and -twine it around the woman and the tree, the intestine being then cut -through with a sharp splinter of wood. The ceremony concludes with the -anointing of the woman on the forehead with castor oil, and some fat -from the carcase of the mwati is melted and poured out at the foot of -the tree. - -It was impossible to discover the exact significance of this ceremony; -it may be a form of so-called tree marriage, a ceremony by which -presumably the fertility of the tree can be given to the woman. - -Inoculation Against Snake Bites.—Although these observations are -classified under the heading of magic, it is not at all clear whether -the procedure adopted is based on the knowledge of prophylactic or -antiseptic drugs. The subject is worthy of professional investigation -by a trained pathologist. - -The author is indebted to Mr G. H. Osborne for the description of the -process of inoculation for snake bites which took place in his presence -at Machakos in Ukamba. - -The practitioner was a young man of some twenty-five years of age, -Waita wa Mathendu by name; the patient a boy of about sixteen, called -Kaboyi wa Kimoino—both natives of the Iveti Hills. At the writer’s -request the native doctor brought specimens of the medicinal plants. -They consisted of: - -(1) A branch of a shrub called musobi (Kikamba). This has a leaf -measuring about two inches in length, bright green on the top and a -lighter shade below; the edges are serrated but not sharp, and the -whole leaf has a velvety feel to the touch. It bears a fruit which is -red when ripe and which is eaten by the A-Kamba. It is also used as -medicine for colds in the head. - -(2) Two branches of a shrub called mthingii. The leaves appear to grow -on a single stem, and are composed of some six petals on either side of -the leaf stem. The leaf, full grown, measures about one and a half -inches by three quarters. In the case of the first, a piece of the stem -as it stands in the ground is lightly scraped three times with a knife. -In the case of the second, grains of mtama grain are thrown three times -to strike the bush. - -Both are then completely dug up by the roots, and the two roots, the -stems and leaves, are put on the fire without water and dried -completely. These are the vegetable ingredients of the medicine. - -The animal ingredients are: - -(1) The heads of various kinds of snakes. When a medicine man captures -a snake he takes it by the neck in his right hand and passes its tail -three times around and behind his waist with the left hand, like a -belt, the third time passing its head to his left hand, which is -grasping the tail, and then clasping neck and tail in the left hand and -holding it out from his body. He makes three gashes with a knife on the -back of the snake’s head, just above the neck, at the same time making -a gash in the back of his left hand, which is holding the snake’s head -and tail. He then takes some of the blood from the gash on the back of -his hand and smears it with his knife point in each of the gashes in -the snake’s neck. The snake dies after the man’s blood has been smeared -on the gashes, and its head is then severed below the gashes and put -into the nzele with the vegetable ingredients. These are then pounded -up till the mixture becomes a pitch-like substance. It is put back on -the fire until thoroughly dried, when it is ground up into a powder -varying from dark grey to black in colour. - -The medicine is now ready for use and is placed in its several -receptacles. The vegetable ingredients are always the same, but as each -kind of snake is treated, each vessel holds a different kind of -medicine. On this occasion the doctor had only three snakes fastened up -in a gourd with air holes bored into it. Before explaining the initial -process he took them out and put the first round his neck and the -second on his lap, where it lay diversifying its position by coiling -round his arm. - -The snakes brought for inspection were: - -(1) Ndau (female).—About eighteen inches long, dark green on the back -and light green underneath. It both spits and bites, and lives mostly -in trees. Its darts are very rapid. - -(2) Syomelule (female).—A dark grey colour on the back and light grey -to light yellow below; the pattern appeared to be almost in squares. It -was about two feet long and had not digested a mouse which had got -half-way down. It is said to be a tree snake; it both spits and -strikes, and after striking sticks on to the bitten part. - -(3) Kiko (male).—Marked like a puff adder, black, with a broad flat -head. Unfortunately this one had had a slight difference with the -second snake, which had struck and killed it on the way to the station. -It was in the bottom of the gourd and was not visible. It is said to -lie on the road, shamming death, and rearing suddenly, to strike at the -thigh. The larger ones also spit, and are especially dangerous to -people drawing water. - -There were in all seven small gourds of powder, each containing a -mixture of the vegetable ingredient and a different kind of snake. In -addition to the three snakes above mentioned the gourds contained the -powder made from four other kinds of snakes: - -(4) Nguluku.—Said to be a small, reddish, whip-like snake of which -larger specimens have also been found living near streams; their bite -is very deadly. - -(5) Kimbuba (Swahili Bafu).—Puff adder. - -(6) Kisilu.—A very black snake seldom leaving its hole in the daytime. - -(7) Yaitha.—A tree snake which is very fond of taking up its residence -in large birds’ nests. It darts down on the passer-by from a tree, -strikes the head, and then retires again to the tree. In 1907, one of -them lived in a tree on the road to Mumoni, not far from Gai, and -killed two people in a short time. The District Commissioner was asked -to kill it, but two Kamba went out together and one of them killed it -as it tried to strike the other. This is probably a Dendraspis. The -doctor takes the skin of the patient’s upper palm, just below the -knuckle of the finger and thumb, and cuts three small gashes in the -skin. He does this just above the upper wrist bone and upper elbow -joint on the outside. The tongue is also slightly gashed in places till -blood is drawn. - -The writer only saw these particular places cut, as there was not -sufficient time, but anyone undergoing the full treatment would be cut -on the top of the foot, just above the toes, on the upper thigh, the -buttock, and the shoulder, the process being repeated on the other side -of the body. - -The practitioner then pours into the palm of his left hand a little of -each powder—seven kinds in this case. With the first finger of the -right hand he puts the mixed powder on to each of the three gashes, -then spits on the places and rubs the powder into the gashes with the -second finger of his right hand. The remaining portion in the palm of -the left hand is licked three times off the palm by the patient’s -gashed tongue. The doctor then carefully wipes his hands, and, the -operation being over, the powder is allowed to dry into the gashes. - -To show the writer the efficacy of his medicine he took out the -Syomelule snake and put it on to the finger of the patient, the mouth -being closed over the first finger just below the nail, where it hung -for several seconds. Then he took it off and returned it to its -receptacle. One fang—the upper one—had drawn blood in the finger. He -then took a knife and scraped the place of the bite on the upper and -lower side of the finger. He said this was to scrape off the fangs of -the snake. No blood was drawn on the under side of the finger. The -patient said that the snake, when hanging to his finger, did not hurt -him, but that he merely felt as if his finger was being tightly -pinched. Both the doctors and the writer’s boy who were present -declared that instant death was the usual result of a bite by such a -snake. - -The result of the treatment is that a person can seize hold of any -snake and, by making a circle round its head three times with the first -finger of the right hand, render it innocuous. If a person sees a snake -enter a clump of grass, he walks three times round the clump, and at -the place where the snake has entered puts his hand in till he catches -it by the tail. He pulls it out, and the snake strikes back. He allows -it to strike his hand three times, and then seizes it by the head or -neck and lets go the tail. He then makes three circular passes round -its head with the first finger of the right hand and the snake can no -longer hurt anyone unless a person forcibly puts his fingers into its -mouth. It can be carried about or worn with impunity. - -If a person who is immune spits and strikes a snake with the spittle, -the snake becomes sick and dies at once. The patient was at the -writer’s house for quite an hour after the operation. He still had the -other side of the body to be operated upon. He showed no signs of -swelling or illness. - -The usual price for divulging the identity of the plants and the method -of concoction to a fellow tribesman is a cow and a bull. For this -reason the doctor brought the twigs tied up in a piece of cloth, so -that their nature was not apparent to a passer-by. - -This inoculation may be a system of immunisation or it may be that the -snakes produced for the operation had had their poisonous fangs -extracted. Its efficacy is, however, implicitly believed in by the -Kamba people of these parts, and no one who has been inoculated is -known to have died from the bite. - -It must be noted that a certain amount of formality is observed, there -being a favourite number for the magic “passes” and for the gashes made -for inoculation. - -Another observer writing from Kikuyu states that while standing at a -particular place with some elders a snake was seen in the long grass. -One man commenced to feel about in the grass for the snake, and when -another man struck at it, he picked it up alive. He seemed to have -absolutely no fear of snakes, and explained that he had medicine for -their bites—not to prevent bites, but to neutralise the poison. Later, -he was further cross-examined and denied that he had this medicine. - -The author also saw in Kitui a man who professed to have no fear of -snake bites. This man one day walked into Kitui Station carrying a big -puff adder (Bitis arietans) in his hand; he was not holding it by the -neck, but was gripping it about eighteen inches below its head. He had -heard that snakes were wanted for a collection, and had come to sell -it. After the puff adder had been safely disposed of, he pointed out -two deep scratches, not punctures, bleeding freely, at the base of his -thumb and produced a black powder, some of which he rubbed on the -wounds and some of which he placed on his tongue and swallowed. The -wounds were inflicted by the adder. This man accompanied the writer for -a ten days’ journey, and during that time caught various live snakes. -His general procedure was to lie down and put his arm into the recesses -of a white ant nest which is a very favourite shelter for snakes during -the heat of the day; he would feel about and sometimes extract a snake. -The idea of feeling about in a dark hole in a district where cobras, -puff adders, and other poisonous snakes are common, made one shudder. -But nothing untoward happened, and he suffered no ill effects from his -scratches by the puff adder’s fangs. He was asked what the black powder -was made of, and produced about six plants, the roots of which, when -dried, charred and ground up, were said to constitute the antidote. It -was, however, not possible at the time to identify the plants. - - - - - - - - - - -PART III - -MISCELLANEOUS - - -INTRODUCTORY - - -In this section a variety of matters, many of which have a bearing on -the beliefs of the people, but which cannot be legitimately placed -under either Religion or Magic, are dealt with. - -The section dealing with the constitution of the people shows how the -council of elders grades into the primitive priesthood. - -A chapter on Kikuyu dances is included, and for this the author has to -thank the Hon. C. Dundas. Many of these dances take place either at -planting time or near the harvest, and also at marriages, and -undoubtedly come under the class of fertility ceremonies. They may thus -be considered to come under the heading of either Religion or Magic, -although it is not always possible to say to which they belong. - -A chapter has been added on the position of women in tribal -organisation, and this subject is particularly recommended to future -investigators. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE CONSTITUTION AND WORKING OF COUNCILS AMONG THE KIKUYU - - -According to the natural organisation of the Kikuyu tribe every youth, -as he grows up, gradually passes through the various grades of tribal -life. He commences as a kihe, an uncircumcised boy, and after -circumcision becomes a mwanake, and finally a muthuri. He has to be -initiated, step by step, into each grade according to the ritual of the -tribe, and payment has to be made for entry into each stage. The -procedure and rites with regard to circumcision have been dealt with -elsewhere, and we now have to consider entry into the higher grades. - -When a father considers that his son is old enough, he agrees to his -marriage, and after marriage, when he is the father of a child, he -becomes eligible for eldership. When the father thinks the time has -come, he provides the son with a goat to present to the council of -elders for his initiation into the grade. - -The elders cannot refuse to admit him to the lowest grade, and at their -next meeting the initiation takes place. The goat is first strangled, -and a knife is then driven into its chest and the blood collected in a -pot. The senior elders take a sip of the blood, and the candidate also -drinks a little. - -The following portions of the carcase are then set apart, viz., the -ribs, a piece of the meat of a leg called ruhongi, a piece of the small -intestine, one of the small stomach, ngorima, and one of liver. - -Two athamaki, or full elders of council, take these portions and roast -them before a fire; they are then brought to the hut of the candidate -and handed over to his wife, or, if he has more than one, to the senior -wife, who places them on a kind of shelf, called thegi, near the bed, -and they are afterwards eaten by the man. The wife then gives the -elders a half gourd, njeli, of gruel and a portion of cooked pigeon -pea, njahe. The elders eat a little of this and the remainder is given -to the candidate. - -This ceremonial meal appears to be in the nature of an oath. The man is -then called a muthuri ya mburi imwe, viz., an elder of one goat. - -A little later on he presents another goat to the elders and becomes an -elder of two goats, muthuri ya mburi igiri; and then again, he presents -a third goat and becomes an elder of three goats, muthuri ya imburi -itatu. No particular ceremony attends the presenting of the second or -third goats. - -After a due time has elapsed the man can apply to the senior council to -be admitted to that body. As a rule his entry is not refused, but it is -said that he cannot demand admittance to this grade without the -approval of its elders. He pays a fourth goat as entrance fee, and the -same ceremony as for the lower grade elder of one goat is gone through. -He then has to pay a fine thenge, or male goat, which counts as two -ordinary goats, whereupon the elders reveal to him the secret matters -of their grade and instruct him in the procedure of the council. They -also invest him with his staff of office, the mithegi, and hand him the -bunch of sacred leaves, mutathia (Clausena anisata and also Clausena -inaequalis), and he is then a fully fledged elder of council and is -called muthuri ya imburi nne or ithano, elder of four or five goats, as -the case may be, and is entitled to be called muthamaki, which may be -translated as magistrate or judge, or one who is entitled to try cases. - -Ordinary elders are allowed to carry a bunch of leaves of mutathia -(Clausena inaequalis, also C. anisata), but until they become ukuru, -they cannot carry the leaves of muturanguru (Vernonia sp.). - -It is now necessary to consider the functions of the various grades. -There are two councils, or kiamas: kiama cha kamatimo and kiama cha -athamaki. The council whose legal powers are recognised by Government -is the kiama cha athamaki. - -The following table shows how these councils are composed: - - - NAME OF COUNCILS COMPOSED OF - - Kiama cha kamatimo Athuri cha imburi imwe - ,, ,, igiri - ,, ,, itatu - Kiama cha athamaki ,, ,, nne - ,, ithano - Athuri ya ukuru. - - -The members of the kiama cha kamatimo have no judicial power; they -attend at a meeting of the council but do not sit with the athamaki; -they are grouped at some little distance, the word, in fact, meaning -those who sit away. This body generally correspond to the kisuka of the -A-Kamba. - -The kiama cha athamaki actually means those who adjudicate or settle -cases. The term athuri ya kiama, elders of council, is generally -understood to refer only to the elders of the kiama cha athamaki. The -athuri ya ukuru still remain members of the kiama cha athamaki, but -when they reach this grade, as years go by, they generally take a less -active part in judicial matters, although they are always called upon -to settle knotty points of tribal law and custom. - -When a man becomes a muthuri ya ukuru he assumes more definite priestly -functions, and becomes responsible for the proper conduct of the -periodical sacrifices at the sacred trees. When such a sacrifice is -made the athuri ya ukuru are alone privileged to eat half of the head -and the kidneys of the sacrificed ram. - -In the same way when a sheep is brought to the kiama as a judicial fee, -it is eaten by the elders present, and the ukuru, if they happen to be -there, claim the head and the kidneys, which, according to custom, they -pass on to the small boys of the village. - -When an elder enters the grade of ukuru he can wear in his ears the -flat discs of brass-wire known as ichui. - -In former times, one of the duties of the ukuru was to summon the kiama -for the discussion of questions of national importance. - -The elders of ukuru also decide the date of the circumcision feasts, -and other similar questions. - -It is also the function of the ukuru of the tribe to settle when the -time has arrived for the holding of the great itwika feast, in which -the generation changes from Mwangi to Maina, or vice versâ. - -As a general rule the athamaki are men advanced in years, but there is -no fixed rule as to this; many are middle-aged or younger. Occasionally -one may see quite a young man, practically a youth, among the elders. -The elders explained this as follows: the election to the muthamaki -grade lies entirely with the athamaki; if they see a young man whose -prudence and knowledge has impressed them favourably, they may elect -him into their grade; further, the family of a muthamaki should always -be represented in this grade, and therefore if one dies and leaves no -near relation other than a young man, they will elect his son or -brother in his place even if he is quite a youth. Such elections are, -of course, rare and are only mentioned in case these exceptions should -be noticed. They are more frequently found among the A-Kamba, as the -ithembo, or sacred places, are inherited from father to son, and the -owner of an ithembo must always have his place among the elders of -ithembo, who correspond to the athuri ya ukuru among the A-Kikuyu. - -If an elder behaves improperly while occupying the position of elder, -or commits a serious breach of tribal custom, his fellows threaten to -curse him with their staves and sacred plants, and he stands in such -awe of this that he will appear before the elders and beg forgiveness, -bringing with him a ram or male goat as a sign of his good intent. He -will then be ceremonially purified, tahikia. - -Initiation into the Ukuru Grade of Elders (Kikuyu).—When a muthuri, or -elder, becomes old he generally aspires to a higher grade called the -ukuru, but cannot enter it until all his children have been -circumcised. Some, however, never become members of the ukuru grade; -the consent of the other members of the grade is necessary and they do -not approve of a candidate who is not well endowed with worldly goods, -or, again, prospective candidates may be considered unlucky. - -When an elder wishes to become a muthuri ya ukuru he prepares a supply -of beer and invites all the elders of that grade from the surrounding -neighbourhood; if they agree to his admission they assemble and -ceremonially spit on him. A day is then fixed for the formal -initiation, and a larger gathering of elders of various grades -assembles. - -The candidate has to present formally to the elders of the grade what -is called njahe, and at the ceremony at which the writer was present -this consisted of: - - - 4 gourds of honey-beer. - 4 gourds of sugar-cane beer. - 4 gourds of gruel made from kimanga and mawele meal all - mixed together. - 4 bowls of cooked njahe or pigeon pea. - Numerous bowls of cooked sweet potatoes. - - -A bullock and ram were also provided for the guest. - -The first thing to be settled was to which elders the various parts of -the beasts should be given; this goes by seniority. The head of the -bullock went to the senior, two forelegs and chest to the next, the -left hind leg to the next, the hide to the next, and the right hind leg -to the candidate. - -This being decided, the candidate presented each of the most senior -elders with a gourd of the different beers and each kind of food. The -candidate then presented the principal wife of the senior elder with a -gourd of beer and food. The senior elder brought forth a horn of beer, -took a sip and spilt a tiny drop into his left breast and then offered -it to the candidate who took a sip and ceremonially spat into his left -breast. The senior elder’s wife did the same, offering the beer to the -candidate’s wife. The food was then divided among the other elders, who -gathered round and drank beer. After this, various elders made speeches -welcoming the candidate into the grade and prayed to Engai to look -favourably on him, his wives being also mentioned with the hope that -they might be fruitful. - -The animals are then slaughtered, the following portions being -selected: - - - The heart of the ram—ngora. - Lungs, a portion of—mahuri. - Intestines, a portion of—wei. - Spleen, a portion of—weriungu. - Loins, a piece from—ruduithi. - Rump, a piece from—ruhongi. - Ribs, portion of—kengeto. - Colon—ngorima. - Kidneys of bullock—hiyo. - - -The ngorima is cut out and the end tied up; it is then filled with -blood from the ram and bits of meat. - -The mromo waiyu, or big stomach of the ram, is filled with bits of meat -and fat and tied up. - -All these are cooked, and when ready are taken inside the hut of the -senior elder and only a chosen few of the ukuru are allowed inside; on -this particular occasion only eight were admitted. - -The senior elder bites a small piece out of the ram’s heart and spits -out a bit to the right and left as an offering to the ngoma, or -ancestral spirits, and the candidate does the same. The next senior -elder eats the kengeto. The mahuri and ngorima are given to the senior -wife of the host by the senior wife of the candidate. - -A little honey beer was then brought into the hut, and the candidate -was presented with one of the black staves which only elders are -allowed to carry, and also the bunch of sacred leaves known as -muturanguru (Vernonia sp.). The leaves are tied together with the fibre -from the mukeo bush. - -The candidate took hold of the staff and the leaves, and the senior -elder drank a little sip of the beer and ceremonially spat on the -leaves saying “Aroendwo na kiama”—“May you be well liked by the council -of elders.” This was a kind of blessing which may be likened to the -blessing which accompanies the “laying on of hands.” - -The ceremony inside the hut was then over, and all the elders outside -indicated its conclusion by taking a sip of beer and spitting a little -on to their right breasts. The meat was then divided and cooked, and -the company settled down to the feast of meat and beer. - -Procedure in Pre-administration Times.—The procedure in former times -seems not to have differed greatly from that followed nowadays in -regard to the form of trial. It is said that the elders of mburi imwe, -igiri and itatu used to sit separately, according to their rank, -instead of together as they seem to do now, but it is doubtful if this -custom was religiously observed. - -The whole procedure was, of course, less organised than at present. -There appear to have been no fixed councils or meeting places, which is -easily explained by the fact that there were no defined locations. If -two men had a case, they each called a few elders, who met to judge the -case; others came and joined in, partly out of interest in the affair -and partly because the elders, on the whole, delight in litigation. -Certain cases became of general interest or may have affected the whole -country, and then the council would probably comprise most of the -elders from far and wide. - -It is certain that the elders could exercise considerable authority -when they chose, as already described, but the object of the council -was primarily to arbitrate in disputes and to point out the recognised -custom to be followed. Where an offence affected the whole community, -or when an accused was regarded as an habitual and dangerous offender, -public indignation might be so strong that the affair would appear as a -public concern, and the elders would then use their full authority. -Ordinarily differences between two men, however, were considered to be -their own affair, and if a man would not give what was due by custom, -the claimant was expected to use force, although in such cases he was -held liable for any damage done in using such means. The elders were, -however, always able to enforce a judgment by cursing an accused found -guilty if he refused to obey the judgment against him, but probably -this was only done in very serious cases where public feeling ran high. -Hence, probably, the many ancient feuds and the intense desire to -increase the strength of the family. Had public authority been very -strong and efficient this would not have been considered of such -importance. - -The presumption that the elders were regarded more in the light of -arbitrators than judges is strongly supported by the fact that even -to-day some elders appear to be adverse to deciding questions of fact. -The mere appearance of a defendant before the council would seem to -have implied his liability; even now it is difficult at times to induce -a native to appear before either the council or a court if he maintains -that the charge is entirely groundless or false. - -Present-Day Procedure.—In each locality there is a gazetted council, or -kiama, which meets at the council house situated near the headman’s -village; a special flag is hoisted to tell the people that there is a -meeting. Until now the kiama has met whenever there has been a case to -try, but this has proved a great evil, as a few elders are hastily -collected and the large majority object to going to the councils too -frequently. The councils have therefore mostly been composed of elders -living in the vicinity of the chief’s village. It is now arranged that -the meetings shall, if possible, be on fixed days, and not more than -three or four times a month, and the improvement in consequence has -been most marked. - -The athamaki for each locality are now registered, and it has been -agreed that at each meeting at least half, or in large localities, one -quarter, of their number must be present. Hitherto it has been -customary for the headman to summon the defendants through his askaris, -or retainers, but now that each elder has been entrusted with the -charge of a certain number of huts, it has been agreed that the parties -shall in the first instance be summoned by their respective athamaki. -(In S. Kikuyu each muthamaki will have, on an average, twenty-five huts -under his charge.) - -As a general rule the elders prefer to sit outside the council house; -this is a good rule, as it ensures publicity to the proceedings, and -publicity is also the object of native law. The athamaki sit in front -and the other elders, the kamatimo, behind; only women and anake, or -young unmarried men, are barred from sitting on the general council. - -The fee paid to the elders varies greatly according to the means of the -parties and the matter in dispute. It would be advisable to see a fixed -fee instituted, but the elders should make this change of their own -accord. When the parties appear, they come before the elders of -athamaki in turn and state their cases; the plaintiff as a rule begins. -Witnesses are sometimes called, but the parties repeatedly appear -before the athamaki to contradict or correct the opponents’ statements. -The elders generally keep count of the articles in dispute by breaking -twigs; if, as is usual, part of the claim is admitted, the twigs -representing what is admitted are put aside. - -Having heard all that the parties have to say the elders of athamaki -then retire alone to discuss the question and settle it (this -conference is called ndundu). They do not, however, all go, and any -elders who are relatives of the parties are excluded; this is, of -course, very equitable. The gazetted headmen never appear to go with -these elders, but are sometimes called and consulted by them. The -discussion between the elders is conducted so that it is not heard by -anyone else; they are hardly ever known to break up without coming to -an agreement. Having decided what it is to be, they break twigs -representing the amount to be paid or any imprisonment imposed. One of -them repeats what each twig represents, while the rest give their -assent in chorus. Two of the senior members then stand up and invoke -poverty, sickness, and calamity upon those who disobey their orders, -and to this the rest again assent in chorus. After this, all beat their -sticks on the ground, repeating much the same phrases, and finally they -bring their staves together on the ground, so that the points meet, -while they give a peculiar sort of whoop indicating that they have -agreed. They then return to the general council, and one of the most -senior among them, carrying the twigs, asks in varying terms if they -have agreed, to which they assent in chorus. The elders then state what -each twig represents, and finally throws his staff or club on the -earth. - -One case was recently witnessed in which the elders came to a decision -without adjourning at all. As a general rule they are loth to decide -facts, and if such are in dispute, or either party appears to be lying, -the decision will simply be that both parties must take the oath of -muma. The investigation is generally most searching; if the subject is -some hurt done they will not be satisfied until they have examined and -probed the wounds. No questions are asked as to dates and time, these -being considered of minor importance. - -The elders will not recognise that a claim has been paid unless it was -made good before a kiama, and this is the only proof that it was paid. -Natives will therefore not pay debts out of court, as it were, and this -principle is often erroneously taken to mean that they will not pay -debts at all unless forced to. If the council imposes a fine, it is -paid to the Government. In almost all cases, however, a goat or two -must be paid to the elders, who are allowed to keep them on the -understanding that such fines must be consumed by them. - -As was previously mentioned, in former times many of the judgments were -not executed until force was used by the plaintiff and his kin. - -The fear of revenge must, indeed, have been the chief preventative of -crime, as it has been at all times before the State became the public -avenger. Mere compensation could certainly not have acted as a -deterrent to crime any more than it could to-day. We have therefore, in -reinstituting the settlement of crimes by payment of compensation only, -not made adequate provision for the prevention of crime, nor have we -been able to revive fully the old native organisation by leaving out -the fear of private revenge. - -The councils are, it is believed, gradually realising that crime will -not be effectually checked by awards of compensation only; the right of -private revenge has been abolished. It would therefore seem that the -infliction of imprisonment by councils is at times a necessity if peace -and good order is to prevail, but stringent supervision by Government -will, of course, be necessary for a long time to come. - -Constitution and Working of Councils among the A-Kamba of Kitui.—The -male Mu-Kamba from birth to death passes through most of the following -grades: - -Kana.—(a) Kahengi, an unweaned child; (b) Kabisi, a weaned child able -to walk. The generic name is, however, kana. These distinctions would -really only amount to our describing children as being in long clothes -or short. - -Kivizi or Kivisi.—A boy old enough to herd goats, but who has not been -circumcised. - -Kamwana.—A circumcised boy who is old enough to dance at ngomas, but -not reached the age of puberty. - -Mwanake (plural—Anake).—A young man who has reached the age of puberty, -dances at ngomas, and has joined the warrior class. He may be married -and have children. - -Nthele (plural—Anthele).—A married man with children who has ceased to -dance at ngomas. He pays a fee of one to three goats to the anthele on -being promoted from the anake grade, part of the meat going to the -anthele and part to the anake. It is said that an oath, kithito, has to -be taken with the blood. A mwanake may be of any age and must remain in -that group until he has been admitted among the anthele. - -Ngila.—This does not appear to be a regular grade, but is merely a war -title. No initiation seems to be necessary. An ngila is one of the -advanced guard in war, and his portion of meat is the lower part of the -leg. It does not seem necessary that he should be even an nthele. - -Mwamba in Kitui, and Kiauu in Machakos, is also a war title. The bearer -forms part of the rear-guard, whose duty it is to keep off the enemy -while the ngila escape with the booty. His portion is the rump and -upper part of the leg. - -An nthele next enters the grade of atumia ya kisuka, elders of kisuka, -and has to pay ten goats. As a matter of fact they generally pay one -bullock, which is the recognised equivalent, but the fee is always -quoted in goats, the A-Kamba probably having nothing but goats when the -procedure was evolved. The fee is divided among the members of the -kisuka and the elders of nzama, which is the next higher grade. - -Although a man enters this grade, it must not be inferred that the -kisuka is a council which still exists. The duty of the elders of -kisuka is to deal with a kingnoli palaver; that is to say, the communal -execution of a person who has been proved to their satisfaction to have -killed a number of people by witchcraft, poison and so forth. The -practice corresponds in a measure to the stoning of Stephen by the -people described in Acts vii. 57–60. The people undoubtedly looked upon -this man as a strange and harmful magician, and their point of view is -quite comprehensible. - -They also assembled on the occasion of a Masai raid to draw up a plan -of campaign, another of their functions being to arrange a peace -palaver in case of serious internal fighting. The grade takes its name -from the meat they ate on the occasion of such meetings. - -The next grade is mutumia ya nzama (plural, atumia ya nzama), elders of -the nzama, and for the privilege of entering this grade a man has to -pay one bullock and ten goats. Its members are the arbiters of private -disputes, the assessors of damages, and the witnesses of the payment of -bridal price and ordinary debts, and are thus the archives of the tribe -and the registrars of transactions. A man enters this grade by -invitation of the members of the council, and must have proved himself -a man of sound judgment. His age does not matter, but he must be -married and a father to be eligible either as a member of the council -of the anthele or of the nzama. At a feast the portion of meat allotted -to him is the head, the back, and, if a bullock is killed, the rump. - -The next, or final grade, is that of atumia ya ithembo, elders of -ithembo, often just referred to as ithembo, to which there is no -specific entrance fee, as the selection is made by the other elders of -the grade. The candidate, however, invariably makes a present to the -other elders after his election, as a compliment for the honour done -him, the usual payment, according to the statement of one elder, being -four goats. - -The bullock which an elder has to pay to enter the grade of nzama is -also said not to be a fee but a thank-offering to the elders for his -election. The atumia ya ithembo claim the tail as their portion of a -feast. Their duties are mainly sacerdotal; they arrange and carry out -the sacrifices at the ithembo, or sacred place, in times of drought, -pestilence, planting of crops, and they are responsible for the proper -carrying out of burial customs and village offerings to the spirits. In -times of national crisis their advice is sought, but they do not -ordinarily sit and hear cases dealing with private disputes. - -The rise of a Kamba native from one social grade to another depends: - - - (1) On his supposed fitness for the position, this being decided - by the members of the grade he can enter, and an invitation - to join is necessary. - (2) On the ability of the candidate to pay the fees. - - -When a case is brought before the council of elders, nzama, any of the -male population can be present, but can only listen to the evidence and -cannot interfere in the proceedings. - -The evidence is generally taken by one man on behalf of the council; he -conducts the examination and cross-examines, and if other members of -the court wish to put questions, it is generally done through the -presiding elder. - -The Government Chief, or Gazetted Headman, who is really foreign to the -organisation, does not generally sit with the nzama; he sits apart. - -The nzama is really a court for the settlement of questions of law or -custom. - -Should the evidence on matters of fact differ materially, the only way, -with the exception of very obvious cases, is for the litigants to take -the native oath (kula kithito), which is supposed to bring most dire -consequences on the perjurer. A litigant who refuses to take the oath -is out of court, and judgment goes against him. The results of the oath -are supposed to take effect within six months or a year, and should the -litigant who has taken the oath survive the period, the case is given -in his favour. Only one party and his witnesses are allowed to take the -oath. - -As cattle are generally involved in the case, the cattle in dispute are -generally placed with some respected headman or elder until the effects -of the oath are known. - -The elders of the nzama retire to consider their verdict, and no -members of the tribe below that rank are admitted to the consultation. - -The council generally sits in a circle. - -The Government Chief has in recent years assumed the duty of Executive -Officer to carry out the judgment of the nzama, and in many cases in -Ukamba has, at times, arrogated to himself a certain amount of -revisionary power. - -Disputes between members of the same family rarely come before the -council, but are settled by the head of the family. - -Enforcement of Orders of the Council.—Formerly obedience would be -enforced by any sentence, up to that of a death penalty. At the present -day obedience has in some cases to be enforced by Government. - -The successful litigant could enforce the payment awarded by court by -seizing the defendant or members of his family. - -In connection with this inquiry it is of some interest to analyse the -functions of two special grades of elders among the Kamba, i.e., atumia -ya makwa (elders of makwa) and atumia ya ukuu (elders of ukuu). - -It must first of all be clearly understood that these titles have no -connection with the ranks of atumia ya nzama (elders of council) in -whose hands the judicial functions are vested. The members of the -highest grade of this rank are termed the atumia ya ithembo (elders of -the shrine), both of these ranks being part of the natural career of -the head of a family of any standing in the tribe. The elders of makwa -and ukuu are, however, more comparable to positions which are attained -by successful medical specialists. A man may become one or the other, -or he may be both. Of the two branches the elders of ukuu are -considered the more important; on the other hand, it is said to be more -difficult to become a successful elder of makwa. - -These branches of practice must not be confused with the profession of -medicine man, which is quite distinct. A man can only become a medicine -man if he is in direct communication with the aiimu, or ancestral -spirits. - -The function of a mutumia ma makwa (elder of makwa) is to avert the -evil consequences of the incidence of a thabu or makwa; the functions -of a mutumia ma ukuu is to ward off death itself. - -The former uses ceremonial and lustrates by means of various herbs, -from which he concocts the ngnondu or purifying reagents. - -The latter (ukuu) uses spells which have a magical value only, and -gives directions. - -The qualification which enables a man to become a mutumia ma makwa -(elder of makwa) is that one of his wives shall have died under -circumstances which may leave a curse or thabu. He must then at once -consult an elder of makwa, who performs certain purification -ceremonies. If these are not performed the children of the deceased -will become afflicted with thabu or makwa. If the ceremonies are -successful the husband is considered to be initiated as an elder of -makwa; if, however, he wishes to practise the art, he must set to work -to obtain experience, as the ceremonial necessary to cure the many -forms of makwa is very varied, and a wide knowledge of the various -herbs employed is necessary. - -In the case of a mutumia ma ukuu (elder of ukuu) the necessary -qualification is a series of deaths in the family within a short -period. He can then go to another elder of ukuu, pay fees and be -initiated in the secrets of the art—the fee is usually one or two -bullocks; his duties are to remove the curse due to murders, accidental -deaths, and remove the curse of death from a family which has been -afflicted by an unusual number of deaths. He does not perform -purification ceremonial, but lays down certain procedure which has to -be followed by the applicant. He may be compared to the consulting -physician who gives certain advice, such as a particular diet, and -leaves the patient to follow it or not as he likes. The prescription -sometimes, for instance, takes the form of a direction to have conjugal -intercourse at a particular season. - -The final degree which he reaches in old age is called mutumia ma -ithembo (elder of the shrine), and his duty then is to offer the -sacrifices at the sacred grove or ithembo. Among the Kamba tribe the -members of this grade take but little part in the affairs of the tribe, -but in Kikuyu the athuri ya ukuu form a tribal court of appeal (the -word ukuu in Kikuyu has a different significance from ukuu in Ukamba -and merely means “great or senior”). - -If an elder of ithembo becomes so old as to fall into his dotage, and -has a son who is qualified to take his place, the son is often elected -in his stead. - -If, however, a mutumia ma nzama (elder of council) is married to a wife -who is a magician, and who can instruct him in certain matters -connected with the ritual of the shrine, he can approach much nearer to -the sacred grove than the ordinary elder of nzama, but cannot actually -go up to the place of sacrifice—the elders of ithembo only being -privileged to do so. - -Elders of ithembo are very few in number; there are rarely more than -two for each grove. The above practice is prevalent among the Kamba of -Ulu. The Kitui customs may possibly vary somewhat. - -The author is greatly indebted to the late Hon. K. Dundas for -assistance in making these matters clear. - -Curse for Disobedience to a Judgment by the Court of Elders.—In -connection with the history of the operation of the thahu in Kikuyu one -point is worthy of notice. If a person has been one of the parties in a -suit before the kiama, or council of elders, and refuses to pay the -necessary compensation, the elders can lay a curse or thahu on him. The -procedure is as follows: they assemble at one of their recognised -meeting places and then mass together, beating their long staves on the -ground in unison, calling out, “We curse you on the mithegi; the person -who disobeys the order of the kiama shall be cursed.” Mithegi is the -name of the staves carried by old men, the name coming from the wood -they are made of. No elder goes to a council without his staff. The -offender need not be present, but it is believed that the curse -forthwith begins to take effect. - -To remove the curse the offender then goes to the elders and begs to be -allowed to pay the amount of the judgment. This is done, and in -addition he brings a sheep; the elders then say, “Go back home, bring -some beer, and the day after to-morrow we will come and spit on you.” -They assemble at his village on the appointed day and the offender -gives another sheep, which is killed outside the gate of the village; -the purpose of this is to purify the village, ku-thirura muchi, and the -meat is carried round the confines of the huts. The elders then each -take a little of the sheep’s fat and rub it on their staves, saying, -“We are glad that the man who defied our orders has now obeyed it; we -cursed him through our mithegi, but we now smear our mithegi with fat, -as a sign that we and our mithegi are glad, and there is now nothing to -be feared, for we have come to cleanse you and your village from evil.” -The elders then assemble in a circle with the man and his family in the -middle, and one of the elders anoints the tongue of each individual of -the family with a spot of ira, or white earth, and the elders then -ceremonially spit on the offender and each of his family, and depart. - -The same belief occurs in Ukamba, and the nzama, or council of elders, -can inflict a curse upon a man for disregard of its orders; if he is -still recalcitrant it is said to be potent enough to kill him and all -the people of his village in a short time. The elders impose this -curse, called kutuu, by all clapping their hands together. The effect -of the curse can be averted if the man obeys and the elders forgive -him; as in Kikuyu, however, he has to pay a fee of a goat, and the -elders assemble and ceremonially spit on the culprit to neutralise the -curse. The removal of this curse is called ka-athimwa or ka-musia by -the A-Kamba. - -Sometimes, however, in Kikuyu a defiant tribesman was beaten with -staves, or his village was burnt, and in extreme cases he was ordered -to be killed and his property was confiscated. If he was executed by -judicial order, he had to be killed by his blood kin, so that no claim -for blood money should lie. The procedure consists either in strangling -the culprit with a rope, choking him by clasping his throat kuita, or -killing him by blows delivered with the handle of an axe. - -It was also considered right to drive a man out of his tribe if he -proved himself an undesirable; this may be done even now, in which case -he is allowed to take his property with him. - -Summary.—The preceding review of the organisation of the councils of -elders, and the functions exercised by them, show how, in the first -place, the elders are merely administrators of tribal law or arbiters -as to what is right and proper according to the tribal code; secondly, -how they eventually acquire a sacerdotal position. The memories of the -elders are also the archives of the tribe as well as the unwritten -records of tribal law and tribal observances. If a debt of any -importance is paid, it is generally done in the presence of one or more -elders, and the matter is then settled without the necessity of any -receipt or quittance. - -It is sometimes assumed by reformers that the elders are nothing more -than useless encumbrances, and every district officer wishes they were -more progressive. They certainly have their faults, and in some tribes -the faults almost overshadow the more useful qualities. On the other -hand, we may be rather over anxious to push things along, and we are -apt to expect a tribe to jump into a higher cultural plane in too short -a time. We forget too easily that reform must come from within, and -that the inner consciousness of a tribe changes slowly. A veneer -applied on the surface is always thin, and is unlikely to wear. - -To illustrate this organisation it may be interesting to refer to the -account of the Druids of Britain, about 55 B.C., left to us by Cæsar; -these functionaries apparently performed very much the same duties as -those of the present-day elders of the ithembo in Kikuyu and Ukamba; in -the case of these tribes, however, the line between ordinary people and -the priestly caste does not seem to be as sharply marked as it was in -Britain. Cæsar in Bell. Gall. vi. 13–14 writes as follows: - -“Among the Celts there are only two classes held in consideration and -honour, the Knights (equites) and the Druids. The latter are concerned -with all things divine, manage the public and private sacrifices, -interpret sacred omens and religious scruples. (N.B.—This is identical -with the duties of the athuri ya ukuru as regards thahu, etc.). For -they make decisions on almost all disputes, both private and public, -and if a crime is committed, e.g., a murder, or if a lawsuit arises -concerning heritages or disputed boundaries, it is they who give -judgment. They name the compensation and assess the penalty, and if any -private person will not accept their award they interdict him from -taking part in the sacrifice. This is the heaviest punishment they can -impose. Persons thus placed under interdict are held impious and -accursed; men quit their company and avoid meeting them or speaking to -them lest they may come to harm from the contagion of the wicked.” - -All this has a peculiarly African flavour, and with slight amendment -might refer to the constitution of a modern African tribe on the same -level of civilisation as the Kikuyu or Kamba people. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II - -LAWS OF COMPENSATION FOR MURDER - - -It is a matter of great importance, from an administrative point of -view, that these should be properly understood, as a murder is -otherwise likely to create a hereditary feud between the two families, -which will eventually lead to fresh crimes. - -Kikuyu.—In Kikuyu, for instance, until the ceremonial has all been -properly carried out, no member of the family of the murdered man can -eat food out of the same dish or drink beer with any member of the -family of the murderer. In Ukamba it is believed that unless the matter -is properly adjusted according to the law (their law) the members of -the family of the murderer will continually be involved in quarrels -which are likely to end by one of them killing his neighbour, and -conversely the members of the family of the murdered man become -involved in quarrels and are liable to be killed in the same way as -their relation. If one tries to look at the matter from their point of -view it appears to be this: there is a bad spirit or muimu about, -belonging to an ancestor; it enters into a man and the result is that -the next time he quarrels with a neighbour he kills him. This spirit -may continue to possess that person, or it may go on to another member -of that family with the same result. In the same way the muimu of the -deceased, the murdered man, influences the aiimu in the bodies of all -the members of his family and makes them afraid. They know that this -death-dealing spirit is abroad, and the members of the family are more -liable to be killed if they become entangled in a broil. Thus both -families are anxious that this state of affairs should cease and that -the troublesome spirit be appeased and laid to rest. - -The explanation just given may or may not be the final interpretation, -but the fact remains that it is considered a vital necessity that the -ceremonies necessary to close the trouble caused in a tribe by a murder -should be carried out according to the law of the tribe, and only by -the observance of the proper ritual can the avenging spirit be -appeased. - -In South Kikuyu there are only two persons qualified to perform these -ceremonies: Gachii wa Kihara and Juguna wa Kihara, both sons of a great -elder and chief named Kihara, of the Anjiru clan, upon whom those -duties devolved. The office is apparently hereditary. - -The ceremonies are called Kugira uhio wa kuria mundu, which means “To -carry the man who was killed,” and the word mugiro, derived from -ku-gira, is also used in this connection. Of course, the payment of -compensation has now been abrogated by Government, and the death -penalty imposed in its place according to our law, so that the -functions of the elders mentioned have of late years been confined to -the supervision of the ceremonies which have magical or religious -significance. The description of the affair, however, which was -obtained from Gachii himself, takes no cognisance of the amendment -caused by the substitution of the “lex talionis” for the old principle -of “wergild” or compensation. The procedure runs as follows: soon after -the murder had occurred the father of the murderer summoned Gachii or -Juguna to his village, and whichever of these elders attended took with -him eight athuri ya ukuu (elders of appeal), and the first object of -their mission was to stop any fighting between the young men of the two -parties. - -They remained at the village, and the father of the murderer then -collected seventy goats and sent them to the father of the murdered -man, and a bullock and a male sheep to the mother of the deceased. This -bullock is important; it is called ndegwa muhiriga or njiga migwe, that -is the “ox for the clan” or the “ox of the arrows,” which represents a -peace offering to the clan, and prevents the clan of the deceased -taking out their arrows to avenge their brother. Two days later thirty -goats were collected and sent to the father of the deceased. The -compensation of a hundred sheep or goats can be paid either in goats or -sheep or cattle, but, whatever is paid, the count is always kept in -sheep or goats. For instance, a thenge, or big male goat, may count as -two or three goats, according to size, and in the same way an ox has -its stated rate of exchange and is counted as so many goats; in -pre-European days the ox counted as three goats, and a heifer or cow -counted as ten in paying compensation or in marriage fees for a wife. - -The next payment is nine male sheep to the athuri ya ukuu, nine more -sheep being given to the father of the deceased, and nine ewes, -nyarume, to the maternal uncle of the deceased, or mamawe, as he is -called. The father of the murderer and the father of the deceased then -each bring a male sheep, and the trunk of a banana plant is procured, -placed on the ground, and the murderer and his relations seat -themselves on one side of it, and the relatives of the other party on -the opposite side; four of the athuri ya ukuu also sit on each side. -The two sheep are then killed, and the two parties exchange pieces of -cooked meat and eat them; they then exchange pieces of sugar cane and -sweet potatoes smeared with tatha (the contents of the stomach of the -sheep), which are given to the women and children of the two families. -Some gruel is also exchanged; this is for the children of the two -families, and is eaten inside the villages of the two parties. - -The presiding elder, Gachii or Juguna, does not sit with either party, -but a little way off, his function being to see that the proper ritual -is observed. - -The elders then take the spear or sword with which the murder was -committed, and beat it until it is quite blunt. The spear head or sword -is taken away and thrown into a deep pool in the nearest river. They -say that if this were not done the weapon would continue to be the -cause of murder. - -The final act is what is called ku-kukuriwa ithe na nyina (to purify -father and mother). The elders adorn themselves with necklets of a -grass called ngoka, which they wear for eight days, but if at the -expiration of this period no moon is visible they cannot take them off -till the moon reappears. When the day comes for dispensing with them -they cross a river and bury them on the far side, and return home -without looking back. In North Kikuyu, Mwaitume, it is said that they -throw the rings away in an old shamba, garden, dig up a sweet potato, -eat it, and then return home. - -These ceremonies are the same for both grades of the Kikuyu, viz.: -those circumcised Kikuyu fashion, and those circumcised Masai fashion. -If they are properly carried out they wipe out all questions of blood -feud, and the members of both families can eat together. - -If the mugiro ceremonies are not properly carried out, the spirit of -the murdered man will go back to his village, cry out in the night like -a child, and enter into one of the villagers, who will become as one -possessed. The people will call out to him, “Who are you?” and he will -reply, “I am So-and-so” (mentioning the deceased). “I have come because -I have been abandoned.” A near blood relative of the deceased must then -take a male goat or sheep, if the deceased was a man, or a young ewe, -mwati, if the victim was a woman, into the bush, where it is killed by -strangulation, and immediately it is dead its throat is pierced and the -blood allowed to run out on the ground. They then carve a piece of meat -from each limb and part of the animal, and place them in a heap, the -bones also being placed in another heap, and left there. Any meat that -remains is eaten by the elders; the person who was possessed of the -ngoma, or spirit, of the deceased then recovers. - -The customs vary according to different cases, the compensation for the -murder of a woman being only thirty sheep or goats and three rams. - -If a man murders his cousin on his mother’s side of the family, the -father of the murderer collects fifty sheep or goats, and pays them to -the head of the family of the deceased, and the recipients usually kill -an ox which is eaten by both parties; the elaborate ritual described -above is not observed because of the blood relationship which exists. - -If a man kills his brother or sister by the same mother there is no -compensation—the case very rarely arises; the father would, however, -kill a sheep and make his children eat it together. - -If a pregnant woman is struck and injured by a man, and miscarries in -consequence, the elders are called in to settle the matter. The culprit -has to bring two male sheep; first one is killed and eaten by the -villagers and the elders, but not by the woman. The second is eaten by -the woman and visitors, but not by the elders. - -Some of the fat and meat of this second animal is cooked in a pot with -some bitter herbs, and the woman drinks the decoction, this being -evidently in the nature of a purification; it is called theria nda, to -purify the belly. The people present who are nearly related, either to -the offender or the woman, are then invested with rukwaru, or -wristlets, made of the skin of the sheep first mentioned. - -This is not a matter for the athuri ya ukuu, but the ordinary -councillors, athuri ya kiama. - -Ukamba.—In Ukamba there is a general similarity of ideas, but a -considerable difference in ceremonial. - -The general compensation for the murder of a man is thirteen cows, two -bulls, and fifty goats; and for a woman six cows, two bulls, and one -goat. - -In each case the actual blood money is twelve cows and five cows -respectively, the balance being for the ceremonies necessary to wipe -out the blood stains, and which bear the name of etumo. - -The cow, the two bulls, and the goat are taken to the village of the -murdered man; the elders, athuri ya ukuu, assemble there, and the goat -is first killed at about five p.m. The murderer must not be present; if -he or any member of his clan appeared at the etumo ceremonies they -would probably be killed. Fourteen pieces of meat are cut from its -throat, an elder impales seven pieces on a wooden skewer, and puts them -into the mouth of the wife of the deceased, who eats them, and the -other seven are similarly given to the brother of the deceased. When -darkness comes on, the elders retire to a short distance from the -village, and the widow and her brother-in-law retire to a hut and have -connection; they then return and call the elders. - -Upon their return the bull is killed and they receive half of its meat -and half of that of the goat, the remainder being consumed by the -family of the deceased. All the meat must be eaten during the night, -and none of the bones must be broken, and before morning the latter -must be carried out and deposited in the bush by the elders. The hides -of the two animals must not be allowed to remain in the village, but -are carried off by any elders who do not belong to the same mbai, or -clan, as the deceased. The cow remains in the village, and becomes the -personal property of the widow, who is not allowed to sell it. - -The collection of the number of cattle payable as blood money generally -takes some time, and the members of a man’s clan often assist him to -pay. When they are all collected, an assembly of people and elders -takes place at the village of the deceased, comprising members of the -family and clan as well as strangers, and a bull is slaughtered from -the compensation cattle; there is a general feast, and each person -takes a strip of the hide away for tying up loads. The cattle are then -divided; the senior member of the deceased’s family receives one cow -and pays back one bull, the maternal grandfather of the deceased -receives a cow and pays back a bullock, and if there is a half-brother -of the deceased he receives a cow and pays back a bull, provided that -he does not live in the village of the deceased. If there is a village -of the same clan near by, the head of it receives a cow and pays back a -bull. None of these cows may be sold or given in exchange for a wife; -if this rule is broken the recipient has to pay back a cow to the -family. The bulls given in exchange provide feasts for the elders, -members of the family of the deceased, and members of the clan. The -remainder of the cattle are the property of the eldest brother of the -deceased, who divides them between the mother and wife or wives of the -deceased, who have the use of the milk. He cannot dispose of one of the -beasts without the permission of these women. - -The payment of the cow, bull, and goat first mentioned is of ritual -importance, and is called etumo; they are necessary to protect both the -family of the murderer and the murdered one from the powers of the -unappeased death-dealing spirit which is abroad. Even if the killing -was accidental (mbanga) the etumo payments and ritual must be observed, -because it shows that there is a bad influence about or the accident -would never have occurred. - -In former times, if a man of one clan killed another in some -inter-tribal fight, the custom was for a brother to waylay and kill a -man of the clan who had killed his brother. The two deaths cancelled -each other, and there was no further question of compensation, but it -was considered essential that the etumo fees should be paid and the -proper ceremonial observed. - -One other point in connection with the weapon used in the murder should -be mentioned: in Kikuyu the spear is thrown away, but in Ukamba the -weapon is nearly always an arrow, which is carried away some distance -and placed on a path, the idea apparently being that it contains a -harmful essence which it is impossible to remove, and the evil is -believed to pass on to whoever picks it up. If this is not done the -evil is said to remain with the family of the deceased. - -The Kingnoli Custom.—In the author’s “Ethnology of A-Kamba,” p. 95, an -account is given of the old form of judicial execution called kingnoli -which used to be customary throughout Ukamba. It is also referred to by -C. Dundas in the “History of Kitui,” p. 514. - -It is not proposed to describe over again the details of the procedure, -but while considering the question of sacrifice, it may be interesting -to point out the similarity of this practice with the judicial slaying -which took place among the ancient Semites, e.g., among the Hebrews the -criminal was stoned. - -Professor R. Smith ably shows how the idea of an execution of this kind -is not penal in one sense of the word: it is not done to punish the -offender, but to rid the community of an impious member—generally a man -who has shed the tribal blood. - -It would appear that the repeated spilling of tribal blood is an act -which annoys the aiimu of the tribe to such an extent that an ordinary -sacrifice is insufficient to appease them, and a human sacrifice -becomes necessary either as an expiation or to re-establish good -relations: by not offering compensation for the crimes he has -committed, the brothers of the criminal formally surrender him to the -community and this acquits the community of any bloodstain. - -The kingnoli custom is also known among the Kikuyu, who call it mwinge. -The Hon. C. Dundas states that the procedure in Kikuyu is practically -the same as that in Ukamba except that the near relative of the -accused, whose consent to the execution is essential, had to carry it -out by strangling the convicted person. - -Another important point is that any person giving evidence against a -tribesman being tried under this law had to make his charges on the -kithito or kithathi which is one of the most potent oaths. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III - -CEREMONIAL OATHS - - -The Kithito of Ukamba.—This is the most powerful oath recognised by the -tribe, and is common to all sections of the Kamba; it corresponds to -the kithathi of the Kikuyu. The apparatus for the oath is made by -medicine men. Secret medicines are placed in the horn of a buffalo or -hartebeest, a hippo tusk, or on the bottom end of a small ivory tusk. -There is usually one in each district, and it is always in the -possession of a particular elder; in many cases, they have been bought -from the makers, who reside in either Mumoni or Tharaka country. All -over the world the idea that better medicine can be obtained from a -distance than at home seems to exist; even in England, people in the -provinces have unbounded faith in the London specialist. - -Some of these kithito are undoubtedly of great age, and are handed down -through many generations. The kithito must always be kept away from the -village, as it might harm the inmates; it is generally hidden away in a -cavity in the rocks. It is carried about in a small pot or a basket, -being very dangerous to handle; the original owner or his son, if he -has been taught, can handle it by observing certain precautions, but no -one else. An unmarried man cannot possess a kithito. - -The writer once witnessed the administration of a kithito oath near -Machakos at Mathendú’s. The gathering was a very large one, and elders -from all parts of the district were present, all the various clans -being represented. It was an occasion of some importance, the object of -the gathering being for representative elders from each council to -swear upon the kithito to conduct their councils and the internal -government of the district upon proper lines and to afford the local -councils due support. - -The congregation of elders, which probably numbered some five hundred, -sat round in a large circle on the hill-side; in the centre were a few -of the senior chiefs and elders from each clan and the elders chosen to -officiate. The first proceeding was for an elder to march round the -outside of the whole circle with the kithito, which was suspended by a -string; after this, all the persons included in the circle were subject -to the effects of the oath. The kithito was then brought into the -centre of the circle and deposited on a branch of the acacia tree, -kisumi. - -As far as could be seen the contents of the kithito were as follows: - - - A shell (containing secret medicine). - A human leg bone. - The tooth of a ruminant. - Twigs from various trees. - - -The whole of these were wrapped in a portion of a plaited Kamba fibre -bag (chondo). Stones were arranged on the ground around the package. -The end of the kithito parcel faced towards the afternoon sun, i.e., -the west. - -The officiating elder then stood on the two stones to the west of the -kithito and, with a thin stick, touched the kithito and recited the -terms of the oath. The object of these stones was to insulate him from -the ground while he was engaged in the ceremony. - -At each item of the oath the elder took a thin stick and dipped it in -some blackish sticky medicine in the shell and recited the particular -points, saying: “If any man breaks this, may he be thrown away,” and -then jerked the stick over his right shoulder in the direction of the -sun. - -After the ceremony, the kithito was carried away and a sheep was killed -near by and the tatha, or stomach contents, were sprinkled on the -ground at the spot where the kithito had been. This was said to be done -to cure the ground from the evil effects of the kithito. - -The Oath of the Sacred Bead (Chuma cha mchugu) in Kikuyu.—This oath or -ordeal belongs to the same class as those described in the writer’s -work, “Ethnology of A-Kamba” (Camb. Press), pp. 139–143, viz., the -kithathi and ku-ringa thengi ceremonies. - -If one man is in debt to another and repudiates his debt, the creditor -goes to the elders and demands that they may both be given the ordeal -of the chuma cha mchugu (chuma is the Kikuyu word for bead). - -Now the bead used for this purpose must be one of a particular kind, -which has been handed down from past ages and is evidently believed to -be of magical value. Several of the clans in Kikuyu are alleged to -possess specimens of this bead, each one being in charge of a -particular elder; they are said to be reddish in colour and rather long -in shape. [12] Endeavours have been made to get a specimen for -examination, but it has not been possible to locate one; the elders -state that they have not seen one used for some years. A chuma cha -mchugu must not be kept in a house, but is hidden away in the bush—in -this particular it is like the kithathi. - -To return, however, to the ceremonial connected with its use: on the -appointed day the creditor and debtor meet the elders; the latter sit -in a circle and the former sit on the ground in the middle and facing -each other. Each takes a piece of fine grass and places it inside the -aperture in the bead and swears, as the case may be, that he lent a -cow, or that he borrowed a cow, and that if he testifies falsely may he -be eaten by the bead (i.e., destroyed). Sometimes the bead is held in -the hand, and sometimes it is placed on the ground between the two -parties. - -Perjury is believed to result in the death of the perjurer, and -furthermore serious harm, even death, to his near relatives. - -If a man who has perjured himself by this oath dies, his brothers by -the same parents will promptly pay the debt, and then call in the -elders to remove the curse, or thahu, which the perjury has inflicted. -To effect this lustration, the sacred bead has to be brought to the -village, a sheep is killed and some of the stomach contents are smeared -on the bead. Another sheep is next marched round the afflicted village, -is killed, and the people eat the meat. The bones of the sheep are -afterwards collected and calcined in the fire on which the meat was -cooked, next morning a libation of beer being poured over the ashes of -the bones by the elders of the village. A medicine man is then -summoned, and he purifies (tahikia) the villages, and these are finally -safe from all danger from this thahu. - -There is another piece of ritual in which beads play a part. If an -elder or old woman dies in one village, and later on a similar death -occurs in a neighbouring village, the head of each village goes to -assist at the hukura or death ceremonies (described in Chapter VI) at -the village where the death has occurred. At the conclusion of these -ceremonies each will have two blue trade ring beads, of the pattern -known as mtinorok, fastened on his wrist, and the senior wife of the -principal elder of the village where the death occurred will have two -beads tied to her wrist; they wear these for eight days, and then bathe -and cast the beads into a river; finally they wash their clothes there -and return home. - -The custom is practised only by the people belonging to the Kikuyu -circumcision guild. The blue beads used on this occasion are ordinary -trade beads and are called chuma cha mchugu, but are not the sacred -beads referred to in the earlier portion of this chapter. Probably, as -the real chuma cha mchugu are very rare, they pretend that these are -the real articles, or think they delude the spirits into believing that -the beads are the genuine thing. - -The sacred bead is also said to be used for the detection of thieves; -the elders declare that the bead is first doctored by a medicine man -and then thrown away in the direction of the suspected person, and the -elders simultaneously cry out, “Go and find the thief.” The belief is -that after it is thus thrown the bead will enter the stomach of the -offender and trouble him to such an extent that he will be forced to -confess, and he can then be ceremonially purified and healed. - -The Muma Oath and Adultery.—A case of adultery occurred in Kikuyu in -which a man, having seduced a woman, afterwards induced her to take the -oath of muma that she would not tell her husband. After a time she -disclosed this to her husband and, shortly after, she died. The husband -then sued for blood money, but the elders refused his demand on the -ground that if the woman had held her tongue the muma would not have -killed her. The husband then demanded that the man should jump over the -corpse seven times; this he refused to do and the elders would not -insist as they held that the woman had, in fact, committed suicide. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -WAR AND PEACE - - -War.—In former times raids were conducted by the anake or warrior class -only, but if the country was invaded, the younger elders also fought, -while the old men went to hide with the women and stock; elders were -armed with bows and arrows, but the anake of Kikuyu carried spears and -swords only. - -The Kikuyu apparently made a good stand against the Masai invaders, for -it is said that the Masai killed most of the Dorobo, so presumably this -tribe was unable to stand against the invaders while the Kikuyu held -their own. It is probable that the scourge of the Masai was generally -much overrated, and that they were as often as not badly beaten by -other tribes. - -During a Masai invasion it was customary to bury knives at the foot of -mugumu trees; this was supposed to give the invaders sore and swollen -feet. - -Expeditions and raids were led by three anake called asigani. These had -first to consult with a medicine man, who would say whether they could -be asigani or not; Kamiri was particularly noted as such a medicine -man. If approved by the medicine man they had to go alone into Masai -country as a test of courage and spy out where the cattle were. Only -such men could be leaders of raids, and they remained as asigani until -they had passed the warrior age. - -On return from a raid the booty was brought together and the elders -assembled. The asigani had first choice of the spoil, and got about one -quarter more than the rest. The elders merely looked on, and each -warrior took his share of the booty home; the father took possession of -the cattle so long as his son remained in the village, but if he left -the village and settled elsewhere he would take with him the stock he -had obtained in war. - -The only elder who was actually given any part was the medicine man who -had been previously consulted as to the success of the raid. When a -raid was arranged, the warriors were collected from everywhere, but no -one was forced to join. Special distinction was attained by those who -had killed a Masai. Such a man was called mundu wa rohiu, man of the -sword; the shield and spear of the Masai he would give to his uncle, -from whom, in turn, he received a goat or two; he would also go round -to all his relations, who would give him small presents, but to prove -his deed he had to bring back the sword of the slain Masai, otherwise -he was not believed. - -The Kikuyu apparently often raided Masai country, but raids on the -Kamba were considered much more dangerous, and were only undertaken by -large bodies and with greater precautions. The whole force was divided -up into various bodies to guard against total annihilation; attacks -were made only at night, and as soon as the stock was captured it was -sent, under escort, to Kikuyu so that if they were attacked and killed -the stock was saved. - -Women and children were also taken and handed over to the warrior’s -father, but a Kamba was generally permitted to redeem his wife for nine -head of cattle; this is said to have been the practice owing to the -former friendship existing between the Kamba and the Kikuyu. This -practice was broken later, because the Kamba always stole the wives of -the Kikuyu. The Kamba is to this day an incorrigible wife stealer; the -same cause led to his breaking friendship with the Masai and Galla, so -the legend goes. - -It is said that fights with the Kamba were more frequent than with the -Masai, and that they were much more feared because of the Kamba arrows, -but nevertheless the Kikuyu declare that they penetrated as far as -Mumoni, and that they also fought the Emberre. Gachii wa Kichara -remembers that on one occasion the Kamba and Kikuyu joined to fight the -Masai, but that the Kamba ran away, not because they were afraid of the -Masai, but because they foresaw that they would have to fight the more -numerous Kikuyu if they were to get any of the booty. - -On the whole it would appear that the Kikuyu were no mean fighting -tribe; they certainly inflicted very severe lessons on the Masai, and -they gave us no little trouble in the early days. One can, however, -scarcely imagine them to have been warlike judging from their present -character, but the generation of warriors before our time have passed -into elders, and the present warrior class has never known war; this -class is also rapidly disappearing, and the young native now marries -long before the time when wars and raids allowed them to do so in the -past. - -It is believed to be very lucky to meet a mole on the way to war; a -warrior kills it with his spear and carries the skin on the point of -it; this is supposed to bring him good fortune in the fight. - -Before the Kikuyu went to war they used to sacrifice at the sacred -trees in the usual way; the elders attended, but not the warriors; -their weapons were not smeared with the sacrificial blood. If any of -the warriors killed an enemy during the fighting, the elders who had -conducted the sacrifice above mentioned shaved the heads of the -warriors upon their return, took away the hair and hid it in the woods. -They also smeared their faces with a line of ira, or white earth, and -the spear which had done the killing was also smeared with ira. This -white earth is generally used as a protecting agent against evil -influences, in this case doubtless the spirits of the slaughtered foes. - -If cattle were captured the captain of the warriors, as soon as -possible after the fight, would choose a fine bullock from the spoil -and slaughter it as near as possible to the scene of the fighting. This -was done as a thank-offering to the deity, Engai. The bullock should be -a whole coloured beast, either black, white, or red, and not spotted or -parti-coloured. - -The elders who go to sacrifice and pray at the sacred tree before the -fighting, and the captain of the warriors, eat the meat; the bulk of -the fighting men do not participate. The hide of the bullock is left on -the spot after the feast. - -Peace Ceremonial (Kikuyu).—Seven elders from the clans or tribes at -enmity each meet with a number of the warrior class, the different -sides providing a ram or he-goat, which is slaughtered. An elder of one -side then takes the intestines and cuts them with a razor and says: -“Who breaks this peace may he be cut as this is cut.” An elder from the -other side now takes the intestines from the animal provided by his -side and goes through the same ceremonial. Both sides then eat the meat -together. - -In the days of the early travellers, some fifteen to twenty-five years -ago, the Kikuyu were noted for their treachery; one day they would make -peace with a caravan and the next day attack it. The elders were asked -the reason of this, and whether they believed that peace deliberately -broken would bring evil on the breakers of it; they said it was quite -true that many had been guilty in this respect, but that the great -famine of 1899, and the smallpox which followed it, had killed off all -the guilty ones. - -In former war-like times when a member of another tribe came to the -village of an elder and wished to enter into brotherhood and settle -among the tribe, the elder would summon his colleagues and kill a -bullock. The stranger would be formally adorned with a bracelet made of -the ox hide, and he would then be safe from harm. The meat was eaten by -the assembled elders and the villagers. The elder then chose a daughter -for him to marry. If, for instance, the head of the village belonged to -the Anjiru clan, the stranger became a Munjiru; and he also adopted the -circumcision guild of his host. If, after this, anyone belonging to the -tribe were to kill him, the murderer would have to pay a hundred goats -and nine rams to his adopted father, nine rams for the elders and nine -rams for his mother. - -Peace Ceremonial, Ukamba (Kitui).—The elders of the vanquished side -bring an ox, and the elders of the winning side bring a kithito. The -elders of each side assemble in two groups in the centre, and the -warriors are collected in two masses, one on either side of the area -chosen for the ceremony. The kithito oath is then administered to the -leaders of the two groups of fighting men. - -They kill the ox, skin it, and cut the meat off the throat and also cut -out a few of the vertebræ of the neck (ngata) and place them on the -kithito. An iron arrow head is then produced and tied on to a shaft; it -must be tied with the fibre from the lilambia bush, and a few thorns of -the mulaa tree are also fastened to the arrow. A small bag is made from -a piece of the small intestine of the ox and is filled with blood. The -officiating elder then picks up the arrow and slits open this bag and -allows the blood to drip on the neck-vertebræ and meat, which are -placed on the kithito, and calls out to the assembly: “If anyone breaks -this peace may he be slit as the mwethi wa kitutu.” The neck bones and -meat are then left to be devoured by hyænas. - -Before this, however, an oath is administered to each of the captains -of the fighting; those who take the oath are naked; the right arm and -right leg are smeared with ashes, and a bunch of leaves is fastened -over the pubes. Each man takes a bundle of arrows in his right hand and -swears by the kithito that he will never again fight the opposite party -and that if any should come to his village they shall be received as -friends; the company of warriors assent to this and say, “If you break -this oath may the kithito slay you.” - -Blood Brotherhood (Ukamba of Kitui).—The two parties meet and a goat is -killed; two pieces of the liver are taken and slightly fried on a fire. -A small incision is then made in the right forearm, the chest, and the -navel of each party, and a spot of the blood therefrom is smeared on -the liver. The two pieces are then exchanged and eaten jointly. - -This is a very sacred and lasting oath of friendship. If ever it is -broken, the people are very shocked and Engai is believed to injure the -village of the one who breaks it and probably both blood kin and stock -will die. - -It is often difficult to state with precision whether the high god or -the ancestral spirits are meant when the term Engai is here used. In -this case, however, the high god is probably referred to. And if the -opinion be correct, it is a striking example of the belief in the -concept of a personal God, who takes a continual and minute interest in -the doings of His creatures. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER V - -MISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS - - -Adoption into a New Clan (Kikuyu).—This is a proceeding which sometimes -takes place in Kikuyu, but which rarely comes to the notice of European -observers. It is called njama ya ruoro kucharua, which means “the -assembly or council of the knife to change,” and, expanded, means “the -ceremonial gathering of the knife at which a man changes his clan.” The -word ruoro means the knife used for branding cattle. - -The candidate first makes an arrangement about the matter with the -senior elder of the clan he wishes to enter; a day is fixed for the -ceremony and the elder summons the other elders of his clan and the -candidate brings his brothers. A number of elders belonging to other -clans are also invited as witnesses. - -The candidate presents a razor (ruenji), some castor oil, butter -(ngoromo), and a ewe lamb (mwati) to the elders of the clan he wishes -to join, and the elders of that clan provide a bullock. The bullock is -slaughtered and the skin is dried, this being for the parties to sit on -during the ceremony. The candidate and the senior elder of the clan he -wishes to enter then sit on the bullock’s hide, and the elder’s senior -wife comes and shaves both their heads. When this is completed, they -anoint each other’s head with the castor oil and the butter. Each man -collects and takes away the hair cut off and carefully hides it so that -no evilly disposed person shall pick it up and make medicine with it. - -Henceforward the man is considered as adopted in the new clan, and his -children belong to that clan. If he is a young man and wants a wife, -the senior elder of his new clan will buy him one, and if he is killed -in a tribal fight the elder claims the blood money. - -If, after this ceremony, the elder was to commit adultery with the wife -of the adopted man he would surely die. - -If a daughter of the adopted man is married, the elder gets five goats -from the bridal price received for the girl; these goats are called -ugendi and possibly have reference to cases in which the elder has paid -the bridal price for the wife of the adopted man. - -A Kikuyu native does not, however, change his circumcision guild by -entering a new clan. - -Njama ya Kikende.—The ceremony of adoption is closely connected to a -ceremony performed between great friends; this is a form of ceremonial -brotherhood, but the man who makes the alliance does not change his -clan, and if he is killed the blood money would go to his own clan. In -this case the elder kills a ram or he-goat (thengi), which is skinned, -and a piece of the skin of the chest is cut off, whilst another elder -cuts out a bracelet of the skin and places it on the elder’s right -wrist and on the wrist of the man who wishes to join in brotherhood -with him. - -The man who desires the brotherhood then presents a gourd of beer to -the elder; the beer must be of two kinds, viz., sugar-cane and -honey-beer mixed. The elder who cuts the bracelet also receives a gourd -of beer from the man. - -On Bee-Keeping.—The A-Kamba are great bee-keepers. When Europeans first -visited the country they found the industry fully established; as at -the present day, logs of wood were hollowed out and hung in trees for -bees to hive in. They periodically collected the honey, brewed mead, -and then threw away the comb. The Government Officers have since taught -them to boil down the wax into cakes which can be sold, and a large -quantity is annually exported. - -In Kitui when a man makes his first beehive he does not hang it in a -tree himself, but gets his uncle to do so; he believes that if he -omitted to do this the bees would not settle in it. - -The owner of the beehive cannot cohabit with his wife until he sees -that a swarm of bees has settled in the hive and is building there. Two -nights after he is satisfied that this is the case, he may resume his -marital relations. - -If on his first visit of inspection he finds the hive occupied, he -brews beer and pours some on the ground as a libation to the aiimu, or -ancestral spirits. - -In a season when there is a dearth of honey the owners of the hives go -to the woods in which they have put their hives and sacrifice a goat; -the meat is eaten, and the blood, mixed with beer, is poured on the -ground as a propitiatory libation to the aiimu to secure a good honey -crop. Among the Ulu A-Kamba the ceremonial varies and is apparently -more elaborate. - -When a man has hollowed out the log of wood which forms the beehive he -takes a shaving or chip of the wood which is called ikavu, and gives it -to his mother, who then cooks beans, pigeon peas and maize in a pot and -places the chip, ikavu, in the fire under the pot to assist in cooking -the food. If he has lost his mother the ikavu is given to his wife, who -cooks the ceremonial meal. - -When the food is boiled the villagers are summoned to eat it. The -beehive is then hung in a tree, and when it is full the owner collects -the honey and brings it to his village. Before the honey can be mixed -with water to make beer or mead the owner of the hive must present his -mother with some of the raw honey. - -When the first brew of the mead is ready the father of the owner of the -hive buys it for a goat, which may not be killed. On the second night -after the purchase, the parents of the owner of the hive must cohabit; -this in speaking to each other they refer to as kuzya mbui, and if -talking to another person, the term kulunga mbui is used. - -They believe that the consumption of the beer and the succeeding -ceremony ensures that the hive will always yield a good supply of -honey, and that there will always be plenty of people to buy succeeding -brews of mead made from the honey. The whole proceeding may therefore -be considered as a magical fertility ceremony. - -If a man has lost his own parents, he sells the first brew of mead to -his uncle, presumably as head of the family. - -Among the Dorobo hunting tribe of the Kikuyu escarpment when a man -makes a new beehive, beer is made and the old men and women drink it -before it is hung in a tree. They then ceremonially spit on the hive -and next morning place it in a tree; the inside of a hive is also -smeared with beeswax to attract the bees. - -The first crop of honey out of a new hive is only eaten by the children -of the village, or perhaps by very old women. The reason of this is -said to be that if a young woman were to eat any and then misconduct -herself with a man, the honey crop would be spoilt and the bees would -not enter any of the hives hung up on that day. - -It is a well-known fact the natives always mark their beehives before -suspending them from the trees, and the marks are generally of two -kinds, one being that of the clan and the other that of the owner. Mr -A. C. Hollis states that on the Southern Aberdare Range in the bamboo -forest between Karanja’s and Enjabini he saw two musaiti trees (camphor -wood, Ocotea usambarensis) from which the Kikuyu make their honey -barrels or beehives. Although still standing, they were both marked -with the same designs one sees on beehives. - -The trees, it would appear, are earmarked by certain persons for the -manufacture of beehives while still standing. Sketches of these marks -are given below. At first sight it seems curious to put the clan mark -on beehives, but the object is to warn a would-be thief that if he robs -a hive he will have to reckon with the whole of the clan to which the -owner belongs. Further, if a would-be thief found a hive belonging to -his own clan he would be very unlikely to rob it, as he could always -obtain honey or honey-beer from his blood kin. - -Infectious Mania among the Kamba People.—In “Ethnology of A-Kamba,” p. -10, reference was made to a peculiar kind of infectious possession or -mania which appears periodically in Ukamba country, and in 1906 many -young people in Machakos district were seized with it at the sight of a -European hat. In a few months, however, it passed away, but in 1911 a -similar epidemic recurred. This took a different form, and was called -Engai ya mweretu, or the spirit of the girl. The spirit of a girl who -was said to have died mysteriously was supposed to enter into people in -various parts of the district—generally old women—and speak. The whole -district rapidly became disturbed; the spirit, through its oracles, -demanded that bullocks should be slaughtered; the order was implicitly -obeyed, for anyone who refused was supposed to be doomed. As a result, -several thousand bullocks were slaughtered and consumed in a week or -two. Great dances, at which the meat was eaten, were held. Very soon -the oracles became seditious, and plans were being made for the -abolition of European government and attack on the Government station. -The whole thing was kept secret at first, but eventually it all came -out and a company of troops had to be sent to the district to calm the -excited people; the elders, who felt sore at the loss of so many -cattle, rallied to the support of law and order and the country -gradually regained a normal state. - -The phenomenon is also known in Kitui, but is said to have been -introduced from the Machakos district. Mr C. Dundas has investigated it -in the former district and states that when people wish to misrepresent -the nature of any dances held in this connection they refer to them as -kilumi. Now kilumi is an old Kamba dance which is periodically -performed at ithembo all over the country with the object of warding -off epidemics, but the Engai dances are carried on at villages to cure -an individual possessed by the form of mania known as Engai. Fez caps -and other unusual ornaments and clothing worn at Engai dances are not -worn at kilumi dances. The word Engai appears to be loosely used in -this connection, but this is possibly due to the fact that the -individual organising the dance is supposed to be a person possessing -occult powers, a person, in short, who knows the inner mysteries or who -would not otherwise possess the “medicine” which is supposed to come -from Engai. - -As far as is known, this Engai possession appears to be almost entirely -confined to women. A woman becomes mysteriously possessed; the medicine -man cannot account for it. A woman who understands the affection is -therefore called in and orders the appropriate dance to be performed. -The performers become worked up and wildly excited, and many of them -become affected and the disease spreads, although the afflicted person -for whom the dance was convened may be cured. When the people are -worked up to a pitch of frenzy, the leader of the dance then demands a -bullock, beer, and a goat from the head elder, and these are consumed -by the performers. - -Women who organise these dances have been seen and interviewed by the -writer and they generally appear to be stupid and half-witted, and one -would not suspect that they were capable of influencing the people as -they undoubtedly do. When they have worked themselves up into a kind of -hypnotic state they may possibly be different. One great idea at these -dances is that everyone must shake hands with the woman, and for this -privilege she is given sixpence or more. The people believe that if -this be omitted, they will be permanently afflicted with a spirit; they -do not apparently mind temporary possession, but fear its becoming a -permanency. The payments appear to be peculiar to Kitui. - -The elders do not approve of these dances, but are generally too -frightened to intervene. The reason of their disapproval is not far to -seek; every woman who becomes possessed is told to demand something -from her husband or the mania will not leave her. The women generally -ask for fez caps and clothes which are worn at subsequent dances; one -elder told Mr Dundas that his wife had demanded the tails of ten white -cows. They dress in white and red clothes, consisting of deep bands -worn round the waists, and have fez caps on their heads and cows’ tails -suspended from their arms. The women who conduct the ceremony are -termed Siekitundumu; the meaning of kitundumu is thunder. One of the -chants sung on such an occasion was translated as: “We have come from a -comet and one day we will return there to stay with Siekitundumu.” When -a woman shakes hands with the leader she is seized with a kind of -convulsion and says, “I am Siekitundumu.” The speeches of the women -appear to be devoid of meaning; they will attempt to use English words -in particular, calling out “Yesu,” and So-and-so is said to be the -children of “Yesu,” or one will be asked who she is and she will -mention the name of some European or other. “Yesu”—Mr Dundas thinks—may -be either a corruption of the English “Yes” or it may be a contraction -of “Jesus” as pronounced by the German missionaries, or it may be a -corrupt pronunciation of the Swahili word “kisu,” which means a knife, -and which the A-Kamba are inclined to pronounce “kyesu.” - -It is also said that those who participate in the dance must keep their -eyes fixed on the ground; they are otherwise supposed to be liable to -fly up to the heavens. - -The woman called the Siekitundumu has a chondo (string bag) full of -medicines carried in small gourds. No one may look at these magical -properties without paying. The medicines are said to be made by a kind -of ghoul who has only one hand and one leg and who lives above. These -mysteries work the credulous and susceptible women into a state of -frenzy, when they cease to be responsible for their actions. One chief, -with some pathos, stated that women who have been to one of these -dances often go back home and beat their husbands. - -The principal Siekitundumu in Kitui is said to be one Monge wa Muli. -She and her husband assembled all the people at the village of the -chief Muli and told them to collect food and other gifts. The elders -had to pay a bull and a black goat. On a certain day the bull was -killed and its blood poured into a large hole in the ground and mixed -with meal, milk, and grain. Monge then announced that she would -transfer the Engai to a particular village. She selected certain -able-bodied women, who ran into the bush with a fowl, shouting that -they were sending “Engai” to Muli’s village, the fowl being left in the -bush. A few days later a woman in Muli’s village was, of course, seized -with the Engai mania and the dance had to be performed there. Thus the -affection is spread throughout the district. After a time, either the -Government or the combined elders take steps to stop it by drastic -measures and it dies down for a while, possibly for a year or two, but -at any time it is liable to recur and it is then necessary for the -administration to keep a sharp look out for its appearance. - -The whole phenomenon rather reminds one of the ancient accounts of -demoniacal possession. According to Goodrich Freer a peculiar kind of -possession, called bonda, is said to attack women in Abyssinia. Here -again all their demands for dress, food, and trifles of any sort must -be strictly attended to. They sometimes mimic a hyæna. - - - - -SUNDRY BELIEFS - -Slaughter of Pregnant Animals.—The A-Kamba may not wilfully kill an -animal heavy with young when hunting, and certainly would not slaughter -a domestic animal in this condition. Should, however, such an animal -happen to be killed by mistake, the uterus is opened to discover the -sex of the fœtus. In cutting up the uterus the hunter will hold a few -blades of grass in his hand, together with the knife, at the same time -grasping the wrist of the hand holding the knife with the other hand. -If there are two men, the second man will grasp the wrist of the other -while he cuts open the uterus. - -If the fœtus is male it is unlucky, and if female it is lucky. The -killing of the mother in this condition must, however, have been done -unwittingly. - -This curious custom appears to be common to all the Kamba people. - -Eclipses.—These are said to be the work of Engai (or the high god) and -to be an omen of a sickness in the land. The head of each village has -to take two children and a goat, which is lead round the outside of the -village, and when it reaches the gate, an elder cuts a piece out of one -ear and lets the animal return to the village. They then smear it with -ia (Kamba) ira (Kikuyu), or white earth—on its face, along its stomach, -and along its back to the tail. - -Lunar Changes.—The Kikuyu people have no theories as to the nature of -the sun or moon, but believe that the sun and moon are constantly at -war with each other and that the moon is always beaten and driven away. -After a time she regains her strength and returns to the fight. - -Food (Kitui).—The Kamba of Kitui state that they cannot eat the meat of -hyæna, jackal, serval cat, hunting dog, crocodile, snakes, kites, -vultures, marabou stork, ducks, geese, crows, rats, or even eggs. A few -will sometimes eat a little of the flesh of lions and leopards, -probably on the grounds of sympathetic magic, i.e., with the idea of -assimilating the strength and agility of these beasts. Baboon, monkey, -and donkey meat are also eaten by some. - -Food Ceremonial (Kikuyu).—If an ox is killed for a feast and a member -of the same clan, who happens to live at a distance, puts in an -appearance, he must be given a piece of meat, although he cannot claim -to share in the feast. - -If an ox is killed on the occasion of a wedding, the members of the -clan living in the neighbourhood are always invited to participate. - -Women eat separately inside the huts and out of sight of the men, but -can drink water or beer in the presence of men. - -Small children naturally feed with their mothers, but once the boys are -circumcised they no longer eat with women. - -A curious custom was recently noticed during a journey among the -Kikuyu. The desiccated carcase of a cow or ox was noticed in the -branches of a tree by the roadside, a little distance from a village, -and it appears that if cattle are lodged at the village of a friend and -one should die, the owner is informed, and is asked to come over and -see it and remove the meat. If for some reason or other he does not -come the carcase is hoisted into a tree so that all may see it. The -object of this is that people may know that the beast was not -surreptitiously killed and eaten by the people of the village, and no -claim can then be lodged against them by the owner. - -Names Among the Kikuyu.—Every Kikuyu child receives two proper names. -If a male, his first name is that of the paternal grandfather, thiga, -and if a female that of the maternal grandmother, chuchu. In the case -of a male the second name is that of the father. - -In addition he generally receives another name at the time of -circumcision; this is considered as a nickname, and generally refers to -some peculiarity of character, habits, or physique. - -For instance, a boy will be called kichuru because he was said to drink -a large amount of gruel as a child. If the lobe of a man’s ear is -broken he is called kachuru; if he happens to break a finger he is -called kara. - -The names are derived from animals such as nugu—a baboon, njovu—an -elephant, hiti—hyæna, ngui—a dog. - -From names of natural objects, such as kamiti—trees, kegio—a wild -hibiscus used by the Kikuyu for making fibre, higa—stone, meriwa—a -thorn, wa-rui—a stream, kirima—a hill. - -From names of weapons such as kitimu—a spear (used of a tall thin man), -kahiu—a sword, njuguma—a club. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -LEGENDS - - -Legend of Kilui Lake (Kamba of Kibwezi).—A few miles below Kibwezi -Station there is a small lake called Kilui which is believed to be -haunted by numerous spirits. The author recently had occasion to visit -the place and, seeing a crocodile, shot it; the crocodile was badly -hit, but, as usual, managed to struggle back into the water. The Kamba -porters were afterwards heard to say that it was a good thing that it -was not killed as the master would have been taken sick and probably -died. The local elders, however, were questioned on the subject later -on, but denied that any evil effects were likely to supervene. They -stated that the place was undoubtedly full of spirits, as a long time -ago there was a large village on the site of the lake, and, one day, a -terrible rain storm occurred during which a frog entered one of the -huts; the housewife on seeing it told one of her children to throw it -out, and this having been done, the frog then went to another hut where -the same thing occurred, and so on at the third, but at the fourth hut -the wife, however, said, “Oh, it is doing no harm, let it stay.” -Thereupon the frog said to her, “You have given me shelter and so -listen to my words—take your children and flee from this village -without delay for it will disappear.” She had the sense to obey this -wonderful warning and had only gone a short distance when the whole -village sank below the water. - -The place was also supposed to possess a large sacred snake, and it is -said that the manager of a neighbouring rubber plantation shot this -reptile and cut down a sacred tree near by. This man having died of -dysentery a few months later, the natives were convinced that his death -was directly due to the ancestral spirits avenging such sacrilegious -actions. - -The Kibwezi River flows along an old valley carved through the -metamorphic rocks, but in recent geological times a sheet of lava came -down the valley from the Chyulu Mountains and choked its flow. It -appears from under a lava-bed near the railway station and runs for -about three-quarters of a mile, and then disappears entirely and -reappears in three sources, joining up at Kilui Lake. The eruptions -which caused this are of so recent a date that quite possibly the -legend above narrated may be founded on fact and may contain some -vestige of the record of an actual occurrence during the last phases of -volcanic activity in this region. - -In the author’s book on the A-Kamba, p. 167, mention was made of a -haunted hill in the Kibwezi region; it is of volcanic origin, and is -regarded with great awe by the people. It is called Chumbi and is -situated near the south end of the Chyulu Range on the eastern side. -There are two small hills, one being bush-covered, and the other so -recent that no bush has yet taken root on it. It is said by some that -the latter was only formed some fifty years ago. The people will only -discuss it with those whom they know very intimately, but it is said -that a rhythmic beat, attributed to the female spirits crushing corn in -mortars and keeping time with each other, can be heard, as one -approaches the place. If, however, a native could be persuaded to guide -one there, it would be probably found that this rhythmic beat is due to -the sound of a pulsating steam vent. It is also said that when an -intruder approaches the hill a rushing wind comes and sweeps him up -into the hill and he is never seen again. The first native who told a -European about this awesome place is said to have sickened and died -shortly afterwards. - -Legend Regarding Origin of Fire.—The Kikuyu have a curious folk tale -concerning the origin of fire. This has now become merely a fairy-tale -told to children. - -A long time ago a man borrowed a spear, katimu, from a neighbour to -kill a porcupine which was destroying his crops. He lay in wait in the -field and eventually speared one, but it was only wounded and ran off -with the spear in its body and disappeared down a burrow. He went to -the owner and told him that the spear was lost, but the owner insisted -on having it back. Whereupon, the man bought a new spear and offered it -to the owner in place of the lost weapon, but the owner refused it and -again insisted on the return of the original spear. The man then -proceeded to crawl down the porcupine burrow, and having crawled a long -way found himself eventually, to his surprise, in a place where many -people were sitting about cooking food by a fire. They asked him what -he wanted and he told them of his errand. They then invited him to stay -and eat with them; he was afraid and said he could not stay as he must -go back with the spear which he saw lying there. They made no effort to -keep him, but told him to climb up the roots of a mugumu tree, which -penetrated down into the cavern, and said that he would soon come out -into the upper world. They gave him some fire to take back with him. So -he took the spear and the fire and climbed out as he was told. - -This is said to be the way fire came to man; before that people ate -their food raw. - -When the man reached his friends he returned the spear and said to the -owner, “You have caused me a great deal of trouble to recover your -spear, and if you want some of this fire which you see going away into -smoke, you will have to climb up the smoke and get it back for me.” The -owner of the spear tried and tried to climb the smoke but could not do -it, and the elders then came and intervened and said, “We will make the -following arrangement: fire shall be for the use of all, and because -you have brought it you shall be our chief.” - -The underworld referred to in this tale is called Miri ya mikeongoi. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -DANCES - - -Kikuyu.—There are, according to trustworthy authorities, a large number -of Kikuyu dances. It is difficult to give an exhaustive list of these, -as it has been impossible to trace them all. The word ngoma (a dance, -Swahili) has such a very wide meaning that it is difficult to say where -dances begin or end. - -A girl must not refuse to dance when called upon to do so by the anake -(warrior class); if she does so she may be beaten by them and her -parents cannot interfere. Generally, in such cases, a mwanake will -deprive her of her ornaments and she cannot then dance until she gets -them back. The mwanake who takes the ornaments cannot keep them, but -must divide them with the other anake. If he breaks them he has to make -uji (gruel) for the other anake; if he hurts the girl when taking her -ornaments he has to pay a goat to the elders, but her parents get -nothing. - -The principal dances of the anake are connected with harvest and crops; -the most important of these is the Kivata dance. In this only certain -rikas, or age grades, may take part; at present only the rikas named -Kincheku, Kamandu, Kanyeta, and Mutungu dance the Kivata, while the -rikas of Sengenge, Matiha, Njarege, Kangei, and Makiomei are not -allowed to join in. Formerly the junior rikas were not even permitted -to look on, but now they do so and frequently try to take part in the -same; which leads to fierce fights and not a few deaths. The elders are -therefore much against this dance, and have often forbidden it. -Formerly if the elders wished to prohibit a dance they would go to a -place where it was to be held, and lay a cooking pot on the ground; a -branch of the mugere tree was stuck beside it, and the anake could not -dance there unless they were returning from a raid on enemy’s country. - -This custom is still practised, for in Kyambu district a few years ago -the elders for some reason wished to prevent a Kivata dance, and they -resorted to the old rite. - -Kivata is danced when the mawele grain is reaped. The dancers wear no -clothes whatsoever; they are ornamented with a large inverted crown of -ostrich feathers which is slung from the forehead to the back of the -head. Strings of beads and bells are hung about the body, and plumes of -colobus monkey fur are tied below the knees. In many cases the face is -covered completely with yellow colouring, the loins being likewise -adorned; others affect various colours in stripes and dots. The legs -and arms are also coloured. The weapons carried are mostly swords and -clubs; very few have spears, but the younger rikas, who look on, -generally have spears. Their faces are often decorated with a broad red -stripe drawn across the face and outlined with white dots. - -The dancers march round in rows of from six to eight, the dancing -consisting mainly in a continued jumping from one foot to the other. -The women bring gourds of uji, or gruel, which they give to the dancers -and thereby signify their affections. The dance is said to be a general -occasion for choosing brides by old men as well as by anake. - -Many of the onlookers (not the younger rikas) run madly round the whole -circle, brandishing swords and leaping into the air. The name of the -dance is said to be derived from this. - -Even the old men who are spectators become infected with the spirit of -the dance, cast off their blankets and trot round the outside of the -circle. In fact it appears to be essential to discard clothing, for if -one omits to do so he is censured by his fellows. The women also follow -the men with shrill cries, but otherwise they take no part. - -At one of these dances several girls were noticed amusing themselves by -a game exactly similar to one played by children in Europe, and which -consists in clapping hands. This is called Amukiana. - -When the njahe or cajanus bean is planted the Mugoyo is danced. This -dance is held at night when there is no moon, and is one of the most -picturesque dances of the country. A circle of fires is made and -maintained by men appointed for the purpose, and round the outside of -this circle stand the dancers. Richly smeared with red earth and fat as -they are, the fire heightening the blaze of red, the whole scene is -intensely bright in the darkness. The men stand with their backs to the -fire, each holding his partner, who stands with her feet on his. Their -faces and legs are slightly coloured, but the girls use no colouring -beyond the red mixed with fat. Forming a diameter across the circle -stands another row of dancers. The leader of the maribeta (song or -verse) goes about and the rest join in the chorus. Excepting for a -slight movement of the shoulders among the dancers the whole dance has -an air of quietness which is presumably intentional. There are masters -of ceremony who go about and check noisy persons, preserving general -quiet and the regular formation of the circle. Their methods are simple -and effective: two firebrands are struck together over offending -couples, and a shower of sparks thus quickly calls them to order. All -the men are naked but elaborately ornamented; unfortunately the -vulgarity of civilisation too often mars the beauty of this picturesque -scene. One smart youth has dangling on his back an advertisement for -sardines, another a gaudy scriptural text, and others, similar cheap -articles of European origin. Occasionally the figure of the dance -varies—the men turn facing the fire and bump up and down on their -heels; another time they kneel joining hands on spears held -horizontally which they sway to the rhythm of the song. The song is not -startlingly comprehensible: “We went to Juja and saw a white ostrich, -so we put its feathers on our heads,” and such like. The girls also -join in the chorus, while the men now and again make a curious gulping -sound produced from the throat. Finally at midnight, or later, the -dance breaks up: each mwanake takes a firebrand, and the country is -soon dotted in every direction with small spots of fire. - -At such a dance a man was seen carrying a clay figure of the kind -described by Mr Routledge. It was not, however, part of the ceremony, -and the man who was carrying it in his hand was not dancing. This image -is a common feature in dances, but its significance is not known even -to the people themselves. Judging from Mr Routledge’s description, -therefore, the figure must either have lost its meaning among the -Kikuyu west of the Chania, or it must have acquired a new and increased -significance in the Kenya area. - -Another dance connected with the crops is Kichukia, which is held when -the mawele is six to eight inches high. It is danced both at night when -there is a moon, and in the daytime. The author has not seen this -dance. It must not be confounded with Njukia, which is called thus -because the girls do not choose the song. Both are danced by girls and -anake together; the latter dance is held about the month of July, and -in the morning only. - -Muzogo.—This is also danced by anake and girls on dark nights by -firelight, and is very similar to the Mugoyo both in name and -character, but is danced when the maize is nearly ripe. - -One of the most important dances for young men is Nguru. In 1912 it was -held all over the district in the month of September; it does not seem -to be in any way connected with crops, but denotes rather a time of -rest and leisure while there is no work in the field. It is danced by -young men and boys only, but the latter are said to join merely for -instruction; anyone may look on. The dance commences with a sort of -“follow my leader” march, after which there is continued jumping up and -down with great vigour, although the heels are not lifted off the -ground. A continuous song is maintained by one man; there is no chorus. -The dance somewhat resembles Kivata, but the body painting is much less -profuse. No spears are carried, but among the people east of the Ruiru -River it is customary to dance with shields, which, during the march, -are held aloft over the head. Sticks with wisps of fur are carried. A -curious feature is the wearing of skin apron flaps such as are worn by -women; when the season for this dance is over these coverings are given -to small girls to wear. - -The main feature of this dance is the eating of meat by the dancers and -elders. Everyone who dances must contribute to the cost of buying bulls -to supply the meat which is eaten in common by the dancers at a hut -built near a river. The dancing which takes place at different villages -goes on day by day until the meat is finished; the bladders of the -slaughtered beasts are very common articles of decoration in the dance. -The elders, if they contribute, are given a share of the meat, which -they eat apart from the young men. In the eastern part of Kikuyu -meat-eating is not a part of the Nguru dance, but at the same time of -the year several men, both old and young, club together and buy meat -which is eaten at a common meal; this custom is called kiruga. - -At this time people are supposed to lose strength, and therefore -require good nourishing; this is said to be the reason for the custom. -It appears, therefore, to be a general time for feasting all over -Kikuyu. - -This dance is said by Mr Routledge to be one held by warriors before -going to war, but this can hardly be so seeing that it is performed at -a fixed season in the year. If it were so it must be a relic of a very -old custom, when possibly the tribe had a favourite time for raiding. - -There is thus a continual round of dances for the anake, and they -continue for a fixed period. One should therefore be able to reckon the -seasons by the dances, but as a matter of fact they may be very -irregularly held. For instance in 1912 most of the dances, Kivata in -particular, were quite out of season, and this was only owing to the -previous heavy rains in which the people could not dance. The anake -will, however, have their dances, and if the season is unsuitable they -will dance it at another time. It is probable that the significance of -the dance as connected with the crops is beginning to be lost. In this -connection it is interesting to note that although there is a great -difference in the seasons prevailing in the highlands and the lowlands, -the dances are mostly held at the same period all along one ridge. It -thus happens that the highlanders are often completely out of season in -their dances. The fact is that the Fort Hall Kikuyu give the lead, and -the dances spread westward so that the lowlanders even in Kyambu may -not be dancing quite at the proper season. Fort Hall is, on the whole, -the authority for the Kikuyu customs, whether because it is the -birthplace of the tribe or not, one cannot say, but the lead given by -Fort Hall is analogous to that given by Machakos to the Kamba of Kitui. -These facts give a curious instance of how a custom may lose its -meaning; we have here an example of a custom superseding its own -origin. - -The uncircumcised boys and girls are called irego. Their principal -dance is Ngoisia. There is no particular season for this, and it is -danced both in the daytime and at night; in the former case anyone may -watch it, but at night only the inmates of the village in which it is -held may be present. - -Before the circumcision feasts a dance called Kibuiya is danced by -circumcised and uncircumcised boys. It is so called because of the -buffalo horns worn by the boys, but this dance is now said to be -practically extinct, mainly because they cannot get buffalo horns. - -For women there are two dances which are: - -Getiro—This is a marriage dance and is held first at the bride’s -village and in the evening at the bridegroom’s village. - -Ndumo—This is danced by women at the close of the Kikuyu year. It takes -place in a village, but anyone may be present. - -In Kikuyu the elders have only one dance, called Muthungwei, which they -dance together with the women; its name is said to be derived from the -nodding of the head in the dance. Only elders can dance it, and a woman -cannot join unless her husband is entitled to dance. It is held in an -open space outside a village. - -Mr Routledge mentions three other dances, but he was probably misled by -the words used. Two of these, Keoana and Kuinenera, are verbs meaning -to dance or sing. The third, Ndorothi, is the name given to a stick -carried by youths at circumcision feasts. It is topped with a tuft of -colobus monkey fur and is carried until the evening before the -ceremony. On that evening, all those about to be circumcised race to a -mugumu tree and throw the Ndorothi sticks at the foot of the tree. - -At the time of circumcision there is, again, the Mambura dance. The -boys travel about the country, their bodies painted white, and wearing -curious wooden shields on their arms above the elbow. - -Natives, of course, often sing either in chorus or singly, and at any -time; such songs are also called ngoma. On one occasion the author met -a man who was a sort of primitive travelling minstrel. It was his -vocation in life to go about the country singing songs, for which -people gave him a few cents. The natives said that he was the only man -known to do this, and he was therefore perhaps rather a freak. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -WOMEN AS A FACTOR IN TRIBAL ORGANISATION - - -Although far from negligible, the part played by women in the life of a -savage tribe is very apt to be overlooked by a man. The reasons are -obvious; the African woman is not obtrusive; she is perpetually busy, -and one rarely comes into contact with her. Her inner thoughts and -beliefs are a sealed book to the investigator, and one is at first -inclined to believe that her influence is not worth consideration. The -longer the experience, the more clearly one realises that this lack of -information about the woman is one of the weak points of any inquiry. - -Among the Kikuyu there is a council, or kiama, of old women in every -district; they collect goats periodically and present them to the -elders of ukuru, or priestly class. They occasionally fine troublesome -women, and the fine, usually a goat, has to be obtained by the culprit -either by extra work or by begging one from her father. The men fear -the women’s kiama, as it is believed that the members of it have the -power to bewitch people. - -It is to be regretted that so little is known about the methods of -initiation and the scope of their activities in this direction, but -complete information could only be obtained by a female investigator -who has exceptional opportunity and great sympathy. - -The official recognition of the wife of a candidate for admission into -the grade of ukuru among the Kikuyu has been described at another -place. This is unusual in African ritual, but can readily be understood -when one learns that old women, past the child-bearing age, can -participate in sacrificial ceremonies at the sacred trees. This is due -to the fact that the growth of cereal and other vegetable food falls to -the woman, and they alone are responsible for the food of the family. - -This leads to great difficulty, as the women are intensely -conservative, and when an energetic district officer wishes to improve -the economic products of his district and distribute better seeds he is -invariably up against the opposition of the women, which is very -difficult to overcome. The woman knows by long experience that, given a -certain area, a certain seed, and a certain rainfall she can feed the -family, and one can understand that she should be loth to waste labour -on experiments, the result of which is doubtful. This feeling is very -deep-rooted, and consequently most difficult to overcome: the same -obstacles are met with in connection with the introduction of big -European hoes for agriculture. The African woman has for generations -done her planting with either a digging stick or the small African hoe; -the tiresome European comes along and worries the men to buy the big -heavy hoe, and one can hear the annoyed woman inquiring of her husband -why she is being bothered to give up the implement she has been brought -up to use with one hand, for a strange thing which is more expensive -and requires two hands. For all that, however, the European hoe is -making good progress, and will eventually win. It is hoped that this, -and the introduction of ox-drawn ploughs, will result in the male -section of the population taking a more active part in agriculture, and -alleviating the lot of the women. It is believed that if instructors -could be detailed to travel about and demonstrate the benefits of -utilising oxen to plough, women would soon champion the cause of -progress. - -The male African in his home life is not noted for persistent steady -work; the women, on the other hand, are never idle, and are withal -cheerful and uncomplaining about their lot, and not nearly so -down-trodden as some people believe. In most tribes they are -well-treated; their lot among the Masai is probably harder than among -agricultural tribes; the old women have to go on watch at night in the -cattle kraal and often get beaten if they fall asleep. In Kavirondo, on -the other hand, the mother of the head of the village is often the most -important person in the village, and her opinion is generally sought -even on political matters which lie outside the ordinary sphere of a -woman’s influence; the affection of the Kavirondo for their mothers is, -however, a very marked trait in their character. Among the A-Kamba the -fact that manifestations from the spirit would nearly always come -through the mouths of women undoubtedly proves that the sex plays an -important part in the life of the people. The fact that in both Ukamba -and Giriama old women have in recent years turned out to be at the -bottom of serious political agitation also demonstrates this point. The -influence of a woman over her children is the same all the world over, -but owing to the long period of lactation prevalent in African society, -and possibly among any polygamous community, the African mother might -be expected to be more tied by her children than a European mother; -such, however, is not the case, and the baby is taken everywhere with -the mother—to market, to the field, out into the bush when firewood has -to be gathered, and to the river or water-hole. The first separation is -when the small boy first goes out to herd the goats; the small girl -stays on with her mother and trots by her side and assists her in her -various duties. This continues until the boy is promoted to herd cattle -and then goes out into the wider world and comes into contact with -civilising influences and European progress which cannot fail to -enlarge his horizon and increase his knowledge of men and affairs. The -girl, however, stays on with her mother in the narrow life of an -African village. The difference of environment at the formative stage -of life is thus ever producing a great disparity between the mental -development of the two sexes, and must, as time goes on, prove more and -more a disturbing factor in tribal life. - -Owing to the marriage value of girls their parents are loth to allow -them to go far from home; the missionaries complain of this as one of -their greatest difficulties. Boys can be attracted to the missions for -instruction, but it is very difficult to induce parents to allow their -daughters to go to school. The old women say that if they go to school -their heads will be turned, that they will want to be fine ladies, as -the saying goes, and will not take kindly to agriculture, the -collection of firewood, and other household duties. There is probably a -large amount of truth in the accusation, for education would -undoubtedly open their eyes to the life of drudgery they lead; they -would, as far as physical labour goes, have an easier time while at a -mission, and would feel the return to a harder life. The whole question -is a problem which time alone can solve, and a proper adjustment of the -sphere of activity of the two sexes will take many years. - -It may be of some interest to review the class of work which is the -special duty of the women. Their primary duty may be said to be the -raising of food, be it in the form of grain, beans, bananas, sweet -potatoes, etc. They sow, they tend the fields during the growth of the -crop, and then reap the grain, thresh it, store it, crush it in wooden -mortars, and grind it into meal. In most tribes the clearing of the -bush and the heavy work of breaking up new ground devolves on the men, -and in Kavirondo the men assist to a great extent in actual -agriculture. Where natives irrigate, this branch of agriculture is -always in the hands of the men. - -As the producers of food, it naturally becomes the duty of the women to -make the supply of beer for the family. In Kikuyu young girls crush the -sugar cane in mortars made out of a log of wood with round holes in it, -and they then squeeze out the sweet sap and brew the beer. They -understand the art of malting grain and the manufacture of beer from -cereals. - -Having grown the food, the cooking of it naturally falls to them; they -know the wild green herbs which are used as green food, particularly in -times of scarcity, and the wild edible roots which are sought for at -such periods. - -The collection of firewood to cook the food and the transport of the -water used also falls to the women. - -The manufacture of the cooking pots and other household utensils is -generally women’s work. In Uganda, however, it is as a rule done by -men. Smith’s work is never done by women, this industry being a -monopoly of man; there would be a prejudice against any arms or weapons -made by women, and by analogy it is therefore believed that the persons -who made the stone implements which we are beginning to find in Africa -were men. - -The collection of honey and the manipulation of bees is also never done -by women. - -The basket work used in the villages is almost always made by women, -and also sleeping mats. The rule is, however, not invariable, for an -old influential elder in Giriama was recently seen plaiting a mat, -possibly because he was too infirm to do more active work. The string -bags, singular, chondo, plural, vyondo, used by the A-Kamba are always -made by the women. - -Wood cutting or rude carpentry is the work of the men; if bedsteads are -used they are made by the men, also the ornamental staves and stools so -extensively used. - -If skin garments are worn, the woman will bray the goat skins she wears -and that in which she carries her child. When the men have not reached -the blanket stage they usually go naked or wear an ox hide, and this -they generally prepare themselves. - -Leather work for weapons is always done by the men. - -In Uganda the bark cloth is made by men. - -The bead work affected by some tribes is nearly always done by the -women, but in Kikuyu a young dandy will often be seen sewing beads on -to a bit of hide. - -Metal work used as ornament is always done by the men; the beautiful -iron chain work of Ukamba is man’s monopoly; any working in ivory, such -as armlets, must be done by men. - -Each wife in an African family usually has dedicated to her particular -use a certain number of cattle; they are not her property, but she has -the sole disposal of their milk for the use of her children. The adult -A-Kamba and others also drink a considerable amount of curdled milk, -and each wife keeps a supply for her husband and his friends. - -To what extent women have assisted in the domestication of animals is -now a matter of some conjecture, but there is little doubt that the men -caught the animals, probably young ones, when out on hunting -expeditions, and handed them over to the women to rear. It is -noticeable that among African tribes a woman never owns live stock, and -probably never did, even in matriarchal times. - -The women are largely responsible for the handing on of the folk lore -of a tribe and undoubtedly teach it to their children, as is done in -Europe to-day. The men, however, often unconsciously help in this, for -at a friendly beer-drinking gathering elders will recount folk tales, -out of the stores of their experience, to the assembled company, and -one tale will remind someone of another and he will try to cap the -previous story by one more wonderful. - -Women have done a good deal, however, for the development and blending -of folk lore. In times past when inter-tribal conflict was common, -women were frequently carried off and thus became incorporated with -another tribe; they carried their folk tales with them, and -unconsciously the stories, as well as the blood of a tribe, became -modified. - -The influence of women in fixing a language must not be overlooked; the -mother teaches it to her children, not actively perhaps, but the young -child is in closest association with the mother and assimilates her -speech, and, of course, captured women will, if in any number, bring -foreign words with them, and may be instrumental in their general -adoption. - -European women may consider that none of her sisters, even in Africa, -could willingly acquiesce in a polygamous life; such, however, is not -the case. The burden of life falls heavily on the African woman, and -she is, as a rule, only too pleased to welcome a new wife to share her -burden of work. - -Several cases have been observed of women worrying their husbands to -take a second wife, and a senior wife will often lodge a new wife in -her hut until she becomes settled down in the village and her own hut -is ready. There are doubtless quarrels, but, on the whole, the family -lives in amity and it is believed that jealousy in the European sense -does not loom very large; fierce feeling is, however, sometimes aroused -if a husband unfairly favours one wife in the allotment of cattle. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -SOME GENERAL REMARKS - - -The writer’s main object has been to demonstrate the fact that the -tribes under review possess a system of natural religion more elaborate -than was hitherto suspected, and he must frankly admit that, although -living for some years in close touch with these natives, he had no idea -of the extent and variety of the ceremonial connected with the tabu -beliefs, sacrifice, and other cognate branches of their beliefs. The -light which the inquiry has thrown upon the complex nature of a -native’s life is somewhat of a revelation. It should serve as a warning -to rash reformers who consider that so-called pagan heathendom can be -abolished by a stroke of the pen. This attitude should most certainly -be avoided in Africa as much as in India. The beliefs of an African are -as real to him as those of a Buddhist, although they may belong to -different and more primitive plane of thought. - -The influence of the spirits, or the belief in their influence which in -fact comes to the same thing, is, as it were, the real key to a close -understanding of the native mind. - -The native mind is so permeated with these beliefs, and they -consequently have such a profound effect on his actions that, until -this point has been thoroughly grasped, we are bound to be perpetually -brought face to face with absolute enigmas. - -Progressive Europeans are at times apt to sneer at native beliefs and -to feel very impatient with them; there is no doubt that, generally -speaking, these beliefs tend to check progress and development, as we -understand them. Although this cannot be denied, we must not lose sight -of the fact that, on the whole, they undoubtedly act as moral -restraints and perform in very much the same way the functions which a -dogmatic religion fulfils among people of a higher culture. - -Even if Government formally abolished the ceremonial by legislation, -the belief would not be affected one iota; each people has to reckon -with its own gods, and before the indigenous religion is officially -discountenanced, the ruling power must be sure that it has something -better and equally suited to the native mind to put in the place of a -faith it tries to displace. Otherwise materialism will result, and the -effect of this negation of faith, and freedom from all moral restraint -upon a savage would be most disastrous. - -There is practical evidence of this in the criminal tendencies evinced -by numbers of natives who have drifted into the up-country towns in -British East Africa and cut themselves adrift from their tribal life. -To what extent the progress of Christianity will supply discipline and -fit the spiritual needs of a people at this stage of culture is not yet -quite clear. While not opposing missionary effort, it would therefore -appear to be imperative to study carefully their present beliefs and -not give the impression of trying to crush them; at the same time, with -the influence based on the knowledge acquired, the people could be -gradually induced to give up any repugnant features and retain the -better elements of their ritual. - -It is not suggested that this is a policy of finality, but it is -important at this juncture to avoid the spread of an impression that -the Europeans have set out to crush the deep-seated and cherished -natural religion which the natives now possess. The spread of an idea -of this character will do as much as anything to alienate the -sympathies of the blacks and may prove a cause of serious antagonism. -The need for higher philosophy will gradually spread, but let the -craving come from within. - -It is of great interest to note how readily the more intelligent elders -respond to inquiry into their beliefs once they are convinced that it -is undertaken in the proper spirit, and nothing convinces them so much -of the bona fides of our administrative intentions as a sympathetic -study of their customs and a demonstration of one’s knowledge of them. - -It is therefore maintained that the study of these questions is not -merely academic but one of the greatest practical value to the -administrator, the missionary, and the colonist, as well as the -student. - -It is interesting to show how these questions may frequently affect the -colonist. It is well known that the Kikuyu people form the bulk of the -labour supply of the upland colonists in British East Africa, and -complaints are often received from employers of its capricious nature. -Upon investigation it was found that, apart from the natural ebb and -flow of this supply, the charge of caprice was well founded, i.e., -there were many cases of desertion, often without any suspicion of -ill-treatment; further, in some cases it was discovered that this -desertion was traceable to a belief on the part of the individual that -it was necessary to go away to get dawa, which is the general local -synonym for medicine, whether of the nature of drugs or magical in -character. The question then arose as to why such frequent calls -occurred, and it was a long time before a definite clue could be -obtained, but the principles gradually unfolded and became clear and -were found to rest on the necessity of obtaining ceremonial -purification to free the individual from either a thahu or the impurity -left by a death in the family, as has been described in this work. It -is in fact difficult at first to believe how complex a native’s social -life may be. It may not be immediately obvious how a knowledge of these -beliefs can ameliorate the difficulty, but the point is that if a man -deserts without leave he breaks his contract of service and dare not -venture back for a long time in case he should be identified and -punished, whereas if he knows that his master understands his beliefs -he will probably go and tell him and ask if he can go away for a day or -so and carry out the necessary ceremonies, and will then usually come -back. It may be a little tiresome to the master, but the better feeling -and mutual confidence which is induced pays in every way. This is not -mere theory, for the men who do get into close touch with their -employees lose very few, and can generally get more men than they -require. This is merely quoted as an example of the practical value of -ethnological inquiry in daily life, which after all is not a bad -working test. - -The method employed in collecting the material has been to discuss the -questions with as many responsible elders as possible, and compare and -correct the statements so obtained. It has been a work of great -interest, though often very tedious, but probably more tedious to the -informer than to the recorder. - -There is one warning which it is desired to impress upon persons living -in the country and who have opportunities of research, and that is that -the last word has not been said upon these questions, and it is hoped -that these observations will only encourage further research and the -keenest criticism. It must be remembered that very few of the -ceremonials described in this book have been witnessed by Europeans, -and if they have, they have not been observed and described by eyes -trained to note the important features, and it may well happen that -with the best intentions the elders may have from time to time omitted -some point which, when accurately described, may throw a flood of light -upon an apparently obscure point in the ritual. This is where the -district officer and the missionary can, if they choose, play such an -important part; we have many missionaries who possess a thorough -knowledge of the vernaculars of the tribes, and district officers who, -if not such good linguists, are in intimate touch with these people; -these men have many chances if they would only train themselves for the -task. Up to the time of the war signs of a renaissance were not -wanting, however, and administrative officers and others were yearly -taking more and more scientific interest in their people, and one of -the missionary societies, it is said, formed a committee for the study -of native customs. It is to be feared that the war has indirectly -checked this branch of scientific study, and the activities of many -observers, who before its occurrence promised to develop a flair for -this kind of research, have temporarily ceased. A very marked need at -present is greater sympathetic appreciation from high quarters. -Further, local assistance with regard to the publication of -observations is essential. Few signs of such support are, however, -visible at present in many of our colonies. Missionary endeavour in -this field is particularly welcome, but if a word of advice will not be -resented, these observers must realise the necessity of caution in -collecting observations of pagan customs from persons who have been for -some time in close contact with their teaching, which often has the -effect of causing their pupils to ridicule time-honoured ceremonial. -Moreover, missionaries are, as a rule, only in close touch with the -rising generation who are not initiated in the procedure, and have -little to do with the elders of the tribe. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER X - -EAST AFRICA AFTER THE WAR - - -Although it may appear somewhat beyond the scope of the foregoing -inquiry, which was mainly conducted before the war occurred to -interrupt it, I consider that it may be of interest to examine the -effect of the great world conflict on the native races, and to assess -the present position with regard to black and white in that region. - -The outbreak of war came as an unexpected shock to the natives as a -whole. The up-country tribes had very little conception of the -distinctions between the various white races, and were somewhat puzzled -by the conflict. The coast people, who were in daily touch with Germans -and Austrians, were a little clearer, but, of course, had no conception -of the casus belli, and although they knew that the daily lives of the -two sections were apart, yet they saw them mix at the clubs and never -dreamt that Europeans among themselves ever resorted to arms. The -internment of the enemy subjects in Mombasa was the first material -sign, and it was hailed with acclamation by the Swahilis of Mombasa, -who treasured up resentment at the arrogant behaviour of the Germans -prior to the war. The conflict was therefore a great blow to the -solidarity of the white race, but this effect was not immediately -apparent. - -On the whole the tribes behaved in an exemplary manner, but enemy -agents produced some active unrest among a coast tribe which for some -years past had been unfavourably disposed towards Government. - -Like most of our countrymen, the natives naturally had no conception of -the magnitude of the struggle or its possible duration. They thought -that it would be over in a few months, and responded with alacrity to -calls for porters, and for recruits for the K.A.R. They also made no -demur to the numerous restrictions which a war imposes on the people -involved. - -The war, however, dragged on year after year, the calls for labour -became more and more insistent, the poor carriers suffered hardships -and died in tens of thousands, from the diseases inseparable from a -campaign in an unhealthy tropical region, dysentery and pneumonia being -the two main causes of death. - -In a campaign of this character, where troops of mixed races are -employed, the close contact between black and white is an undesirable -and unavoidable feature. - -The black troops soon came to realise the physical disabilities of the -Europeans and their vulnerability. They saw Europeans shot down and -even bayoneted by enemy black soldiers, they realised that very few -Europeans were crack shots, they noted the inferior marching capacity -of the white man, his inability to find his way about in the bush -unaccompanied by a native guide, and in some cases they even saw that -the courage of the white was not greater than that of the black. After -all this can it be wondered that the prestige of the white race has -suffered in the war! Is it surprising that the attitude of many of the -blacks to the white man has altered? - -The black has always been quick to realise who is in authority and who -is not, and will still accede outward respect to a representative of -the Government, but that is not the test, and the real criterion is his -attitude towards the ordinary farmer or settler; this has been -considerably modified during the war, and it is doubtful if the old -traditional wide respect of white by black can ever be entirely -restored. - -The might of the Government has been demonstrated during the war to an -unheard of extent, and to some extent Government has unconsciously -traded on this impression, for it has boldly imposed restrictions on -the black, and a degree of taxation which it would have hesitated to do -before the war. - -There are two schools of thought in existence regarding the governance -of the black races in East Africa. - -(1) This school claims to be progressive, and favours the abolition of -tribal control by its indigenous constitution; it is opposed to chiefs, -tribal law and customs, and is in favour of direct government by -European magistrates and by police. - -(2) The conservative school aims at retaining and strengthening the -internal forces which control a tribe, at the same time promoting an -evolution of the character of that control by inducing the native -leaders to slough the more repugnant customs and beliefs. - -The former scheme receives considerable support from the settler -community on the grounds that it will result in the native, conjointly -with themselves, playing a more active part in the development of -Africa. It is also supported to some extent by the missionaries, who -feel that the disintegration of the old order would afford them greater -chances for their propaganda. At the same time the probable effect of -the dissolution of tribal control is rarely realised. The nearest -example of such emancipation can be observed in the larger towns, and -here we have thousands of natives attracted to these places by the -desire to earn money. They have no natural authorities in control, and -although there are, of course, respectable members in these -assemblages, taking it all round they are the biggest collection of -native ruffians in the country, and are saturated with every vice. -Consequently in spite of a concentration of magisterial and police -control far in excess of anything in a native reserve, crime of every -kind is rife, and they have become an increasing menace to the European -residents. - -These town colonies of natives, it must be remembered, are products of -our own creation, and do not argue well for native emancipation from -their natural leaders. - -The native system of government is admittedly faulty, not so much in -design as in execution; this is partly due to the fact that the blood -kin of a criminal will go to great lengths to shield him, and partly -because chiefs and elders are often venial or amenable to threats or to -fear of witchcraft. - -Native custom has in recent years been purged of many of its repugnant -features, and any that exist will steadily tend to disappear if -intelligently approached by native commissioners who take the trouble -to understand these customs and the motives behind them. Blind action -in these matters is rarely effective. - -If the present-day political shibboleth of “self-determination” is to -be encouraged in Africa, the policy of disintegration of all native -authority should be pursued. It is a sure prescription for the birth of -a native party which will speedily demand equal electoral privileges -with the Europeans; it will abolish tribal isolation and inter-tribal -prejudice which has for long years been a safeguard against the -combination of the black millions against the few white intruders from -overseas. It will produce a receptive soil for educated blacks from -other countries to propagate the doctrine of “Africa for the Africans.” -In the event of a struggle, the European, having sole control of -munitions, will not eventually be worsted, but he will not re-establish -domination until much blood, both black and white, has been spilled, -and both sides will emerge from the struggle with bitterness and -distrust. The choice of a policy is therefore a vital matter to all, -and the problem should be dispassionately considered. - -After the Armistice large numbers of natives who had served in the -King’s African Rifles were disbanded, and some people maintain that -these men in future may prove a menace owing to their knowledge of arms -and their close acquaintance with European troops in the field. In -Kenya there is, as far as I know, no signs of it, for they have no -arms; they are moreover weary of war, and the majority have gone back -to their reserves to spend their savings or invest them in wives. In -Tanganyika a good many arms were secreted by deserters and picked up -after engagements, and these may be used to some extent in attempts to -settle inter-tribal feuds; there is, however, little fear of the -concentration of any force in opposition to Government. In fact our -rule is so mild compared with the German régime that when the internal -prosperity of that country revives there is no reason to anticipate -anything but peace for a long time to come. When one realises that over -eight thousand official floggings per annum took place in German East -Africa before the war, and in addition many thousands of unofficial -floggings, no record of which was kept, the relief must be apparent to -all. The Germans themselves must have realised that the flogging -propensity had to be checked, for in 1912–1913 no fewer than one -hundred and seven employers were convicted of assaulting their -labourers. Needless to say, under British rule, flogging is only -inflicted for a few extremely serious crimes. - -It is, however, fruitless at this stage to dilate upon the differences -between German and British rule; it is far more important to consider -the factors on both sides that count in the present situation and to -outline any obvious future dangers. - -The question of religion is intimately connected with behaviour, and an -attempt has been made in this work to show how closely interwoven with -their life are the primitive beliefs of the people. In recent years, -however, a new set of influences have arisen, viz., those of the -Christian churches and also Mohammedanism. - -The Christian missions are very varied; there are the Roman Catholic, -and Church of England faiths, Methodists, Seventh Day Adventists, also -a loosely knit group of nonconformist type known as the Inland African -Mission and others. - -To obviate undue competition in any particular area, Government has in -Kenya Colony agreed to spheres of influence being arranged between the -various mission groups, and withholds approval of the establishment of -a new mission too near an already established rival. The only argument -in favour of this practice is expediency, for on ethical grounds the -State has no right to decide that the people of any particular area -shall only have ready access to the doctrines of any particular church. - -The Roman Catholic missions, as is often the case, have acquired more -land than any other religious body, and there is a marked tendency on -their part to attempt to set up imperia in imperio on their estates on -the plea of internal discipline, thus usurping to some extent the -rights of government. It will be remembered that in the early days in -Uganda this led to armed struggles between Catholics and Protestants: -such, however, are unlikely to recur under modern conditions. - -The Catholics have perhaps more than any other mission suffered from -shortness of funds since the expulsion of the religious orders from -France, and up country in Africa they generally endeavour to grow -coffee or some other crop to help to support the mission; such efforts -are praiseworthy and useful in the educational sense. They are a great -contrast, for instance, to the neglected estate of the C.M.S. at -Freretown. - -The missionaries, taking it all round, have in spite of unrivalled -facilities contributed but little to our knowledge of the country; but -they have, it is true, recorded the construction of various native -languages. With one notable exception in Uganda, who, in spite of -discouragement from his fellows, persisted in his researches, no -missionary in East Africa has thrown much light on the ethnology of the -natives; it is said that they have been inclined to consider researches -of this nature as somewhat irreligious, but this view has, it is -believed, died away. - -Upon the plea of combating the spread of Mohammedanism, the missions -have, except at the coast, declined to teach the Swahili language, -which is the lingua franca of East Central Africa, and have perpetuated -and are still endeavouring to perpetuate a host of tribal languages, -which, although interesting as linguistic curiosities, prove a barrier -to civilisation and progress. It may be, of course, that English will -on this account come into general use quicker, but that result, if it -comes, will not be due to the missions. - -The main qualification for a missionary in Africa appears to be what -they term “earnestness,” but it is to be feared that the possession of -this admirable trait is an inadequate equipment for the task of -regenerating the black. It is to be regretted that there are not a -greater percentage of scholarly men with liberal ideas among their -numbers. It is not to be inferred that such men are absent; it would, -however, be invidious to mention names; there is a leaven of men of -wide vision, and the missionaries as a whole afford examples of purity -of life which cannot fail to have a good moral effect. - -This short review of the missionary position may seem beside the point, -but the character of the influences which affect the native are of no -little importance. - -The missions all claim to play a great part in the education of the -natives, and the local government has, through paucity of funds, found -it convenient to acquiesce in this claim, and to a great extent leaves -native education to mission effort. The results leave much to be -desired, and naturally the primary mission ideal of education is to -impart to the native a sufficient knowledge of reading and writing to -enable him to read such portion of the scriptures as have been -translated into the vernacular of the tribe. - -Very few missionaries understand the philosophy of education; very few -even have much knowledge of educational method. As a brilliant -educationalist has written, “the function of education is to foster -growth”—the aim of the teacher should be “the development of the latent -powers of his pupil, the unfolding of the latent life.” - -Are the blacks in Kenya Colony receiving an education of this nature? -The answer is, it is feared, generally in the negative. Now the -character of the education of the black is going to have a profound -effect on his future and also on the relations of black and white. This -is a truism, and as Dudley Kidd has so forcibly put it, “The problem is -the progress of a backward race, and we allow inefficient teachers, -whose only qualification for the difficult work is their own kind -hearts, to form the character of the rising generation and to -complicate our difficulties—has any State the right to allow -unqualified people to intensify national problems in this gratuitous -fashion?” - -It is not to be inferred that missionary educational effort is -mischievous. Far from it; but it is narrow in its outlook, it is not -based on any sound foundation, and it does very little to develop -latent powers. - -The colonists do not, as a rule, favour literary education, but clamour -mainly for industrial education. There is a germ of truth in this -opinion, but a sense of proportion must be exercised or the industrial -market may be flooded with artisans of mediocre efficiency far in -excess of the demand. The great rôle of the African in the future must -be, as it has been in the past, the cultivation of the soil. Improve -his agricultural methods and teach him to extract more food per acre to -feed the future increase of the native population and still have -something to sell. - -Mohammedanism needs a reference, for it is a factor of no mean -importance in Africa. Some students of extreme views picture the growth -of a pan-Islamic spirit which will bind all the blacks against the -Europeans; and missionary publications often refer to this as an -imminent danger possibly with the object of eliciting financial support -for Christian propaganda. The writer has no such fears. Mohammedanism -is spreading to a limited extent in East Africa, but there is little -religious fervour behind it, and it is difficult to see how it can ever -become more than a veneer with the up-country tribes, for it is certain -that they will never learn Arabic in order to be able to enjoy the -Koran. - -Among the up-country people who come into intimate contact with -Mohammedan life, such as those who come to coast towns to work, it is -readily embraced, for it becomes the religion of the cooking pot. The -Swahilis and such like are hospitable folk, but may not eat with -unbelievers, and it is therefore very expedient for an up-country -stranger to become nominally a Mohammedan, for he may then dip his -finger in the food bowl with his hosts. - -Apart from this, however, there is no doubt that the easy doctrines of -Islam appeal to the African; they are suited to his temperament, and -more important still, Islamism is not looked upon as an alien religion, -for although the Arabs are few, the Swahilis, who form the greater -number of the followers of Islam in the country, are only Africans who -are a little more civilised and better clothed than their cousins from -up-country, while Christianity is always associated with the coming of -the Europeans and with their domination of the country. - -Although for many reasons Mohammedanism appears more suited to the -black than Christianity—it is a ceremonial religion and it moreover -countenances polygamy—nevertheless, it is inadvisable that the State -should in any way foster its progress in our African colonies, for it -contains many dangerous elements. The Mohammedanism of East Africa is a -mild variety, but there is much inflammable material lying about in the -Mohammedan world, and it might at any time be blown over to that area. -Mohammedanism, too, has a reactionary influence; it stunts cultural -development and it appears to be insusceptible to internal evolution. - -On these grounds it would appear expedient that the bias of the State -should be in favour of the eventual spread of Christianity, for it is a -religion of a higher ethical type. It is the religion of the Western -world, and although its spiritual progress has been hampered by an -extraordinary mass of mediaeval accretions in the shape of dogma, -ritual and such like, there are signs that it is endeavouring to -eliminate non-essentials and adjust itself to the plane of modern -thought. The progress is slow but it has to such a great extent lost -its authority and its influence over the people as a mass, that if it -wishes to survive it must adjust itself to the age it serves and -endeavour to carry mankind a step further in the way of spiritual -evolution. As for faith, faith is common to and alike in all -religions—faith is the vital spark without which no religion can live -or can ever become a vital force—be it a highly developed creed of the -West or a lowly primitive type such as we have been considering. Faith -evades all logic, and even the higher criticism of advanced clerics -leaves it untouched. - -During recent years the rapid internal development of East Africa has -produced an acute situation with regard to native labour, and although, -owing to the present economic depression, this is relieved for the -moment, it is bound to recur as trade improves and production -increases. The supply of labour has vastly increased during the last -ten years, but up to the outbreak of war the amount but rarely kept -pace with the demand, and the loss of native life during the German -East campaign was so heavy that if the pre-war demand had been -maintained there would have been a general shortage; a few years of -restricted demand will therefore give a little breathing space, and a -number of youths who were not old enough for military service will -become old enough to go out and seek work. - -Among a certain section of people in England whose knowledge of the -colonies is somewhat vague, and whose outlook is tinged with -sentimental philanthropy, the employment of blacks as agricultural -labourers or industrial workers by British colonists is looked upon -with suspicion and as being little removed from slavery. It is -apparently based on the belief that such labour is forcibly seized, -badly treated and paid only a nominal wage. Ill-informed criticism is -generally faulty, and in the present instance it is particularly so. -Twenty years ago the up-country natives were, generally speaking, -reluctant to work for private Europeans or for Government, except -occasionally to carry loads; as settlement, however, proceeded the -demand for farm labour arose, the needs of the native gradually -increased, and a few rupees had annually to be earned to pay the hut -tax; as these stimuli became felt, so native labour gradually became -available. Every year up to the war the supply increased, and more and -more natives became accustomed to the idea of working for wages several -months in the year. Is this desirable, and if so, why? In the old days, -before European occupation of the country, the able-bodied male -population had to be always ready to repel raids or participate in -raids, and in times of peace its main duty was the herding and guarding -of the tribal cattle. The danger of attack ceased with the advent of -settled government, and if the younger men of the tribe do not go out -to work, they spend the bulk of their time loafing from village to -village attending beer feasts and philandering with the young girls; -for tribal custom insists that the bulk of the agricultural work shall -as formerly be done by the woman. - -The elders do not approve of the present habits of the youths, but -unfortunately under our rule the bonds of tribal discipline have been -relaxed. If this is fully realised it will readily be seen that the -absence of a considerable portion of these young men for a part of each -year is beneficial to the good order of a native reserve; they are -under discipline when working, they learn something, and come back to -their villages with money which enriches the tribe. - -On the majority of plantations and farms the natives are well treated, -and it is the duty of Government to see that they are well housed, well -fed, and that any grievances are speedily redressed; inspectors -periodically visit employees for this purpose. Ill treatment has -occurred from time to time, and isolated cases of brutality on the part -of employers have unfortunately happened and have been punished by the -courts. Such cases should, however, not be allowed to cloud our vision -or distort our sense of proportion any more than the occurrence of a -few cases of cruelty to children in England. - -As regards wages, the rates are such that have naturally grown up in -the country with due regard to the cost of food, the usual village diet -of the labourer, and the cost of his simple clothing. It must also be -borne in mind that the output of an African is very minute compared -with a European, and the supervision required is vastly greater. - -A recent petition to the home government headed by prelates, labour -representatives, and various well-meaning people took rather an extreme -view, and urged the adoption of a policy entirely native in its -outlook, and one which would result in crushing European endeavour in -this part of Africa. - -One important plank in the policy was the foundation of native -industries in the reserves, and so forth. Every well-wisher of the -native wishes to see progress in the reserves, but intimate knowledge -of the cultural plane of the aboriginal population causes one to -realise clearly how easy it is to formulate dicta in London, and how -difficult it is to carry them out in Africa. - -The individual planting of agricultural products in reserves by the -medium of the African hoe, and the labour of the African woman, is an -uneconomical form of production, and once the food supply of the tribe -is assured, the surplus enriches the Indian middle man more than the -native. Long established custom rules that the agricultural work in a -tribe shall be carried out by the women, and no ordinance will force -the young men to relieve the women of this duty if they do not desire -to do so. - -Native progress proceeds slowly, and the stimulus for acceleration must -come from within if it is to be permanent. - -Then again with regard to native industries—conditions of life can be -gradually improved, and the people can be taught to build better -houses, and to use furniture. The majority, however, cannot afford such -luxuries, and are contented with their own mode of life; their idea of -saving money being to provide the means to buy live stock, the -possession of which is essential for wife purchase. - -The renaissance again must come from within. It will come gradually, -but not nearly so soon as our benevolent friends hope and desire. - -To sum up this brief survey of a complex question, it is desired to -impress upon all that the future of the African native and the nature -of his relations with the white race will not be decided by the -academic recommendations of any body in England. The utmost that -philanthropically minded opinion can demand is a high ethical standard -in native administration, and the safeguarding by government of native -land rights. Further, the well-meaning people at home must trust their -own people in Africa, trust to the growth of a tolerant and humane -local view of the relationship of black and white. There is no reason -to believe that this spirit will not reach as high a level in East -Africa as it has done in other parts of our Empire. - -Further, as Lord Buxton recently remarked in an address on native -problems, and referring to the government of the Union of South Africa -and Rhodesia: “Especially do they resent criticism when those who -criticise put on a self-righteous air and assume that they and their -associates alone have the welfare of the native at heart, and imply -that those who differ are actuated by obstinate or unworthy motives.” - -The main points in native policy which long experience of Africa -suggest may be stated as follows: - -(1) The old tribal discipline and organisation is in danger of -dissolution; it rarely rested on very firm foundations, for the -authorities were weak; it should receive most careful review by -experienced men of knowledge and sympathy, tribe by tribe. The -situation is at present drifting, and neither black nor white can see -whither. - -There is one thing, however, which is obvious, and that is that the new -generation of native leaders should be educated by Government to fit -them for their duties. Such a step would be widely appreciated and -might do a great deal to avert future danger. Their education should, -above all, concern itself with the formation of character and the -development of responsibility; education seems to so rarely provide the -African with these essentials, in fact their vital importance seems to -be often overlooked. - -(2) The taxation collected from natives by the State for general -purposes should be low, and any addition to the standard tax which may -be collectable as the wealth of the natives increases should be devoted -to specific objects, such as native education, the development of the -reserves and such like. The natives should clearly understand this, and -it would do a great deal to improve the relations of the Government -with the native, for there is at present a well-founded belief in the -native mind that they are periodically called upon to pay more and at -the same time get but little return for their money; confidence in -Government has perceptibly lessened in the last few years. - -(3) The excessive infantile mortality in native reserves should receive -specific attention, and also the checking of disease generally. On -economic grounds alone, epidemics among the native population are far -more important than those among cattle; it is feared, however, that up -to now they have not received as much attention, and the reason is not -far to seek. - -Effective measures will entail the training of a considerable staff of -native subordinate medical staff who should be distributed throughout -the reserves, each group being under a European medical officer. - -(4) As has been previously stated, the more dangerous elements of the -native population are in the towns; for it is there that the -restraining influence of the chiefs and elders is absent, it is there -that crime is more prevalent, it is there that undesirable political -movements are bred and where more educated material can be found; a -fertile soil for the seditious seed of the Asiatic agitation. Common -sense therefore suggests that special efforts be made to reach these -mixed assemblages of native life by the provision of suitable -educational facilities and by the provision of healthy amusement and -entertainment, by evening lectures in subjects both interesting and -instructive, by an amusing and healthy native press. - -Needless to say, better housing in town locations is an important -matter if these people are to be taught to live decent, respectable -lives; baths and places for washing clothes are also essential for -health and well-being. - -(5) Abrupt interference with native customs and tribal laws is to be -deprecated; much of the old codes is good, and undesirable features -can, with the consent of the people, gradually be eliminated, if the -guiding hand applies his reforming touch with judgment; and this brings -us to the necessity for the careful selection of administrative -officers and the importance of these being trained in ethnological -method, for no man can reform and develop a system of which he is not -qualified to judge. - -Greater knowledge of native psychology will help to maintain the -paternal relations which should exist between the natives of a district -and their commissioner, and to which the most successful native -administrators in the past owe their success. - -(6) Education. This is essential, but, as has been explained, matters -are not satisfactory at present, nor will they improve much until -Government takes it over into its own hands, and it should begin by the -formation of a well-equipped normal school wherein a large staff of -native teachers should be trained by a picked European staff. - -A boarding school should also be founded in each province where an -effective industrial training can be given to a number of picked -youths, and in conjunction with a sound rudimentary education. - -The African is a receptive person, but has little persistence, and is -apt to become weary before he is efficient. There are altogether too -many young men about with a mere smattering of education which is -nothing more than a surface veneer, and is often used as an excuse for -escaping manual labour; this spirit needs to be vigorously combated. -Very few natives leave the mission schools with anything more than this -surface veneer of education, the outward sign of which is a passion for -khaki coats, boots, collars and ties, and in this way they ape the -European. This may appear ridiculous at present, but there is one thing -certain and that is that a renaissance has now begun, and we must in -the future be prepared for curious manifestations of the aspiration for -self-realisation on the part of the African. The true art of -government, therefore, will be to utilise with wisdom any real signs of -their desire to rise to a higher cultural and social plane. The way -will not be easy, but much can be attained by wide sympathy and by -knowledge of the psychology of the subject. - -It must never be forgotten that in a colony of the East African type -the European colonist and the native are interdependent. Due -consideration and justice for the backward partner must be the keynote -of the native policy, for a contented, friendly black population will -connote a healthy and prosperous white community. - - - - - - - - -L’ENVOI - - -The student of anthropology is urged to be precise and accurate in his -record of facts, and the haunting fear of giving rein to the -imaginative side, especially when dealing with beliefs which have -almost ceased to evoke response from Western races, often tends to make -one’s narrative seem dull and lifeless. - -The poet is bound by no such paltry conventions, but it is rare to find -one who strikes the true note—intimate knowledge coupled with acute -insight. - -The late Captain Cullen Gouldsbury of Rhodesian repute possessed this -rare gift, and the writer takes the liberty of reproducing the -following poem as a remarkable and unique attempt to express the native -point of view: - - - THE POINT OF VIEW - - From Songs out of Exile by Cullen Gouldsbury - (Fisher Unwin, 1912) - -White man, cease from your tales—your God may be good for you, -But think you that aught avails to fashion our creed anew? -We, who are born and bred in the fear of ’Mlimo’s wrath, -Heirs to eternal dread shall we cast our Witchmen forth -To take as a load instead the creed of ye from the North? - -Lo! we are born in the fear of wild and unspeakable things; -Born in the Bush land here, where the souls of the dead have wings. -Hovering high in the air where the shades of even fall, -Shrinking in dim despair at the gate of each lonely kraal— -Scoff not, white man! beware, when the ghosts of the dead men call. - -There are Spirits that walk by night with their heads behind their backs— -There are Spirits that fade from sight in the gloom of the forest tracks; -There are ghosts of the babes that died in the kraal long moons ago, -Ghosts of cripples that glide with shambling pace and slow, -Ghosts of the new-made bride and of many a girl we know. - -Yestereen, when the sun sank low in the western sky, -And silently, one by one, the hovering bats flew by, -Ziwa, pride of my heart, my youngest and best-loved wife, -Drew me a pace apart, saying: “Husband, ’tis done with life, -Nay friend, shrink not, nor start! lend me your hunting knife!” - -Ay! and she lies there dead—and the youths and maidens mourn, -They bury her, so one said, in the cool of to-morrow’s dawn— -For the evil moor-hens keep a watch on this kraal, I know, -And perch when the world’s asleep, on the hut-tops then below. -See! I will kill a sheep to ward off a further blow! - -White man, laugh if you will! such tales are for babes, you say? -Have you no God of Ill? Do you not cringe and pray? -Offering sacrifice in a temple built of stone? -Do you not seek advice from a priest man of your own? -Do you not pay a price? Are we the heathen alone? - - - - - - - - -GLOSSARY - -This includes the native names most used in the text. - - -Dorobo: Masai word (spelt Torobo by Hollis) often corrupted by -travellers to Wandorobo or Andorobo. Dorobo in Masai means tsetse fly. -The name for an aboriginal race of hunters who inhabit the great -forests of the highlands in East Africa. They call themselves Asi and -the Kikuyu call them Adzi. The name of the Athi River is believed to be -a corruption of Adzi. - -Engai (Kikuyu): The deity. - -Eithaga: The name of a Kikuyu clan, members of which are said to -possess magical powers; sometimes spelt Aithaga. A member of this clan -is called a Mweithaga. - -Gethaka (Kikuyu): The portion of a ridge in Kikuyu owned by a -particular family, the title to possession of this being obtained from -the Dorobo, the original occupants of the forest. Some regard it as a -freehold right, others maintain that the Kikuyu only acquired the right -to cut the forest in order to make shambas, or gardens. The gethaka -rights are, however, very real possessions in the eyes of the Kikuyu. - -Huku (Kikuyu): A mole-like rodent—Tachyorctes sp. - -Ichua (Kikuyu): A sacrificial fire. - -Imu, singular; aiimu, plural (Kamba): Ancestral spirits. - -Ithembo, singular; mathembo, plural (Kamba): Sacred place where -sacrifices are carried out. - -Ira (Kikuyu): White diatomaceous earth which is also used in ceremonial -as a purifying agent. - -Itwika (Kikuyu): A periodic ceremony which marks the termination of a -generation or age in the tribe—it corresponds in some ways to the Masai -Eunoto ceremony. - -Kikuyu: The missionaries now often spell it Gikuyu. A member of the -Kikuyu tribe is called Mu-Kikuyu—plural, A-Kikuyu. In common parlance, -however, if one drops the prefixes and refers to a man of this tribe as -a Kikuyu (native)—the latter word being widely understood, it is -simpler than attaching the appropriate prefix. An upland tribe in Kenya -Colony extending from near Nairobi to Mount Kenya. - -Kamba: Mu-Kamba is the singular; A-Kamba is plural and collective. In -the same way as above, it has become more usual to simply refer to them -as Kamba (native). Their country is termed Ukamba, and their language -Ki-Kamba. A tribe in Kenya Colony, east of Nairobi. There are detached -portions of the tribe near Mombasa, near Taveta, and in Tanganyika -territory. - -Kithangaona (Kikuyu): Sacred place. - -Ku-roga (Kikuyu) verb: To place upon or to bewitch. - -Kihe (Kikuyu): An uncircumcised boy. - -Kamwana (Kamba): An uncircumcised boy. - -Kingnoli (Kamba): Collective killing or execution by the people of a -person convicted of certain serious offences. - -Kafara (Swahili): A charm placed at cross-roads to avert misfortune. If -anyone carries it away it is believed that the misfortune or disease -will be carried with it. - -Kirume (Kikuyu): The dying curse which can be suspended over his -descendants by a dying man. - -Kiume (Kamba): The dying curse which can be suspended over his -descendants by a dying man. - -Konono (Masai): A clan of serfs believed to be of alien race who live -among the Masai and who are the smiths to the tribe. They correspond to -the Tumal of the Somalis. - -Kita (Kikuyu): The power of the evil eye. - -Kiama (Kikuyu): Council of elders. - -Mwanake, singular; anake, plural (Kikuyu): Warrior class. - -Mutumia, singular; atumia, plural (Kamba): Tribal elders. - -Muthuri, singular; athuri, plural (Kikuyu): Athuri ya Ukuru—the senior -elders. - -Mumo (Kamba): Sacred fig tree. - -Mugumu (Kikuyu): Sacred fig tree, often called muti wa Engai. - -Makwa (Kamba): Afflicted by a curse. See thabu. - -Mwati, singular; miati, plural (Kikuyu): A young ewe which has not -borne a lamb. - -Miatini (Kamba): The fruit of Kigelia musa or Kigelia pinnata—used for -fermenting beer. - -Mulungu (Kamba): The deity. - -Mathamaki, singular; azamaki or athamaki, plural (Kikuyu): An elder of -council; his official title, not his grade rank. - -Muturi, singular; aturi, plural (Kikuyu): A smith. - -Mundu Mugo (Kikuyu): Medicine man. - -Murogi (Kikuyu): Medicine man who deals in black magic. - -Muburi (Kikuyu): Goat. - -Ngoma (Kikuyu): Ancestral spirit. - -Ngoma (Swahili): A dance. This word is also widely used by up-country -natives. - -Njele (Swahili): A half gourd used as a domestic utensil for drinking -water, gruel or milk. - -Nzeli or nzele (Kamba): A half gourd used as a domestic utensil for -drinking water, gruel or milk. - -Nthele, singular; anthele, plural (Kamba): Young married man. - -Ndorume (Kikuyu): A ram, a favourite form of sacrifice. - -Ngnondu (Kikuyu): A ewe, which is also used as a sacrifice on certain -occasions. - -Ngunga (Kikuyu): Caterpillars. - -Njohi (Kikuyu): Native beer, usually made from sugar cane. - -Nzama (Kamba): Council of elders. - -Njama (Kikuyu): A consultation by the elders; the proceedings are -generally secret. - -Rika (Kikuyu): Generation—age grade. - -Rathi (Swahili): Happiness, blessing—generally used of a formal -blessing. Kuwarathi—to be satisfied or content with. - -Rukwaru (Kikuyu): A strip of goat skin bound on the waist of a person -to signify that he has duly performed a certain ceremony. - -Ruenji (Kikuyu): A razor. - -Ruoro (Kikuyu): Knife used for branding cattle. - -Shamba, singular; ma-shamba, plural (Swahili): Cultivated field or -garden, widely used by up-country Africans. - -Ku-tahikia (Kikuyu), verb: To purify. Ku is the infinitive prefix -common to all verbs. - -Thabu (Kamba): A curse or afflicted by a curse—a condition which is the -result of certain acts, analogous to some forms of tabu. - -Thahu (Kikuyu): A curse or afflicted by a curse—a condition which is -the result of certain acts, analogous to some forms of tabu. - -Thengira (Kikuyu): Literally the goat hut. It is synonymous with the -hut in which the unmarried men sleep. - -Thomi (Kamba): Open meeting place outside every village. - -Tatha (Kikuyu): The semi-digested vegetable matter which forms the -contents of a sheep or goat. When an animal is sacrificed this is used -as a purifying agent to remove evil. In Kamba language called muyo. - -Uji (Swahili): Gruel—also widely used by East Africa Bantu tribes. Uji -is usually made of maize or millet meal. - -Uki (Kamba): Beer, especially mead, made from honey, but the word is -used for all beer. - - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] Vol. II. pp. 4 et seq. - -[2] Apollodorus, The Library, II. 2, 2, with my notes. - -[3] Members of the Kikuyu tribe from birth to old age pass through -various grades of initiation, but the ceremonial observed is of two -classes, one of which is referred to by the natives as the Kikuyu -system, and the other the Masai system. The Kikuyu system is probably -the older, whilst the so-called Masai system is probably contact -metamorphism due to the proximity of the Masai and the partial -intermingling which has occurred from time to time. Curiously enough, -the Masai system bears very little resemblance to the Masai customs of -the present day, so presumably it has been modified to fit in with the -psychology of the Kikuyu who adopted it. - -[4] Ol-divai is the Masai word for the wild Sanseviera. - -[5] Vide article on Masai and their traditions, by A. C. Hollis—London -Quarterly Review, July, 1907, p. 104—“Now the Masai themselves say they -learnt this peculiar ceremony (viz.: their method of circumcision) from -the Kikuyu.” - -[6] Mr Routledge mentions a later one which took place near Karuri’s -about 1904, but according to the S. Kikuyu natives it was only a local -ceremony. - -[7] Of course the analogy is not complete, for it does not apply to one -who accidentally becomes the victim of certain circumstances. - -[8] The act of stepping over a corpse is probably considered a serious -insult to the ngoma. - -[9] The frequent occurrence of sexual rites may appear repugnant to -Europeans, but students of the ancient world will readily admit that -there is an intimate connection between these rites and the religious -beliefs of people in a certain stage of culture. Many examples could be -quoted. - -[10] “Religion of Semites,” p. 264. - -[11] A Syrian superstition quoted in “Religion of the Semites,” p. 443, -deals with a ceremony to rid gardens of caterpillars, and in that, one -of the insects is bewailed and buried and the caterpillars then -disappear. - -[12] These are probably ancient carnelian beads; they are occasionally -found among the divination apparatus of medicine men; they almost -certainly were derived from Egypt or the Nile valley. - - - - - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BANTU BELIEFS AND MAGIC *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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