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diff --git a/old/67356-0.txt b/old/67356-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index d2893bc..0000000 --- a/old/67356-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3749 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The United Empire Loyalists, by W. -Stewart Wallace - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The United Empire Loyalists - A Chronicle of the Great Migration - -Author: W. Stewart Wallace - -Release Date: February 7, 2022 [eBook #67356] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Marcia Brooks, Iona Vaughan, James Wright and the Online - Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE UNITED EMPIRE -LOYALISTS *** - - - - - - - _CHRONICLES OF CANADA_ - Edited by George M. Wrong and H. H. Langton - In thirty-two volumes - - 13 - - THE UNITED EMPIRE - LOYALISTS - - BY W. STEWART WALLACE - - _Part IV_ - _The Beginnings of British Canada_ - - - - -[Illustration: GEORGE III - -From the National Portrait Gallery] - - - - - THE - UNITED EMPIRE - LOYALISTS - - A Chronicle of the Great Migration - - BY - W. STEWART WALLACE - - [Illustration] - - TORONTO - GLASGOW, BROOK & COMPANY - 1920 - - _Copyright in all Countries subscribing to - the Berne Convention_ - - PRESS OF THE HUNTER-ROSE CO., LIMITED, TORONTO - - - - -CONTENTS - - - Page - - I. INTRODUCTORY 1 - - II. LOYALISM IN THE THIRTEEN COLONIES 7 - - III. PERSECUTION OF THE LOYALISTS 20 - - IV. THE LOYALISTS UNDER ARMS 32 - - V. PEACE WITHOUT HONOUR 45 - - VI. THE EXODUS TO NOVA SCOTIA 53 - - VII. THE BIRTH OF NEW BRUNSWICK 71 - - VIII. IN PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND 86 - - IX. THE LOYALISTS IN QUEBEC 91 - - X. THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS 97 - - XI. COMPENSATION AND HONOUR 112 - - XII. THE AMERICAN MIGRATION 120 - - XIII. THE LOYALIST IN HIS NEW HOME 127 - - BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 138 - - INDEX 143 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - GEORGE III _Frontispiece_ - From the National Portrait Gallery. - - LORD CORNWALLIS _Facing page_ 46 - From the National Portrait Gallery. - - UPPER AND LOWER CANADA AND THE MARITIME PROVINCES AT - THE TIME OF THE LOYALIST SETTLEMENTS ” 52 - Map by Bartholomew. - - THE FIRST GOVERNMENT HOUSE, FREDERICTON—BUILT 1787 ” 80 - - FACSIMILE OF CARD USED IN THE FIRST NEW BRUNSWICK - ELECTION, 1785 ” 82 - - SIR FREDERICK HALDIMAND ” 98 - After a contemporary painting. - - JOHN GRAVES SIMCOE ” 122 - From the bust in Exeter Cathedral. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -INTRODUCTORY - - -The United Empire Loyalists have suffered a strange fate at the hands of -historians. It is not too much to say that for nearly a century their -history was written by their enemies. English writers, for obvious -reasons, took little pleasure in dwelling on the American Revolution, and -most of the early accounts were therefore American in their origin. Any -one who takes the trouble to read these early accounts will be struck by -the amazing manner in which the Loyalists are treated. They are either -ignored entirely or else they are painted in the blackest colours. - - So vile a crew the world ne’er saw before, - And grant, ye pitying heavens, it may no more! - If ghosts from hell infest our poisoned air, - Those ghosts have entered these base bodies here. - Murder and blood is still their dear delight. - -So sang a ballad-monger of the Revolution; and the opinion which he -voiced persisted after him. According to some American historians of the -first half of the nineteenth century, the Loyalists were a comparatively -insignificant class of vicious criminals, and the people of the American -colonies were all but unanimous in their armed opposition to the British -government. - -Within recent years, however, there has been a change. American -historians of a new school have revised the history of the Revolution, -and a tardy reparation has been made to the memory of the Tories of -that day. Tyler, Van Tyne, Flick, and other writers have all made the -_amende honorable_ on behalf of their countrymen. Indeed, some of these -writers, in their anxiety to stand straight, have leaned backwards; and -by no one perhaps will the ultra-Tory view of the Revolution be found -so clearly expressed as by them. At the same time the history of the -Revolution has been rewritten by some English historians; and we have a -writer like Lecky declaring that the American Revolution ‘was the work -of an energetic minority, who succeeded in committing an undecided and -fluctuating majority to courses for which they had little love, and -leading them step by step to a position from which it was impossible to -recede.’ - -Thus, in the United States and in England, the pendulum has swung from -one extreme to the other. In Canada it has remained stationary. There, -in the country where they settled, the United Empire Loyalists are still -regarded with an uncritical veneration which has in it something of the -spirit of primitive ancestor-worship. The interest which Canadians have -taken in the Loyalists has been either patriotic or genealogical; and -few attempts have been made to tell their story in the cold light of -impartial history, or to estimate the results which have flowed from -their migration. Yet such an attempt is worth while making—an attempt to -do the United Empire Loyalists the honour of painting them as they were, -and of describing the profound and far-reaching influences which they -exerted on the history of both Canada and the United States. - -In the history of the United States the exodus of the Loyalists is an -event comparable only to the expulsion of the Huguenots from France -after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The Loyalists, whatever -their social status (and they were not all aristocrats), represented -the conservative and moderate element in the revolting states; and -their removal, whether by banishment or disfranchisement, meant the -elimination of a very wholesome element in the body politic. To this -were due in part no doubt many of the early errors of the republic in -finance, diplomacy, and politics. At the same time it was a circumstance -which must have hastened by many years the triumph of democracy. In the -tenure of land, for example, the emigration produced a revolution. The -confiscated estates of the great Tory landowners were in most cases cut -up into small lots and sold to the common people; and thus the process -of levelling and making more democratic the whole social structure was -accelerated. - -On the Canadian body politic the impress of the Loyalist migration is so -deep that it would be difficult to overestimate it. It is no exaggeration -to say that the United Empire Loyalists changed the course of the current -of Canadian history. Before 1783 the clearest observers saw no future -before Canada but that of a French colony under the British crown. -‘Barring a catastrophe shocking to think of,’ wrote Sir Guy Carleton in -1767, ‘this country must, to the end of time, be peopled by the Canadian -race, who have already taken such firm root, and got to so great a -height, that any new stock transplanted will be totally hid, except in -the towns of Quebec and Montreal.’ Just how discerning this prophecy was -may be judged from the fact that even to-day it holds true with regard to -the districts that were settled at the time it was written. What rendered -it void was the unexpected influx of the refugees of the Revolution. -The effect of this immigration was to create two new English-speaking -provinces, New Brunswick and Upper Canada, and to strengthen the English -element in two other provinces, Lower Canada and Nova Scotia, so that -ultimately the French population in Canada was outnumbered by the -English population surrounding it. Nor should the character of this -English immigration escape notice. It was not only English; but it was -also filled with a passionate loyalty to the British crown. This fact -serves to explain a great deal in later Canadian history. Before 1783 -the continuance of Canada in the British Empire was by no means assured: -after 1783 the Imperial tie was well-knit. - -Nor can there be any doubt that the coming of the Loyalists hastened -the advent of free institutions. It was the settlement of Upper Canada -that rendered the Quebec Act of 1774 obsolete, and made necessary the -Constitutional Act of 1791, which granted to the Canadas representative -assemblies. The Loyalists were Tories and Imperialists; but, in the -colonies from which they came, they had been accustomed to a very -advanced type of democratic government, and it was not to be expected -that they would quietly reconcile themselves in their new home to the -arbitrary system of the Quebec Act. The French Canadians, on the other -hand, had not been accustomed to representative institutions, and did -not desire them. But when Upper Canada was granted an assembly, it was -impossible not to grant an assembly to Lower Canada too; and so Canada -was started on that road of constitutional development which has brought -her to her present position as a self-governing unit in the British -Empire. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -LOYALISM IN THE THIRTEEN COLONIES - - -It was a remark of John Fiske that the American Revolution was merely a -phase of English party politics in the eighteenth century. In this view -there is undoubtedly an element of truth. The Revolution was a struggle -within the British Empire, in which were aligned on one side the American -Whigs supported by the English Whigs, and on the other side the English -Tories supported by the American Tories. The leaders of the Whig party -in England, Charles James Fox, Edmund Burke, Colonel Barré, the great -Chatham himself, all championed the cause of the American revolutionists -in the English parliament. There were many cases of Whig officers in the -English army who refused to serve against the rebels in America. General -Richard Montgomery, who led the revolutionists in their attack on Quebec -in 1775-76, furnishes the case of an English officer who, having resigned -his commission, came to America and, on the outbreak of the rebellion, -took service in the rebel forces. On the other hand there were thousands -of American Tories who took service under the king’s banner; and some of -the severest defeats which the rebel forces suffered were encountered at -their hands. - -It would be a mistake, however, to identify too closely the parties in -England with the parties in America. The old Tory party in England was -very different from the so-called Tory party in America. The term Tory -in America was, as a matter of fact, an epithet of derision applied -by the revolutionists to all who opposed them. The opponents of the -revolutionists called themselves not Tories, but Loyalists or ‘friends of -government.’ - -There were, it is true, among the Loyalists not a few who held language -that smacked of Toryism. Among the Loyalist pamphleteers there were those -who preached the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance. Thus -the Rev. Jonathan Boucher, a clergyman of Virginia, wrote: - - Having then, my brethren, thus long been tossed to and fro in - a wearisome circle of uncertain traditions, or in speculations - and projects still more uncertain, concerning government, what - better can you do than, following the apostle’s advice, ‘to - submit yourselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s - sake; whether it be to the king as supreme, or unto governors, - as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of - evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well? For, so is - the will of God, that with well-doing ye may put to silence the - ignorance of foolish men; as free, and not using your liberty - for a cloak of maliciousness, but as servants of God. Honour - all men: love the brotherhood: fear God: honour the king.’ - -Jonathan Boucher subscribed to the doctrine of the divine right of kings: - - Copying after the fair model of heaven itself, wherein there - was government even among the angels, the families of the earth - were subjected to rulers, at first set over them by God. ‘For - there is no power, but of God: the powers that be are ordained - of God.’ The first father was the first king.... Hence it is, - that our church, in perfect conformity with the doctrine here - inculcated, in her explication of the fifth commandment, from - the obedience due to parents, wisely derives the congenial duty - of ‘honouring the king, and all that are put in authority under - him.’ - -Dr Myles Cooper, the president of King’s College, took up similar ground. -God, he said, established the laws of government, ordained the British -power, and commanded all to obey authority. ‘The laws of heaven and -earth’ forbade rebellion. To threaten open disrespect of government was -‘an unpardonable crime.’ ‘The principles of submission and obedience to -lawful authority’ were religious duties. - -But even Jonathan Boucher and Myles Cooper did not apply these doctrines -without reserve. They both upheld the sacred right of petition and -remonstrance. ‘It is your duty,’ wrote Boucher, ‘to instruct your members -to take all the constitutional means in their power to obtain redress.’ -Both he and Cooper deplored the policy of the British ministry. Cooper -declared the Stamp Act to be contrary to American rights; he approved -of the opposition to the duties on the enumerated articles; and he was -inclined to think the duty on tea ‘dangerous to constitutional liberty.’ - -It may be confidently asserted that the great majority of the American -Loyalists, in fact, did not approve of the course pursued by the British -government between 1765 and 1774. They did not deny its legality; -but they doubted as a rule either its wisdom or its justice. Thomas -Hutchinson, the governor of Massachusetts, one of the most famous and -most hated of the Loyalists, went to England, if we are to believe his -private letters, with the secret ambition of obtaining the repeal of the -act which closed Boston harbour. Joseph Galloway, another of the Loyalist -leaders, and the author of the last serious attempt at conciliation, -actually sat in the first Continental Congress, which was called with -the object of obtaining the redress of what Galloway himself described -as ‘the grievances justly complained of.’ Still more instructive is the -case of Daniel Dulany of Maryland. Dulany, one of the most distinguished -lawyers of his time, was after the Declaration of Independence denounced -as a Tory; his property was confiscated, and the safety of his person -imperilled. Yet at the beginning of the Revolution he had been found in -the ranks of the Whig pamphleteers; and no more damaging attack was -ever made on the policy of the British government than that contained in -his _Considerations on the Propriety of Imposing Taxes in the British -Colonies_. When the elder Pitt attacked the Stamp Act in the House of -Commons in January 1766, he borrowed most of his argument from this -pamphlet, which had appeared three months before. - -This difficulty which many of the Loyalists felt with regard to the -justice of the position taken up by the British government greatly -weakened the hands of the Loyalist party in the early stages of the -Revolution. It was only as the Revolution gained momentum that the party -grew in vigour and numbers. A variety of factors contributed to this -result. In the first place there were the excesses of the revolutionary -mob. When the mob took to sacking private houses, driving clergymen -out of their pulpits, and tarring and feathering respectable citizens, -there were doubtless many law-abiding people who became Tories in spite -of themselves. Later on, the methods of the inquisitorial communities -possibly made Tories out of some who were the victims of their -attentions. The outbreak of armed rebellion must have shocked many into -a reactionary attitude. It was of these that a Whig satirist wrote, -quoting: - - This word, Rebellion, hath frozen them up, - Like fish in a pond. - -But the event which brought the greatest reinforcement to the Loyalist -ranks was the Declaration of Independence. Six months before the -Declaration of Independence was passed by the Continental Congress, the -Whig leaders had been almost unanimous in repudiating any intention of -severing the connection between the mother country and the colonies. -Benjamin Franklin told Lord Chatham that he had never heard in America -one word in favour of independence ‘from any person, drunk or sober.’ -Jonathan Boucher says that Washington told him in the summer of 1775 -‘that if ever I heard of his joining in any such measures, I had his -leave to set him down for everything wicked.’ As late as Christmas Day -1775 the revolutionary congress of New Hampshire officially proclaimed -their disavowal of any purpose ‘aiming at independence.’ Instances such -as these could be reproduced indefinitely. When, therefore, the Whig -leaders in the summer of 1776 made their right-about-face with regard -to independence, it is not surprising that some of their followers fell -away from them. Among these were many who were heartily opposed to the -measures of the British government, and who had even approved of the -policy of armed rebellion, but who could not forget that they were born -British subjects. They drank to the toast, ‘My country, may she always be -right; but right or wrong, my country.’ - -Other motives influenced the growth of the Loyalist party. There -were those who opposed the Revolution because they were dependent on -government for their livelihood, royal office-holders and Anglican -clergymen for instance. There were those who were Loyalists because they -thought they had picked the winning side, such as the man who candidly -wrote from New Brunswick in 1788, ‘I have made one great mistake in -politics, for which reason I never intend to make so great a blunder -again.’ Many espoused the cause because they were natives of the British -Isles, and had not become thoroughly saturated with American ideas: of -the claimants for compensation before the Royal Commissioners after -the war almost two-thirds were persons who had been born in England, -Scotland, or Ireland. In some of the colonies the struggle between Whig -and Tory followed older party lines: this was especially true in New -York, where the Livingston or Presbyterian party became Whig and the -De Lancey or Episcopalian party Tory. Curiously enough the cleavage -in many places followed religious lines. The members of the Church -of England were in the main Loyalists; the Presbyterians were in the -main revolutionists. The revolutionist cause was often strongest in -those colonies, such as Connecticut, where the Church of England was -weakest. But the division was far from being a strict one. There were -even members of the Church of England in the Boston Tea Party; and there -were Presbyterians among the exiles who went to Canada and Nova Scotia. -The Revolution was not in any sense a religious war; but religious -differences contributed to embitter the conflict, and doubtless made -Whigs or Tories of people who had no other interest at stake. - -It is commonly supposed that the Loyalists drew their strength from the -upper classes in the colonies, while the revolutionists drew theirs -from the proletariat. There is just enough truth in this to make it -misleading. It is true that among the official classes and the large -landowners, among the clergymen, lawyers, and physicians, the majority -were Loyalists; and it is true that the mob was everywhere revolutionist. -But it cannot be said that the Revolution was in any sense a war of -social classes. In it father was arrayed against son and brother against -brother. Benjamin Franklin was a Whig; his son, Sir William Franklin, was -a Tory. In the valley of the Susquehanna the Tory Colonel John Butler, -of Butler’s Rangers, found himself confronted by his Whig cousins, -Colonel William Butler and Colonel Zeb Butler. George Washington, Thomas -Jefferson, John Adams, were not inferior in social status to Sir William -Johnson, Thomas Hutchinson, and Joseph Galloway. And, on the other hand, -there were no humbler peasants in the revolutionary ranks than some of -the Loyalist farmers who migrated to Upper Canada in 1783. All that can -be said is that the Loyalists were most numerous among those classes -which had most to lose by the change, and least numerous among those -classes which had least to lose. - -Much labour has been spent on the problem of the numbers of the -Loyalists. No means of numbering political opinions was resorted to at -the time of the Revolution, so that satisfactory statistics are not -available. There was, moreover, throughout the contest a good deal of -going and coming between the Whig and Tory camps, which makes an estimate -still more difficult. ‘I have been struck,’ wrote Lorenzo Sabine, ‘in -the course of my investigations, with the absence of fixed principles, -not only among people in the common walks of life, but in many of the -prominent personages of the day.’ Alexander Hamilton, for instance, -deserted from the Tories to the Whigs; Benedict Arnold deserted from the -Whigs to the Tories. - -The Loyalists themselves always maintained that they constituted an -actual majority in the Thirteen Colonies. In 1779 they professed to -have more troops in the field than the Continental Congress. These -statements were no doubt exaggerations. The fact is that the strength -of the Loyalists was very unevenly distributed. In the colony of -New York they may well have been in the majority. They were strong -also in Pennsylvania, so strong that an officer of the revolutionary -army described that colony as ‘the enemies’ country.’ ‘New York and -Pennsylvania,’ wrote John Adams years afterwards, ‘were so nearly -divided—if their propensity was not against us—that if New England on one -side and Virginia on the other had not kept them in awe, they would have -joined the British.’ In Georgia the Loyalists were in so large a majority -that in 1781 that colony would probably have detached itself from the -revolutionary movement had it not been for the surrender of Cornwallis at -Yorktown. On the other hand, in the New England colonies the Loyalists -were a small minority, strongest perhaps in Connecticut, and yet even -there predominant only in one or two towns. - -There were in the Thirteen Colonies at the time of the Revolution in -the neighbourhood of three million people. Of these it is probable that -at least one million were Loyalists. This estimate is supported by the -opinion of John Adams, who was well qualified to form a judgment, and -whose Whig sympathies were not likely to incline him to exaggerate. -He gave it as his opinion more than once that about one-third of the -people of the Thirteen Colonies had been opposed to the measures of the -Revolution in all its stages. This estimate he once mentioned in a letter -to Thomas McKean, chief justice of Pennsylvania, who had signed the -Declaration of Independence, and had been a member of every Continental -Congress from that of 1765 to the close of the Revolution; and McKean -replied, ‘You say that ... about a third of the people of the colonies -were against the Revolution. It required much reflection before I could -fix my opinion on this subject; but on mature deliberation I conclude -you are right, and that more than a third of influential characters were -against it.’ - - - - -CHAPTER III - -PERSECUTION OF THE LOYALISTS - - -In the autumn of the year 1779 an English poet, writing in the seclusion -of his garden at Olney, paid his respects to the American revolutionists -in the following lines: - - Yon roaring boys, who rave and fight - On t’ other side the Atlantic, - I always held them in the right, - But most so when most frantic. - - When lawless mobs insult the court, - That man shall be my toast, - If breaking windows be the sport, - Who bravely breaks the most. - - But oh! for him my fancy culls - The choicest flowers she bears, - Who constitutionally pulls - Your house about your ears. - -When William Cowper wrote these lines, his sources of information with -regard to affairs in America were probably slight; but had he been -writing at the seat of war he could not have touched off the treatment of -the Loyalists by the revolutionists with more effective irony. - -There were two kinds of persecution to which the Loyalists were -subjected—that which was perpetrated by ‘lawless mobs,’ and that which -was carried out ‘constitutionally.’ - -It was at the hands of the mob that the Loyalists first suffered -persecution. Probably the worst of the revolutionary mobs was that which -paraded the streets of Boston. In 1765, at the time of the Stamp Act -agitation, large crowds in Boston attacked and destroyed the magnificent -houses of Andrew Oliver and Thomas Hutchinson. They broke down the doors -with broadaxes, destroyed the furniture, stole the money and jewels, -scattered the books and papers, and, having drunk the wines in the -cellar, proceeded to the dismantling of the roof and walls. The owners of -the houses barely escaped with their lives. In 1768 the same mob wantonly -attacked the British troops in Boston, and so precipitated what American -historians used to term ‘the Boston Massacre’; and in 1773 the famous -band of ‘Boston Indians’ threw the tea into Boston harbour. - -In other places the excesses of the mob were nearly as great. In New York -they were active in destroying printing-presses from which had issued -Tory pamphlets, in breaking windows of private houses, in stealing live -stock and personal effects, and in destroying property. A favourite -pastime was tarring and feathering ‘obnoxious Tories.’ This consisted in -stripping the victim naked, smearing him with a coat of tar and feathers, -and parading him about the streets in a cart for the contemplation of -his neighbours. Another amusement was making Tories ride the rail. This -consisted in putting the ‘unhappy victims upon sharp rails with one leg -on each side; each rail was carried upon the shoulders of two tall men, -with a man on each side to keep the poor wretch straight and fixed in his -seat.’ - -Even clergymen were not free from the attentions of the mob. The Rev. -Jonathan Boucher tells us that he was compelled to preach with loaded -pistols placed on the pulpit cushions beside him. On one occasion he -was prevented from entering the pulpit by two hundred armed men, whose -leader warned him not to attempt to preach. ‘I returned for answer,’ says -Boucher, ‘that there was but one way by which they could keep me out -of it, and that was by taking away my life. At the proper time, with -my sermon in one hand and a loaded pistol in the other, like Nehemiah I -prepared to ascend my pulpit, when one of my friends, Mr David Crauford, -having got behind me, threw his arms round me and held me fast. He -assured me that he had heard the most positive orders given to twenty -men picked out for the purpose, to fire on me the moment I got into the -pulpit.’ - -That the practices of the mob were not frowned upon by the revolutionary -leaders, there is good reason for believing. The provincial Congress -of New York, in December 1776, went so far as to order the committee -of public safety to secure all the pitch and tar ‘necessary for the -public use and public safety.’ Even Washington seems to have approved of -persecution of the Tories by the mob. In 1776 General Putnam, meeting a -procession of the Sons of Liberty who were parading a number of Tories -on rails up and down the streets of New York, attempted to put a stop to -the barbarous proceeding. Washington, on hearing of this, administered -a reprimand to Putnam, declaring ‘that to discourage such proceedings -was to injure the cause of liberty in which they were engaged, and that -nobody would attempt it but an enemy to his country.’ - -Very early in the Revolution the Whigs began to organize. They first -formed themselves into local associations, similar to the Puritan -associations in the Great Rebellion in England, and announced that they -would ‘hold all those persons inimical to the liberties of the colonies -who shall refuse to subscribe this association.’ In connection with these -associations there sprang up local committees. - - From garrets, cellars, rushing through the street, - The new-born statesmen in committee meet, - -sang a Loyalist verse-writer. Very soon there was completed an -organization, stretching from the Continental Congress and the provincial -congresses at one end down to the pettiest parish committees on the -other, which was destined to prove a most effective engine for stamping -out loyalism, and which was to contribute in no small degree to the -success of the Revolution. - -Though the action of the mob never entirely disappeared, the persecution -of the Tories was taken over, as soon as the Revolution got under way, -by this semi-official organization. What usually happened was that the -Continental or provincial Congress laid down the general policy to be -followed, and the local committees carried it out in detail. Thus, when -early in 1776 the Continental Congress recommended the disarming of the -Tories, it was the local committees which carried the recommendation -into effect. During this early period the conduct of the revolutionary -authorities was remarkably moderate. They arrested the Tories, tried -them, held them at bail for their good behaviour, quarantined them in -their houses, exiled them to other districts, but only in extreme cases -did they imprison them. There was, of course, a good deal of hardship -entailed on the Tories; and occasionally the agents of the revolutionary -committees acted without authority, as when Colonel Dayton, who was sent -to arrest Sir John Johnson at his home in the Mohawk valley, sacked -Johnson Hall and carried off Lady Johnson a prisoner, on finding that Sir -John Johnson had escaped to Canada with many of his Highland retainers. -But, as a rule, in this early period, the measures taken both by the -revolutionary committees and by the army officers were easily defensible -on the ground of military necessity. - -But with the Declaration of Independence a new order of things was -inaugurated. That measure revolutionized the political situation. With -the severance of the Imperial tie, loyalism became tantamount to treason -to the state; and Loyalists laid themselves open to all the penalties of -treason. The Declaration of Independence was followed by the test laws. -These laws compelled every one to abjure allegiance to the British crown, -and swear allegiance to the state in which he resided. A record was kept -of those who took the oath, and to them were given certificates without -which no traveller was safe from arrest. Those who failed to take the -oath became liable to imprisonment, confiscation of property, banishment, -and even death. - -Even among the Whigs there was a good deal of opposition to the test -laws. Peter Van Schaak, a moderate Whig of New York state, so strongly -disapproved of the test laws that he seceded from the revolutionary -party. ‘Had you,’ he wrote, ‘at the beginning of the war, permitted every -one differing in sentiment from you, to take the other side, or at least -to have removed out of the State, with their property ... it would have -been a conduct magnanimous and just. But, now, after restraining those -persons from removing; punishing them, if, in the attempt, they were -apprehended; selling their estates if they escaped; compelling them to -the duties of subjects under heavy penalties; deriving aid from them in -the prosecution of the war ... now to compel them to take an oath is an -act of severity.’ - -Of course, the test laws were not rigidly or universally enforced. In -Pennsylvania only a small proportion of the population took the oath. In -New York, out of one thousand Tories arrested for failure to take the -oath, six hundred were allowed to go on bail, and the rest were merely -acquitted or imprisoned. On the whole the American revolutionists were -not bloody-minded men; they inaugurated no September Massacres, no Reign -of Terror, no _dragonnades_. There was a distinct aversion among them to -applying the death penalty. ‘We shall have many unhappy persons to take -their trials for their life next Oyer court,’ wrote a North Carolina -patriot. ‘Law should be strictly adhered to, severity exercised, but the -doors of mercy should never be shut.’ - -The test laws, nevertheless, and the other discriminating laws passed -against the Loyalists provided the excuse for a great deal of barbarism -and ruthlessness. In Pennsylvania bills of attainder were passed against -no fewer than four hundred and ninety persons. The property of nearly all -these persons was confiscated, and several of them were put to death. A -detailed account has come down to us of the hanging of two Loyalists of -Philadelphia named Roberts and Carlisle. These two men had shown great -zeal for the king’s cause when the British Army was in Philadelphia. -After Philadelphia was evacuated, they were seized by the Whigs, tried, -and condemned to be hanged. Roberts’s wife and children went before -Congress and on their knees begged for mercy; but in vain. One November -morning of 1778 the two men were marched to the gallows, with halters -round their necks. At the gallows, wrote a spectator, Roberts’s behaviour -‘did honour to human nature.’ - - He nothing common did or mean - Upon that memorable scene - -Addressing the spectators, he told them that his conscience acquitted him -of guilt; that he suffered for doing his duty to his sovereign; and that -his blood would one day be required at their hands. Then he turned to his -children and charged them to remember the principles for which he died, -and to adhere to them while they had breath. - -But if these judicial murders were few and far between, in other respects -the revolutionists showed the Tories little mercy. Both those who -remained in the country and those who fled from it were subjected to an -attack on their personal fortunes which gradually impoverished them. -This was carried on at first by a nibbling system of fines and special -taxation. Loyalists were fined for evading military service, for the hire -of substitutes, for any manifestation of loyalty. They were subjected -to double and treble taxes; and in New York and South Carolina they -had to make good all robberies committed in their counties. Then the -revolutionary leaders turned to the expedient of confiscation. From the -very first some of the patriots, without doubt, had an eye on Loyalist -property; and when the coffers of the Continental Congress had been -emptied, the idea gained ground that the Revolution might be financed -by the confiscation of Loyalist estates. Late in 1777 the plan was -embodied in a resolution of the Continental Congress, and the states were -recommended to invest the proceeds in continental loan certificates. The -idea proved very popular; and in spite of a great deal of corruption -in connection with the sale and transfer of the land, large sums found -their way as a result into the state exchequers. In New York alone over -£3,600,000 worth of property was acquired by the state. - -The Tory who refused to take the oath of allegiance became in fact -an outlaw. He did not have in the courts of law even the rights of a -foreigner. If his neighbours owed him money, he had no legal redress. -He might be assaulted, insulted, blackmailed, or slandered, yet the law -granted him no remedy. No relative or friend could leave an orphan child -to his guardianship. He could be the executor or administrator of no -man’s estate. He could neither buy land nor transfer it to another. If he -was a lawyer, he was denied the right to practise his profession. - -This strict legal view of the status of the Loyalist may not have been -always and everywhere enforced. There were Loyalists, such as the Rev. -Mather Byles of Boston, who refused to be molested, and who survived the -Revolution unharmed. But when all allowance is made for these exceptions, -it is not difficult to understand how the great majority of avowed Tories -came to take refuge within the British lines, to enlist under the -British flag, and, when the Revolution had proved successful, to leave -their homes for ever and begin life anew amid other surroundings. The -persecution to which they were subjected left them no alternative. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE LOYALISTS UNDER ARMS - - -It has been charged against the Loyalists, and the charge cannot be -denied, that at the beginning of the Revolution they lacked initiative, -and were slow to organize and defend themselves. It was not, in fact, -until 1776 that Loyalist regiments began to be formed on an extensive -scale. There were several reasons why this was so. In the first place a -great many of the Loyalists, as has been pointed out, were not at the -outset in complete sympathy with the policy of the British government; -and those who might have been willing to take up arms were very early -disarmed and intimidated by the energy of the revolutionary authorities. -In the second place that very conservatism which made the Loyalists draw -back from revolution hindered them from taking arms until the king gave -them commissions and provided facilities for military organization. And -there is no fact better attested in the history of the Revolution than -the failure of the British authorities to understand until it was too -late the great advantages to be derived from the employment of Loyalist -levies. The truth is that the British officers did not think much more -highly of the Loyalists than they did of the rebels. For both they had -the Briton’s contempt for the colonial, and the professional soldier’s -contempt for the armed civilian. - -Had more use been made of the Tories, the military history of the -Revolution might have been very different. They understood the conditions -of warfare in the New World much better than the British regulars or the -German mercenaries. Had the advice of prominent Loyalists been accepted -by the British commander at the battle of Bunker’s Hill, it is highly -probable that there would have been none of that carnage in the British -ranks which made of the victory a virtual defeat. It was said that -Burgoyne’s early successes were largely due to the skill with which he -used his Loyalist auxiliaries. And in the latter part of the war, it must -be confessed that the successes of the Loyalist troops far outshone those -of the British regulars. In the Carolinas Tarleton’s Loyal Cavalry swept -everything before them, until their defeat at the Cowpens by Daniel -Morgan. In southern New York Governor Tryon’s levies carried fire and -sword up the Hudson, into ‘Indigo Connecticut,’ and over into New Jersey. -Along the northern frontier, the Loyalist forces commanded by Sir John -Johnson and Colonel Butler made repeated incursions into the Mohawk, -Schoharie, and Wyoming valleys and, in each case, after leaving a trail -of desolation behind them, they withdrew to the Canadian border in good -order. The trouble was that, owing to the stupidity and incapacity of -Lord George Germain, the British minister who was more than any other man -responsible for the misconduct of the American War, these expeditions -were not made part of a properly concerted plan; and so they sank into -the category of isolated raids. - -From the point of view of Canadian history, the most interesting of these -expeditions were those conducted by Sir John Johnson and Colonel Butler. -They were carried on with the Canadian border as their base-line. It -was by the men who were engaged in them that Upper Canada was at first -largely settled; and for a century and a quarter there have been levelled -against these men by American and even by English writers charges of -barbarism and inhumanity about which Canadians in particular are -interested to know the truth. - -Most of Johnson’s and Butler’s men came from central or northern New -York. To explain how this came about it is necessary to make an excursion -into previous history. In 1738 there had come out to America a young -Irishman of good family named William Johnson. The famous naval hero, Sir -Peter Warren, who was an uncle of Johnson, had large tracts of land in -the Mohawk valley, in northern New York. These estates he employed his -nephew in administering; and, when he died, he bequeathed them to him. In -the meantime William Johnson had begun to improve his opportunities. He -had built up a prosperous trade with the Indians; he had learned their -language and studied their ways; and he had gained such an ascendancy -over them that he came to be known as ‘the Indian-tamer,’ and was -appointed the British superintendent-general for Indian Affairs. In the -Seven Years’ War he served with great distinction against the French. He -defeated Baron Dieskau at Lake George in 1755, and he captured Niagara -in 1759; for the first of these services he was created a baronet, and -received a pension of £5000 a year. During his later years he lived at -his house, Johnson Hall, on the Mohawk river; and he died in 1774, on the -eve of the American Revolution, leaving his title and his vast estates to -his only son, Sir John. - -Just before his death Sir William Johnson had interested himself in -schemes for the colonization of his lands. In these he was remarkably -successful. He secured in the main two classes of immigrants, Germans -and Scottish Highlanders. Of the Highlanders he must have induced more -than one thousand to emigrate from Scotland, some of them as late as -1773. Many of them had been Jacobites; some of them had seen service -at Culloden Moor; and one of them, Alexander Macdonell, whose son -subsequently sat in the first legislature of Upper Canada, had been on -Bonnie Prince Charlie’s personal staff. These men had no love for the -Hanoverians; but their loyalty to their new chieftain, and their lack of -sympathy with American ideals, kept them at the time of the Revolution -true almost without exception to the British cause. King George had no -more faithful allies in the New World than these rebels of the ’45. - -They were the first of the Loyalists to arm and organize themselves. -In the summer of 1775 Colonel Allan Maclean, a Scottish officer in -the English army, aided by Colonel Guy Johnson, a brother-in-law of -Sir John Johnson, raised a regiment in the Mohawk valley known as the -Royal Highland Emigrants, which he took to Canada, and which did good -service against the American invaders under Montgomery in the autumn -of the same year. In the spring of 1776 Sir John Johnson received word -that the revolutionary authorities had determined on his arrest, and -he was compelled to flee from Johnson Hall to Canada. With him he took -three hundred of his Scottish dependants; and he was followed by the -Mohawk Indians under their famous chief, Joseph Brant. In Canada Johnson -received a colonel’s commission to raise two Loyalist battalions of five -hundred men each, to be known as the King’s Royal Regiment of New York. -The full complement was soon made up from the numbers of Loyalists who -flocked across the border from other counties of northern New York; and -Sir John Johnson’s ‘Royal Greens,’ as they were commonly called, were -in the thick of nearly every border foray from that time until the end -of the war. It was by these men that the north shore of the St Lawrence -river, between Montreal and Kingston, was mainly settled. As the tide of -refugees swelled, other regiments were formed. Colonel John Butler, one -of Sir John Johnson’s right-hand men, organized his Loyal Rangers, a body -of irregular troops who adopted, with modifications, the Indian method of -warfare. It was against this corps that some of the most serious charges -of brutality and bloodthirstiness were made by American historians; -and it was by this corps that the Niagara district of Upper Canada was -settled after the war. - -It is not possible here to give more than a brief sketch of the -operations of these troops. In 1777 they formed an important part of -the forces with which General Burgoyne, by way of Lake Champlain, and -Colonel St Leger, by way of Oswego, attempted, unsuccessfully, to reach -Albany. An offshoot of the first battalion of the ‘Royal Greens,’ known -as Jessup’s Corps, was with Burgoyne at Saratoga; and the rest of the -regiment was with St Leger, under the command of Sir John Johnson -himself. The ambuscade of Oriskany, where Sir John Johnson’s men first -met their Whig neighbours and relatives, who were defending Fort Stanwix, -was one of the bloodiest battles of the war. Its ‘fratricidal butchery’ -denuded the Mohawk valley of most of its male population; and it was said -that if Tryon county ‘smiled again during the war, it smiled through -tears.’ The battle was inconclusive, so bitterly was it contested; but it -was successful in stemming the advance of St Leger’s forces. - -The next year (1778) there was an outbreak of sporadic raiding all along -the border. Alexander Macdonell, the former aide-de-camp of Bonnie Prince -Charlie, fell with three hundred Loyalists on the Dutch settlements of -the Schoharie valley and laid them waste. Macdonell’s ideas of border -warfare were derived from his Highland ancestors; and, as he expected -no quarter, he gave none. Colonel Butler, with his Rangers and a party -of Indians, descended into the valley of Wyoming, which was a sort of -debatable ground between Connecticut and Pennsylvania, and carried fire -and sword through the settlements there. This raid was commemorated -by Thomas Campbell in a most unhistorical poem entitled _Gertrude of -Wyoming_: - - On Susquehana’s side, fair Wyoming! - Although the wild-flower on thy ruined wall - And roofless homes a sad remembrance bring - Of what thy gentle people did befall. - -Later in the year Walter Butler, the son of Colonel John Butler, and -Joseph Brant, with a party of Loyalists and Mohawks, made a similar -inroad on Cherry Valley, south of Springfield in the state of New York. -On this occasion Brant’s Indians got beyond control, and more than fifty -defenceless old men, women, and children were slaughtered in cold blood. - -The Americans took their revenge the following year. A large force under -General Sullivan invaded the settlements of the Six Nations Indians in -the Chemung and Genesee valleys, and exacted an eye for an eye and a -tooth for a tooth. They burned the villages, destroyed the crops, and -turned the helpless women and children out to face the coming winter. -Most of the Indians during the winter of 1779-80 were dependent on the -mercy of the British commissaries. - -This kind of warfare tends to perpetuate itself indefinitely. In 1780 -the Loyalists and Indians returned to the attack. In May Sir John -Johnson with his ‘Royal Greens’ made a descent into the Mohawk valley, -fell upon his ‘rebellious birthplace,’ and carried off rich booty and -many prisoners. In the early autumn, with a force composed of his own -regiment, two hundred of Butler’s Rangers, and some regulars and Indians, -he crossed over to the Schoharie valley, devastated it, and then returned -to the Mohawk valley, where he completed the work of the previous spring. -All attempts to crush him failed. At the battle of Fox’s Mills he escaped -defeat or capture by the American forces under General Van Rensselaer -largely on account of the dense smoke with which the air was filled from -the burning of barns and villages. - -How far the Loyalists under Johnson and Butler were open to the charges -of inhumanity and barbarism so often levelled against them, is difficult -to determine. The charges are based almost wholly on unsubstantial -tradition. The greater part of the excesses complained of, it is safe to -say, were perpetrated by the Indians; and Sir John Johnson and Colonel -Butler can no more be blamed for the excesses of the Indians at Cherry -Valley than Montcalm can be blamed for their excesses at Fort William -Henry. It was unfortunate that the military opinion of that day regarded -the use of savages as necessary, and no one deplored this use more than -men like Haldimand and Carleton; but Washington and the Continental -Congress were as ready to receive the aid of the Indians as were the -British. The difficulty of the Americans was that most of the Indians -were on the other side. - -That there were, however, atrocities committed by the Loyalists cannot -be doubted. Sir John Johnson himself told the revolutionists that ‘their -Tory neighbours, and not himself, were blameable for those acts.’ There -are well-authenticated cases of atrocities committed by Alexander -Macdonell: in 1781 he ordered his men to shoot down a prisoner taken -near Johnstown, and when the men bungled their task, Macdonell cut the -prisoner down with his broadsword. When Colonel Butler returned from -Cherry Valley, Sir Frederick Haldimand refused to see him, and wrote to -him that ‘such indiscriminate vengeance taken even upon the treacherous -and cruel enemy they are engaged against is useless and disreputable to -themselves, as it is contrary to the disposition and maxims of their King -whose cause they are fighting.’ - -But rumour exaggerated whatever atrocities there were. For many years the -Americans believed that the Tories had lifted scalps like the Indians; -and later, when the Americans captured York in 1813, they found what -they regarded as a signal proof of this barbarous practice among the -Loyalists, in the speaker’s wig, which was hanging beside the chair in -the legislative chamber! There may have been members of Butler’s Rangers -who borrowed from the Indians this hideous custom, just as there were -American frontiersmen who were guilty of it; but it must not be imagined -that it was a common practice on either side. Except at Cherry Valley, -there is no proof that any violence was done by the Loyalists to women -and children. On his return from Wyoming, Colonel Butler reported: ‘I can -with truth inform you that in the destruction of this settlement not a -single person has been hurt of the inhabitants, but such as were armed; -to those indeed the Indians gave no quarter.’ - -In defence of the Loyalists, two considerations may be urged. In the -first place, it must be remembered that they were men who had been -evicted from their homes, and whose property had been confiscated. They -had been placed under the ban of the law: the payment of their debts had -been denied them; and they had been forbidden to return to their native -land under penalty of death without benefit of clergy. They had been -imprisoned, fined, subjected to special taxation; their families had been -maltreated, and were in many cases still in the hands of their enemies. -They would have been hardly human had they waged a mimic warfare. In the -second place, their depredations were of great value from a military -point of view. Not only did they prevent thousands of militiamen from -joining the Continental army, but they seriously threatened the sources -of Washington’s food supply. The valleys which they ravaged were the -granary of the revolutionary forces. In 1780 Sir John Johnson destroyed -in the Schoharie valley alone no less than eighty thousand bushels of -grain; and this loss, as Washington wrote to the president of Congress, -‘threatened alarming consequences.’ That this work of destruction was -agreeable to the Loyalists cannot be doubted; but this fact does not -diminish its value as a military measure. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -PEACE WITHOUT HONOUR - - -The war was brought to a virtual termination by the surrender of -Cornwallis at Yorktown on October 19, 1781. The definitive articles of -peace were signed at Versailles on September 3, 1783. During the two -years that intervened between these events, the lot of the Loyalists was -one of gloomy uncertainty. They found it hard to believe that the British -government would abandon them to the mercy of their enemies; and yet -the temper of the revolutionists toward them continued such that there -seemed little hope of concession or conciliation. Success had not taught -the rebels the grace of forgiveness. At the capitulation of Yorktown, -Washington had refused to treat with the Loyalists in Cornwallis’s army -on the same terms as with the British regulars; and Cornwallis had been -compelled to smuggle his Loyalist levies out of Yorktown on the ship that -carried the news of his surrender to New York. As late as 1782 fresh -confiscation laws had been passed in Georgia and the Carolinas; and in -New York a law had been passed cancelling all debts due to Loyalists, on -condition that one-fortieth of the debt was paid into the state treasury. -These were straws which showed the way the wind was blowing. - -In the negotiations leading up to the Peace of Versailles there were -no clauses so long and bitterly discussed as those relating to the -Loyalists. The British commissioners stood out at first for the principle -of complete amnesty to them and restitution of all they had lost; and -it is noteworthy that the French minister added his plea to theirs. But -Benjamin Franklin and his colleagues refused to agree to this formula. -They took the ground that they, as the representatives merely of the -Continental Congress, had not the right to bind the individual states in -such a matter. The argument was a quibble. Their real reason was that -they were well aware that public opinion in America would not support -them in such a concession. A few enlightened men in America, such as John -Adams, favoured a policy of compensation to the Loyalists, ‘how little -soever they deserve it, nay, how much soever they deserve the contrary’; -but the attitude of the great majority of the Americans had been clearly -demonstrated by a resolution passed in the legislature of Virginia on -December 17, 1782, to the effect that all demands for the restitution of -confiscated property were wholly inadmissible. Even some of the Loyalists -had begun to realize that a revolution which had touched property was -bound to be permanent, and that the American commissioners could no more -give back to them their confiscated lands than Charles II was able to -give back to his father’s cavaliers the estates they had lost in the -Civil War. - -[Illustration: LORD CORNWALLIS - -From the painting in the National Portrait Gallery] - -The American commissioners agreed, finally, that no future confiscations -should take place, that imprisoned Loyalists should be released, that -no further persecutions should be permitted, and that creditors on -either side should ‘meet with no lawful impediment’ to the recovery of -all good debts in sterling money. But with regard to the British demand -for restitution, all they could be induced to sign was a promise that -Congress would ‘earnestly recommend to the legislatures of the respective -states’ a policy of amnesty and restitution. - -In making this last recommendation, it is difficult not to convict the -American commissioners of something very like hypocrisy. There seems -to be no doubt that they knew the recommendation would not be complied -with; and little or no attempt was made by them to persuade the states -to comply with it. In after years the clause was represented by the -Americans as a mere form of words, necessary to bring the negotiations -to an end, and to save the face of the British government. To this day -it has remained, except in one or two states, a dead letter. On the -other hand it is impossible not to convict the British commissioners of -a betrayal of the Loyalists. ‘Never,’ said Lord North in the House of -Commons, ‘never was the honour, the humanity, the principles, the policy -of a nation so grossly abused, as in the desertion of those men who are -now exposed to every punishment that desertion and poverty can inflict, -because they were not rebels.’ ‘In ancient or in modern history,’ said -Lord Loughborough in the House of Lords, ‘there cannot be found an -instance of so shameful a desertion of men who have sacrificed all to -their duty and to their reliance upon our faith.’ It seems probable that -the British commissioners could have obtained, on paper at any rate, -better terms for the Loyalists. It is very doubtful if the Americans -would have gone to war again over such a question. In 1783 the position -of Great Britain was relatively not weaker, but stronger, than in 1781, -when hostilities had ceased. The attitude of the French minister, and the -state of the French finances, made it unlikely that France would lend her -support to further hostilities. And there is no doubt that the American -states were even more sorely in need of peace than was Great Britain. - -When the terms of peace were announced, great was the bitterness among -the Loyalists. One of them protested in _Rivington’s Gazette_ that ‘even -robbers, murderers, and rebels are faithful to their fellows and never -betray each other,’ and another sang, - - ’Tis an honour to serve the bravest of nations, - And be left to be hanged in their capitulations. - -If the terms of the peace had been observed, the plight of the Loyalists -would have been bad enough. But as it was, the outcome proved even -worse. Every clause in the treaty relating to the Loyalists was broken -over and over again. There was no sign of an abatement of the popular -feeling against them; indeed, in some places, the spirit of persecution -seemed to blaze out anew. One of Washington’s bitterest sayings was -uttered at this time, when he said of the Loyalists that ‘he could see -nothing better for them than to commit suicide.’ Loyalist creditors -found it impossible to recover their debts in America, while they were -themselves sued in the British courts by their American creditors, and -their property was still being confiscated by the American legislatures. -The legislature of New York publicly declined to reverse its policy -of confiscation, on the ground that Great Britain had offered no -compensation for the property which her friends had destroyed. Loyalists -who ventured to return home under the treaty of peace were insulted, -tarred and feathered, whipped, and even ham-strung. All over the country -there were formed local committees or associations with the object of -preventing renewed intercourse with the Loyalists and the restitution -of Loyalist property. ‘The proceedings of these people,’ wrote Sir Guy -Carleton, ‘are not to be attributed to politics alone—it serves as a -pretence, and under that cloak they act more boldly, but avarice and a -desire of rapine are the great incentives.’ - -The Loyalists were even denied civil rights in most of the states. In -1784 an act was passed in New York declaring that all who had held -office under the British, or helped to fit out vessels of war, or who had -served as privates or officers in the British Army, or who had left the -state, were guilty of ‘misprision of treason,’ and were disqualified from -both the franchise and public office. There was in fact hardly a state in -1785 where the Loyalist was allowed to vote. In New York Loyalist lawyers -were not allowed to practise until April 1786, and then only on condition -of taking an ‘oath of abjuration and allegiance.’ In the same state, -Loyalists were subjected to such invidious special taxation that in 1785 -one of them confessed that ‘those in New York whose estates have not been -confiscated are so loaded with taxes and other grievances that there is -nothing left but to sell out and move into the protection of the British -government.’ - -It was clear that something would have to be done by the British -government for the Loyalists’ relief. ‘It is utterly impossible,’ wrote -Sir Guy Carleton to Lord North, ‘to leave exposed to the rage and -violence of these people [the Americans] men of character whose only -offence has been their attachment to the King’s service.’ Accordingly -the British government made amends for its betrayal of the Loyalists by -taking them under its wing. It arranged for the transportation of all -those who wished to leave the revolted states; it offered them homes -in the provinces of Nova Scotia and Quebec; it granted half-pay to the -officers after their regiments were reduced; and it appointed a royal -commission to provide compensation for the losses sustained. - -[Illustration: UPPER AND LOWER CANADA AND THE MARITIME PROVINCES AT THE -TIME OF THE LOYALISTS SETTLEMENTS] - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE EXODUS TO NOVA SCOTIA - - -When the terms of peace became known, tens of thousands of the Loyalists -shook the dust of their ungrateful country from their feet, never to -return. Of these the more influential part, both during and after the -war, sailed for England. The royal officials, the wealthy merchants, -landowners, and professional men, the high military officers—these went -to England to press their claims for compensation and preferment. The -humbler element, for the most part, migrated to the remaining British -colonies in North America. About two hundred families went to the West -Indies, a few to Newfoundland, many to what were afterwards called Upper -and Lower Canada, and a vast army to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and -Prince Edward Island. - -The advantages of Nova Scotia as a field for immigration had been known -to the people of New England and New York before the Revolutionary War -had broken out. Shortly after the Peace of 1763 parts of the Nova Scotian -peninsula and the banks of the river St John had been sparsely settled by -colonists from the south; and during the Revolutionary War considerable -sympathy with the cause of the Continental Congress was shown by these -colonists from New England. Nova Scotia, moreover, was contiguous to the -New England colonies, and it was therefore not surprising that after the -Revolution the Loyalists should have turned their eyes to Nova Scotia as -a refuge for their families. - -The first considerable migration took place at the time of the evacuation -of Boston by General Howe in March 1776. Boston was at that time a town -with a population of about sixteen thousand inhabitants, and of these -nearly one thousand accompanied the British Army to Halifax. ‘Neither -Hell, Hull, nor Halifax,’ said one of them, ‘can afford worse shelter -than Boston.’ The embarkation was accomplished amid the most hopeless -confusion. ‘Nothing can be more diverting,’ wrote a Whig, ‘than to see -the town in its present situation; all is uproar and confusion; carts, -trucks, wheelbarrows, handbarrows, coaches, chaises, all driving as if -the very devil was after them.’ The fleet was composed of every vessel -on which hands could be laid. In Benjamin Hallowell’s cabin ‘there were -thirty-seven persons—men, women, and children; servants, masters, and -mistresses—obliged to pig together on the floor, there being no berths.’ -It was a miracle that the crazy flotilla arrived safely at Halifax; but -there it arrived after tossing about for six days in the March tempests. -General Howe remained with his army at Halifax until June. Then he set -sail for New York. Some of the Loyalists accompanied him to New York, but -the greater number took passage for England. Only a few of the company -remained in Nova Scotia. - -From 1776 to 1783 small bodies of Loyalists continually found their -way to Halifax; but it was not until the evacuation of New York by the -British in 1783 that the full tide of immigration set in. As soon as news -leaked out that the terms of peace were not likely to be favourable, -and it became evident that the animus of the Whigs showed no signs of -abating, the Loyalists gathered in New York looked about for a country in -which to begin life anew. Most of them were too poor to think of going to -England, and the British provinces to the north seemed the most hopeful -place of resort. In 1782 several associations were formed in New York -for the purpose of furthering the interests of those who proposed to -settle in Nova Scotia. One of these associations had as its president -the famous Dr Seabury, and as its secretary Sampson Salter Blowers, -afterwards chief justice of Nova Scotia. Its officers waited on Sir Guy -Carleton, and received his approval of their plans. It was arranged -that a first instalment of about five hundred colonists should set out -in the autumn of 1782, in charge of three agents, Amos Botsford, Samuel -Cummings, and Frederick Hauser, whose duty it should be to spy out the -land and obtain grants. - -The party sailed from New York, in nine transport ships, on October 19, -1782, and arrived a few days later at Annapolis Royal. The population -of Annapolis, which was only a little over a hundred, was soon swamped -by the numbers that poured out of the transports. ‘All the houses and -barracks are crowded,’ wrote the Rev. Jacob Bailey, who was then at -Annapolis, ‘and many are unable to procure any lodgings.’ The three -agents, leaving the colonists at Annapolis, went first to Halifax, and -then set out on a trip of exploration through the Annapolis valley, after -which they crossed the Bay of Fundy and explored the country adjacent to -the river St John. On their return they published glowing accounts of the -country, and their report was transmitted to their friends in New York. - -The result of the favourable reports sent in by these agents, and by -others who had gone ahead, was an invasion of Nova Scotia such as no -one, not even the provincial authorities, had begun to expect. As the -names of the thousands who were anxious to go to Nova Scotia poured into -the adjutant-general’s office in New York, it became clear to Sir Guy -Carleton that with the shipping facilities at his disposal he could not -attempt to transport them all at once. It was decided that the ships -would have to make two trips; and, as a matter of fact, most of them made -three or four trips before the last British soldier was able to leave the -New York shore. - -On April 26, 1783, the first or ‘spring’ fleet set sail. It had on board -no less than seven thousand persons, men, women, children, and servants. -Half of these went to the mouth of the river St John, and about half to -Port Roseway, at the south-west end of the Nova Scotian peninsula. The -voyage was fair, and the ships arrived at their destinations without -mishap. But at St John at least, the colonists found that almost no -preparations had been made to receive them. They were disembarked on -a wild and primeval shore, where they had to clear away the brushwood -before they could pitch their tents or build their shanties. The prospect -must have been disheartening. ‘Nothing but wilderness before our eyes, -the women and children did not refrain from tears,’ wrote one of the -exiles; and the grandmother of Sir Leonard Tilley used to tell her -descendants, ‘I climbed to the top of Chipman’s Hill and watched the -sails disappearing in the distance, and such a feeling of loneliness came -over me that, although I had not shed a tear through all the war, I sat -down on the damp moss with my baby in my lap and cried.’ - -All summer and autumn the ships kept plying to and fro. In June the -‘summer fleet’ brought about 2500 colonists to St John River, Annapolis, -Port Roseway, and Fort Cumberland. By August 23 John Parr, the governor -of Nova Scotia, wrote that ‘upward of 12,000 souls have already arrived -from New York,’ and that as many more were expected. By the end of -September he estimated that 18,000 had arrived, and stated that 10,000 -more were still to come. By the end of the year he computed the total -immigration to have amounted to 30,000. As late as January 15, 1784, -the refugees were still arriving. On that date Governor Parr wrote to -Lord North announcing the arrival of ‘a considerable number of Refugee -families, who must be provided for in and about the town at extraordinary -expence, as at this season of the year I cannot send them into the -country.’ ‘I cannot,’ he added, ‘better describe the wretched condition -of these people than by inclosing your lordship a list of those just -arrived in the Clinton transport, destitute of almost everything, chiefly -women and children, all still on board, as I have not yet been able to -find any sort of place for them, and the cold setting in severe.’ There -is a tradition in Halifax that the cabooses had to be taken off the -ships, and ranged along the principal street, in order to shelter these -unfortunates during the winter. - -New York was evacuated by the British troops on November 25, 1783. Sir -Guy Carleton did not withdraw from the city until he was satisfied that -every person who desired the protection of the British flag was embarked -on the boats. During the latter half of the year Carleton was repeatedly -requested by Congress to fix some precise limit to his occupation of New -York. He replied briefly, but courteously, that he was doing the best he -could, and that no man could do more. When Congress objected that the -Loyalists were not included in the agreement with regard to evacuation, -Carleton replied that he held opposite views; and that in any case it was -a point of honour with him that no troops should embark until the last -person who claimed his protection should be safely on board a British -ship. As time went on, his replies to Congress grew shorter and more -incisive. On being requested to name an outside date for the evacuation -of the city, he declared that he could not even guess when the last ship -would be loaded, but that he was resolved to remain until it was. He -pointed out, moreover, that the more the uncontrolled violence of their -citizens drove refugees to his protection, the longer would evacuation -be delayed. ‘I should show,’ he said, ‘an indifference to the feelings -of humanity, as well as to the honour and interest of the nation whom -I serve, to leave any of the Loyalists that are desirous to quit the -country, a prey to the violence they conceive they have so much cause to -apprehend.’ - -After the evacuation of New York, therefore, the number of refugee -Loyalists who came to Nova Scotia was small and insignificant. In 1784 -and 1785 there arrived a few persons who had tried to take up the thread -of their former life in the colonies, but had given up the attempt. And -in August 1784 the _Sally_ transport from London cast anchor at Halifax -with three hundred destitute refugees on board. ‘As if there was not a -sufficiency of such distress’d objects already in this country,’ wrote -Edward Winslow from Halifax, ‘the good people of England have collected -a whole ship load of all kinds of vagrants from the streets of London, -and sent them out to Nova Scotia. Great numbers died on the passage -of various disorders—the miserable remnant are landed here and have -now no covering but tents. Such as are able to crawl are begging for a -proportion of provisions at my door.’ - -But the increase of population in Nova Scotia from immigration during -the years immediately following 1783 was partly counterbalanced by the -defections from the province. Many of the refugees quailed before the -prospect of carving out a home in the wilderness. ‘It is, I think, the -roughest land I ever saw’; ‘I am totally discouraged’; ‘I am sick of -this Province’—such expressions as these abound in the journals and -diaries of the settlers. There were complaints that deception had been -practised. ‘All our golden promises,’ wrote a Long Island Loyalist, ‘are -vanished in smoke. We were taught to believe this place was not barren -and foggy as had been represented, but we find it ten times worse. We -have nothing but his Majesty’s rotten pork and unbaked flour to subsist -on.... It is the most inhospitable clime that ever mortal set foot on.’ -At first there was great distress among the refugees. The immigration of -1783 had at one stroke trebled the population of Nova Scotia; and the -resources of the province were inadequate to meet the demand on them. -‘Nova Scarcity’ was the nickname for the province invented by a New -England wit. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that some who -had set their hand to the plough turned back. Some of them went to Upper -Canada; some to England; some to the states from which they had come; -for within a few years the fury of the anti-Loyalist feeling died down, -and not a few Loyalists took advantage of this to return to the place of -their birth. - -The most careful analysis of the Loyalist immigration into the Maritime -Provinces has placed the total number of immigrants at about 35,000. -These were in settlements scattered broadcast over the face of the map. -There was a colony of 3000 in Cape Breton, which afforded an ideal field -for settlement, since before 1783 the governor of Nova Scotia had been -precluded from granting lands there. In 1784 Cape Breton was erected -into a separate government, with a lieutenant-governor of its own; and -settlers flocked into it from Halifax, and even from Canada. Abraham -Cuyler, formerly mayor of Albany, led a considerable number down the -St Lawrence and through the Gulf to Cape Breton. On the mainland of -Nova Scotia there were settlements at Halifax, at Shelburne, at Fort -Cumberland, at Annapolis and Digby, at Port Mouton, and at other places. -In what is now New Brunswick there was a settlement at Passamaquoddy Bay, -and there were other settlements on the St John river extending from -the mouth up past what is now the city of Fredericton. In Prince Edward -Island, then called the Island of St John, there was a settlement which -is variously estimated in size, but which was comparatively unimportant. - -The most interesting of these settlements was that at Shelburne, which is -situated at the south-west corner of Nova Scotia, on one of the finest -harbours of the Atlantic seaboard. The name of the harbour was originally -Port Razoir, but this was corrupted by the English settlers into Port -Roseway. The place had been settled previous to 1783. In 1775 Colonel -Alexander McNutt, a notable figure of the pre-Loyalist days in Nova -Scotia, had obtained a grant of 100,000 acres about the harbour, and had -induced about a dozen Scottish and Irish families to settle there. This -settlement he had dignified with the name of New Jerusalem. In a short -time, however, New Jerusalem languished and died, and when the Loyalists -arrived in May 1783, the only inhabitants of the place were two or three -fishermen and their families. It would have been well if the Loyalists -had listened to the testimony of one of these men, who, when he was asked -how he came to be there, replied that ‘poverty had brought him there, and -poverty had kept him there.’ - -The project of settling the shores of Port Roseway had its birth in the -autumn of 1782, when one hundred and twenty Loyalist families, whose -attention had been directed to that part of Nova Scotia by a friend in -Massachusetts, banded together with the object of emigrating thither. -They first appointed a committee of seven to make arrangements for their -removal; and, a few weeks later, they commissioned two members of the -association, Joseph Pynchon and James Dole, to go to Halifax and lay -before Governor Parr their desires and intentions. Pynchon and Dole, -on their arrival at Halifax, had an interview with the governor, and -obtained from him very satisfactory arrangements. The governor agreed -to give the settlers the land about Port Roseway which they desired. He -promised them that surveyors should be sent to lay out the grants, that -carpenters and a supply of 400,000 feet of lumber should be furnished -for building their houses, that for the first year at least the settlers -should receive army rations, and that they should be free for ever from -impressment in the British Navy. All these promises were made on the -distinct understanding that they should interfere in no way with the -claims of the Loyalists on the British government for compensation for -losses sustained in the war. Elated by the reception they had received -from the governor, the agents wrote home enthusiastic accounts of the -prospects of the venture. Pynchon even hinted that the new town would -supersede Halifax. ‘Much talk is here,’ he wrote, ‘of capital of -Province.... Halifax can’t but be sensible that Port Roseway, if properly -attended to in encouraging settlers of every denomination, will have much -the advantage of all supplies from the Bay of Fundy and westward. What -the consequence will be time only will reveal.’ Many persons at Halifax, -wrote Pynchon, prophesied that the new settlement would dwindle, and -recommended the shore of the Bay of Fundy or the banks of the river St -John in preference to Port Roseway; but Pynchon attributed their fears -to jealousy. A few years’ experience must have convinced him that his -suspicions were ill-founded. - -The first instalment of settlers, about four thousand in number, arrived -in May 1783. They found nothing but the virgin wilderness confronting -them. But they set to work with a will to clear the land and build -their houses. ‘As soon as we had set up a kind of tent,’ wrote the Rev. -Jonathan Beecher in his Journal, ‘we knelt down, my wife and I and my -two boys, and kissed the dear ground and thanked God that the flag of -England floated there, and resolved that we would work with the rest -to become again prosperous and happy.’ By July 11 the work of clearing -had been so far advanced that it became possible to allot the lands. -The town had been laid out in five long parallel streets, with other -streets crossing them at right angles. Each associate was given a town -lot fronting on one of these streets, as well as a water lot facing the -harbour, and a fifty-acre farm in the surrounding country. With the aid -of the government artisans, the wooden houses were rapidly run up; and in -a couple of months a town sprang up where before had been the forest and -some fishermen’s huts. - -At the end of July Governor Parr paid the town a visit, and christened -it, curiously enough, with the name of Shelburne, after the British -statesman who was responsible for the Peace of Versailles. The occasion -was one of great ceremony. His Excellency, as he landed from the sloop -_Sophie_, was saluted by the booming of cannon from the ships and from -the shore. He proceeded up the main street, through a lane of armed men. -At the place appointed for his reception he was met by the magistrates -and principal citizens, and presented with an address. In the evening -there was a dinner given by Captain Mowat on board the _Sophie_; and the -next evening there was another dinner at the house of Justice Robertson, -followed by a ball given by the citizens, which was ‘conducted with the -greatest festivity and decorum,’ and ‘did not break up till five the -next morning.’ Parr was delighted with Shelburne, and wrote to Sir Guy -Carleton, ‘From every appearance I have not a doubt but that it will in a -short time become the most flourishing Town for trade of any in this part -of the world, and the country will for agriculture.’ - -For a few years it looked as though Shelburne was not going to belie -these hopes. The autumn of 1783 brought a considerable increase to its -population; and in 1784 it seems to have numbered no less than ten -thousand souls, including the suburb of Burchtown, in which most of -the negro refugees in New York had been settled. It became a place of -business and fashion. There was for a time an extensive trade in fish -and lumber with Great Britain and the West Indies. Shipyards were built, -from which was launched the first ship built in Nova Scotia after the -British occupation. Shops, taverns, churches, coffee-houses, sprang up. -At one time no less than three newspapers were published in the town. The -military were stationed there, and on summer evenings the military band -played on the promenade near the bridge. On election day the main street -was so crowded that ‘one might have walked on the heads of the people.’ - -Then Shelburne fell into decay. It appeared that the region was -ill-suited for farming and grazing, and was not capable of supporting -so large a population. The whale fishery which the Shelburne merchants -had established in Brazilian waters proved a failure. The regulations -of the Navigation Acts thwarted their attempts to set up a coasting -trade. Failure dogged all their enterprises, and soon the glory of -Shelburne departed. It became like a city of the dead. ‘The houses,’ -wrote Haliburton, ‘were still standing though untenanted. It had all the -stillness and quiet of a moonlight scene. It was difficult to imagine -it was deserted. The idea of repose more readily suggested itself than -decay. All was new and recent. Seclusion, and not death or removal, -appeared to be the cause of the absence of inhabitants.’ The same -eye-witness of Shelburne’s ruin described the town later: - - The houses, which had been originally built of wood, had - severally disappeared. Some had been taken to pieces and - removed to Halifax or St John; others had been converted - into fuel, and the rest had fallen a prey to neglect and - decomposition. The chimneys stood up erect, and marked the - spot around which the social circle had assembled; and the - blackened fireplaces, ranged one above another, bespoke the - size of the tenement and the means of its owner. In some places - they had sunk with the edifice, leaving a heap of ruins, while - not a few were inclining to their fall, and awaiting the first - storm to repose again in the dust that now covered those who - had constructed them. Hundreds of cellars with their stone - walls and granite partitions were everywhere to be seen like - uncovered monuments of the dead. Time and decay had done their - work. All that was perishable had perished, and those numerous - vaults spoke of a generation that had passed away for ever, and - without the aid of an inscription, told a tale of sorrow and of - sadness that overpowered the heart. - -Alas for the dreams of the Pynchons and the Parrs! Shelburne is now a -quaint and picturesque town; but it is not the city which its projectors -planned. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE BIRTH OF NEW BRUNSWICK - - -When Governor Parr wrote to Sir Guy Carleton, commending in such warm -terms the advantages of Shelburne, he took occasion at the same time -to disparage the country about the river St John. ‘I greatly fear,’ he -wrote, ‘the soil and fertility of that part of this province is overrated -by people who have explored it partially. I wish it may turn out -otherwise, but have my fears that there is scarce good land enough for -them already sent there.’ - -How Governor Parr came to make so egregious a mistake with regard to -the comparative merits of the Shelburne districts and those of the -St John river it is difficult to understand. Edward Winslow frankly -accused him of jealousy of the St John settlements. Possibly he was only -too well aware of the inadequacy of the preparations made to receive -the Loyalists at the mouth of the St John, and wished to divert the -stream of immigration elsewhere. At any rate his opinion was in direct -conflict with the unanimous testimony of the agents sent to report on -the land. Botsford, Cummings, and Hauser had reported: ‘The St John -is a fine river, equal in magnitude to the Connecticut or Hudson. At -the mouth of the river is a fine harbour, accessible at all seasons of -the year—never frozen or obstructed by ice.... There are many settlers -along the river upon the interval land, who get their living easily. -The interval lies on the river, and is a most fertile soil, annually -matured by the overflowing of the river, and produces crops of all kinds -with little labour, and vegetables in the greatest perfection, parsnips -of great length, etc.’ Later Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Allen and Edward -Winslow, the muster-master-general of the provincial forces, were sent -up as agents for the Loyalist regiments in New York, and they explored -the river for one hundred and twenty miles above its mouth. ‘We have -returned,’ wrote Winslow after his trip, ‘delighted beyond expression.’ - -Governor Parr’s fears, therefore, had little effect on the popularity of -the St John river district. In all, no less than ten thousand people -settled on the north side of the Bay of Fundy in 1783. These came, in -the main, in three divisions. With the spring fleet arrived about three -thousand people; with the summer fleet not quite two thousand; and with -the autumn fleet well over three thousand. Of those who came in the -spring and summer most were civilian refugees; but of those who arrived -in the autumn nearly all were disbanded soldiers. Altogether thirteen -distinct corps settled on the St John river. There were the King’s -American Dragoons, De Lancey’s First and Second Battalions, the New -Jersey Volunteers, the King’s American Regiment, the Maryland Loyalists, -the 42nd Regiment, the Prince of Wales American Regiment, the New York -Volunteers, the Royal Guides and Pioneers, the Queen’s Rangers, the -Pennsylvania Loyalists, and Arnold’s American Legion. All these regiments -were reduced, of course, to a fraction of their original strength, owing -to the fact that numbers of their men had been discharged in New York, -and that many of the officers had gone to England. But nevertheless, with -their women and children, their numbers were not far from four thousand. - -The arrangements which the government of Nova Scotia had made for -the reception of this vast army of people were sadly inadequate. In -the first place there was an unpardonable delay in the surveying and -allotment of lands. This may be partly explained by the insufficient -number of surveyors at the disposal of the governor, and by the tedious -and difficult process of escheating lands already granted; but it is -impossible not to convict the governor and his staff of want of foresight -and expedition in making arrangements and carrying them into effect. -When Joseph Aplin arrived at Parrtown, as the settlement at the mouth -of the river was for a short time called, he found 1500 frame houses -and 400 log huts erected, but no one had yet received a title to the -land on which his house was built. The case of the detachment of the -King’s American Dragoons who had settled near the mouth of the river was -particularly hard. They had arrived in advance of the other troops, and -had settled on the west side of the harbour of St John, in what Edward -Winslow described as ‘one of the pleasantest spots I ever beheld.’ They -had already made considerable improvements on their lands, when word came -that the government had determined to reserve the lands about the mouth -of the river for the refugees, and to allot blocks of land farther up -the river to the various regiments of provincial troops. When news of -this decision reached the officers of the provincial regiments, there -was great indignation. ‘This is so notorious a forfeiture of the faith -of government,’ wrote Colonel De Lancey to Edward Winslow, ‘that it -appears to me almost incredible, and yet I fear it is not to be doubted. -Could we have known this a little earlier it would have saved you the -trouble of exploring the country for the benefit of a people you are not -connected with. In short it is a subject too disagreeable to say more -upon.’ Winslow, who was hot-headed, talked openly about the provincials -defending the lands on which they had ‘squatted.’ But protests were in -vain; and the King’s American Dragoons were compelled to abandon their -settlement, and to remove up the river to the district of Prince William. -When the main body of the Loyalist regiments arrived in the autumn they -found that the blocks of land assigned to them had not yet been surveyed. -Of their distress and perplexity there is a picture in one of Edward -Winslow’s letters. - - I saw [he says] all those Provincial Regiments, which we have - so frequently mustered, landing in this inhospitable climate, - in the month of October, without shelter, and without knowing - where to find a place to reside. The chagrin of the officers - was not to me so truly affecting as the poignant distress of - the men. Those respectable sergeants of Robinson’s, Ludlow’s, - Cruger’s, Fanning’s, etc.—once hospitable yeomen of the - country—were addressing me in language which almost murdered me - as I heard it. ‘Sir, we have served all the war, your honour is - witness how faithfully. We were promised land; we expected you - had obtained it for us. We like the country—only let us have a - spot of our own, and give us such kind of regulations as will - hinder bad men from injuring us.’ - -Many of these men had ultimately to go up the river more than fifty miles -past what is now Fredericton. - -A second difficulty was that food and building materials supplied by -government proved inadequate. At first the settlers were given lumber -and bricks and tools to build their houses, but the later arrivals, who -had as a rule to go farthest up the river, were compelled to find their -building materials in the forest. Even the King’s American Dragoons, -evicted from their lands on the harbour of St John, were ordered to build -their huts ‘without any public expence.’ Many were compelled to spend -the winter in tents banked up with snow; others sheltered themselves in -huts of bark. The privations and sufferings which many of the refugees -suffered were piteous. Some, especially among the women and children, -died from cold and exposure and insufficient food. - -In the third place there was great inequality in the area of the lands -allotted. When the first refugees arrived, it was not expected that so -many more would follow; and consequently the earlier grants were much -larger in size than the later. In Parrtown a town lot at length shrank -in size to one-sixteenth of what it had originally been. There was -doubtless also some favouritism and respect of persons in the granting -of lands. At any rate the inequality of the grants caused a great many -grievances among a certain class of refugees. Chief Justice Finucane of -Nova Scotia was sent by Governor Parr to attempt to smooth matters out; -but his conduct seemed to accentuate the ill-feeling and alienate from -the Nova Scotia authorities the good-will of some of the better class of -Loyalists. - -It was not surprising, under these circumstances, that Governor Parr -and the officers of his government should have become very unpopular -on the north side of the Bay of Fundy. Governor Parr was himself much -distressed over the ill-feeling against him among the Loyalists; and it -should be explained that his failure to satisfy them did not arise from -unwillingness to do anything in his power to make them comfortable. The -trouble was that his executive ability had not been sufficient to cope -with the serious problems confronting him. Out of the feeling against -Governor Parr arose an agitation to have the country north of the Bay -of Fundy removed from his jurisdiction altogether, and erected into a -separate government. This idea of the division of the province had been -suggested by Edward Winslow as early as July 1783: ‘Think what multitudes -have and will come here, and then judge whether it must not from the -nature of things immediately become a separate government.’ There were -good reasons why such a change should be made. The distance of Parrtown -from Halifax made it very difficult and tedious to transact business -with the government; and the Halifax authorities, being old inhabitants, -were not in complete sympathy with the new settlers. The erection of a -new province, moreover, would provide offices for many of the Loyalists -who were pressing their claims for place on the government at home. The -settlers, therefore, brought their influence to bear on the Imperial -authorities, through their friends in London; and in the summer of 1784 -they succeeded in effecting the division they desired, in spite of the -opposition of Governor Parr and the official class at Halifax. Governor -Parr, indeed, had a narrow escape from being recalled. - -The new province, which it was intended at first to call New Ireland, but -which was eventually called New Brunswick, was to include all that part -of Nova Scotia north of a line running across the isthmus from the mouth -of the Missiquash river to its source, and thence across to the nearest -part of Baie Verte. This boundary was another triumph for the Loyalists, -as it placed in New Brunswick Fort Cumberland and the greater part of -Cumberland county. The government of the province was offered first to -General Fox, who had been in command at Halifax in 1783, and then to -General Musgrave; but was declined by both. It was eventually accepted -by Colonel Thomas Carleton, a brother of Sir Guy Carleton, by whom it -was held for over thirty years. The chief offices of government fell -to Loyalists who were in London. The secretary of the province was the -Rev. Jonathan Odell, a witty New Jersey divine, who had been secretary -to Sir Guy Carleton in New York. It is interesting to note that Odell’s -son, the Hon. W. F. Odell, was secretary of the province after him, and -that between them they held the office for two-thirds of a century. The -chief justice was a former judge of the Supreme Court of New York; the -other judges were retired officers of regiments who had fought in the -war. The attorney-general was Jonathan Bliss, of Massachusetts; and the -solicitor-general was Ward Chipman, the friend and correspondent of -Edward Winslow. Winslow himself, whose charming letters throw such a -flood of light on the settlement of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, was -a member of the council. New Brunswick was indeed _par excellence_ the -Loyalist province. - -[Illustration: THE FIRST GOVERNMENT HOUSE, FREDERICTON—BUILT 1787] - -The new governor arrived at Parrtown on November 21, 1784, and was -immediately presented with an enthusiastic address of welcome by the -inhabitants. They described themselves as ‘a number of oppressed and -insulted Loyalists,’ and added that they had formerly been freemen, -and again hoped to be so under his government. Next spring the governor -granted to Parrtown incorporation as a city under the name of St John. -The name Parrtown had been given, it appears, at the request of Governor -Parr himself, who explained apologetically that the suggestion had arisen -out of ‘female vanity’; and in view of Governor Parr’s unpopularity, -the change of name was very welcome. At the same time, however, Colonel -Carleton greatly offended the people of St John by removing the capital -of the province up the river to St Anne’s, to which he gave the name -Fredericktown (Fredericton) in honour of the Duke of York. - -On October 15, 1785, writs were issued for the election of members -to serve in a general assembly. The province was divided into eight -counties, among which were apportioned twenty-six members. The right to -vote was given by Governor Carleton to all males of twenty-one years -of age who had been three months in the province, the object of this -very democratic franchise being to include in the voting list settlers -who were clearing their lands, but had not yet received their grants. -The elections were held in November, and lasted for fifteen days. They -passed off without incident, except in the city of St John. There a -struggle took place which throws a great deal of light on the bitterness -of social feeling among the Loyalists. The inhabitants split into two -parties, known as the Upper Cove and the Lower Cove. The Upper Cove -represented the aristocratic element, and the Lower Cove the democratic. -For some time class feeling had been growing; it had been aroused by the -attempt of fifty-five gentlemen of New York to obtain for themselves, -on account of their social standing and services during the war, grants -of land in Nova Scotia of five thousand acres each; and it had been -fanned into flame by the inequality in the size of the lots granted -in St John itself. Unfortunately, among the six Upper Cove candidates -in St John there were two officers of the government, Jonathan Bliss -and Ward Chipman; and thus the struggle took on the appearance of one -between government and opposition candidates. The election was bitterly -contested, under the old method of open voting; and as it proceeded it -became clear that the Lower Cove was polling a majority of the votes. The -defeat of the government officers, it was felt, would be such a calamity -that at the scrutiny Sheriff Oliver struck off over eighty votes, and -returned the Upper Cove candidates. The election was protested, but the -House of Assembly refused, on a technicality, to upset the election. A -strangely ill-worded and ungrammatical petition to have the assembly -dissolved was presented to the governor by the Lower Cove people, but -Governor Carleton refused to interfere, and the Upper Cove candidates -kept their seats. The incident created a great deal of indignation in St -John, and Ward Chipman and Jonathan Bliss were not able for many years to -obtain a majority in that riding. - -[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF CARD USED IN THE FIRST NEW BRUNSWICK -ELECTION, 1785] - -It is evident from these early records that, while there were members -of the oldest and most famous families in British America among the -Loyalists of the Thirteen Colonies, the majority of those who came to -Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and especially to Upper Canada, were people -of very humble origin. Of the settlers in Nova Scotia, Governor Parr -expressed his regret ‘that there is not a sufficient proportion of men -of education and abilities among the present adventurers.’ The election -in St John was a sufficient evidence of the strength of the democratic -element there; and their petition to Governor Carleton is a sufficient -evidence of their illiteracy. Some of the settlers assumed pretensions -to which they were not entitled. An amusing case is that of William -Newton. This man had been the groom of the Honourable George Hanger, a -major in the British Legion during the war. Having come to Nova Scotia, -he began to pay court to a wealthy widow, and introduced himself to her -by affirming ‘that he was particularly connected with the hono’ble Major -Hanger, and that his circumstances were rather affluent, having served in -a money-making department, and that he had left a considerable property -behind him.’ The widow applied to Edward Winslow, who assured her that -Mr Newton had indeed been connected—very closely—with the Honourable -Major Hanger, and that he had left a large property behind him. ‘The -nuptials were immediately celebrated with great pomp, and Mr Newton is at -present,’ wrote Winslow, ‘a gentleman of consideration in Nova Scotia.’ - -During 1785 and subsequent years, the work of settlement went on rapidly -in New Brunswick. There was hardship and privation at first, and up to -1792 some indigent settlers received rations from the government. But -astonishing progress was made. ‘The new settlements of the Loyalists,’ -wrote Colonel Thomas Dundas, who visited New Brunswick in the winter of -1786-87, ‘are in a thriving way.’ Apparently, however, he did not think -highly of the industry of the disbanded soldiers, for he avowed that ‘rum -and idle habits contracted during the war are much against them.’ But -he paid a compliment to the half-pay officers. ‘The half-pay provincial -officers,’ he wrote, ‘are valuable settlers, as they are enabled to live -well and improve their lands.’ - -It took some time for the province to settle down. Many who found their -lands disappointing moved to other parts of the province; and after -1790 numbers went to Upper Canada. But gradually the settlers adjusted -themselves to their environment, and New Brunswick entered on that era of -prosperity which has been hers ever since. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -IN PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND - - -Not many Loyalists found their way to Prince Edward Island, or, as it was -called at the time of the American Revolution, the Island of St John. -Probably there were not many more than six hundred on the island at any -one time. But the story of these immigrants forms a chapter in itself. -Elsewhere the refugees were well and loyally treated. In Nova Scotia and -Quebec the English officials strove to the best of their ability, which -was perhaps not always great, to make provision for them. But in Prince -Edward Island they were the victims of treachery and duplicity. - -Prince Edward Island was in 1783 owned by a number of large landed -proprietors. When it became known that the British government intended -to settle the Loyalists in Nova Scotia, these proprietors presented a -petition to Lord North, declaring their desire to afford asylum to such -as would settle on the island. To this end they offered to resign certain -of their lands for colonization, on condition that the government abated -the quit-rents. This petition was favourably received by the government, -and a proclamation was issued promising lands to settlers in Prince -Edward Island on terms similar to those granted to settlers in Nova -Scotia and Quebec. - -Encouraged by the liberal terms held forth, a number of Loyalists went to -the island direct from New York, and a number went later from Shelburne, -disappointed by the prospects there. In June 1784 a muster of Loyalists -on the island was taken, which showed a total of about three hundred and -eighty persons, and during the remainder of the year a couple of hundred -went from Shelburne. At the end of 1784, therefore, it is safe to assume -that there were nearly six hundred on the island, or about one-fifth of -the total population. - -These refugees found great difficulty in obtaining the grants of land -promised to them. They were allowed to take up their residence on certain -lands, being assured that their titles were secure; and then, after they -had cleared the lands, erected buildings, planted orchards, and made -other improvements, they were told that their titles lacked validity, -and they were forced to move. Written title-deeds were withheld on every -possible pretext, and when they were granted they were found to contain -onerous conditions out of harmony with the promises made. The object of -the proprietors, in inflicting these persecutions, seems to have been to -force the settlers to become tenants instead of freeholders. Even Colonel -Edmund Fanning, the Loyalist lieutenant-governor, was implicated in this -conspiracy. Fanning was one of the proprietors in Township No. 50. The -settlers in this township, being unable to obtain their grants, resolved -to send a remonstrance to the British government, and chose as their -representative one of their number who had known Lord Cornwallis during -the war, hoping through him to obtain redress. This agent was on the -point of leaving for England, when news of his intention reached Colonel -Fanning. The ensuing result was as prompt as it was significant: within a -week afterwards nearly all the Loyalists in Township No. 50 had obtained -their grants. - -Others, however, did not have friends in high places, and were unable -to obtain redress. The minutes of council which contained the records -of many of the allotments were not entered in the regular Council Book, -but were kept on loose sheets; and thus the unfortunate settlers were -not able to prove by the Council Book that their lands had been allotted -them. When the rough minutes were discovered years later, they were found -to bear evidence, in erasures and the use of different inks, of having -been tampered with. - -For seventy-five years the Loyalists continued to agitate for justice. -As early as 1790 the island legislature passed an act empowering the -governor to give grants to those who had not yet received them from the -proprietors. But this measure did not entirely redress the grievances, -and after a lapse of fifty years a petition of the descendants of the -Loyalists led to further action in the matter. In 1840 a bill was passed -by the House of Assembly granting relief to the Loyalists, but was -thrown out by the Legislative Council. As late as 1860 the question was -still troubling the island politics. In that year a land commission was -appointed, which reported that there were Loyalists who still had claims -on the local government, and recommended that free grants should be made -to such as could prove that their fathers had been attracted to the -island under promises which had never been fulfilled. - -Such is the unlovely story of how the Loyalists were persecuted in the -Island of St John, under the British flag. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE LOYALISTS IN QUEBEC - - -It was a tribute to the stability of British rule in the newly-won -province of Quebec that at the very beginning of the Revolutionary War -loyal refugees began to flock across the border. As early as June 2, -1774, Colonel Christie, stationed at St Johns on the Richelieu, wrote -to Sir Frederick Haldimand at Quebec notifying him of the arrival of -immigrants; and it is interesting to note that at that early date he -already complained of ‘their unreasonable expectations.’ In the years -1775 and 1776 large bodies of persecuted Loyalists from the Mohawk -valley came north with Sir John Johnson and Colonel Butler; and in these -years was formed in Canada the first of the Loyalist regiments. It was -not, however, until the defeat of Burgoyne at Saratoga in 1778 that -the full tide of immigration set in. Immediately thereafter Haldimand -wrote to Lord George Germain, under date of October 14, 1778, reporting -the arrival of ‘loyalists in great distress,’ seeking refuge from the -revolted provinces. Haldimand lost no time in making provision for -their reception. He established a settlement for them at Machiche, near -Three Rivers, which he placed under the superintendence of a compatriot -and a protégé of his named Conrad Gugy. The captains of militia in the -neighbourhood were ordered to help build barracks for the refugees, -provisions were secured from the merchants at Three Rivers, and -everything in reason was done to make the unfortunates comfortable. By -the autumn of 1778 there were in Canada, at Machiche and other places, -more than one thousand refugees, men, women, and children, exclusive of -those who had enlisted in the regiments. Including the troops, probably -no less than three thousand had found their way to Canada. - -With the conclusion of peace came a great rush to the north. The -resources of government were strained to the utmost to provide for -the necessities of the thousands who flocked over the border-line. -At Chambly, St Johns, Montreal, Sorel, Machiche, Quebec, officers of -government were stationed to dole out supplies. At Quebec alone in -March 1784 one thousand three hundred and thirty-eight ‘friends of -government’ were being fed at the public expense. At Sorel a settlement -was established similar to that at Machiche. The seigneury of Sorel had -been purchased by the government in 1780 for military purposes, and when -the war was over it was turned into a Loyalist reserve, on which huts -were erected and provisions dispensed. In all, there must have been -nearly seven thousand Loyalists in the province of Quebec in the winter -of 1783-84. - -Complete details are lacking with regard to the temporary encampments -in which the Loyalists were hived; but there are evidences that they -were not entirely satisfied with the manner in which they were looked -after. One of the earliest of Canadian county histories,[1] a book partly -based on traditionary sources, has some vague tales about the cruelty -and malversation practised by a Frenchman under whom the Loyalists -were placed at ‘Mishish.’ ‘Mishish’ is obviously a phonetic spelling -of Machiche, and ‘the Frenchman’ is probably Conrad Gugy. Some letters -in the Dominion Archives point in the same direction. Under date of -April 29, the governor’s secretary writes to Stephen De Lancey, the -inspector of the Loyalists, referring to ‘the uniform discontent of the -Loyalists at Machiche.’ The discontent, he explains, is excited by a few -ill-disposed persons. ‘The sickness they complain of has been common -throughout the province, and should have lessened rather than increased -the consumption of provisions.’ A Loyalist who writes to the governor, -putting his complaints on paper, is assured that ‘His Excellency is -anxious to do everything in his power for the Loyalists, but if what -he can do does not come up to the expectation of him and those he -represents, His Excellency gives the fullest permission to them to seek -redress in such manner as they shall think best.’ - - [1] _Dundas, or a Sketch of Canadian History_, by James Croil, - Montreal, 1861. - -What degree of justice there was in the complaints of the refugees it -is now difficult to determine. No doubt some of them were confirmed -grumblers, and many of them had what Colonel Christie called -‘unreasonable expectations.’ Nothing is more certain than that Sir -Frederick Haldimand spared no effort to accommodate the Loyalists. On the -other hand, it would be rash to assert that in the confusion which then -reigned there were no grievances of which they could justly complain. - -In the spring and summer of 1784 the great majority of the refugees -within the limits of the province of Quebec were removed to what was -afterwards known as Upper Canada. But some remained, and swelled the -number of the ‘old subjects’ in the French province. Considerable -settlements were made at two places. One of these was Sorel, where -the seigneury that had been bought by the crown was granted out to -the new-comers in lots; the other was in the Gaspé peninsula, on the -shores of the Gulf of St Lawrence and of Chaleur Bay. The seigneury -of Sorel was well peopled, for each grantee received only sixty acres -and a town lot, taking the rest of his allotment in some of the newer -settlements. The settlement in the Gaspé peninsula was more sparse; the -chief centre of population was the tiny fishing village of Paspebiac. -In addition to these settlements, some of the exiles took up land on -private seigneuries; these, however, were not many, for the government -discouraged the practice, and refused supplies to all who did not settle -on the king’s land. At the present time, of all these Loyalist groups -in the province of Quebec scarce a trace remains: they have all been -swallowed up in the surrounding French population. - -The Eastern Townships in the province of Quebec were not settled by the -United Empire Loyalists. In 1783 Sir Frederick Haldimand set his face -like flint against any attempt on the part of the Loyalists to settle -the lands lying along the Vermont frontier. He feared that a settlement -there would prove a permanent thorn in the flesh of the Americans, and -might lead to much trouble and friction. He wished that these lands -should be left unsettled for a time, and that, in the end, they should -be settled by French Canadians ‘as an antidote to the restless New -England population.’ Some of the more daring Loyalists, in spite of the -prohibition of the governor, ventured to settle on Missisquoi Bay. When -the governor heard of it, he sent orders to the officer commanding at -St Johns that they should be removed as soon as the season should admit -of it; and instructions were given that if any other Loyalists settled -there, their houses were to be destroyed. By these drastic means the -government kept the Eastern Townships a wilderness until after 1791, -when the townships were granted out in free and common socage, and -American settlers began to flock in. But, as will be explained, these -later settlers have no just claim to the appellation of United Empire -Loyalists. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS - - -Sir Frederick Haldimand offered the Loyalists a wide choice of places -in which to settle. He was willing to make land grants on Chaleur Bay, -at Gaspé, on the north shore of the St Lawrence above Montreal, on the -Bay of Quinté, at Niagara, or along the Detroit river; and if none of -these places was suitable, he offered to transport to Nova Scotia or Cape -Breton those who wished to go thither. At all these places settlements -of Loyalists sprang up. That at Niagara grew to considerable importance, -and became after the division of the province in 1791 the capital of -Upper Canada. But by far the largest settlement was that which Haldimand -planned along the north shore of the St Lawrence and Lake Ontario between -the western boundary of the government of Quebec and Cataraqui (now -Kingston), east of the Bay of Quinté. Here the great majority of the -Loyalists in Canada were concentrated. - -As soon as Haldimand received instructions from England with regard -to the granting of the lands he gave orders to Major Samuel Holland, -surveyor-general of the king’s territories in North America, to proceed -with the work of making the necessary surveys. Major Holland, taking with -him as assistants Lieutenants Kotté and Sutherland and deputy-surveyors -John Collins and Patrick McNish, set out in the early autumn of 1783, and -before the winter closed in he had completed the survey of five townships -bordering on the Bay of Quinté. The next spring his men returned, and -surveyed eight townships along the north bank of the St Lawrence, between -the Bay of Quinté and the provincial boundary. These townships are now -distinguished by names, but in 1783-84 they were designated merely -by numbers; thus for many years the old inhabitants referred to the -townships of Osnaburg, Williamsburg, and Matilda, for instance, as the -‘third town,’ the ‘fourth town,’ and the ‘fifth town.’ The surveys were -made in great haste, and, it is to be feared, not with great care; for -some tedious lawsuits arose out of the discrepancies contained in them, -and a generation later Robert Gourlay wrote that ‘one of the present -surveyors informed me that in running new lines over a great extent of -the province, he found spare room for a whole township in the midst of -those laid out at an early period.’ Each township was subdivided into -lots of two hundred acres each, and a town-site was selected in each case -which was subdivided into town lots. - -[Illustration: SIR FREDERICK HALDIMAND - -After a contemporary painting] - -The task of transporting the settlers from their camping-places at Sorel, -Machiche, and St Johns to their new homes up the St Lawrence was one -of some magnitude. General Haldimand was not able himself to oversee -the work; but he appointed Sir John Johnson as superintendent, and the -work of settlement went on under Johnson’s care. On a given day the -Loyalists were ordered to strike camp, and proceed in a body to the new -settlements. Any who remained behind without sufficient excuse had their -rations stopped. Bateaux took the settlers up the St Lawrence, and the -various detachments were disembarked at their respective destinations. It -had been decided that the settlers should be placed on the land as far as -possible according to the corps in which they had served during the war, -and that care should be taken to have the Protestant and Roman Catholic -members of a corps settled separately. It was this arrangement which -brought about the grouping of Protestant and Roman Catholic Scottish -Highlanders in Glengarry. The first battalion of the King’s Royal -Regiment of New York was settled on the first five townships west of the -provincial boundary. This was Sir John Johnson’s regiment, and most of -its members were his Scottish dependants from the Mohawk valley. The next -three townships were settled by part of Jessup’s Corps, an offshoot of -Sir John Johnson’s regiment. Of the Cataraqui townships the first was -settled by a band of New York Loyalists, many of them of Dutch or German -extraction, commanded by Captain Michael Grass. On the second were part -of Jessup’s Corps; on the third and fourth were a detachment of the -second battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York, which had been -stationed at Oswego across the lake at the close of the war, a detachment -of Rogers’s Rangers, and a party of New York Loyalists under Major Van -Alstine. The parties commanded by Grass and Van Alstine had come by ship -from New York to Quebec after the evacuation of New York in 1783. On the -fifth township were various detachments of disbanded regular troops, and -even a handful of disbanded German mercenaries. - -As soon as the settlers had been placed on the townships to which they -had been assigned, they received their allotments of land. The surveyor -was the land agent, and the allotments were apportioned by each applicant -drawing a lot out of a hat. This democratic method of allotting lands -roused the indignation of some of the officers who had settled with their -men. They felt that they should have been given the front lots, unmindful -of the fact that their grants as officers were from five to ten times as -large as the grants which their men received. Their protests, contained -in a letter of Captain Grass to the governor, roused Haldimand to a -display of warmth to which he was as a rule a stranger. Captain Grass and -his associates, he wrote, were to get no special privileges, ‘the most -of them who came into the province with him being, in fact, mechanics, -only removed from one situation to practise their trade in another. Mr -Grass should, therefore, think himself very well off to draw lots in -common with the Loyalists.’ A good deal of difficulty arose also from the -fact that many allotments were inferior to the rest from an agricultural -point of view; but difficulties of this sort were adjusted by Johnson and -Holland on the spot. - -By 1784 nearly all the settlers were destitute and completely dependent -on the generosity of the British government. They had no effects; they -had no money; and in many cases they were sorely in need of clothes. The -way in which Sir Frederick Haldimand came to their relief is deserving -of high praise. If he had adhered to the letter of his instructions from -England, the position of the Loyalists would have been a most unenviable -one. Repeatedly, however, Haldimand took on his own shoulders the -responsibility of ignoring or disobeying the instructions from England, -and trusted to chance that his protests would prevent the government from -repudiating his actions. When the home government, for instance, ordered -a reduction of the rations, Haldimand undertook to continue them in full; -and fortunately for him the home government, on receipt of his protest, -rescinded the order. - -The settlers on the Upper St Lawrence and the Bay of Quinté did not -perhaps fare as well as those in Nova Scotia, or even the Mohawk Indians -who settled on the Grand river. They did not receive lumber for building -purposes, and ‘bricks for the inside of their chimneys, and a little -assistance of nails,’ as did the former; nor did they receive ploughs -and church-bells, as did the latter. For building lumber they had to -wait until saw-mills were constructed; instead of ploughs they had at -first to use hoes and spades, and there were not quite enough hoes and -spades to go round. Still, they did not fare badly. When the difficulty -of transporting things up the St Lawrence is remembered, it is remarkable -that they obtained as much as they did. In the first place they were -supplied with clothes for three years, or until they were able to provide -clothes for themselves. These consisted of coarse cloth for trousers -and Indian blankets for coats. Boots they made out of skins or heavy -cloth. Tools for building were given them: to each family were given -an ax and a hand-saw, though unfortunately the axes were short-handled -ship’s axes, ill-adapted to cutting in the forest; to each group of two -families were allotted a whip-saw and a cross-cut saw; and to each group -of five families was supplied a set of tools, containing chisels, augers, -draw-knives, etc. To each group of five families was also allotted ‘one -firelock ... intended for the messes, the pigeon and wildfowl season’; -but later on a firelock was supplied to every head of a family. -Haldimand went to great trouble in obtaining seed-wheat for the settlers, -sending agents down even into Vermont and the Mohawk valley to obtain -all that was to be had; he declined, however, to supply stock for the -farms, and although eventually he obtained some cattle, there were not -nearly enough cows to go round. In many cases the soldiers were allowed -the loan of the military tents; and everything was done to have saw-mills -and grist-mills erected in the most convenient places with the greatest -possible dispatch. In the meantime small portable grist-mills, worked by -hand, were distributed among the settlers. - -Among the papers relating to the Loyalists in the Canadian Archives there -is an abstract of the numbers of the settlers in the five townships -at Cataraqui and the eight townships on the St Lawrence. There were -altogether 1568 men, 626 women, 1492 children, and 90 servants, making a -total of 3776 persons. These were, of course, only the original settlers. -As time went on others were added. Many of the soldiers had left their -families in the States behind them, and these families now hastened -to cross the border. A proclamation had been issued by the British -government inviting those Loyalists who still remained in the States to -assemble at certain places along the frontier, namely, at Isle aux Noix, -at Sackett’s Harbour, at Oswego, and at Niagara. The favourite route was -the old trail from the Mohawk valley to Oswego, where was stationed a -detachment of the 34th regiment. From Oswego these refugees crossed to -Cataraqui. ‘Loyalists,’ wrote an officer at Cataraqui in the summer of -1784, ‘are coming in daily across the lake.’ To accommodate these new -settlers three more townships had to be mapped out at the west end of the -Bay of Quinté. - -For the first few years the Cataraqui settlers had a severe struggle -for existence. Most of them arrived in 1784, too late to attempt to sow -fall wheat; and it was several seasons before their crops became nearly -adequate for food. The difficulties of transportation up the St Lawrence -rendered the arrival of supplies irregular and uncertain. Cut off as they -were from civilization by the St Lawrence rapids, they were in a much -less advantageous position than the great majority of the Nova Scotia -and New Brunswick settlers, who were situated near the sea-coast. They -had no money, and as the government refused to send them specie, they -were compelled to fall back on barter as a means of trade, with the -result that all trade was local and trivial. In the autumn of 1787 the -crops failed, and in 1788 famine stalked through the land. There are many -legends about what was known as ‘the hungry year.’ If we are to believe -local tradition, some of the settlers actually died of starvation. In the -family papers of one family is to be found a story about an old couple -who were saved from starvation only by the pigeons which they were able -to knock over. A member of another family testifies: ‘We had the luxury -of a cow which the family brought with them, and had it not been for this -domestic boon, all would have perished in the year of scarcity.’ Two -hundred acre lots were sold for a few pounds of flour. A valuable cow, in -one case, was sold for eight bushels of potatoes; a three-year-old horse -was exchanged for half a hundredweight of flour. Bran was used for making -cakes; and leeks, buds of trees, and even leaves, were ground into food. - -The summer of 1789, however, brought relief to the settlers, and though, -for many years, comforts and even necessaries were scarce, yet after -1791, the year in which the new settlements were erected into the -province of Upper Canada, it may be said that most of the settlers -had been placed on their feet. The soil was fruitful; communication -and transportation improved; and metallic currency gradually found -its way into the settlements. When Mrs Simcoe, the wife of the -lieutenant-governor, passed through the country in 1792, she was struck -by the neatness of the farms of the Dutch and German settlers from the -Mohawk valley, and by the high quality of the wheat. ‘I observed on my -way thither,’ she says in her diary, ‘that the wheat appeared finer than -any I have seen in England, and totally free from weeds.’ And a few -months later an anonymous English traveller, passing the same way, wrote: -‘In so infant a settlement, it would have been irrational to expect that -abundance which bursts the granaries, and lows in the stalls of more -cultivated countries. There was, however, that kind of appearance which -indicated that with economy and industry, there would be enough.’ - -Next in size to the settlements at Cataraqui and on the Upper St Lawrence -was the settlement at Niagara. During the war Niagara had been a haven -of refuge for the Loyalists of Pennsylvania and the frontier districts, -just as Oswego and St Johns had been havens of refuge for the Loyalists -of northern and western New York. As early as 1776 there arrived at -Fort George, Niagara, in a starving condition, five women and thirty-six -children, bearing names which are still to be found in the Niagara -peninsula. From that date until the end of the war refugees continued -to come in. Many of these refugees were the families of the men and -officers of the Loyalist troops stationed at Niagara. On September 27, -1783, for instance, the officer commanding at Niagara reports the arrival -from Schenectady of the wives of two officers of Butler’s Rangers, -with a number of children. Some of these people went down the lake to -Montreal; but others remained at the post, and ‘squatted’ on the land. -In 1780 Colonel Butler reports to Haldimand that four or five families -have settled and built houses, and he requests that they be given seed -early in the spring. In 1781 we know that a Loyalist named Robert Land -had squatted on Burlington Bay, at the head of Lake Ontario. In 1783 -Lieutenant Tinling was sent to Niagara to survey lots, and Sergeant Brass -of the 84th was sent to build a saw-mill and a grist-mill. At the same -time Butler’s Rangers, who were stationed at the fort, were disbanded; -and a number of them were induced to take up land. They took up land on -the west side of the river, because, although, according to the terms of -peace, Fort George was not given up by the British until 1796, the river -was to constitute the boundary between the two countries. A return of the -rise and progress of the settlement made in May 1784 shows a total of -forty-six settlers (that is, heads of families), with forty-four houses -and twenty barns. The return makes it clear that cultivation had been -going on for some time. There were 713 acres cleared, 123 acres sown in -wheat, and 342 acres waiting to be sown; and the farms were very well -stocked, there being an average of about three horses and four or five -cows to each settler. - -With regard to the settlement at Detroit, there is not much evidence -available. It was Haldimand’s intention at first to establish a large -settlement there, but the difficulties of communication doubtless proved -to be insuperable. In the event, however, some of Butler’s Rangers -settled there. Captain Bird of the Rangers applied for and received a -grant of land on which he made a settlement; and in the summer of 1784 we -find Captain Caldwell and some others applying for deeds for the land and -houses they occupied. In 1783 the commanding officer at Detroit reported -the arrival from Red Creek of two men, ‘one a Girty, the other McCarty,’ -who had come to see what encouragement there was to settle under the -British government. They asserted that several hundred more would be glad -to come if sufficient inducements were offered them, as they saw before -them where they were nothing but persecution. In 1784 Jehu Hay, the -British lieutenant-governor of Detroit, sent in lists of men living near -Fort Pitt who were anxious to settle under the British government if they -could get lands, most of them being men who had served in the Highland -and 60th regiments. But it is safe to assume that no large number of -these ever settled near Detroit, for when Hay arrived in Detroit in the -summer of 1784, he found only one Loyalist at the post itself. There -had been for more than a generation a settlement of French Canadians at -Detroit; but it was not until after 1791 that the English element became -at all considerable. - -It has been estimated that in the country above Montreal in 1783 there -were ten thousand Loyalists, and that by 1791 this number had increased -to twenty-five thousand. These figures are certainly too large. -Pitt’s estimate of the population of Upper Canada in 1791 was only -ten thousand. This is probably much nearer the mark. The overwhelming -majority of these people were of very humble origin. Comparatively few -of the half-pay officers settled above Montreal before 1791; and most -of these were, as Haldimand said, ‘mechanics, only removed from one -situation to practise their trade in another.’ Major Van Alstine, it -appears, was a blacksmith before he came to Canada. That many of the -Loyalists were illiterate is evident from the testimony of the Rev. -William Smart, a Presbyterian clergyman who came to Upper Canada in 1811: -‘There were but few of the U. E. Loyalists who possessed a complete -education. He was personally acquainted with many, especially along the -St Lawrence and Bay of Quinté, and by no means were all educated, or men -of judgment; even the half-pay officers, many of them, had but a limited -education.’ The aristocrats of the ‘Family Compact’ party did not come to -Canada with the Loyalists of 1783; they came, in most cases, after 1791, -some of them from Britain, such as Bishop Strachan, and some of them from -New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, such as the Jarvises and the Robinsons. -This fact is one which serves to explain a great deal in Upper Canadian -history. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -COMPENSATION AND HONOUR - - -Throughout the war the British government had constantly granted relief -and compensation to Loyalists who had fled to England. In the autumn -of 1782 the treasury was paying out to them, on account of losses or -services, an annual amount of £40,280 over and above occasional payments -of a particular or extraordinary nature amounting to £17,000 or £18,000 -annually. When peace had been concluded, and it became clear that the -Americans had no intention of making restitution to the Loyalists, the -British government determined to put the payments for their compensation -on a more satisfactory basis. - -For this purpose the Coalition Government of Fox and North appointed in -July 1783 a royal commission ‘to inquire into the losses and services -of all such persons who have suffered in their rights, properties, -and professions during the late unhappy dissensions in America, in -consequence of their loyalty to His Majesty and attachment to the British -Government.’ A full account of the proceedings of the commission is to -be found in the _Historical View of the Commission for Inquiry into the -Losses, Services, and Claims of the American Loyalists_, published in -London in 1815 by one of the commissioners, John Eardley Wilmot. The -commission was originally appointed to sit for only two years; but the -task which confronted it was so great that it was found necessary several -times to renew the act under which it was appointed; and not until -1790 was the long inquiry brought to an end. It was intended at first -that the claims of the men in the Loyalist regiments should be sent in -through their officers; and Sir John Johnson, for instance, was asked to -transmit the claims of the Loyalists settled in Canada. But it was found -that this method did not provide sufficient guarantee against fraudulent -and exorbitant claims; and eventually members of the commission were -compelled to go in person to New York, Nova Scotia, and Canada. - -The delay in concluding the work of the commission caused great -indignation. A tract which appeared in London in 1788 entitled -_The Claim of, the American Loyalists Reviewed and Maintained upon -Incontrovertible Principles of Law and Justice_ drew a black picture of -the results of the delay: - - It is well known that this delay of justice has produced the - most melancholy and shocking events. A number of sufferers have - been driven into insanity and become their own destroyers, - leaving behind them their helpless widows and orphans to - subsist upon the cold charity of strangers. Others have been - sent to cultivate the wilderness for their subsistence, - without having the means, and compelled through want to throw - themselves on the mercy of the American States, and the charity - of former friends, to support the life which might have been - made comfortable by the money long since due by the British - Government; and many others with their families are barely - subsisting upon a temporary allowance from Government, a mere - pittance when compared with the sum due them. - -Complaints were also made about the methods of the inquiry. The claimant -was taken into a room alone with the commissioners, was asked to submit -a written and sworn statement as to his losses and services, and was -then cross-examined both with regard to his own losses and those of his -fellow claimants. This cross-questioning was freely denounced as an -‘inquisition.’ - -Grave inconvenience was doubtless caused in many cases by the delay of -the commissioners in making their awards. But on the other hand it should -be remembered that the commissioners had before them a portentous task. -They had to examine between four thousand and five thousand claims. In -most of these the amount of detail to be gone through was considerable, -and the danger of fraud was great. There was the difficulty also of -determining just what losses should be compensated. The rule which was -followed was that claims should be allowed only for losses of property -through loyalty, for loss of offices held before the war, and for loss -of actual professional income. No account was taken of lands bought or -improved during the war, of uncultivated lands, of property mortgaged -to its full value or with defective titles, of damage done by British -troops, or of forage taken by them. Losses due to the fall in the value -of the provincial paper money were thrown out, as were also expenses -incurred while in prison or while living in New York city. Even losses -in trade and labour were discarded. It will be seen that to apply these -rules to thousands of detailed claims, all of which had to be verified, -was not the work of a few days, or even months. - -It must be remembered, too, that during the years from 1783 to 1790 the -British government was doing a great deal for the Loyalists in other -ways. Many of the better class received offices under the crown. Sir John -Johnson was appointed superintendent of the Loyalists in Canada, and -then superintendent of Indian Affairs; Colonel Edmund Fanning was made -lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia; Ward Chipman became solicitor-general -of New Brunswick. The officers of the Loyalist regiments were put on -half-pay; and there is evidence that many were allowed thus to rank as -half-pay officers who had no real claim to the title. ‘Many,’ said the -Rev. William Smart of Brockville, ‘were placed on the list of officers, -not because they had seen service, but as the most certain way of -compensating them for losses sustained in the Rebellion’; and Haldimand -himself complained that ‘there is no end to it if every man that comes -in is to be considered and paid as an officer.’ Then every Loyalist who -wished to do so received a grant of land. The rule was that each field -officer should receive 5000 acres, each captain 3000, each subaltern -2000, and each non-commissioned officer and private 200 acres. This rule -was not uniformly observed, and there was great irregularity in the -size of the grants. Major Van Alstine, for instance, received only 1200 -acres. But in what was afterwards Upper Canada, 3,200,000 acres were -granted out to Loyalists before 1787. And in addition to all this, the -British government clothed and fed and housed the Loyalists until they -were able to provide for themselves. There were those in Nova Scotia -who were receiving rations as late as 1792. What all this must have -cost the government during the years following 1783 it is difficult to -compute. Including the cost of surveys, official salaries, the building -of saw-mills and grist-mills, and such things, the figures must have run -up to several millions of pounds. - -When it is remembered that all this had been already done, it will be -admitted to be a proof of the generosity of the British government that -the total of the claims allowed by the royal commission amounted to -£3,112,455. The grants varied in size from £10, the compensation paid -to a common soldier, to £44,500, the amount paid to Sir John Johnson. -The total outlay on the part of Great Britain, both during and after the -war, on account of the Loyalists, must have amounted to not less than -£6,000,000, exclusive of the value of the lands assigned. - -With the object possibly of assuaging the grievances of which the -Loyalists complained in connection with the proceedings of the royal -commission, Lord Dorchester (as Sir Guy Carleton was by that time -styled) proposed in 1789 ‘to put a Marke of Honor upon the families who -had adhered to the unity of the empire, and joined the Royal Standard -in America before the Treaty of Separation in the year 1783.’ It was -therefore resolved that all Loyalists of that description were ‘to be -distinguished by the letters U.E. affixed to their names, alluding to -their great principle, the unity of the empire.’ The land boards were -ordered to preserve a registry of all such persons, ‘to the end that -their posterity may be discriminated from future settlers,’ and that -their sons and daughters, on coming of age, might receive grants of -two hundred acre lots. Unfortunately, the land boards carried out -these instructions in a very half-hearted manner, and when Colonel John -Graves Simcoe became lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, he found the -regulation a dead letter. He therefore revived it in a proclamation -issued at York (now Toronto), on April 6, 1796, which directed the -magistrates to ascertain under oath and to register the names of all -those who by reason of their loyalty to the Empire were entitled to -special distinction and grants of land. A list was compiled from the land -board registers, from the provision lists and muster lists, and from the -registrations made upon oath, which was known as the ‘Old U. E. List’; -and it is a fact often forgotten that no one, the names of some of whose -ancestors are not inscribed in that list, has the right to describe -himself as a United Empire Loyalist. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE AMERICAN MIGRATION - - -From the first the problem of governing the settlements above Montreal -perplexed the authorities. It was very early proposed to erect them into -a separate province, as New Brunswick had been erected into a separate -province. But Lord Dorchester was opposed to any such arrangement. ‘It -appears to me,’ he wrote to Lord Sydney, ‘that the western settlements -are as yet unprepared for any organization superior to that of a county.’ -In 1787, therefore, the country west of Montreal was divided into four -districts, for a time named Lunenburg, Mecklenburg, Nassau, and Hesse. -Lunenburg stretched from the western boundary of the province of Quebec -to the Gananoqui; Mecklenburg, from the Gananoqui to the Trent, flowing -into the Bay of Quinté; Nassau, from the Trent to a line drawn due north -from Long Point on Lake Erie; and Hesse, from this line to Detroit. We -do not know who was responsible for inflicting these names on a new -and unoffending country. Perhaps they were thought a compliment to the -Hanoverian ruler of England. Fortunately they were soon dropped, and the -names Eastern, Midland, Home, and Western were substituted. - -This division of the settlements proved only temporary. It left the -Loyalists under the arbitrary system of government set up in Quebec -by the Quebec Act of 1774, under which they enjoyed no representative -institutions whatever. It was not long before petitions began to pour in -from them asking that they should be granted a representative assembly. -Undoubtedly Lord Dorchester had underestimated the desire among them for -representative institutions. In 1791, therefore, the country west of the -Ottawa river, with the exception of a triangle of land at the junction -of the Ottawa and the St Lawrence, was erected by the Constitutional -Act into a separate province, with the name of Upper Canada; and this -province was granted a representative assembly of fifteen members. - -The lieutenant-governor appointed for the new province was Colonel John -Graves Simcoe. During the war Colonel Simcoe had been the commanding -officer of the Queen’s Rangers, which had been largely composed of -Loyalists, and he was therefore not unfitted to govern the new province. -He was theoretically under the control of Lord Dorchester at Quebec; but -his relations with Dorchester were somewhat strained, and he succeeded -in making himself virtually independent in his western jurisdiction. -Though he seemed phlegmatic, he possessed a vigorous and enterprising -disposition, and he planned great things for Upper Canada. He explored -the country in search of the best site for a capital; and it is -interesting to know that he had such faith in the future of Upper Canada -that he actually contemplated placing the capital in what was then the -virgin wilderness about the river Thames. He inaugurated a policy of -building roads and improving communications which showed great foresight; -and he entered upon an immigration propaganda, by means of proclamations -advertising free land grants, which brought a great increase of -population to the province. - -[Illustration: JOHN GRAVES SIMCOE - -From the bust in Exeter Cathedral] - -Simcoe believed that there were still in the United States after 1791 -many people who had remained loyal at heart to Great Britain, and who -were profoundly dissatisfied with their lot under the new American -government. It was his object to attract these people to Upper Canada -by means of his proclamations; and there is no doubt that he was partly -successful. But he also attracted many who had no other motive in coming -to Canada than their desire to obtain free land grants, and whose -attachment to the British crown was of the most recent origin. These -people were freely branded by the original settlers as ‘Americans’; -and there is no doubt that in many cases the name expressed their real -sympathies. - -The War of the Revolution had hardly been brought to a conclusion when -some of the Americans showed a tendency to migrate into Canada. In 1783, -when the American Colonel Willet was attempting an attack on the British -garrison at Oswego, American traders, with an impudence which was superb, -were arriving at Niagara. In 1784 some rebels who had attempted to pose -as Loyalists were ejected from the settlements at Cataraqui. And after -Simcoe began to advertise free land grants to all who would take the -oath of allegiance to King George, hundreds of Americans flocked across -the border. The Duc de la Rochefoucauld, a French _émigré_ who travelled -through Upper Canada in 1795, and who has given us the best account of -the province at that time, asserted that there were in Upper Canada many -who ‘falsely profess an attachment to the British monarch and curse the -Government of the Union for the mere purpose of getting possession of -the lands.’ ‘We met in this excursion,’ says La Rochefoucauld in another -place, ‘an American family who, with some oxen, cows, and sheep, were -emigrating to Canada. “We come,” said they, “to the governor,” whom they -did not know, “to see whether he will give us land.” “Aye, aye,” the -governor replied, “you are tired of the federal government; you like not -any longer to have so many kings; you wish again for your old father” -(it is thus the governor calls the British monarch when he speaks with -Americans); “you are perfectly right; come along, we love such good -Royalists as you are; we will give you land.”’ - -Other testimony is not lacking. Writing in 1799 Richard Cartwright said, -‘It has so happened that a great portion of the population of that part -of the province which extends from the head of the Bay of Kenty upwards -is composed of persons who have evidently no claim to the appellation of -Loyalists.’ In some districts it was a cause of grievance that persons -from the States entered the province, petitioned for lands, took the -necessary oaths, and, having obtained possession of the land, resold -it, pocketed the money, and returned to build up the American Union. As -late as 1816 a letter appeared in the Kingston _Gazette_ in which the -complaint is made that ‘people who have come into the country from the -States, marry into a family, and obtain a lot of wild land, get John -Ryder to move the landmarks, and instead of a wild lot, take by force a -fine house and barn and orchard, and a well-cultivated farm, and turn the -old Tory (as he is called) out of his house, and all his labor for thirty -years.’ - -Never at any other time perhaps have conditions been so favourable in -Canada for land-grabbing and land-speculation as they were then. Owing to -the large amount of land granted to absentee owners, and to the policy -of free land grants announced by Simcoe, land was sold at a very low -price. In some cases two hundred acre lots were sold for a gallon of rum. -In 1791 Sir William Pullency, an English speculator, bought 1,500,000 -acres of land in Upper Canada at one shilling an acre, and sold 700,000 -acres later for an average of eight shillings an acre. Under these -circumstances it was not surprising that many Americans, with their -shrewd business instincts, flocked into the country. - -It is clear, then, that a large part of the immigration which took place -under Simcoe was not Loyalist in its character. From this, it must not -be understood that the new-comers were not good settlers. Even Richard -Cartwright confessed that they had ‘resources in themselves which other -people are usually strangers to.’ They compared very favourably with the -Loyalists who came from England and the Maritime Provinces, who were -described by Cartwright as ‘idle and profligate.’ The great majority -of the American settlers became loyal subjects of the British crown; -and it was only when the American army invaded Canada in 1812, and when -William Lyon Mackenzie made a push for independence in 1837, that the -non-Loyalist character of some of the early immigration became apparent. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -The Loyalist in his New Home - - -The social history of the United Empire Loyalists was not greatly -different from that of other pioneer settlers in the Canadian forest. -Their homes were such as could have been seen until recently in many of -the outlying parts of the country. In Nova Scotia and New Brunswick some -of the better class of settlers were able to put up large and comfortable -wooden houses, some of which are still standing. But even there most of -them had to be content with primitive quarters. Edward Winslow was not a -poor man, as poverty was reckoned in those days. Yet he lived in rather -meagre style. He described his house at Granville, opposite Annapolis, as -being ‘almost as large as my log house, divided into two rooms, where we -are snug as pokers.’ Two years later, after he had made additions to it, -he proposed advertising it for sale in the following terms: ‘That elegant -House now occupied by the Honourable E. W., one of His Majesty’s Council -for the Province of New Brunswick, consisting of four beautiful Rooms on -the first Floor, highly finished. Also two spacious-lodging chambers in -the second story—a capacious dry cellar with arches &c. &c. &c.’ In Upper -Canada, owing to the difficulty of obtaining building materials, the -houses of the half-pay officers were even less pretentious. A traveller -passing through the country about Johnstown in 1792 described Sir John -Johnson’s house as ‘a small country lodge, neat, but as the grounds are -only beginning to be cleared, there was nothing of interest.’ - -The home of the average Loyalist was a log-cabin. Sometimes the cabin -contained one room, sometimes two. Its dimensions were as a rule no -more than fourteen feet by eighteen feet, and sometimes ten by fifteen. -The roofs were constructed of bark or small hollowed basswood logs, -overlapping one another like tiles. The windows were as often as not -covered not with glass, but with oiled paper. The chimneys were built -of sticks and clay, or rough unmortared stones, since bricks were not -procurable; sometimes there was no chimney, and the smoke was allowed -to find its way out through a hole in the bark roof. Where it was -impossible to obtain lumber, the doors were made of pieces of timber -split into rough boards; and in some cases the hinges and latches were -made of wood. These old log cabins, with the chinks between the logs -filled in with clay and moss, were still to be seen standing in many -parts of the country as late as fifty years ago. Though primitive, they -seem to have been not uncomfortable; and many of the old settlers clung -to them long after they could have afforded to build better. This was -doubtless partly due to the fact that log-houses were exempt from the -taxation laid on frame, brick, and stone structures. - -A few of the Loyalists succeeded in bringing with them to Canada some -sticks of furniture or some family heirlooms. Here and there a family -would possess an ancient spindle, a pair of curiously-wrought fire-dogs, -or a quaint pair of hand-bellows. But these relics of a former life -merely served to accentuate the rudeness of the greater part of the -furniture of the settlers. Chairs, benches, tables, beds, chests, were -fashioned by hand from the rough wood. The descendant of one family has -described how the family dinner-table was a large stump, hewn flat on -top, standing in the middle of the floor. The cooking was done at the -open fireplace; it was not until well on in the nineteenth century that -stoves came into common use in Canada. - -The clothing of the settlers was of the most varied description. Here -and there was one who had brought with him the tight knee-breeches and -silver-buckled shoes of polite society. But many had arrived with only -what was on their backs; and these soon found their garments, no matter -how carefully darned and patched, succumb to the effects of time and -labour. It was not long before the settlers learnt from the Indians the -art of making clothing out of deer-skin. Trousers made of this material -were found both comfortable and durable. ‘A gentleman who recently died -in Sophiasburg at an advanced age, remembered to have worn a pair for -twelve years, being repaired occasionally, and at the end they were -sold for two dollars and a half.’ Petticoats for women were also made -of deer-skin. ‘My grandmother,’ says one descendant, ‘made all sorts -of useful dresses with these skins, which were most comfortable for a -country life, and for going through the bush [since they] could not be -torn by the branches.’ There were, of course, some articles of clothing -which could not readily be made of leather; and very early the settlers -commenced growing flax and raising sheep for their wool. Home-made linen -and clothing of linsey-woolsey were used in the settlements by high and -low alike. It was not until the close of the eighteenth century that -articles of apparel, other than those made at home of flax and wool, -were easily obtainable. A calico dress was a great luxury. Few daughters -expected to have one until it was bought for their wedding-dress. Great -efforts were always made to array the bride in fitting costume; and -sometimes a dress, worn by the mother in other days, amid other scenes, -was brought forth, yellow and discoloured with the lapse of time. - -There was little money in the settlements. What little there was came in -pay to the soldiers or the half-pay officers. Among the greater part of -the population, business was carried on by barter. In Upper Canada the -lack of specie was partly overcome by the use of a kind of paper money. -‘This money consists of small squares of card or paper, on which are -printed promissory notes for various sums. These notes are made payable -once a year, generally about the latter end of September at Montreal. -The name of the merchant or firm is subscribed.’ This was merely an -extension of the system of credit still in use with country merchants, -but it provided the settlers with a very convenient substitute for cash. -The merchants did not suffer, as frequently this paper money was lost, -and never presented; and cases were known of its use by Indians as -wadding for their flint-locks. - -Social instincts among the settlers were strongly marked. Whenever a -family was erecting a house or barn, the neighbours as a rule lent a -helping hand. While the men were raising barn-timbers and roof-trees, -the women gathered about the quilting-frames or the spinning-wheels. -After the work was done, it was usual to have a festival. The young men -wrestled and showed their prowess at trials of strength; the rest looked -on and applauded. In the evening there was a dance, at which the local -musician scraped out tuneless tunes on an ancient fiddle; and there was -of course hearty eating and, it is to be feared, heavy drinking. - -Schools and churches were few and far between. A number of Loyalist -clergy settled both in Nova Scotia and in Upper Canada, and these held -services and taught school in the chief centres of population. The Rev. -John Stuart was, for instance, appointed chaplain in 1784 at Cataraqui; -and in 1786 he opened an academy there, for which he received government -aid. In time other schools sprang up, taught by retired soldiers or -farmers who were incapacitated for other work. The tuition given in these -schools was of the most elementary sort. La Rochefoucauld, writing of -Cataraqui in 1795, says: ‘In this district are some schools, but they -are few in number. The children are instructed in reading and writing, -and pay each a dollar a month. One of the masters, superior to the -rest in point of knowledge, taught Latin; but he has left the school, -without being succeeded by another instructor of the same learning.’ ‘At -seven years of age,’ writes the son of a Loyalist family, ‘I was one of -those who patronized Mrs Cranahan, who opened a Sylvan Seminary for the -young idea in Adolphustown; from thence, I went to Jonathan Clark’s, -and then tried Thomas Morden, lastly William Faulkiner, a relative of -the Hagermans. You may suppose that these graduations to Parnassus was -[_sic_] carried into effect, because a large amount of knowledge could -be obtained. Not so; for Dilworth’s Spelling Book, and the New Testament, -were the only books possessed by these academies.’ - -The lack of a clergy was even more marked. When Bishop Mountain visited -Upper Canada in 1794, he found only one Lutheran chapel and two -Presbyterian churches between Montreal and Kingston. At Kingston he -found ‘a small but decent church,’ and about the Bay of Quinté there -were three or four log huts which were used by the Church of England -missionary in the neighbourhood. At Niagara there was a clergyman, but -no church; the services were held in the Freemasons’ Hall. This lack of -a regularly-ordained clergy was partly remedied by a number of itinerant -Methodist preachers or ‘exhorters.’ These men were described by Bishop -Mountain as ‘a set of ignorant enthusiasts, whose preaching is calculated -only to perplex the understanding, to corrupt the morals, to relax the -nerves of industry, and dissolve the bands of society.’ But they gained -a very strong hold on the Loyalist population; and for a long time they -were familiar figures upon the country roads. - -For many years communications both in New Brunswick and in Upper Canada -were mainly by water. The roads between the settlements were little more -than forest paths. When Colonel Simcoe went to Upper Canada he planned -to build a road running across the province from Montreal to the river -Thames, to be called Dundas Street. He was recalled, however, before -the road was completed; and the project was allowed to fall through. In -1793 an act was passed by the legislature of Upper Canada ‘to regulate -the laying out, amending, and keeping in repair, the public highways and -roads.’ This threw on the individual settler the obligation of keeping -the road across his lot in good repair; but the large amount of crown -lands and clergy reserves and land held by speculators throughout the -province made this act of little avail. It was not until 1798 that a -road was run from the Bay of Quinté to the head of Lake Ontario, by an -American surveyor named Asa Danforth. But even this government road was -at times impassable; and there is evidence that some travellers preferred -to follow the shore of the lake. - -It will be seen from these notes on social history that the Loyalists had -no primrose path. But after the first grumblings and discontents, poured -into the ears of Governor Haldimand and Governor Parr, they seem to have -settled down contentedly to their lot; and their life appears to have -been on the whole happy. Especially in the winter, when they had some -leisure, they seem to have known how to enjoy themselves. - - In the winter season, nothing is more ardently wished for, - by young persons of both sexes, in Upper Canada, than the - setting in of frost, accompanied by a fall of snow. Then it - is, that pleasure commences her reign. The sleighs are drawn - out. Visits are paid, and returned, in all directions. Neither - cold, distance, or badness of roads prove any impediment. The - sleighs glide over all obstacles. It would excite surprise in - a stranger to view the open before the Governor’s House on a - levee morning, filled with these carriages. A sleigh would - not probably make any great figure in Bond street, whose - silken sons and daughters would probably mistake it for a - turnip cart, but in the Canadas, it is the means of pleasure, - and glowing healthful exercise. An overturn is nothing. It - contributes subject matter for conversation at the next house - that is visited, when a pleasant raillery often arises on the - derangement of dress, which the ladies have sustained, and - the more than usual display of graces, which the tumble has - occasioned. - -This picture, drawn in 1793 by a nameless traveller, is an evidence of -the courage and buoyancy of heart with which the United Empire Loyalists -faced the toils and privations of life in their new home. - - Not drooping like poor fugitives they came - In exodus to our Canadian wilds, - But full of heart and hope, with heads erect - And fearless eyes victorious in defeat. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE - - -It is astonishing how little documentary evidence the Loyalists left -behind them with regard to their migration. Among those who fled to -England there were a few who kept diaries and journals, or wrote -memoirs, which have found their way into print; and some contemporary -records have been published with regard to the settlements of Nova -Scotia and New Brunswick. But of the Loyalists who settled in Upper and -Lower Canada there is hardly one who left behind him a written account -of his experiences. The reason for this is that many of them were -illiterate, and those who were literate were so occupied with carving -a home for themselves out of the wilderness that they had neither -time nor inclination for literary labours. Were it not for the state -papers preserved in England, and for a collection of papers made by Sir -Frederick Haldimand, the Swiss soldier of fortune who was governor of -Quebec at the time of the migration, and who had a passion for filing -documents away, our knowledge of the settlements in the Canadas would be -of the most sketchy character. - -It would serve no good purpose to attempt here an exhaustive account of -the printed sources relating to the United Empire Loyalists. All that -can be done is to indicate some of the more important. The only general -history of the Loyalists is Egerton Ryerson, _The Loyalists of America -and Their Times_ (2 vols., 1880); it is diffuse and antiquated, and is -written in a spirit of undiscriminating admiration of the Loyalists, but -it contains much good material. Lorenzo Sabine, _Biographical Sketches of -Loyalists of the American Revolution_ (2 vols., 1864), is an old book, -but it is a storehouse of information about individual Loyalists, and -it contains a suggestive introductory essay. Some admirable work on the -Loyalists has been done by recent American historians. Claude H. Van -Tyne, _The Loyalists in the American Revolution_ (1902), is a readable -and scholarly study, based on extensive researches into documentary and -newspaper sources. The Loyalist point of view will be found admirably set -forth in M. C. Tyler, _The Literary History of the American Revolution_ -(2 vols., 1897), and _The Party of the Loyalists in the American -Revolution_ (American Historical Review, I, 24). Of special studies in a -limited field the most valuable and important is A. C. Flick, _Loyalism -in New York_ (1901); it is the result of exhaustive researches, and -contains an excellent bibliography of printed and manuscript sources. -Other studies in a limited field are James H. Stark, _The Loyalists of -Massachusetts and the Other Side of the American Revolution_ (1910), and -G. A. Gilbert, _The Connecticut Loyalists_ (American Historical Review, -IV, 273). - -For the settlements of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, the most important -source is _The Winslow Papers_ (edited by W. O. Raymond, 1901), an -admirably annotated collection of private letters written by and to -Colonel Edward Winslow. Some of the official correspondence relating to -the migration is calendared in the Historical Manuscript Commission’s -_Report on American Manuscripts in the Royal Institution of Great -Britain_ (1909). Much material will be found in the provincial histories -of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, such as Beamish Murdoch, _A History of -Nova Scotia or Acadie_ (3 vols., 1867), and James Hannay, _History of New -Brunswick_ (2 vols., 1909), and also in the local and county histories. -The story of the Loyalists of Prince Edward Island is contained in W. -H. Siebert and Florence E. Gilliam, _The Loyalists in Prince Edward -Island_ (Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd -series, IV, ii, 109). An account of the Shelburne colony will be found in -T. Watson Smith, _The Loyalists at Shelburne_ (Collections of the Nova -Scotia Historical Society, VI, 53). - -For the settlements in Upper and Lower Canada, the most important source -is the Haldimand Papers, which are fully calendared in the Reports of -the Canadian Archives from 1884 to 1889. J. McIlwraith, _Sir Frederick -Haldimand_ (1904), contains a chapter on ‘The Loyalists’ which is based -upon these papers. The most important secondary source is William -Canniff, _History of the Settlement of Upper Canada_ (1869), a book -the value of which is seriously diminished by lack of reference to -authorities, and by a slipshod style, but which contains a vast amount -of material preserved nowhere else. Among local histories reference may -be made to C. M. Day, _Pioneers of the Eastern Townships_ (1863), James -Croil, _Dundas_ (1861), and J. F. Pringle, _Lunenburgh or the Old Eastern -District_ (1891). An interesting essay in local history is L. H. Tasker, -_The United Empire Loyalist Settlement at Long Point, Lake Erie_ (Ontario -Historical Society, Papers and Records, II). For the later immigration -reference should be made to D. C. Scott, _John Graves Simcoe_ (1905), and -Ernest Cruikshank, _Immigration from the United States Into Upper Canada, -1784-1812_ (Proceedings of the Thirty-ninth Convention of the Ontario -Educational Association, 263). - -An authoritative account of the proceedings of the commissioners -appointed to inquire into the losses of the Loyalists is to be found in -J. E. Wilmot, _Historical View of the Commission for Inquiry Into the -Losses, Services, and Claims of the American Loyalists_ (1815). - -For the social history of the Loyalist settlements a useful book -is A ‘Canuck’ (M. G. Scherk), _Pen Pictures of Early Pioneer Life -in Upper Canada_ (1905). Many interesting notes on social history -will be found also in accounts of travels such as the Duc de la -Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Travels through the United States of North -America, the Country of the Iroquois, and Upper Canada_ (1799), _The -Diary of Mrs John Graves Simcoe_ (edited by J. Ross Robertson, 1911), and -_Canadian Letters: Description of a Tour thro’ the Provinces of Lower -and Upper Canada in the Course of the Years 1792 and ’93_ (The Canadian -Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal, IX, 3 and 4). - -An excellent index to unprinted materials relating to the Loyalists is -Wilfred Campbell, _Report on Manuscript Lists Relating to the United -Empire Loyalists, with Reference to Other Sources_ (1909). - -See also in this Series: _The Father of British Canada; The War Chief of -the Six Nations_. - - - - -INDEX - - - Adams, John, a social comparison, 16; - on strength of Loyalists, 17-18; - favours compensating the Loyalists, 46. - - Allen, Lieut.-Col. Isaac, on New Brunswick, 72. - - American Revolution, Lecky on, 2; - merely a phase of English party politics, 7; - not a war of social classes, 16; - one-third of the people opposed to measures of, 18; - ‘fratricidal butchery’ in, 38; - end of, 45. - - Americans, barbarity of, 40; - have proof that Loyalists lifted scalps, 42-3; - hypocrisy of, 48; - migrate to Upper Canada, 123; - testimonies against, 124-5; - and in favour, 126. - - Aplin, Joseph, and the Loyalist settlement at Parrtown, 74. - - - Bailey, Rev. Jacob, on the Loyalists, 56. - - Beecher, Rev. Jonathan, and the Shelburne settlement, 66. - - Bliss, Jonathan, a Loyalist in New Brunswick, 80; - and social feeling in St John, 82-3. - - Blowers, Sampson Salter, and the Loyalists, 56. - - Boston, riots in, 21; - and migration of the Loyalists, 54. - - Botsford, Amos, 56; - on New Brunswick, 72. - - Boucher, Rev. Jonathan, advocates doctrines of passive obedience to - authority and the divine right of kings, 8-10; - but upholds right of petition, 10; - and Washington, 13; - threatened by revolutionary mob, 22-3. - - Brant, Joseph, loyalty of, 37; - fails to control Indians at Cherry Valley, 40. - - Bunker’s Hill, British obstinacy at, 33. - - Burgoyne, General, and the Loyalists, 33, 38. - - Butler, Colonel John, and his Whig cousins, 16; - incursions into United States, 34, 39; - reprimanded, 42; - and Indian barbarity, 43. - - Byles, Rev. Mather, and the Revolution, 30. - - - Campbell, Thomas, his lines on Wyoming valley raid, 30. - - Cape Breton, Loyalists in, 63. - - Carleton, Sir Guy. - See Dorchester, Lord. - - Carleton, Colonel Thomas, governor of New Brunswick, 79, 81. - - Cartwright, Richard, on the Americans in Upper Canada, 124, 126. - - Cataraqui, hard times of Loyalists at, 105-6. - - Chipman, Ward, a Loyalist in New Brunswick, 80; - and social feeling in St John, 82-3. - - Constitutional Act of 1791, necessitated by the coming of the - Loyalists, 6. - - Cooper, Dr Myles, endorses the principle of submission to authority, - but upholds right of petition, 10. - - Cornwallis, General, and the Loyalists, 45. - - Cowper, William, his lines on American revolutionists, 20. - - Cummings, Samuel, 56; - on New Brunswick, 72. - - Cuyler, Abraham, leads a Loyalist migration, 63. - - - Declaration of Independence, rouses the Loyalists, 13-14. - - De Lancey, Colonel, on Loyalist settlement in New Brunswick, 75. - - Detroit, Loyalist settlement at, 109-10. - - Dole, James, a Loyalist agent, 65. - - Dorchester, Lord, on Canada, 4; - denounces American Whigs, 50, 51; - assists migration of the Loyalists, 56, 57; - takes strong stand in New York, 59-60; - initiates ‘Marke of Honor,’ 118; - opposes creation of Upper Canada, 120-2. - - Dulany, Daniel, protests against British policy, 11-12. - - Dundas, Colonel Thomas, on the Loyalist settlement in New Brunswick, - 84-5. - - - Eastern Townships, Loyalists not allowed to settle in, 95-6. - - - Fanning, Colonel Edmund, tries to take advantage of Loyalists in - Prince Edward Island, 88. - - Finucane, Chief Justice, fails to appease Loyalists in New Brunswick, - 77. - - Franklin, Benjamin, scouts idea of American independence, 13; - and his son, 16; - against granting amnesty to Loyalists, 46. - - - Galloway, Joseph, disapproves of British policy, 11; - a social comparison, 16. - - Georgia, strength of Loyalists in, 18. - - Germain, Lord George, incapacity of, 34. - - Gourlay, Robert, on the survey of townships in Upper Canada, 98. - - Grass, Captain Michael, 100; - rouses Haldimand’s anger, 101. - - Great Britain, in the Peace of Versailles, 46-7; - her betrayal of the Loyalists, 48-9; - makes amends, 52; - her generosity to Loyalists, 112-18. - - Gugy, Conrad, and Loyalist refugees, 92; - accusation against, 93. - - - Haldimand, Sir Frederick, denounces indiscriminate vengeance, 42; - settles Loyalist refugees, 91-2, 97-9, 101, 102; - debars settling in Eastern Townships, 96; - on compensation to Loyalists, 116-17. - - Haliburton, T. C, on the Shelburne settlement, 69-70. - - Hauser, Frederick, 56; - on New Brunswick, 72. - - Holland, Major Samuel, surveys townships in Upper Canada, 98. - - Howe, General, and migration of the Loyalists, 54-5. - - Hutchinson, Thomas, disapproves of British policy, 11; - a comparison, 16; - persecution of, 21. - - - Indians in the American Revolution, barbarity of, 40; - their use deprecated, 41-2. - - - Jessup’s Corps, at Saratoga, 38; - settlement of, 100. - - Johnson, Sir William, 16; - his career, 35-6. - - Johnson, Sir John, escapes to Canada, 25; - incursions into United States, 34, 40-1; - raises ‘Royal Greens,’ 37; - charges of barbarity, 41; - supervises settlement of Loyalists, 99; - and Loyalist claims, 113; - superintendent of Indian Affairs, 116; - compensation paid to, 118; - his house, 128. - - Johnson, Lady, carried off a prisoner, 25. - - Johnson, Colonel Guy, raises Loyalist regiment, 37. - - - King’s American Dragoons, hard lot of, in New Brunswick, 75-6, 77. - - - Loughborough, Lord, on Britain’s desertion of the Loyalists, 48. - - Lower Canada, the Loyalists the indirect cause of an assembly being - granted to, 6. - - Loyalists, the, vilified by early writers, 1-2; - reparation made, 2; - honoured in Canada, 3; - effect of their exodus on United States, 4; - effect of their migration on Canadian history, 4-6; - subscribe to the principles of passive submission to authority and - the right of petition, 8-10; - disapprove of British policy, 11-12; - causes of increase in numbers, 12-14; - loyal toast, 14; - numbers and strength, 16-19; - persecution of, 20-31; - and the test laws, 26-8; - story of two Loyalists hanged in Philadelphia, 28; - some penalties, 29; - confiscation of property, 29-30; - lack initiative, 32; - success in battle, 33-4; - charges of barbarism against, 34-5; - charges refuted, 41-4; - some regiments of, 36-8, 73; - raids and incursions, 38-41; - their hopeless position at end of war, 45-52; - British betrayal of, 48-9; - Britain makes amends, 52; - migration to Nova Scotia, 53-61; - some statistics of Loyalists in Maritime Provinces, 63, 66, 68, 73; - the Shelburne settlement, 63-70; - migration to New Brunswick, 71-85; - Prince Edward Island, 86-90; - Quebec, 91-6; - Upper Canada, 97-111; - allowances to, 102-4; - compensation to, 112-16; - honours and grants to, 116-18; - their ‘Marke of Honor,’ 118-19; - their houses and furniture, 127-9; - clothing, 130-1; - means of exchange, 131-2; - social customs, 132; - schools and churches, 132-4; - their happy lot, 136-7. - - Loyalist regiments, settled in New Brunswick, 73; - their distress, 75-6; - when formed in Canada, 91; - settlement of, in Upper Canada, 34, 37, 38, 99-100. - - Loyal Rangers, 38; - at Wyoming valley, 39; - at Mohawk valley, 41. - - - Macdonell, Alexander, in ‘the ’45,’ 36; - his ideas of border warfare, 39; - barbarity of, 42. - - Machiche, Loyalist discontent at, 93-4. - - McKean, Thomas, on number of Loyalists, 18-19. - - Maclean, Colonel Allan, raises a Loyalist regiment, 37. - - Massachusetts, Loyalist migration from, 65-7. - - Mountain, Bishop, on religion in Upper Canada, 134. - - Montgomery, General Richard, in the American Revolution, 7. - - Mowat, Captain, and the Shelburne settlement, 67. - - - New Brunswick, candid view of Loyalist in, 14; - Governor Parr’s opinion of, 71; - Loyalist settlements in, 72-7; - erected into a province, 78-9; - Loyalists fill chief offices in, 80; - capital of, and election of representatives, 81-3; - means of communication in, 134-5. - - Newton, William, amusing case of, 84. - - New York, strength of Loyalists in, 17; - riots in, 22; - a strange order, 23; - and the test laws, 27; - and confiscation of Loyalist property, 30; - debts due to Loyalists cancelled, 46; - laws enacted against Loyalists, 51; - Sir Guy Carleton too much for congress of, 60. - - Niagara, Loyalist settlement at, 107-9. - - North, Lord, denounces Britain’s desertion of Loyalists, 48. - - Nova Scotia, migration of Loyalists to, 53-61; - uncomplimentary opinions of, 61-2, 64; - schools and churches in, 132-4. - - - Odell, Rev. Jonathan, a Loyalist, 80. - - Oliver, Andrew, persecution of, 21. - - Ontario. See Upper Canada. - - - Parr, John, governor of Nova Scotia, on the condition of Loyalist - refugees, 58-9; - and the Shelburne settlement, 65, 67-8; - on New Brunswick, 71; - and land grants in New Brunswick, 77, 79; - on social status of Loyalists in Nova Scotia, 83. - - Pennsylvania, strength of Loyalists in, 17; - and the test laws, 27. - - Prince Edward Island, Loyalists in, 63; - scurvy treatment, 86-90. - - Pullency, Sir William, and land speculation, 125. - - Pynchon, Joseph, and the Shelburne settlement, 65-6. - - - Quebec, Loyalist refugees flock to, 91; - settlements, 92-5; - all traces of lost, 95. - - - ‘Rivington’s Gazette’ on terms of peace, 49. - - Rochefoucauld, Duc de la, and the Americans in Upper Canada, 123-4; - on education at Cataraqui, 133. - - Rogers’s Rangers, settlement of, 100. - - ‘Royal Greens,’ or the King’s Royal Regiment, raised, 37; - at ambuscade of Oriskany, 38; - settlement of, 100. - - Royal Highland Emigrants, 37. - - - St John, social bitterness among Loyalists in, 82. - - Scottish Highlanders, rebels of ‘the ’45,’ become Loyalists, 36. - - Seabury, Dr, and the Loyalists, 56. - - Shelburne, story of the Loyalist settlement at, 63-70. - - Simcoe, Col. John Graves, and the U.E. regulation, 119; - his good work in Upper Canada, 122; - invites Americans to cross the border, 123; - and road-building, 135. - - Smart, Rev. William, on the Loyalists in Upper Canada, 111, 116. - - Sons of Liberty and the Loyalists, 23. - - Stamp Act, the, some effects of, 21. - - Stuart, Rev. John, at Cataraqui, 133. - - - Tarleton’s Loyal Cavalry, success in the Carolinas, 33-4. - - Tea duty, Loyalist objection to, 11. - - Test laws, tyranny of, 26; - not strictly enforced, 27. - - Tories, American, get support of English Tories, 7; - loyalty of, 8; - an Episcopalian party, 15; - a social comparison with Whigs, 16; - tarring and feathering of, 22, 23; - test laws, 27-30. - - Tryon, Governor, and Loyalist success, 34. - - - United Empire Loyalists, origin of name, 118-19. - See Loyalists. - - Upper Canada, migration of Loyalists into determines form of - government, 5-6; - Loyalists removed to, 95; - settlements in, 97-100; - ‘Family Compact’ party, 111; - names of districts in, 120-1; - Americans flock into, 123-5; - schools and churches in, 132-4; - means of communication, 134-5. - - - Van Alstine, Major, and settlement of Loyalists, 100, 111; - his grant, 117. - - Van Schaak, Peter, a Whig, disapproves of test laws, 26-7. - - Versailles, Peace of, and the Loyalists, 46-52. - - Virginia and the Loyalists, 17, 47. - - - Washington, George, his aversion to the idea of independence, 13; - a comparison, 16; - approves the persecution of Loyalists, 23-4; - on the Loyalist raids, 44; - refuses to treat with Loyalists, 45; - his advice to the Loyalists, 50. - - Whigs, American, get support of English Whigs, 7; - their change of front, 13; - a Presbyterian party, 15; - a social comparison with Tories, 16; - a powerful organization formed to stamp out Loyalism, 24-5; - and the test laws, 27. - - Winslow, Edward, on conditions of Loyalist refugees, 61; - on New Brunswick, 71-2, 75-6, 78, 80; - and the wealthy widow, 84; - on his house, 127-8. - - - - - -THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA - -Edited by George M. Wrong and H. H. Langton of the University of Toronto - - -A series of thirty-two freshly-written narratives for popular reading, -designed to set forth, in historic continuity, the principal events and -movements in Canada, from the Norse Voyages to the Railway Builders. - -PART I. THE FIRST EUROPEAN VISITORS - - 1. _The Dawn of Canadian History_ - A Chronicle of Aboriginal Canada - BY STEPHEN LEACOCK - - 2. _The Mariner of St Malo_ - A Chronicle of the Voyages of Jacques Cartier - BY STEPHEN LEACOCK - -PART II. THE RISE OF NEW FRANCE - - 3. _The Founder of New France_ - A Chronicle of Champlain - BY CHARLES W. COLBY - - 4. _The Jesuit Missions_ - A Chronicle of the Cross in the Wilderness - BY THOMAS GUTHRIE MARQUIS - - 5. _The Seigneurs of Old Canada_ - A Chronicle of New-World Feudalism - BY WILLIAM BENNETT MUNRO - - 6. _The Great Intendant_ - A Chronicle of Jean Talon - BY THOMAS CHAPAIS - - 7. _The Fighting Governor_ - A Chronicle of Frontenac - BY CHARLES W. COLBY - -PART III. THE ENGLISH INVASION - - 8. _The Great Fortress_ - A Chronicle of Louisbourg - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - 9. _The Acadian Exiles_ - A Chronicle of the Land of Evangeline - BY ARTHUR G. DOUGHTY - - 10. _The Passing of New France_ - A Chronicle of Montcalm - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - 11. _The Winning of Canada_ - A Chronicle of Wolfe - BY WILLIAM WOOD - -PART IV. THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH CANADA - - 12. _The Father of British Canada_ - A Chronicle of Carleton - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - 13. _The United Empire Loyalists_ - A Chronicle of the Great Migration - BY W. STEWART WALLACE - - 14. _The War with the United States_ - A Chronicle of 1812 - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - PART V. THE RED MAN IN CANADA - - 15. _The War Chief of the Ottawas_ - A Chronicle of the Pontiac War - BY THOMAS GUTHRIE MARQUIS - - 16. _The War Chief of the Six Nations_ - A Chronicle of Joseph Brant - BY LOUIS AUBREY WOOD - - 17. _Tecumseh_ - A Chronicle of the last Great Leader of his People - BY ETHEL T. RAYMOND - -PART VI. PIONEERS OF THE NORTH AND WEST - - 18. _The ‘Adventurers of England’ on Hudson Bay_ - A Chronicle of the Fur Trade in the North - BY AGNES C. LAUT - - 19. _Pathfinders of the Great Plains_ - A Chronicle of La Vérendrye and his Sons - BY LAWRENCE J. BURPEE - - 20. _Adventurers of the Far North_ - A Chronicle of the Arctic Seas - BY STEPHEN LEACOCK - - 21. _The Red River Colony_ - A Chronicle of the Beginnings of Manitoba - BY LOUIS AUBREY WOOD - - 22. _Pioneers of the Pacific Coast_ - A Chronicle of Sea Rovers and Fur Hunters - BY AGNES C. LAUT - - 23. _The Cariboo Trail_ - A Chronicle of the Gold-fields of British Columbia - BY AGNES C. LAUT - -PART VII. THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL FREEDOM - - 24. _The Family Compact_ - A Chronicle of the Rebellion in Upper Canada - BY W. STEWART WALLACE - - 25. _The Patriotes of ’37_ - A Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lower Canada - BY ALFRED D. DECELLES - - 26. _The Tribune of Nova Scotia_ - A Chronicle of Joseph Howe - BY WILLIAM LAWSON GRANT - - 27. _The Winning of Popular Government_ - A Chronicle of the Union of 1841 - BY ARCHIBALD MACMECHAN - -PART VIII. THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY - - 28. _The Fathers of Confederation_ - A Chronicle of the Birth of the Dominion - BY A. H. U. COLQUHOUN - - 29. _The Day of Sir John Macdonald_ - A Chronicle of the Early Years of the Dominion - BY SIR JOSEPH POPE - - 30. _The Day of Sir Wilfrid Laurier_ - A Chronicle of Our Own Times - BY OSCAR D. SKELTON - -PART IX. NATIONAL HIGHWAYS - - 31. _All Afloat_ - A Chronicle of Craft and Waterways - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - 32. _The Railway Builders_ - A Chronicle of Overland Highways - BY OSCAR D. SKELTON - - Published by - Glasgow, Brook & Company - TORONTO, CANADA - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE UNITED EMPIRE -LOYALISTS *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. 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