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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b098e7b --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #67356 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/67356) diff --git a/old/67356-0.txt b/old/67356-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index d2893bc..0000000 --- a/old/67356-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3749 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The United Empire Loyalists, by W. -Stewart Wallace - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The United Empire Loyalists - A Chronicle of the Great Migration - -Author: W. Stewart Wallace - -Release Date: February 7, 2022 [eBook #67356] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Marcia Brooks, Iona Vaughan, James Wright and the Online - Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE UNITED EMPIRE -LOYALISTS *** - - - - - - - _CHRONICLES OF CANADA_ - Edited by George M. Wrong and H. H. Langton - In thirty-two volumes - - 13 - - THE UNITED EMPIRE - LOYALISTS - - BY W. STEWART WALLACE - - _Part IV_ - _The Beginnings of British Canada_ - - - - -[Illustration: GEORGE III - -From the National Portrait Gallery] - - - - - THE - UNITED EMPIRE - LOYALISTS - - A Chronicle of the Great Migration - - BY - W. STEWART WALLACE - - [Illustration] - - TORONTO - GLASGOW, BROOK & COMPANY - 1920 - - _Copyright in all Countries subscribing to - the Berne Convention_ - - PRESS OF THE HUNTER-ROSE CO., LIMITED, TORONTO - - - - -CONTENTS - - - Page - - I. INTRODUCTORY 1 - - II. LOYALISM IN THE THIRTEEN COLONIES 7 - - III. PERSECUTION OF THE LOYALISTS 20 - - IV. THE LOYALISTS UNDER ARMS 32 - - V. PEACE WITHOUT HONOUR 45 - - VI. THE EXODUS TO NOVA SCOTIA 53 - - VII. THE BIRTH OF NEW BRUNSWICK 71 - - VIII. IN PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND 86 - - IX. THE LOYALISTS IN QUEBEC 91 - - X. THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS 97 - - XI. COMPENSATION AND HONOUR 112 - - XII. THE AMERICAN MIGRATION 120 - - XIII. THE LOYALIST IN HIS NEW HOME 127 - - BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 138 - - INDEX 143 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - GEORGE III _Frontispiece_ - From the National Portrait Gallery. - - LORD CORNWALLIS _Facing page_ 46 - From the National Portrait Gallery. - - UPPER AND LOWER CANADA AND THE MARITIME PROVINCES AT - THE TIME OF THE LOYALIST SETTLEMENTS ” 52 - Map by Bartholomew. - - THE FIRST GOVERNMENT HOUSE, FREDERICTON—BUILT 1787 ” 80 - - FACSIMILE OF CARD USED IN THE FIRST NEW BRUNSWICK - ELECTION, 1785 ” 82 - - SIR FREDERICK HALDIMAND ” 98 - After a contemporary painting. - - JOHN GRAVES SIMCOE ” 122 - From the bust in Exeter Cathedral. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -INTRODUCTORY - - -The United Empire Loyalists have suffered a strange fate at the hands of -historians. It is not too much to say that for nearly a century their -history was written by their enemies. English writers, for obvious -reasons, took little pleasure in dwelling on the American Revolution, and -most of the early accounts were therefore American in their origin. Any -one who takes the trouble to read these early accounts will be struck by -the amazing manner in which the Loyalists are treated. They are either -ignored entirely or else they are painted in the blackest colours. - - So vile a crew the world ne’er saw before, - And grant, ye pitying heavens, it may no more! - If ghosts from hell infest our poisoned air, - Those ghosts have entered these base bodies here. - Murder and blood is still their dear delight. - -So sang a ballad-monger of the Revolution; and the opinion which he -voiced persisted after him. According to some American historians of the -first half of the nineteenth century, the Loyalists were a comparatively -insignificant class of vicious criminals, and the people of the American -colonies were all but unanimous in their armed opposition to the British -government. - -Within recent years, however, there has been a change. American -historians of a new school have revised the history of the Revolution, -and a tardy reparation has been made to the memory of the Tories of -that day. Tyler, Van Tyne, Flick, and other writers have all made the -_amende honorable_ on behalf of their countrymen. Indeed, some of these -writers, in their anxiety to stand straight, have leaned backwards; and -by no one perhaps will the ultra-Tory view of the Revolution be found -so clearly expressed as by them. At the same time the history of the -Revolution has been rewritten by some English historians; and we have a -writer like Lecky declaring that the American Revolution ‘was the work -of an energetic minority, who succeeded in committing an undecided and -fluctuating majority to courses for which they had little love, and -leading them step by step to a position from which it was impossible to -recede.’ - -Thus, in the United States and in England, the pendulum has swung from -one extreme to the other. In Canada it has remained stationary. There, -in the country where they settled, the United Empire Loyalists are still -regarded with an uncritical veneration which has in it something of the -spirit of primitive ancestor-worship. The interest which Canadians have -taken in the Loyalists has been either patriotic or genealogical; and -few attempts have been made to tell their story in the cold light of -impartial history, or to estimate the results which have flowed from -their migration. Yet such an attempt is worth while making—an attempt to -do the United Empire Loyalists the honour of painting them as they were, -and of describing the profound and far-reaching influences which they -exerted on the history of both Canada and the United States. - -In the history of the United States the exodus of the Loyalists is an -event comparable only to the expulsion of the Huguenots from France -after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The Loyalists, whatever -their social status (and they were not all aristocrats), represented -the conservative and moderate element in the revolting states; and -their removal, whether by banishment or disfranchisement, meant the -elimination of a very wholesome element in the body politic. To this -were due in part no doubt many of the early errors of the republic in -finance, diplomacy, and politics. At the same time it was a circumstance -which must have hastened by many years the triumph of democracy. In the -tenure of land, for example, the emigration produced a revolution. The -confiscated estates of the great Tory landowners were in most cases cut -up into small lots and sold to the common people; and thus the process -of levelling and making more democratic the whole social structure was -accelerated. - -On the Canadian body politic the impress of the Loyalist migration is so -deep that it would be difficult to overestimate it. It is no exaggeration -to say that the United Empire Loyalists changed the course of the current -of Canadian history. Before 1783 the clearest observers saw no future -before Canada but that of a French colony under the British crown. -‘Barring a catastrophe shocking to think of,’ wrote Sir Guy Carleton in -1767, ‘this country must, to the end of time, be peopled by the Canadian -race, who have already taken such firm root, and got to so great a -height, that any new stock transplanted will be totally hid, except in -the towns of Quebec and Montreal.’ Just how discerning this prophecy was -may be judged from the fact that even to-day it holds true with regard to -the districts that were settled at the time it was written. What rendered -it void was the unexpected influx of the refugees of the Revolution. -The effect of this immigration was to create two new English-speaking -provinces, New Brunswick and Upper Canada, and to strengthen the English -element in two other provinces, Lower Canada and Nova Scotia, so that -ultimately the French population in Canada was outnumbered by the -English population surrounding it. Nor should the character of this -English immigration escape notice. It was not only English; but it was -also filled with a passionate loyalty to the British crown. This fact -serves to explain a great deal in later Canadian history. Before 1783 -the continuance of Canada in the British Empire was by no means assured: -after 1783 the Imperial tie was well-knit. - -Nor can there be any doubt that the coming of the Loyalists hastened -the advent of free institutions. It was the settlement of Upper Canada -that rendered the Quebec Act of 1774 obsolete, and made necessary the -Constitutional Act of 1791, which granted to the Canadas representative -assemblies. The Loyalists were Tories and Imperialists; but, in the -colonies from which they came, they had been accustomed to a very -advanced type of democratic government, and it was not to be expected -that they would quietly reconcile themselves in their new home to the -arbitrary system of the Quebec Act. The French Canadians, on the other -hand, had not been accustomed to representative institutions, and did -not desire them. But when Upper Canada was granted an assembly, it was -impossible not to grant an assembly to Lower Canada too; and so Canada -was started on that road of constitutional development which has brought -her to her present position as a self-governing unit in the British -Empire. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -LOYALISM IN THE THIRTEEN COLONIES - - -It was a remark of John Fiske that the American Revolution was merely a -phase of English party politics in the eighteenth century. In this view -there is undoubtedly an element of truth. The Revolution was a struggle -within the British Empire, in which were aligned on one side the American -Whigs supported by the English Whigs, and on the other side the English -Tories supported by the American Tories. The leaders of the Whig party -in England, Charles James Fox, Edmund Burke, Colonel Barré, the great -Chatham himself, all championed the cause of the American revolutionists -in the English parliament. There were many cases of Whig officers in the -English army who refused to serve against the rebels in America. General -Richard Montgomery, who led the revolutionists in their attack on Quebec -in 1775-76, furnishes the case of an English officer who, having resigned -his commission, came to America and, on the outbreak of the rebellion, -took service in the rebel forces. On the other hand there were thousands -of American Tories who took service under the king’s banner; and some of -the severest defeats which the rebel forces suffered were encountered at -their hands. - -It would be a mistake, however, to identify too closely the parties in -England with the parties in America. The old Tory party in England was -very different from the so-called Tory party in America. The term Tory -in America was, as a matter of fact, an epithet of derision applied -by the revolutionists to all who opposed them. The opponents of the -revolutionists called themselves not Tories, but Loyalists or ‘friends of -government.’ - -There were, it is true, among the Loyalists not a few who held language -that smacked of Toryism. Among the Loyalist pamphleteers there were those -who preached the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance. Thus -the Rev. Jonathan Boucher, a clergyman of Virginia, wrote: - - Having then, my brethren, thus long been tossed to and fro in - a wearisome circle of uncertain traditions, or in speculations - and projects still more uncertain, concerning government, what - better can you do than, following the apostle’s advice, ‘to - submit yourselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s - sake; whether it be to the king as supreme, or unto governors, - as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of - evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well? For, so is - the will of God, that with well-doing ye may put to silence the - ignorance of foolish men; as free, and not using your liberty - for a cloak of maliciousness, but as servants of God. Honour - all men: love the brotherhood: fear God: honour the king.’ - -Jonathan Boucher subscribed to the doctrine of the divine right of kings: - - Copying after the fair model of heaven itself, wherein there - was government even among the angels, the families of the earth - were subjected to rulers, at first set over them by God. ‘For - there is no power, but of God: the powers that be are ordained - of God.’ The first father was the first king.... Hence it is, - that our church, in perfect conformity with the doctrine here - inculcated, in her explication of the fifth commandment, from - the obedience due to parents, wisely derives the congenial duty - of ‘honouring the king, and all that are put in authority under - him.’ - -Dr Myles Cooper, the president of King’s College, took up similar ground. -God, he said, established the laws of government, ordained the British -power, and commanded all to obey authority. ‘The laws of heaven and -earth’ forbade rebellion. To threaten open disrespect of government was -‘an unpardonable crime.’ ‘The principles of submission and obedience to -lawful authority’ were religious duties. - -But even Jonathan Boucher and Myles Cooper did not apply these doctrines -without reserve. They both upheld the sacred right of petition and -remonstrance. ‘It is your duty,’ wrote Boucher, ‘to instruct your members -to take all the constitutional means in their power to obtain redress.’ -Both he and Cooper deplored the policy of the British ministry. Cooper -declared the Stamp Act to be contrary to American rights; he approved -of the opposition to the duties on the enumerated articles; and he was -inclined to think the duty on tea ‘dangerous to constitutional liberty.’ - -It may be confidently asserted that the great majority of the American -Loyalists, in fact, did not approve of the course pursued by the British -government between 1765 and 1774. They did not deny its legality; -but they doubted as a rule either its wisdom or its justice. Thomas -Hutchinson, the governor of Massachusetts, one of the most famous and -most hated of the Loyalists, went to England, if we are to believe his -private letters, with the secret ambition of obtaining the repeal of the -act which closed Boston harbour. Joseph Galloway, another of the Loyalist -leaders, and the author of the last serious attempt at conciliation, -actually sat in the first Continental Congress, which was called with -the object of obtaining the redress of what Galloway himself described -as ‘the grievances justly complained of.’ Still more instructive is the -case of Daniel Dulany of Maryland. Dulany, one of the most distinguished -lawyers of his time, was after the Declaration of Independence denounced -as a Tory; his property was confiscated, and the safety of his person -imperilled. Yet at the beginning of the Revolution he had been found in -the ranks of the Whig pamphleteers; and no more damaging attack was -ever made on the policy of the British government than that contained in -his _Considerations on the Propriety of Imposing Taxes in the British -Colonies_. When the elder Pitt attacked the Stamp Act in the House of -Commons in January 1766, he borrowed most of his argument from this -pamphlet, which had appeared three months before. - -This difficulty which many of the Loyalists felt with regard to the -justice of the position taken up by the British government greatly -weakened the hands of the Loyalist party in the early stages of the -Revolution. It was only as the Revolution gained momentum that the party -grew in vigour and numbers. A variety of factors contributed to this -result. In the first place there were the excesses of the revolutionary -mob. When the mob took to sacking private houses, driving clergymen -out of their pulpits, and tarring and feathering respectable citizens, -there were doubtless many law-abiding people who became Tories in spite -of themselves. Later on, the methods of the inquisitorial communities -possibly made Tories out of some who were the victims of their -attentions. The outbreak of armed rebellion must have shocked many into -a reactionary attitude. It was of these that a Whig satirist wrote, -quoting: - - This word, Rebellion, hath frozen them up, - Like fish in a pond. - -But the event which brought the greatest reinforcement to the Loyalist -ranks was the Declaration of Independence. Six months before the -Declaration of Independence was passed by the Continental Congress, the -Whig leaders had been almost unanimous in repudiating any intention of -severing the connection between the mother country and the colonies. -Benjamin Franklin told Lord Chatham that he had never heard in America -one word in favour of independence ‘from any person, drunk or sober.’ -Jonathan Boucher says that Washington told him in the summer of 1775 -‘that if ever I heard of his joining in any such measures, I had his -leave to set him down for everything wicked.’ As late as Christmas Day -1775 the revolutionary congress of New Hampshire officially proclaimed -their disavowal of any purpose ‘aiming at independence.’ Instances such -as these could be reproduced indefinitely. When, therefore, the Whig -leaders in the summer of 1776 made their right-about-face with regard -to independence, it is not surprising that some of their followers fell -away from them. Among these were many who were heartily opposed to the -measures of the British government, and who had even approved of the -policy of armed rebellion, but who could not forget that they were born -British subjects. They drank to the toast, ‘My country, may she always be -right; but right or wrong, my country.’ - -Other motives influenced the growth of the Loyalist party. There -were those who opposed the Revolution because they were dependent on -government for their livelihood, royal office-holders and Anglican -clergymen for instance. There were those who were Loyalists because they -thought they had picked the winning side, such as the man who candidly -wrote from New Brunswick in 1788, ‘I have made one great mistake in -politics, for which reason I never intend to make so great a blunder -again.’ Many espoused the cause because they were natives of the British -Isles, and had not become thoroughly saturated with American ideas: of -the claimants for compensation before the Royal Commissioners after -the war almost two-thirds were persons who had been born in England, -Scotland, or Ireland. In some of the colonies the struggle between Whig -and Tory followed older party lines: this was especially true in New -York, where the Livingston or Presbyterian party became Whig and the -De Lancey or Episcopalian party Tory. Curiously enough the cleavage -in many places followed religious lines. The members of the Church -of England were in the main Loyalists; the Presbyterians were in the -main revolutionists. The revolutionist cause was often strongest in -those colonies, such as Connecticut, where the Church of England was -weakest. But the division was far from being a strict one. There were -even members of the Church of England in the Boston Tea Party; and there -were Presbyterians among the exiles who went to Canada and Nova Scotia. -The Revolution was not in any sense a religious war; but religious -differences contributed to embitter the conflict, and doubtless made -Whigs or Tories of people who had no other interest at stake. - -It is commonly supposed that the Loyalists drew their strength from the -upper classes in the colonies, while the revolutionists drew theirs -from the proletariat. There is just enough truth in this to make it -misleading. It is true that among the official classes and the large -landowners, among the clergymen, lawyers, and physicians, the majority -were Loyalists; and it is true that the mob was everywhere revolutionist. -But it cannot be said that the Revolution was in any sense a war of -social classes. In it father was arrayed against son and brother against -brother. Benjamin Franklin was a Whig; his son, Sir William Franklin, was -a Tory. In the valley of the Susquehanna the Tory Colonel John Butler, -of Butler’s Rangers, found himself confronted by his Whig cousins, -Colonel William Butler and Colonel Zeb Butler. George Washington, Thomas -Jefferson, John Adams, were not inferior in social status to Sir William -Johnson, Thomas Hutchinson, and Joseph Galloway. And, on the other hand, -there were no humbler peasants in the revolutionary ranks than some of -the Loyalist farmers who migrated to Upper Canada in 1783. All that can -be said is that the Loyalists were most numerous among those classes -which had most to lose by the change, and least numerous among those -classes which had least to lose. - -Much labour has been spent on the problem of the numbers of the -Loyalists. No means of numbering political opinions was resorted to at -the time of the Revolution, so that satisfactory statistics are not -available. There was, moreover, throughout the contest a good deal of -going and coming between the Whig and Tory camps, which makes an estimate -still more difficult. ‘I have been struck,’ wrote Lorenzo Sabine, ‘in -the course of my investigations, with the absence of fixed principles, -not only among people in the common walks of life, but in many of the -prominent personages of the day.’ Alexander Hamilton, for instance, -deserted from the Tories to the Whigs; Benedict Arnold deserted from the -Whigs to the Tories. - -The Loyalists themselves always maintained that they constituted an -actual majority in the Thirteen Colonies. In 1779 they professed to -have more troops in the field than the Continental Congress. These -statements were no doubt exaggerations. The fact is that the strength -of the Loyalists was very unevenly distributed. In the colony of -New York they may well have been in the majority. They were strong -also in Pennsylvania, so strong that an officer of the revolutionary -army described that colony as ‘the enemies’ country.’ ‘New York and -Pennsylvania,’ wrote John Adams years afterwards, ‘were so nearly -divided—if their propensity was not against us—that if New England on one -side and Virginia on the other had not kept them in awe, they would have -joined the British.’ In Georgia the Loyalists were in so large a majority -that in 1781 that colony would probably have detached itself from the -revolutionary movement had it not been for the surrender of Cornwallis at -Yorktown. On the other hand, in the New England colonies the Loyalists -were a small minority, strongest perhaps in Connecticut, and yet even -there predominant only in one or two towns. - -There were in the Thirteen Colonies at the time of the Revolution in -the neighbourhood of three million people. Of these it is probable that -at least one million were Loyalists. This estimate is supported by the -opinion of John Adams, who was well qualified to form a judgment, and -whose Whig sympathies were not likely to incline him to exaggerate. -He gave it as his opinion more than once that about one-third of the -people of the Thirteen Colonies had been opposed to the measures of the -Revolution in all its stages. This estimate he once mentioned in a letter -to Thomas McKean, chief justice of Pennsylvania, who had signed the -Declaration of Independence, and had been a member of every Continental -Congress from that of 1765 to the close of the Revolution; and McKean -replied, ‘You say that ... about a third of the people of the colonies -were against the Revolution. It required much reflection before I could -fix my opinion on this subject; but on mature deliberation I conclude -you are right, and that more than a third of influential characters were -against it.’ - - - - -CHAPTER III - -PERSECUTION OF THE LOYALISTS - - -In the autumn of the year 1779 an English poet, writing in the seclusion -of his garden at Olney, paid his respects to the American revolutionists -in the following lines: - - Yon roaring boys, who rave and fight - On t’ other side the Atlantic, - I always held them in the right, - But most so when most frantic. - - When lawless mobs insult the court, - That man shall be my toast, - If breaking windows be the sport, - Who bravely breaks the most. - - But oh! for him my fancy culls - The choicest flowers she bears, - Who constitutionally pulls - Your house about your ears. - -When William Cowper wrote these lines, his sources of information with -regard to affairs in America were probably slight; but had he been -writing at the seat of war he could not have touched off the treatment of -the Loyalists by the revolutionists with more effective irony. - -There were two kinds of persecution to which the Loyalists were -subjected—that which was perpetrated by ‘lawless mobs,’ and that which -was carried out ‘constitutionally.’ - -It was at the hands of the mob that the Loyalists first suffered -persecution. Probably the worst of the revolutionary mobs was that which -paraded the streets of Boston. In 1765, at the time of the Stamp Act -agitation, large crowds in Boston attacked and destroyed the magnificent -houses of Andrew Oliver and Thomas Hutchinson. They broke down the doors -with broadaxes, destroyed the furniture, stole the money and jewels, -scattered the books and papers, and, having drunk the wines in the -cellar, proceeded to the dismantling of the roof and walls. The owners of -the houses barely escaped with their lives. In 1768 the same mob wantonly -attacked the British troops in Boston, and so precipitated what American -historians used to term ‘the Boston Massacre’; and in 1773 the famous -band of ‘Boston Indians’ threw the tea into Boston harbour. - -In other places the excesses of the mob were nearly as great. In New York -they were active in destroying printing-presses from which had issued -Tory pamphlets, in breaking windows of private houses, in stealing live -stock and personal effects, and in destroying property. A favourite -pastime was tarring and feathering ‘obnoxious Tories.’ This consisted in -stripping the victim naked, smearing him with a coat of tar and feathers, -and parading him about the streets in a cart for the contemplation of -his neighbours. Another amusement was making Tories ride the rail. This -consisted in putting the ‘unhappy victims upon sharp rails with one leg -on each side; each rail was carried upon the shoulders of two tall men, -with a man on each side to keep the poor wretch straight and fixed in his -seat.’ - -Even clergymen were not free from the attentions of the mob. The Rev. -Jonathan Boucher tells us that he was compelled to preach with loaded -pistols placed on the pulpit cushions beside him. On one occasion he -was prevented from entering the pulpit by two hundred armed men, whose -leader warned him not to attempt to preach. ‘I returned for answer,’ says -Boucher, ‘that there was but one way by which they could keep me out -of it, and that was by taking away my life. At the proper time, with -my sermon in one hand and a loaded pistol in the other, like Nehemiah I -prepared to ascend my pulpit, when one of my friends, Mr David Crauford, -having got behind me, threw his arms round me and held me fast. He -assured me that he had heard the most positive orders given to twenty -men picked out for the purpose, to fire on me the moment I got into the -pulpit.’ - -That the practices of the mob were not frowned upon by the revolutionary -leaders, there is good reason for believing. The provincial Congress -of New York, in December 1776, went so far as to order the committee -of public safety to secure all the pitch and tar ‘necessary for the -public use and public safety.’ Even Washington seems to have approved of -persecution of the Tories by the mob. In 1776 General Putnam, meeting a -procession of the Sons of Liberty who were parading a number of Tories -on rails up and down the streets of New York, attempted to put a stop to -the barbarous proceeding. Washington, on hearing of this, administered -a reprimand to Putnam, declaring ‘that to discourage such proceedings -was to injure the cause of liberty in which they were engaged, and that -nobody would attempt it but an enemy to his country.’ - -Very early in the Revolution the Whigs began to organize. They first -formed themselves into local associations, similar to the Puritan -associations in the Great Rebellion in England, and announced that they -would ‘hold all those persons inimical to the liberties of the colonies -who shall refuse to subscribe this association.’ In connection with these -associations there sprang up local committees. - - From garrets, cellars, rushing through the street, - The new-born statesmen in committee meet, - -sang a Loyalist verse-writer. Very soon there was completed an -organization, stretching from the Continental Congress and the provincial -congresses at one end down to the pettiest parish committees on the -other, which was destined to prove a most effective engine for stamping -out loyalism, and which was to contribute in no small degree to the -success of the Revolution. - -Though the action of the mob never entirely disappeared, the persecution -of the Tories was taken over, as soon as the Revolution got under way, -by this semi-official organization. What usually happened was that the -Continental or provincial Congress laid down the general policy to be -followed, and the local committees carried it out in detail. Thus, when -early in 1776 the Continental Congress recommended the disarming of the -Tories, it was the local committees which carried the recommendation -into effect. During this early period the conduct of the revolutionary -authorities was remarkably moderate. They arrested the Tories, tried -them, held them at bail for their good behaviour, quarantined them in -their houses, exiled them to other districts, but only in extreme cases -did they imprison them. There was, of course, a good deal of hardship -entailed on the Tories; and occasionally the agents of the revolutionary -committees acted without authority, as when Colonel Dayton, who was sent -to arrest Sir John Johnson at his home in the Mohawk valley, sacked -Johnson Hall and carried off Lady Johnson a prisoner, on finding that Sir -John Johnson had escaped to Canada with many of his Highland retainers. -But, as a rule, in this early period, the measures taken both by the -revolutionary committees and by the army officers were easily defensible -on the ground of military necessity. - -But with the Declaration of Independence a new order of things was -inaugurated. That measure revolutionized the political situation. With -the severance of the Imperial tie, loyalism became tantamount to treason -to the state; and Loyalists laid themselves open to all the penalties of -treason. The Declaration of Independence was followed by the test laws. -These laws compelled every one to abjure allegiance to the British crown, -and swear allegiance to the state in which he resided. A record was kept -of those who took the oath, and to them were given certificates without -which no traveller was safe from arrest. Those who failed to take the -oath became liable to imprisonment, confiscation of property, banishment, -and even death. - -Even among the Whigs there was a good deal of opposition to the test -laws. Peter Van Schaak, a moderate Whig of New York state, so strongly -disapproved of the test laws that he seceded from the revolutionary -party. ‘Had you,’ he wrote, ‘at the beginning of the war, permitted every -one differing in sentiment from you, to take the other side, or at least -to have removed out of the State, with their property ... it would have -been a conduct magnanimous and just. But, now, after restraining those -persons from removing; punishing them, if, in the attempt, they were -apprehended; selling their estates if they escaped; compelling them to -the duties of subjects under heavy penalties; deriving aid from them in -the prosecution of the war ... now to compel them to take an oath is an -act of severity.’ - -Of course, the test laws were not rigidly or universally enforced. In -Pennsylvania only a small proportion of the population took the oath. In -New York, out of one thousand Tories arrested for failure to take the -oath, six hundred were allowed to go on bail, and the rest were merely -acquitted or imprisoned. On the whole the American revolutionists were -not bloody-minded men; they inaugurated no September Massacres, no Reign -of Terror, no _dragonnades_. There was a distinct aversion among them to -applying the death penalty. ‘We shall have many unhappy persons to take -their trials for their life next Oyer court,’ wrote a North Carolina -patriot. ‘Law should be strictly adhered to, severity exercised, but the -doors of mercy should never be shut.’ - -The test laws, nevertheless, and the other discriminating laws passed -against the Loyalists provided the excuse for a great deal of barbarism -and ruthlessness. In Pennsylvania bills of attainder were passed against -no fewer than four hundred and ninety persons. The property of nearly all -these persons was confiscated, and several of them were put to death. A -detailed account has come down to us of the hanging of two Loyalists of -Philadelphia named Roberts and Carlisle. These two men had shown great -zeal for the king’s cause when the British Army was in Philadelphia. -After Philadelphia was evacuated, they were seized by the Whigs, tried, -and condemned to be hanged. Roberts’s wife and children went before -Congress and on their knees begged for mercy; but in vain. One November -morning of 1778 the two men were marched to the gallows, with halters -round their necks. At the gallows, wrote a spectator, Roberts’s behaviour -‘did honour to human nature.’ - - He nothing common did or mean - Upon that memorable scene - -Addressing the spectators, he told them that his conscience acquitted him -of guilt; that he suffered for doing his duty to his sovereign; and that -his blood would one day be required at their hands. Then he turned to his -children and charged them to remember the principles for which he died, -and to adhere to them while they had breath. - -But if these judicial murders were few and far between, in other respects -the revolutionists showed the Tories little mercy. Both those who -remained in the country and those who fled from it were subjected to an -attack on their personal fortunes which gradually impoverished them. -This was carried on at first by a nibbling system of fines and special -taxation. Loyalists were fined for evading military service, for the hire -of substitutes, for any manifestation of loyalty. They were subjected -to double and treble taxes; and in New York and South Carolina they -had to make good all robberies committed in their counties. Then the -revolutionary leaders turned to the expedient of confiscation. From the -very first some of the patriots, without doubt, had an eye on Loyalist -property; and when the coffers of the Continental Congress had been -emptied, the idea gained ground that the Revolution might be financed -by the confiscation of Loyalist estates. Late in 1777 the plan was -embodied in a resolution of the Continental Congress, and the states were -recommended to invest the proceeds in continental loan certificates. The -idea proved very popular; and in spite of a great deal of corruption -in connection with the sale and transfer of the land, large sums found -their way as a result into the state exchequers. In New York alone over -£3,600,000 worth of property was acquired by the state. - -The Tory who refused to take the oath of allegiance became in fact -an outlaw. He did not have in the courts of law even the rights of a -foreigner. If his neighbours owed him money, he had no legal redress. -He might be assaulted, insulted, blackmailed, or slandered, yet the law -granted him no remedy. No relative or friend could leave an orphan child -to his guardianship. He could be the executor or administrator of no -man’s estate. He could neither buy land nor transfer it to another. If he -was a lawyer, he was denied the right to practise his profession. - -This strict legal view of the status of the Loyalist may not have been -always and everywhere enforced. There were Loyalists, such as the Rev. -Mather Byles of Boston, who refused to be molested, and who survived the -Revolution unharmed. But when all allowance is made for these exceptions, -it is not difficult to understand how the great majority of avowed Tories -came to take refuge within the British lines, to enlist under the -British flag, and, when the Revolution had proved successful, to leave -their homes for ever and begin life anew amid other surroundings. The -persecution to which they were subjected left them no alternative. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE LOYALISTS UNDER ARMS - - -It has been charged against the Loyalists, and the charge cannot be -denied, that at the beginning of the Revolution they lacked initiative, -and were slow to organize and defend themselves. It was not, in fact, -until 1776 that Loyalist regiments began to be formed on an extensive -scale. There were several reasons why this was so. In the first place a -great many of the Loyalists, as has been pointed out, were not at the -outset in complete sympathy with the policy of the British government; -and those who might have been willing to take up arms were very early -disarmed and intimidated by the energy of the revolutionary authorities. -In the second place that very conservatism which made the Loyalists draw -back from revolution hindered them from taking arms until the king gave -them commissions and provided facilities for military organization. And -there is no fact better attested in the history of the Revolution than -the failure of the British authorities to understand until it was too -late the great advantages to be derived from the employment of Loyalist -levies. The truth is that the British officers did not think much more -highly of the Loyalists than they did of the rebels. For both they had -the Briton’s contempt for the colonial, and the professional soldier’s -contempt for the armed civilian. - -Had more use been made of the Tories, the military history of the -Revolution might have been very different. They understood the conditions -of warfare in the New World much better than the British regulars or the -German mercenaries. Had the advice of prominent Loyalists been accepted -by the British commander at the battle of Bunker’s Hill, it is highly -probable that there would have been none of that carnage in the British -ranks which made of the victory a virtual defeat. It was said that -Burgoyne’s early successes were largely due to the skill with which he -used his Loyalist auxiliaries. And in the latter part of the war, it must -be confessed that the successes of the Loyalist troops far outshone those -of the British regulars. In the Carolinas Tarleton’s Loyal Cavalry swept -everything before them, until their defeat at the Cowpens by Daniel -Morgan. In southern New York Governor Tryon’s levies carried fire and -sword up the Hudson, into ‘Indigo Connecticut,’ and over into New Jersey. -Along the northern frontier, the Loyalist forces commanded by Sir John -Johnson and Colonel Butler made repeated incursions into the Mohawk, -Schoharie, and Wyoming valleys and, in each case, after leaving a trail -of desolation behind them, they withdrew to the Canadian border in good -order. The trouble was that, owing to the stupidity and incapacity of -Lord George Germain, the British minister who was more than any other man -responsible for the misconduct of the American War, these expeditions -were not made part of a properly concerted plan; and so they sank into -the category of isolated raids. - -From the point of view of Canadian history, the most interesting of these -expeditions were those conducted by Sir John Johnson and Colonel Butler. -They were carried on with the Canadian border as their base-line. It -was by the men who were engaged in them that Upper Canada was at first -largely settled; and for a century and a quarter there have been levelled -against these men by American and even by English writers charges of -barbarism and inhumanity about which Canadians in particular are -interested to know the truth. - -Most of Johnson’s and Butler’s men came from central or northern New -York. To explain how this came about it is necessary to make an excursion -into previous history. In 1738 there had come out to America a young -Irishman of good family named William Johnson. The famous naval hero, Sir -Peter Warren, who was an uncle of Johnson, had large tracts of land in -the Mohawk valley, in northern New York. These estates he employed his -nephew in administering; and, when he died, he bequeathed them to him. In -the meantime William Johnson had begun to improve his opportunities. He -had built up a prosperous trade with the Indians; he had learned their -language and studied their ways; and he had gained such an ascendancy -over them that he came to be known as ‘the Indian-tamer,’ and was -appointed the British superintendent-general for Indian Affairs. In the -Seven Years’ War he served with great distinction against the French. He -defeated Baron Dieskau at Lake George in 1755, and he captured Niagara -in 1759; for the first of these services he was created a baronet, and -received a pension of £5000 a year. During his later years he lived at -his house, Johnson Hall, on the Mohawk river; and he died in 1774, on the -eve of the American Revolution, leaving his title and his vast estates to -his only son, Sir John. - -Just before his death Sir William Johnson had interested himself in -schemes for the colonization of his lands. In these he was remarkably -successful. He secured in the main two classes of immigrants, Germans -and Scottish Highlanders. Of the Highlanders he must have induced more -than one thousand to emigrate from Scotland, some of them as late as -1773. Many of them had been Jacobites; some of them had seen service -at Culloden Moor; and one of them, Alexander Macdonell, whose son -subsequently sat in the first legislature of Upper Canada, had been on -Bonnie Prince Charlie’s personal staff. These men had no love for the -Hanoverians; but their loyalty to their new chieftain, and their lack of -sympathy with American ideals, kept them at the time of the Revolution -true almost without exception to the British cause. King George had no -more faithful allies in the New World than these rebels of the ’45. - -They were the first of the Loyalists to arm and organize themselves. -In the summer of 1775 Colonel Allan Maclean, a Scottish officer in -the English army, aided by Colonel Guy Johnson, a brother-in-law of -Sir John Johnson, raised a regiment in the Mohawk valley known as the -Royal Highland Emigrants, which he took to Canada, and which did good -service against the American invaders under Montgomery in the autumn -of the same year. In the spring of 1776 Sir John Johnson received word -that the revolutionary authorities had determined on his arrest, and -he was compelled to flee from Johnson Hall to Canada. With him he took -three hundred of his Scottish dependants; and he was followed by the -Mohawk Indians under their famous chief, Joseph Brant. In Canada Johnson -received a colonel’s commission to raise two Loyalist battalions of five -hundred men each, to be known as the King’s Royal Regiment of New York. -The full complement was soon made up from the numbers of Loyalists who -flocked across the border from other counties of northern New York; and -Sir John Johnson’s ‘Royal Greens,’ as they were commonly called, were -in the thick of nearly every border foray from that time until the end -of the war. It was by these men that the north shore of the St Lawrence -river, between Montreal and Kingston, was mainly settled. As the tide of -refugees swelled, other regiments were formed. Colonel John Butler, one -of Sir John Johnson’s right-hand men, organized his Loyal Rangers, a body -of irregular troops who adopted, with modifications, the Indian method of -warfare. It was against this corps that some of the most serious charges -of brutality and bloodthirstiness were made by American historians; -and it was by this corps that the Niagara district of Upper Canada was -settled after the war. - -It is not possible here to give more than a brief sketch of the -operations of these troops. In 1777 they formed an important part of -the forces with which General Burgoyne, by way of Lake Champlain, and -Colonel St Leger, by way of Oswego, attempted, unsuccessfully, to reach -Albany. An offshoot of the first battalion of the ‘Royal Greens,’ known -as Jessup’s Corps, was with Burgoyne at Saratoga; and the rest of the -regiment was with St Leger, under the command of Sir John Johnson -himself. The ambuscade of Oriskany, where Sir John Johnson’s men first -met their Whig neighbours and relatives, who were defending Fort Stanwix, -was one of the bloodiest battles of the war. Its ‘fratricidal butchery’ -denuded the Mohawk valley of most of its male population; and it was said -that if Tryon county ‘smiled again during the war, it smiled through -tears.’ The battle was inconclusive, so bitterly was it contested; but it -was successful in stemming the advance of St Leger’s forces. - -The next year (1778) there was an outbreak of sporadic raiding all along -the border. Alexander Macdonell, the former aide-de-camp of Bonnie Prince -Charlie, fell with three hundred Loyalists on the Dutch settlements of -the Schoharie valley and laid them waste. Macdonell’s ideas of border -warfare were derived from his Highland ancestors; and, as he expected -no quarter, he gave none. Colonel Butler, with his Rangers and a party -of Indians, descended into the valley of Wyoming, which was a sort of -debatable ground between Connecticut and Pennsylvania, and carried fire -and sword through the settlements there. This raid was commemorated -by Thomas Campbell in a most unhistorical poem entitled _Gertrude of -Wyoming_: - - On Susquehana’s side, fair Wyoming! - Although the wild-flower on thy ruined wall - And roofless homes a sad remembrance bring - Of what thy gentle people did befall. - -Later in the year Walter Butler, the son of Colonel John Butler, and -Joseph Brant, with a party of Loyalists and Mohawks, made a similar -inroad on Cherry Valley, south of Springfield in the state of New York. -On this occasion Brant’s Indians got beyond control, and more than fifty -defenceless old men, women, and children were slaughtered in cold blood. - -The Americans took their revenge the following year. A large force under -General Sullivan invaded the settlements of the Six Nations Indians in -the Chemung and Genesee valleys, and exacted an eye for an eye and a -tooth for a tooth. They burned the villages, destroyed the crops, and -turned the helpless women and children out to face the coming winter. -Most of the Indians during the winter of 1779-80 were dependent on the -mercy of the British commissaries. - -This kind of warfare tends to perpetuate itself indefinitely. In 1780 -the Loyalists and Indians returned to the attack. In May Sir John -Johnson with his ‘Royal Greens’ made a descent into the Mohawk valley, -fell upon his ‘rebellious birthplace,’ and carried off rich booty and -many prisoners. In the early autumn, with a force composed of his own -regiment, two hundred of Butler’s Rangers, and some regulars and Indians, -he crossed over to the Schoharie valley, devastated it, and then returned -to the Mohawk valley, where he completed the work of the previous spring. -All attempts to crush him failed. At the battle of Fox’s Mills he escaped -defeat or capture by the American forces under General Van Rensselaer -largely on account of the dense smoke with which the air was filled from -the burning of barns and villages. - -How far the Loyalists under Johnson and Butler were open to the charges -of inhumanity and barbarism so often levelled against them, is difficult -to determine. The charges are based almost wholly on unsubstantial -tradition. The greater part of the excesses complained of, it is safe to -say, were perpetrated by the Indians; and Sir John Johnson and Colonel -Butler can no more be blamed for the excesses of the Indians at Cherry -Valley than Montcalm can be blamed for their excesses at Fort William -Henry. It was unfortunate that the military opinion of that day regarded -the use of savages as necessary, and no one deplored this use more than -men like Haldimand and Carleton; but Washington and the Continental -Congress were as ready to receive the aid of the Indians as were the -British. The difficulty of the Americans was that most of the Indians -were on the other side. - -That there were, however, atrocities committed by the Loyalists cannot -be doubted. Sir John Johnson himself told the revolutionists that ‘their -Tory neighbours, and not himself, were blameable for those acts.’ There -are well-authenticated cases of atrocities committed by Alexander -Macdonell: in 1781 he ordered his men to shoot down a prisoner taken -near Johnstown, and when the men bungled their task, Macdonell cut the -prisoner down with his broadsword. When Colonel Butler returned from -Cherry Valley, Sir Frederick Haldimand refused to see him, and wrote to -him that ‘such indiscriminate vengeance taken even upon the treacherous -and cruel enemy they are engaged against is useless and disreputable to -themselves, as it is contrary to the disposition and maxims of their King -whose cause they are fighting.’ - -But rumour exaggerated whatever atrocities there were. For many years the -Americans believed that the Tories had lifted scalps like the Indians; -and later, when the Americans captured York in 1813, they found what -they regarded as a signal proof of this barbarous practice among the -Loyalists, in the speaker’s wig, which was hanging beside the chair in -the legislative chamber! There may have been members of Butler’s Rangers -who borrowed from the Indians this hideous custom, just as there were -American frontiersmen who were guilty of it; but it must not be imagined -that it was a common practice on either side. Except at Cherry Valley, -there is no proof that any violence was done by the Loyalists to women -and children. On his return from Wyoming, Colonel Butler reported: ‘I can -with truth inform you that in the destruction of this settlement not a -single person has been hurt of the inhabitants, but such as were armed; -to those indeed the Indians gave no quarter.’ - -In defence of the Loyalists, two considerations may be urged. In the -first place, it must be remembered that they were men who had been -evicted from their homes, and whose property had been confiscated. They -had been placed under the ban of the law: the payment of their debts had -been denied them; and they had been forbidden to return to their native -land under penalty of death without benefit of clergy. They had been -imprisoned, fined, subjected to special taxation; their families had been -maltreated, and were in many cases still in the hands of their enemies. -They would have been hardly human had they waged a mimic warfare. In the -second place, their depredations were of great value from a military -point of view. Not only did they prevent thousands of militiamen from -joining the Continental army, but they seriously threatened the sources -of Washington’s food supply. The valleys which they ravaged were the -granary of the revolutionary forces. In 1780 Sir John Johnson destroyed -in the Schoharie valley alone no less than eighty thousand bushels of -grain; and this loss, as Washington wrote to the president of Congress, -‘threatened alarming consequences.’ That this work of destruction was -agreeable to the Loyalists cannot be doubted; but this fact does not -diminish its value as a military measure. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -PEACE WITHOUT HONOUR - - -The war was brought to a virtual termination by the surrender of -Cornwallis at Yorktown on October 19, 1781. The definitive articles of -peace were signed at Versailles on September 3, 1783. During the two -years that intervened between these events, the lot of the Loyalists was -one of gloomy uncertainty. They found it hard to believe that the British -government would abandon them to the mercy of their enemies; and yet -the temper of the revolutionists toward them continued such that there -seemed little hope of concession or conciliation. Success had not taught -the rebels the grace of forgiveness. At the capitulation of Yorktown, -Washington had refused to treat with the Loyalists in Cornwallis’s army -on the same terms as with the British regulars; and Cornwallis had been -compelled to smuggle his Loyalist levies out of Yorktown on the ship that -carried the news of his surrender to New York. As late as 1782 fresh -confiscation laws had been passed in Georgia and the Carolinas; and in -New York a law had been passed cancelling all debts due to Loyalists, on -condition that one-fortieth of the debt was paid into the state treasury. -These were straws which showed the way the wind was blowing. - -In the negotiations leading up to the Peace of Versailles there were -no clauses so long and bitterly discussed as those relating to the -Loyalists. The British commissioners stood out at first for the principle -of complete amnesty to them and restitution of all they had lost; and -it is noteworthy that the French minister added his plea to theirs. But -Benjamin Franklin and his colleagues refused to agree to this formula. -They took the ground that they, as the representatives merely of the -Continental Congress, had not the right to bind the individual states in -such a matter. The argument was a quibble. Their real reason was that -they were well aware that public opinion in America would not support -them in such a concession. A few enlightened men in America, such as John -Adams, favoured a policy of compensation to the Loyalists, ‘how little -soever they deserve it, nay, how much soever they deserve the contrary’; -but the attitude of the great majority of the Americans had been clearly -demonstrated by a resolution passed in the legislature of Virginia on -December 17, 1782, to the effect that all demands for the restitution of -confiscated property were wholly inadmissible. Even some of the Loyalists -had begun to realize that a revolution which had touched property was -bound to be permanent, and that the American commissioners could no more -give back to them their confiscated lands than Charles II was able to -give back to his father’s cavaliers the estates they had lost in the -Civil War. - -[Illustration: LORD CORNWALLIS - -From the painting in the National Portrait Gallery] - -The American commissioners agreed, finally, that no future confiscations -should take place, that imprisoned Loyalists should be released, that -no further persecutions should be permitted, and that creditors on -either side should ‘meet with no lawful impediment’ to the recovery of -all good debts in sterling money. But with regard to the British demand -for restitution, all they could be induced to sign was a promise that -Congress would ‘earnestly recommend to the legislatures of the respective -states’ a policy of amnesty and restitution. - -In making this last recommendation, it is difficult not to convict the -American commissioners of something very like hypocrisy. There seems -to be no doubt that they knew the recommendation would not be complied -with; and little or no attempt was made by them to persuade the states -to comply with it. In after years the clause was represented by the -Americans as a mere form of words, necessary to bring the negotiations -to an end, and to save the face of the British government. To this day -it has remained, except in one or two states, a dead letter. On the -other hand it is impossible not to convict the British commissioners of -a betrayal of the Loyalists. ‘Never,’ said Lord North in the House of -Commons, ‘never was the honour, the humanity, the principles, the policy -of a nation so grossly abused, as in the desertion of those men who are -now exposed to every punishment that desertion and poverty can inflict, -because they were not rebels.’ ‘In ancient or in modern history,’ said -Lord Loughborough in the House of Lords, ‘there cannot be found an -instance of so shameful a desertion of men who have sacrificed all to -their duty and to their reliance upon our faith.’ It seems probable that -the British commissioners could have obtained, on paper at any rate, -better terms for the Loyalists. It is very doubtful if the Americans -would have gone to war again over such a question. In 1783 the position -of Great Britain was relatively not weaker, but stronger, than in 1781, -when hostilities had ceased. The attitude of the French minister, and the -state of the French finances, made it unlikely that France would lend her -support to further hostilities. And there is no doubt that the American -states were even more sorely in need of peace than was Great Britain. - -When the terms of peace were announced, great was the bitterness among -the Loyalists. One of them protested in _Rivington’s Gazette_ that ‘even -robbers, murderers, and rebels are faithful to their fellows and never -betray each other,’ and another sang, - - ’Tis an honour to serve the bravest of nations, - And be left to be hanged in their capitulations. - -If the terms of the peace had been observed, the plight of the Loyalists -would have been bad enough. But as it was, the outcome proved even -worse. Every clause in the treaty relating to the Loyalists was broken -over and over again. There was no sign of an abatement of the popular -feeling against them; indeed, in some places, the spirit of persecution -seemed to blaze out anew. One of Washington’s bitterest sayings was -uttered at this time, when he said of the Loyalists that ‘he could see -nothing better for them than to commit suicide.’ Loyalist creditors -found it impossible to recover their debts in America, while they were -themselves sued in the British courts by their American creditors, and -their property was still being confiscated by the American legislatures. -The legislature of New York publicly declined to reverse its policy -of confiscation, on the ground that Great Britain had offered no -compensation for the property which her friends had destroyed. Loyalists -who ventured to return home under the treaty of peace were insulted, -tarred and feathered, whipped, and even ham-strung. All over the country -there were formed local committees or associations with the object of -preventing renewed intercourse with the Loyalists and the restitution -of Loyalist property. ‘The proceedings of these people,’ wrote Sir Guy -Carleton, ‘are not to be attributed to politics alone—it serves as a -pretence, and under that cloak they act more boldly, but avarice and a -desire of rapine are the great incentives.’ - -The Loyalists were even denied civil rights in most of the states. In -1784 an act was passed in New York declaring that all who had held -office under the British, or helped to fit out vessels of war, or who had -served as privates or officers in the British Army, or who had left the -state, were guilty of ‘misprision of treason,’ and were disqualified from -both the franchise and public office. There was in fact hardly a state in -1785 where the Loyalist was allowed to vote. In New York Loyalist lawyers -were not allowed to practise until April 1786, and then only on condition -of taking an ‘oath of abjuration and allegiance.’ In the same state, -Loyalists were subjected to such invidious special taxation that in 1785 -one of them confessed that ‘those in New York whose estates have not been -confiscated are so loaded with taxes and other grievances that there is -nothing left but to sell out and move into the protection of the British -government.’ - -It was clear that something would have to be done by the British -government for the Loyalists’ relief. ‘It is utterly impossible,’ wrote -Sir Guy Carleton to Lord North, ‘to leave exposed to the rage and -violence of these people [the Americans] men of character whose only -offence has been their attachment to the King’s service.’ Accordingly -the British government made amends for its betrayal of the Loyalists by -taking them under its wing. It arranged for the transportation of all -those who wished to leave the revolted states; it offered them homes -in the provinces of Nova Scotia and Quebec; it granted half-pay to the -officers after their regiments were reduced; and it appointed a royal -commission to provide compensation for the losses sustained. - -[Illustration: UPPER AND LOWER CANADA AND THE MARITIME PROVINCES AT THE -TIME OF THE LOYALISTS SETTLEMENTS] - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE EXODUS TO NOVA SCOTIA - - -When the terms of peace became known, tens of thousands of the Loyalists -shook the dust of their ungrateful country from their feet, never to -return. Of these the more influential part, both during and after the -war, sailed for England. The royal officials, the wealthy merchants, -landowners, and professional men, the high military officers—these went -to England to press their claims for compensation and preferment. The -humbler element, for the most part, migrated to the remaining British -colonies in North America. About two hundred families went to the West -Indies, a few to Newfoundland, many to what were afterwards called Upper -and Lower Canada, and a vast army to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and -Prince Edward Island. - -The advantages of Nova Scotia as a field for immigration had been known -to the people of New England and New York before the Revolutionary War -had broken out. Shortly after the Peace of 1763 parts of the Nova Scotian -peninsula and the banks of the river St John had been sparsely settled by -colonists from the south; and during the Revolutionary War considerable -sympathy with the cause of the Continental Congress was shown by these -colonists from New England. Nova Scotia, moreover, was contiguous to the -New England colonies, and it was therefore not surprising that after the -Revolution the Loyalists should have turned their eyes to Nova Scotia as -a refuge for their families. - -The first considerable migration took place at the time of the evacuation -of Boston by General Howe in March 1776. Boston was at that time a town -with a population of about sixteen thousand inhabitants, and of these -nearly one thousand accompanied the British Army to Halifax. ‘Neither -Hell, Hull, nor Halifax,’ said one of them, ‘can afford worse shelter -than Boston.’ The embarkation was accomplished amid the most hopeless -confusion. ‘Nothing can be more diverting,’ wrote a Whig, ‘than to see -the town in its present situation; all is uproar and confusion; carts, -trucks, wheelbarrows, handbarrows, coaches, chaises, all driving as if -the very devil was after them.’ The fleet was composed of every vessel -on which hands could be laid. In Benjamin Hallowell’s cabin ‘there were -thirty-seven persons—men, women, and children; servants, masters, and -mistresses—obliged to pig together on the floor, there being no berths.’ -It was a miracle that the crazy flotilla arrived safely at Halifax; but -there it arrived after tossing about for six days in the March tempests. -General Howe remained with his army at Halifax until June. Then he set -sail for New York. Some of the Loyalists accompanied him to New York, but -the greater number took passage for England. Only a few of the company -remained in Nova Scotia. - -From 1776 to 1783 small bodies of Loyalists continually found their -way to Halifax; but it was not until the evacuation of New York by the -British in 1783 that the full tide of immigration set in. As soon as news -leaked out that the terms of peace were not likely to be favourable, -and it became evident that the animus of the Whigs showed no signs of -abating, the Loyalists gathered in New York looked about for a country in -which to begin life anew. Most of them were too poor to think of going to -England, and the British provinces to the north seemed the most hopeful -place of resort. In 1782 several associations were formed in New York -for the purpose of furthering the interests of those who proposed to -settle in Nova Scotia. One of these associations had as its president -the famous Dr Seabury, and as its secretary Sampson Salter Blowers, -afterwards chief justice of Nova Scotia. Its officers waited on Sir Guy -Carleton, and received his approval of their plans. It was arranged -that a first instalment of about five hundred colonists should set out -in the autumn of 1782, in charge of three agents, Amos Botsford, Samuel -Cummings, and Frederick Hauser, whose duty it should be to spy out the -land and obtain grants. - -The party sailed from New York, in nine transport ships, on October 19, -1782, and arrived a few days later at Annapolis Royal. The population -of Annapolis, which was only a little over a hundred, was soon swamped -by the numbers that poured out of the transports. ‘All the houses and -barracks are crowded,’ wrote the Rev. Jacob Bailey, who was then at -Annapolis, ‘and many are unable to procure any lodgings.’ The three -agents, leaving the colonists at Annapolis, went first to Halifax, and -then set out on a trip of exploration through the Annapolis valley, after -which they crossed the Bay of Fundy and explored the country adjacent to -the river St John. On their return they published glowing accounts of the -country, and their report was transmitted to their friends in New York. - -The result of the favourable reports sent in by these agents, and by -others who had gone ahead, was an invasion of Nova Scotia such as no -one, not even the provincial authorities, had begun to expect. As the -names of the thousands who were anxious to go to Nova Scotia poured into -the adjutant-general’s office in New York, it became clear to Sir Guy -Carleton that with the shipping facilities at his disposal he could not -attempt to transport them all at once. It was decided that the ships -would have to make two trips; and, as a matter of fact, most of them made -three or four trips before the last British soldier was able to leave the -New York shore. - -On April 26, 1783, the first or ‘spring’ fleet set sail. It had on board -no less than seven thousand persons, men, women, children, and servants. -Half of these went to the mouth of the river St John, and about half to -Port Roseway, at the south-west end of the Nova Scotian peninsula. The -voyage was fair, and the ships arrived at their destinations without -mishap. But at St John at least, the colonists found that almost no -preparations had been made to receive them. They were disembarked on -a wild and primeval shore, where they had to clear away the brushwood -before they could pitch their tents or build their shanties. The prospect -must have been disheartening. ‘Nothing but wilderness before our eyes, -the women and children did not refrain from tears,’ wrote one of the -exiles; and the grandmother of Sir Leonard Tilley used to tell her -descendants, ‘I climbed to the top of Chipman’s Hill and watched the -sails disappearing in the distance, and such a feeling of loneliness came -over me that, although I had not shed a tear through all the war, I sat -down on the damp moss with my baby in my lap and cried.’ - -All summer and autumn the ships kept plying to and fro. In June the -‘summer fleet’ brought about 2500 colonists to St John River, Annapolis, -Port Roseway, and Fort Cumberland. By August 23 John Parr, the governor -of Nova Scotia, wrote that ‘upward of 12,000 souls have already arrived -from New York,’ and that as many more were expected. By the end of -September he estimated that 18,000 had arrived, and stated that 10,000 -more were still to come. By the end of the year he computed the total -immigration to have amounted to 30,000. As late as January 15, 1784, -the refugees were still arriving. On that date Governor Parr wrote to -Lord North announcing the arrival of ‘a considerable number of Refugee -families, who must be provided for in and about the town at extraordinary -expence, as at this season of the year I cannot send them into the -country.’ ‘I cannot,’ he added, ‘better describe the wretched condition -of these people than by inclosing your lordship a list of those just -arrived in the Clinton transport, destitute of almost everything, chiefly -women and children, all still on board, as I have not yet been able to -find any sort of place for them, and the cold setting in severe.’ There -is a tradition in Halifax that the cabooses had to be taken off the -ships, and ranged along the principal street, in order to shelter these -unfortunates during the winter. - -New York was evacuated by the British troops on November 25, 1783. Sir -Guy Carleton did not withdraw from the city until he was satisfied that -every person who desired the protection of the British flag was embarked -on the boats. During the latter half of the year Carleton was repeatedly -requested by Congress to fix some precise limit to his occupation of New -York. He replied briefly, but courteously, that he was doing the best he -could, and that no man could do more. When Congress objected that the -Loyalists were not included in the agreement with regard to evacuation, -Carleton replied that he held opposite views; and that in any case it was -a point of honour with him that no troops should embark until the last -person who claimed his protection should be safely on board a British -ship. As time went on, his replies to Congress grew shorter and more -incisive. On being requested to name an outside date for the evacuation -of the city, he declared that he could not even guess when the last ship -would be loaded, but that he was resolved to remain until it was. He -pointed out, moreover, that the more the uncontrolled violence of their -citizens drove refugees to his protection, the longer would evacuation -be delayed. ‘I should show,’ he said, ‘an indifference to the feelings -of humanity, as well as to the honour and interest of the nation whom -I serve, to leave any of the Loyalists that are desirous to quit the -country, a prey to the violence they conceive they have so much cause to -apprehend.’ - -After the evacuation of New York, therefore, the number of refugee -Loyalists who came to Nova Scotia was small and insignificant. In 1784 -and 1785 there arrived a few persons who had tried to take up the thread -of their former life in the colonies, but had given up the attempt. And -in August 1784 the _Sally_ transport from London cast anchor at Halifax -with three hundred destitute refugees on board. ‘As if there was not a -sufficiency of such distress’d objects already in this country,’ wrote -Edward Winslow from Halifax, ‘the good people of England have collected -a whole ship load of all kinds of vagrants from the streets of London, -and sent them out to Nova Scotia. Great numbers died on the passage -of various disorders—the miserable remnant are landed here and have -now no covering but tents. Such as are able to crawl are begging for a -proportion of provisions at my door.’ - -But the increase of population in Nova Scotia from immigration during -the years immediately following 1783 was partly counterbalanced by the -defections from the province. Many of the refugees quailed before the -prospect of carving out a home in the wilderness. ‘It is, I think, the -roughest land I ever saw’; ‘I am totally discouraged’; ‘I am sick of -this Province’—such expressions as these abound in the journals and -diaries of the settlers. There were complaints that deception had been -practised. ‘All our golden promises,’ wrote a Long Island Loyalist, ‘are -vanished in smoke. We were taught to believe this place was not barren -and foggy as had been represented, but we find it ten times worse. We -have nothing but his Majesty’s rotten pork and unbaked flour to subsist -on.... It is the most inhospitable clime that ever mortal set foot on.’ -At first there was great distress among the refugees. The immigration of -1783 had at one stroke trebled the population of Nova Scotia; and the -resources of the province were inadequate to meet the demand on them. -‘Nova Scarcity’ was the nickname for the province invented by a New -England wit. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that some who -had set their hand to the plough turned back. Some of them went to Upper -Canada; some to England; some to the states from which they had come; -for within a few years the fury of the anti-Loyalist feeling died down, -and not a few Loyalists took advantage of this to return to the place of -their birth. - -The most careful analysis of the Loyalist immigration into the Maritime -Provinces has placed the total number of immigrants at about 35,000. -These were in settlements scattered broadcast over the face of the map. -There was a colony of 3000 in Cape Breton, which afforded an ideal field -for settlement, since before 1783 the governor of Nova Scotia had been -precluded from granting lands there. In 1784 Cape Breton was erected -into a separate government, with a lieutenant-governor of its own; and -settlers flocked into it from Halifax, and even from Canada. Abraham -Cuyler, formerly mayor of Albany, led a considerable number down the -St Lawrence and through the Gulf to Cape Breton. On the mainland of -Nova Scotia there were settlements at Halifax, at Shelburne, at Fort -Cumberland, at Annapolis and Digby, at Port Mouton, and at other places. -In what is now New Brunswick there was a settlement at Passamaquoddy Bay, -and there were other settlements on the St John river extending from -the mouth up past what is now the city of Fredericton. In Prince Edward -Island, then called the Island of St John, there was a settlement which -is variously estimated in size, but which was comparatively unimportant. - -The most interesting of these settlements was that at Shelburne, which is -situated at the south-west corner of Nova Scotia, on one of the finest -harbours of the Atlantic seaboard. The name of the harbour was originally -Port Razoir, but this was corrupted by the English settlers into Port -Roseway. The place had been settled previous to 1783. In 1775 Colonel -Alexander McNutt, a notable figure of the pre-Loyalist days in Nova -Scotia, had obtained a grant of 100,000 acres about the harbour, and had -induced about a dozen Scottish and Irish families to settle there. This -settlement he had dignified with the name of New Jerusalem. In a short -time, however, New Jerusalem languished and died, and when the Loyalists -arrived in May 1783, the only inhabitants of the place were two or three -fishermen and their families. It would have been well if the Loyalists -had listened to the testimony of one of these men, who, when he was asked -how he came to be there, replied that ‘poverty had brought him there, and -poverty had kept him there.’ - -The project of settling the shores of Port Roseway had its birth in the -autumn of 1782, when one hundred and twenty Loyalist families, whose -attention had been directed to that part of Nova Scotia by a friend in -Massachusetts, banded together with the object of emigrating thither. -They first appointed a committee of seven to make arrangements for their -removal; and, a few weeks later, they commissioned two members of the -association, Joseph Pynchon and James Dole, to go to Halifax and lay -before Governor Parr their desires and intentions. Pynchon and Dole, -on their arrival at Halifax, had an interview with the governor, and -obtained from him very satisfactory arrangements. The governor agreed -to give the settlers the land about Port Roseway which they desired. He -promised them that surveyors should be sent to lay out the grants, that -carpenters and a supply of 400,000 feet of lumber should be furnished -for building their houses, that for the first year at least the settlers -should receive army rations, and that they should be free for ever from -impressment in the British Navy. All these promises were made on the -distinct understanding that they should interfere in no way with the -claims of the Loyalists on the British government for compensation for -losses sustained in the war. Elated by the reception they had received -from the governor, the agents wrote home enthusiastic accounts of the -prospects of the venture. Pynchon even hinted that the new town would -supersede Halifax. ‘Much talk is here,’ he wrote, ‘of capital of -Province.... Halifax can’t but be sensible that Port Roseway, if properly -attended to in encouraging settlers of every denomination, will have much -the advantage of all supplies from the Bay of Fundy and westward. What -the consequence will be time only will reveal.’ Many persons at Halifax, -wrote Pynchon, prophesied that the new settlement would dwindle, and -recommended the shore of the Bay of Fundy or the banks of the river St -John in preference to Port Roseway; but Pynchon attributed their fears -to jealousy. A few years’ experience must have convinced him that his -suspicions were ill-founded. - -The first instalment of settlers, about four thousand in number, arrived -in May 1783. They found nothing but the virgin wilderness confronting -them. But they set to work with a will to clear the land and build -their houses. ‘As soon as we had set up a kind of tent,’ wrote the Rev. -Jonathan Beecher in his Journal, ‘we knelt down, my wife and I and my -two boys, and kissed the dear ground and thanked God that the flag of -England floated there, and resolved that we would work with the rest -to become again prosperous and happy.’ By July 11 the work of clearing -had been so far advanced that it became possible to allot the lands. -The town had been laid out in five long parallel streets, with other -streets crossing them at right angles. Each associate was given a town -lot fronting on one of these streets, as well as a water lot facing the -harbour, and a fifty-acre farm in the surrounding country. With the aid -of the government artisans, the wooden houses were rapidly run up; and in -a couple of months a town sprang up where before had been the forest and -some fishermen’s huts. - -At the end of July Governor Parr paid the town a visit, and christened -it, curiously enough, with the name of Shelburne, after the British -statesman who was responsible for the Peace of Versailles. The occasion -was one of great ceremony. His Excellency, as he landed from the sloop -_Sophie_, was saluted by the booming of cannon from the ships and from -the shore. He proceeded up the main street, through a lane of armed men. -At the place appointed for his reception he was met by the magistrates -and principal citizens, and presented with an address. In the evening -there was a dinner given by Captain Mowat on board the _Sophie_; and the -next evening there was another dinner at the house of Justice Robertson, -followed by a ball given by the citizens, which was ‘conducted with the -greatest festivity and decorum,’ and ‘did not break up till five the -next morning.’ Parr was delighted with Shelburne, and wrote to Sir Guy -Carleton, ‘From every appearance I have not a doubt but that it will in a -short time become the most flourishing Town for trade of any in this part -of the world, and the country will for agriculture.’ - -For a few years it looked as though Shelburne was not going to belie -these hopes. The autumn of 1783 brought a considerable increase to its -population; and in 1784 it seems to have numbered no less than ten -thousand souls, including the suburb of Burchtown, in which most of -the negro refugees in New York had been settled. It became a place of -business and fashion. There was for a time an extensive trade in fish -and lumber with Great Britain and the West Indies. Shipyards were built, -from which was launched the first ship built in Nova Scotia after the -British occupation. Shops, taverns, churches, coffee-houses, sprang up. -At one time no less than three newspapers were published in the town. The -military were stationed there, and on summer evenings the military band -played on the promenade near the bridge. On election day the main street -was so crowded that ‘one might have walked on the heads of the people.’ - -Then Shelburne fell into decay. It appeared that the region was -ill-suited for farming and grazing, and was not capable of supporting -so large a population. The whale fishery which the Shelburne merchants -had established in Brazilian waters proved a failure. The regulations -of the Navigation Acts thwarted their attempts to set up a coasting -trade. Failure dogged all their enterprises, and soon the glory of -Shelburne departed. It became like a city of the dead. ‘The houses,’ -wrote Haliburton, ‘were still standing though untenanted. It had all the -stillness and quiet of a moonlight scene. It was difficult to imagine -it was deserted. The idea of repose more readily suggested itself than -decay. All was new and recent. Seclusion, and not death or removal, -appeared to be the cause of the absence of inhabitants.’ The same -eye-witness of Shelburne’s ruin described the town later: - - The houses, which had been originally built of wood, had - severally disappeared. Some had been taken to pieces and - removed to Halifax or St John; others had been converted - into fuel, and the rest had fallen a prey to neglect and - decomposition. The chimneys stood up erect, and marked the - spot around which the social circle had assembled; and the - blackened fireplaces, ranged one above another, bespoke the - size of the tenement and the means of its owner. In some places - they had sunk with the edifice, leaving a heap of ruins, while - not a few were inclining to their fall, and awaiting the first - storm to repose again in the dust that now covered those who - had constructed them. Hundreds of cellars with their stone - walls and granite partitions were everywhere to be seen like - uncovered monuments of the dead. Time and decay had done their - work. All that was perishable had perished, and those numerous - vaults spoke of a generation that had passed away for ever, and - without the aid of an inscription, told a tale of sorrow and of - sadness that overpowered the heart. - -Alas for the dreams of the Pynchons and the Parrs! Shelburne is now a -quaint and picturesque town; but it is not the city which its projectors -planned. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE BIRTH OF NEW BRUNSWICK - - -When Governor Parr wrote to Sir Guy Carleton, commending in such warm -terms the advantages of Shelburne, he took occasion at the same time -to disparage the country about the river St John. ‘I greatly fear,’ he -wrote, ‘the soil and fertility of that part of this province is overrated -by people who have explored it partially. I wish it may turn out -otherwise, but have my fears that there is scarce good land enough for -them already sent there.’ - -How Governor Parr came to make so egregious a mistake with regard to -the comparative merits of the Shelburne districts and those of the -St John river it is difficult to understand. Edward Winslow frankly -accused him of jealousy of the St John settlements. Possibly he was only -too well aware of the inadequacy of the preparations made to receive -the Loyalists at the mouth of the St John, and wished to divert the -stream of immigration elsewhere. At any rate his opinion was in direct -conflict with the unanimous testimony of the agents sent to report on -the land. Botsford, Cummings, and Hauser had reported: ‘The St John -is a fine river, equal in magnitude to the Connecticut or Hudson. At -the mouth of the river is a fine harbour, accessible at all seasons of -the year—never frozen or obstructed by ice.... There are many settlers -along the river upon the interval land, who get their living easily. -The interval lies on the river, and is a most fertile soil, annually -matured by the overflowing of the river, and produces crops of all kinds -with little labour, and vegetables in the greatest perfection, parsnips -of great length, etc.’ Later Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Allen and Edward -Winslow, the muster-master-general of the provincial forces, were sent -up as agents for the Loyalist regiments in New York, and they explored -the river for one hundred and twenty miles above its mouth. ‘We have -returned,’ wrote Winslow after his trip, ‘delighted beyond expression.’ - -Governor Parr’s fears, therefore, had little effect on the popularity of -the St John river district. In all, no less than ten thousand people -settled on the north side of the Bay of Fundy in 1783. These came, in -the main, in three divisions. With the spring fleet arrived about three -thousand people; with the summer fleet not quite two thousand; and with -the autumn fleet well over three thousand. Of those who came in the -spring and summer most were civilian refugees; but of those who arrived -in the autumn nearly all were disbanded soldiers. Altogether thirteen -distinct corps settled on the St John river. There were the King’s -American Dragoons, De Lancey’s First and Second Battalions, the New -Jersey Volunteers, the King’s American Regiment, the Maryland Loyalists, -the 42nd Regiment, the Prince of Wales American Regiment, the New York -Volunteers, the Royal Guides and Pioneers, the Queen’s Rangers, the -Pennsylvania Loyalists, and Arnold’s American Legion. All these regiments -were reduced, of course, to a fraction of their original strength, owing -to the fact that numbers of their men had been discharged in New York, -and that many of the officers had gone to England. But nevertheless, with -their women and children, their numbers were not far from four thousand. - -The arrangements which the government of Nova Scotia had made for -the reception of this vast army of people were sadly inadequate. In -the first place there was an unpardonable delay in the surveying and -allotment of lands. This may be partly explained by the insufficient -number of surveyors at the disposal of the governor, and by the tedious -and difficult process of escheating lands already granted; but it is -impossible not to convict the governor and his staff of want of foresight -and expedition in making arrangements and carrying them into effect. -When Joseph Aplin arrived at Parrtown, as the settlement at the mouth -of the river was for a short time called, he found 1500 frame houses -and 400 log huts erected, but no one had yet received a title to the -land on which his house was built. The case of the detachment of the -King’s American Dragoons who had settled near the mouth of the river was -particularly hard. They had arrived in advance of the other troops, and -had settled on the west side of the harbour of St John, in what Edward -Winslow described as ‘one of the pleasantest spots I ever beheld.’ They -had already made considerable improvements on their lands, when word came -that the government had determined to reserve the lands about the mouth -of the river for the refugees, and to allot blocks of land farther up -the river to the various regiments of provincial troops. When news of -this decision reached the officers of the provincial regiments, there -was great indignation. ‘This is so notorious a forfeiture of the faith -of government,’ wrote Colonel De Lancey to Edward Winslow, ‘that it -appears to me almost incredible, and yet I fear it is not to be doubted. -Could we have known this a little earlier it would have saved you the -trouble of exploring the country for the benefit of a people you are not -connected with. In short it is a subject too disagreeable to say more -upon.’ Winslow, who was hot-headed, talked openly about the provincials -defending the lands on which they had ‘squatted.’ But protests were in -vain; and the King’s American Dragoons were compelled to abandon their -settlement, and to remove up the river to the district of Prince William. -When the main body of the Loyalist regiments arrived in the autumn they -found that the blocks of land assigned to them had not yet been surveyed. -Of their distress and perplexity there is a picture in one of Edward -Winslow’s letters. - - I saw [he says] all those Provincial Regiments, which we have - so frequently mustered, landing in this inhospitable climate, - in the month of October, without shelter, and without knowing - where to find a place to reside. The chagrin of the officers - was not to me so truly affecting as the poignant distress of - the men. Those respectable sergeants of Robinson’s, Ludlow’s, - Cruger’s, Fanning’s, etc.—once hospitable yeomen of the - country—were addressing me in language which almost murdered me - as I heard it. ‘Sir, we have served all the war, your honour is - witness how faithfully. We were promised land; we expected you - had obtained it for us. We like the country—only let us have a - spot of our own, and give us such kind of regulations as will - hinder bad men from injuring us.’ - -Many of these men had ultimately to go up the river more than fifty miles -past what is now Fredericton. - -A second difficulty was that food and building materials supplied by -government proved inadequate. At first the settlers were given lumber -and bricks and tools to build their houses, but the later arrivals, who -had as a rule to go farthest up the river, were compelled to find their -building materials in the forest. Even the King’s American Dragoons, -evicted from their lands on the harbour of St John, were ordered to build -their huts ‘without any public expence.’ Many were compelled to spend -the winter in tents banked up with snow; others sheltered themselves in -huts of bark. The privations and sufferings which many of the refugees -suffered were piteous. Some, especially among the women and children, -died from cold and exposure and insufficient food. - -In the third place there was great inequality in the area of the lands -allotted. When the first refugees arrived, it was not expected that so -many more would follow; and consequently the earlier grants were much -larger in size than the later. In Parrtown a town lot at length shrank -in size to one-sixteenth of what it had originally been. There was -doubtless also some favouritism and respect of persons in the granting -of lands. At any rate the inequality of the grants caused a great many -grievances among a certain class of refugees. Chief Justice Finucane of -Nova Scotia was sent by Governor Parr to attempt to smooth matters out; -but his conduct seemed to accentuate the ill-feeling and alienate from -the Nova Scotia authorities the good-will of some of the better class of -Loyalists. - -It was not surprising, under these circumstances, that Governor Parr -and the officers of his government should have become very unpopular -on the north side of the Bay of Fundy. Governor Parr was himself much -distressed over the ill-feeling against him among the Loyalists; and it -should be explained that his failure to satisfy them did not arise from -unwillingness to do anything in his power to make them comfortable. The -trouble was that his executive ability had not been sufficient to cope -with the serious problems confronting him. Out of the feeling against -Governor Parr arose an agitation to have the country north of the Bay -of Fundy removed from his jurisdiction altogether, and erected into a -separate government. This idea of the division of the province had been -suggested by Edward Winslow as early as July 1783: ‘Think what multitudes -have and will come here, and then judge whether it must not from the -nature of things immediately become a separate government.’ There were -good reasons why such a change should be made. The distance of Parrtown -from Halifax made it very difficult and tedious to transact business -with the government; and the Halifax authorities, being old inhabitants, -were not in complete sympathy with the new settlers. The erection of a -new province, moreover, would provide offices for many of the Loyalists -who were pressing their claims for place on the government at home. The -settlers, therefore, brought their influence to bear on the Imperial -authorities, through their friends in London; and in the summer of 1784 -they succeeded in effecting the division they desired, in spite of the -opposition of Governor Parr and the official class at Halifax. Governor -Parr, indeed, had a narrow escape from being recalled. - -The new province, which it was intended at first to call New Ireland, but -which was eventually called New Brunswick, was to include all that part -of Nova Scotia north of a line running across the isthmus from the mouth -of the Missiquash river to its source, and thence across to the nearest -part of Baie Verte. This boundary was another triumph for the Loyalists, -as it placed in New Brunswick Fort Cumberland and the greater part of -Cumberland county. The government of the province was offered first to -General Fox, who had been in command at Halifax in 1783, and then to -General Musgrave; but was declined by both. It was eventually accepted -by Colonel Thomas Carleton, a brother of Sir Guy Carleton, by whom it -was held for over thirty years. The chief offices of government fell -to Loyalists who were in London. The secretary of the province was the -Rev. Jonathan Odell, a witty New Jersey divine, who had been secretary -to Sir Guy Carleton in New York. It is interesting to note that Odell’s -son, the Hon. W. F. Odell, was secretary of the province after him, and -that between them they held the office for two-thirds of a century. The -chief justice was a former judge of the Supreme Court of New York; the -other judges were retired officers of regiments who had fought in the -war. The attorney-general was Jonathan Bliss, of Massachusetts; and the -solicitor-general was Ward Chipman, the friend and correspondent of -Edward Winslow. Winslow himself, whose charming letters throw such a -flood of light on the settlement of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, was -a member of the council. New Brunswick was indeed _par excellence_ the -Loyalist province. - -[Illustration: THE FIRST GOVERNMENT HOUSE, FREDERICTON—BUILT 1787] - -The new governor arrived at Parrtown on November 21, 1784, and was -immediately presented with an enthusiastic address of welcome by the -inhabitants. They described themselves as ‘a number of oppressed and -insulted Loyalists,’ and added that they had formerly been freemen, -and again hoped to be so under his government. Next spring the governor -granted to Parrtown incorporation as a city under the name of St John. -The name Parrtown had been given, it appears, at the request of Governor -Parr himself, who explained apologetically that the suggestion had arisen -out of ‘female vanity’; and in view of Governor Parr’s unpopularity, -the change of name was very welcome. At the same time, however, Colonel -Carleton greatly offended the people of St John by removing the capital -of the province up the river to St Anne’s, to which he gave the name -Fredericktown (Fredericton) in honour of the Duke of York. - -On October 15, 1785, writs were issued for the election of members -to serve in a general assembly. The province was divided into eight -counties, among which were apportioned twenty-six members. The right to -vote was given by Governor Carleton to all males of twenty-one years -of age who had been three months in the province, the object of this -very democratic franchise being to include in the voting list settlers -who were clearing their lands, but had not yet received their grants. -The elections were held in November, and lasted for fifteen days. They -passed off without incident, except in the city of St John. There a -struggle took place which throws a great deal of light on the bitterness -of social feeling among the Loyalists. The inhabitants split into two -parties, known as the Upper Cove and the Lower Cove. The Upper Cove -represented the aristocratic element, and the Lower Cove the democratic. -For some time class feeling had been growing; it had been aroused by the -attempt of fifty-five gentlemen of New York to obtain for themselves, -on account of their social standing and services during the war, grants -of land in Nova Scotia of five thousand acres each; and it had been -fanned into flame by the inequality in the size of the lots granted -in St John itself. Unfortunately, among the six Upper Cove candidates -in St John there were two officers of the government, Jonathan Bliss -and Ward Chipman; and thus the struggle took on the appearance of one -between government and opposition candidates. The election was bitterly -contested, under the old method of open voting; and as it proceeded it -became clear that the Lower Cove was polling a majority of the votes. The -defeat of the government officers, it was felt, would be such a calamity -that at the scrutiny Sheriff Oliver struck off over eighty votes, and -returned the Upper Cove candidates. The election was protested, but the -House of Assembly refused, on a technicality, to upset the election. A -strangely ill-worded and ungrammatical petition to have the assembly -dissolved was presented to the governor by the Lower Cove people, but -Governor Carleton refused to interfere, and the Upper Cove candidates -kept their seats. The incident created a great deal of indignation in St -John, and Ward Chipman and Jonathan Bliss were not able for many years to -obtain a majority in that riding. - -[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF CARD USED IN THE FIRST NEW BRUNSWICK -ELECTION, 1785] - -It is evident from these early records that, while there were members -of the oldest and most famous families in British America among the -Loyalists of the Thirteen Colonies, the majority of those who came to -Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and especially to Upper Canada, were people -of very humble origin. Of the settlers in Nova Scotia, Governor Parr -expressed his regret ‘that there is not a sufficient proportion of men -of education and abilities among the present adventurers.’ The election -in St John was a sufficient evidence of the strength of the democratic -element there; and their petition to Governor Carleton is a sufficient -evidence of their illiteracy. Some of the settlers assumed pretensions -to which they were not entitled. An amusing case is that of William -Newton. This man had been the groom of the Honourable George Hanger, a -major in the British Legion during the war. Having come to Nova Scotia, -he began to pay court to a wealthy widow, and introduced himself to her -by affirming ‘that he was particularly connected with the hono’ble Major -Hanger, and that his circumstances were rather affluent, having served in -a money-making department, and that he had left a considerable property -behind him.’ The widow applied to Edward Winslow, who assured her that -Mr Newton had indeed been connected—very closely—with the Honourable -Major Hanger, and that he had left a large property behind him. ‘The -nuptials were immediately celebrated with great pomp, and Mr Newton is at -present,’ wrote Winslow, ‘a gentleman of consideration in Nova Scotia.’ - -During 1785 and subsequent years, the work of settlement went on rapidly -in New Brunswick. There was hardship and privation at first, and up to -1792 some indigent settlers received rations from the government. But -astonishing progress was made. ‘The new settlements of the Loyalists,’ -wrote Colonel Thomas Dundas, who visited New Brunswick in the winter of -1786-87, ‘are in a thriving way.’ Apparently, however, he did not think -highly of the industry of the disbanded soldiers, for he avowed that ‘rum -and idle habits contracted during the war are much against them.’ But -he paid a compliment to the half-pay officers. ‘The half-pay provincial -officers,’ he wrote, ‘are valuable settlers, as they are enabled to live -well and improve their lands.’ - -It took some time for the province to settle down. Many who found their -lands disappointing moved to other parts of the province; and after -1790 numbers went to Upper Canada. But gradually the settlers adjusted -themselves to their environment, and New Brunswick entered on that era of -prosperity which has been hers ever since. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -IN PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND - - -Not many Loyalists found their way to Prince Edward Island, or, as it was -called at the time of the American Revolution, the Island of St John. -Probably there were not many more than six hundred on the island at any -one time. But the story of these immigrants forms a chapter in itself. -Elsewhere the refugees were well and loyally treated. In Nova Scotia and -Quebec the English officials strove to the best of their ability, which -was perhaps not always great, to make provision for them. But in Prince -Edward Island they were the victims of treachery and duplicity. - -Prince Edward Island was in 1783 owned by a number of large landed -proprietors. When it became known that the British government intended -to settle the Loyalists in Nova Scotia, these proprietors presented a -petition to Lord North, declaring their desire to afford asylum to such -as would settle on the island. To this end they offered to resign certain -of their lands for colonization, on condition that the government abated -the quit-rents. This petition was favourably received by the government, -and a proclamation was issued promising lands to settlers in Prince -Edward Island on terms similar to those granted to settlers in Nova -Scotia and Quebec. - -Encouraged by the liberal terms held forth, a number of Loyalists went to -the island direct from New York, and a number went later from Shelburne, -disappointed by the prospects there. In June 1784 a muster of Loyalists -on the island was taken, which showed a total of about three hundred and -eighty persons, and during the remainder of the year a couple of hundred -went from Shelburne. At the end of 1784, therefore, it is safe to assume -that there were nearly six hundred on the island, or about one-fifth of -the total population. - -These refugees found great difficulty in obtaining the grants of land -promised to them. They were allowed to take up their residence on certain -lands, being assured that their titles were secure; and then, after they -had cleared the lands, erected buildings, planted orchards, and made -other improvements, they were told that their titles lacked validity, -and they were forced to move. Written title-deeds were withheld on every -possible pretext, and when they were granted they were found to contain -onerous conditions out of harmony with the promises made. The object of -the proprietors, in inflicting these persecutions, seems to have been to -force the settlers to become tenants instead of freeholders. Even Colonel -Edmund Fanning, the Loyalist lieutenant-governor, was implicated in this -conspiracy. Fanning was one of the proprietors in Township No. 50. The -settlers in this township, being unable to obtain their grants, resolved -to send a remonstrance to the British government, and chose as their -representative one of their number who had known Lord Cornwallis during -the war, hoping through him to obtain redress. This agent was on the -point of leaving for England, when news of his intention reached Colonel -Fanning. The ensuing result was as prompt as it was significant: within a -week afterwards nearly all the Loyalists in Township No. 50 had obtained -their grants. - -Others, however, did not have friends in high places, and were unable -to obtain redress. The minutes of council which contained the records -of many of the allotments were not entered in the regular Council Book, -but were kept on loose sheets; and thus the unfortunate settlers were -not able to prove by the Council Book that their lands had been allotted -them. When the rough minutes were discovered years later, they were found -to bear evidence, in erasures and the use of different inks, of having -been tampered with. - -For seventy-five years the Loyalists continued to agitate for justice. -As early as 1790 the island legislature passed an act empowering the -governor to give grants to those who had not yet received them from the -proprietors. But this measure did not entirely redress the grievances, -and after a lapse of fifty years a petition of the descendants of the -Loyalists led to further action in the matter. In 1840 a bill was passed -by the House of Assembly granting relief to the Loyalists, but was -thrown out by the Legislative Council. As late as 1860 the question was -still troubling the island politics. In that year a land commission was -appointed, which reported that there were Loyalists who still had claims -on the local government, and recommended that free grants should be made -to such as could prove that their fathers had been attracted to the -island under promises which had never been fulfilled. - -Such is the unlovely story of how the Loyalists were persecuted in the -Island of St John, under the British flag. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE LOYALISTS IN QUEBEC - - -It was a tribute to the stability of British rule in the newly-won -province of Quebec that at the very beginning of the Revolutionary War -loyal refugees began to flock across the border. As early as June 2, -1774, Colonel Christie, stationed at St Johns on the Richelieu, wrote -to Sir Frederick Haldimand at Quebec notifying him of the arrival of -immigrants; and it is interesting to note that at that early date he -already complained of ‘their unreasonable expectations.’ In the years -1775 and 1776 large bodies of persecuted Loyalists from the Mohawk -valley came north with Sir John Johnson and Colonel Butler; and in these -years was formed in Canada the first of the Loyalist regiments. It was -not, however, until the defeat of Burgoyne at Saratoga in 1778 that -the full tide of immigration set in. Immediately thereafter Haldimand -wrote to Lord George Germain, under date of October 14, 1778, reporting -the arrival of ‘loyalists in great distress,’ seeking refuge from the -revolted provinces. Haldimand lost no time in making provision for -their reception. He established a settlement for them at Machiche, near -Three Rivers, which he placed under the superintendence of a compatriot -and a protégé of his named Conrad Gugy. The captains of militia in the -neighbourhood were ordered to help build barracks for the refugees, -provisions were secured from the merchants at Three Rivers, and -everything in reason was done to make the unfortunates comfortable. By -the autumn of 1778 there were in Canada, at Machiche and other places, -more than one thousand refugees, men, women, and children, exclusive of -those who had enlisted in the regiments. Including the troops, probably -no less than three thousand had found their way to Canada. - -With the conclusion of peace came a great rush to the north. The -resources of government were strained to the utmost to provide for -the necessities of the thousands who flocked over the border-line. -At Chambly, St Johns, Montreal, Sorel, Machiche, Quebec, officers of -government were stationed to dole out supplies. At Quebec alone in -March 1784 one thousand three hundred and thirty-eight ‘friends of -government’ were being fed at the public expense. At Sorel a settlement -was established similar to that at Machiche. The seigneury of Sorel had -been purchased by the government in 1780 for military purposes, and when -the war was over it was turned into a Loyalist reserve, on which huts -were erected and provisions dispensed. In all, there must have been -nearly seven thousand Loyalists in the province of Quebec in the winter -of 1783-84. - -Complete details are lacking with regard to the temporary encampments -in which the Loyalists were hived; but there are evidences that they -were not entirely satisfied with the manner in which they were looked -after. One of the earliest of Canadian county histories,[1] a book partly -based on traditionary sources, has some vague tales about the cruelty -and malversation practised by a Frenchman under whom the Loyalists -were placed at ‘Mishish.’ ‘Mishish’ is obviously a phonetic spelling -of Machiche, and ‘the Frenchman’ is probably Conrad Gugy. Some letters -in the Dominion Archives point in the same direction. Under date of -April 29, the governor’s secretary writes to Stephen De Lancey, the -inspector of the Loyalists, referring to ‘the uniform discontent of the -Loyalists at Machiche.’ The discontent, he explains, is excited by a few -ill-disposed persons. ‘The sickness they complain of has been common -throughout the province, and should have lessened rather than increased -the consumption of provisions.’ A Loyalist who writes to the governor, -putting his complaints on paper, is assured that ‘His Excellency is -anxious to do everything in his power for the Loyalists, but if what -he can do does not come up to the expectation of him and those he -represents, His Excellency gives the fullest permission to them to seek -redress in such manner as they shall think best.’ - - [1] _Dundas, or a Sketch of Canadian History_, by James Croil, - Montreal, 1861. - -What degree of justice there was in the complaints of the refugees it -is now difficult to determine. No doubt some of them were confirmed -grumblers, and many of them had what Colonel Christie called -‘unreasonable expectations.’ Nothing is more certain than that Sir -Frederick Haldimand spared no effort to accommodate the Loyalists. On the -other hand, it would be rash to assert that in the confusion which then -reigned there were no grievances of which they could justly complain. - -In the spring and summer of 1784 the great majority of the refugees -within the limits of the province of Quebec were removed to what was -afterwards known as Upper Canada. But some remained, and swelled the -number of the ‘old subjects’ in the French province. Considerable -settlements were made at two places. One of these was Sorel, where -the seigneury that had been bought by the crown was granted out to -the new-comers in lots; the other was in the Gaspé peninsula, on the -shores of the Gulf of St Lawrence and of Chaleur Bay. The seigneury -of Sorel was well peopled, for each grantee received only sixty acres -and a town lot, taking the rest of his allotment in some of the newer -settlements. The settlement in the Gaspé peninsula was more sparse; the -chief centre of population was the tiny fishing village of Paspebiac. -In addition to these settlements, some of the exiles took up land on -private seigneuries; these, however, were not many, for the government -discouraged the practice, and refused supplies to all who did not settle -on the king’s land. At the present time, of all these Loyalist groups -in the province of Quebec scarce a trace remains: they have all been -swallowed up in the surrounding French population. - -The Eastern Townships in the province of Quebec were not settled by the -United Empire Loyalists. In 1783 Sir Frederick Haldimand set his face -like flint against any attempt on the part of the Loyalists to settle -the lands lying along the Vermont frontier. He feared that a settlement -there would prove a permanent thorn in the flesh of the Americans, and -might lead to much trouble and friction. He wished that these lands -should be left unsettled for a time, and that, in the end, they should -be settled by French Canadians ‘as an antidote to the restless New -England population.’ Some of the more daring Loyalists, in spite of the -prohibition of the governor, ventured to settle on Missisquoi Bay. When -the governor heard of it, he sent orders to the officer commanding at -St Johns that they should be removed as soon as the season should admit -of it; and instructions were given that if any other Loyalists settled -there, their houses were to be destroyed. By these drastic means the -government kept the Eastern Townships a wilderness until after 1791, -when the townships were granted out in free and common socage, and -American settlers began to flock in. But, as will be explained, these -later settlers have no just claim to the appellation of United Empire -Loyalists. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS - - -Sir Frederick Haldimand offered the Loyalists a wide choice of places -in which to settle. He was willing to make land grants on Chaleur Bay, -at Gaspé, on the north shore of the St Lawrence above Montreal, on the -Bay of Quinté, at Niagara, or along the Detroit river; and if none of -these places was suitable, he offered to transport to Nova Scotia or Cape -Breton those who wished to go thither. At all these places settlements -of Loyalists sprang up. That at Niagara grew to considerable importance, -and became after the division of the province in 1791 the capital of -Upper Canada. But by far the largest settlement was that which Haldimand -planned along the north shore of the St Lawrence and Lake Ontario between -the western boundary of the government of Quebec and Cataraqui (now -Kingston), east of the Bay of Quinté. Here the great majority of the -Loyalists in Canada were concentrated. - -As soon as Haldimand received instructions from England with regard -to the granting of the lands he gave orders to Major Samuel Holland, -surveyor-general of the king’s territories in North America, to proceed -with the work of making the necessary surveys. Major Holland, taking with -him as assistants Lieutenants Kotté and Sutherland and deputy-surveyors -John Collins and Patrick McNish, set out in the early autumn of 1783, and -before the winter closed in he had completed the survey of five townships -bordering on the Bay of Quinté. The next spring his men returned, and -surveyed eight townships along the north bank of the St Lawrence, between -the Bay of Quinté and the provincial boundary. These townships are now -distinguished by names, but in 1783-84 they were designated merely -by numbers; thus for many years the old inhabitants referred to the -townships of Osnaburg, Williamsburg, and Matilda, for instance, as the -‘third town,’ the ‘fourth town,’ and the ‘fifth town.’ The surveys were -made in great haste, and, it is to be feared, not with great care; for -some tedious lawsuits arose out of the discrepancies contained in them, -and a generation later Robert Gourlay wrote that ‘one of the present -surveyors informed me that in running new lines over a great extent of -the province, he found spare room for a whole township in the midst of -those laid out at an early period.’ Each township was subdivided into -lots of two hundred acres each, and a town-site was selected in each case -which was subdivided into town lots. - -[Illustration: SIR FREDERICK HALDIMAND - -After a contemporary painting] - -The task of transporting the settlers from their camping-places at Sorel, -Machiche, and St Johns to their new homes up the St Lawrence was one -of some magnitude. General Haldimand was not able himself to oversee -the work; but he appointed Sir John Johnson as superintendent, and the -work of settlement went on under Johnson’s care. On a given day the -Loyalists were ordered to strike camp, and proceed in a body to the new -settlements. Any who remained behind without sufficient excuse had their -rations stopped. Bateaux took the settlers up the St Lawrence, and the -various detachments were disembarked at their respective destinations. It -had been decided that the settlers should be placed on the land as far as -possible according to the corps in which they had served during the war, -and that care should be taken to have the Protestant and Roman Catholic -members of a corps settled separately. It was this arrangement which -brought about the grouping of Protestant and Roman Catholic Scottish -Highlanders in Glengarry. The first battalion of the King’s Royal -Regiment of New York was settled on the first five townships west of the -provincial boundary. This was Sir John Johnson’s regiment, and most of -its members were his Scottish dependants from the Mohawk valley. The next -three townships were settled by part of Jessup’s Corps, an offshoot of -Sir John Johnson’s regiment. Of the Cataraqui townships the first was -settled by a band of New York Loyalists, many of them of Dutch or German -extraction, commanded by Captain Michael Grass. On the second were part -of Jessup’s Corps; on the third and fourth were a detachment of the -second battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York, which had been -stationed at Oswego across the lake at the close of the war, a detachment -of Rogers’s Rangers, and a party of New York Loyalists under Major Van -Alstine. The parties commanded by Grass and Van Alstine had come by ship -from New York to Quebec after the evacuation of New York in 1783. On the -fifth township were various detachments of disbanded regular troops, and -even a handful of disbanded German mercenaries. - -As soon as the settlers had been placed on the townships to which they -had been assigned, they received their allotments of land. The surveyor -was the land agent, and the allotments were apportioned by each applicant -drawing a lot out of a hat. This democratic method of allotting lands -roused the indignation of some of the officers who had settled with their -men. They felt that they should have been given the front lots, unmindful -of the fact that their grants as officers were from five to ten times as -large as the grants which their men received. Their protests, contained -in a letter of Captain Grass to the governor, roused Haldimand to a -display of warmth to which he was as a rule a stranger. Captain Grass and -his associates, he wrote, were to get no special privileges, ‘the most -of them who came into the province with him being, in fact, mechanics, -only removed from one situation to practise their trade in another. Mr -Grass should, therefore, think himself very well off to draw lots in -common with the Loyalists.’ A good deal of difficulty arose also from the -fact that many allotments were inferior to the rest from an agricultural -point of view; but difficulties of this sort were adjusted by Johnson and -Holland on the spot. - -By 1784 nearly all the settlers were destitute and completely dependent -on the generosity of the British government. They had no effects; they -had no money; and in many cases they were sorely in need of clothes. The -way in which Sir Frederick Haldimand came to their relief is deserving -of high praise. If he had adhered to the letter of his instructions from -England, the position of the Loyalists would have been a most unenviable -one. Repeatedly, however, Haldimand took on his own shoulders the -responsibility of ignoring or disobeying the instructions from England, -and trusted to chance that his protests would prevent the government from -repudiating his actions. When the home government, for instance, ordered -a reduction of the rations, Haldimand undertook to continue them in full; -and fortunately for him the home government, on receipt of his protest, -rescinded the order. - -The settlers on the Upper St Lawrence and the Bay of Quinté did not -perhaps fare as well as those in Nova Scotia, or even the Mohawk Indians -who settled on the Grand river. They did not receive lumber for building -purposes, and ‘bricks for the inside of their chimneys, and a little -assistance of nails,’ as did the former; nor did they receive ploughs -and church-bells, as did the latter. For building lumber they had to -wait until saw-mills were constructed; instead of ploughs they had at -first to use hoes and spades, and there were not quite enough hoes and -spades to go round. Still, they did not fare badly. When the difficulty -of transporting things up the St Lawrence is remembered, it is remarkable -that they obtained as much as they did. In the first place they were -supplied with clothes for three years, or until they were able to provide -clothes for themselves. These consisted of coarse cloth for trousers -and Indian blankets for coats. Boots they made out of skins or heavy -cloth. Tools for building were given them: to each family were given -an ax and a hand-saw, though unfortunately the axes were short-handled -ship’s axes, ill-adapted to cutting in the forest; to each group of two -families were allotted a whip-saw and a cross-cut saw; and to each group -of five families was supplied a set of tools, containing chisels, augers, -draw-knives, etc. To each group of five families was also allotted ‘one -firelock ... intended for the messes, the pigeon and wildfowl season’; -but later on a firelock was supplied to every head of a family. -Haldimand went to great trouble in obtaining seed-wheat for the settlers, -sending agents down even into Vermont and the Mohawk valley to obtain -all that was to be had; he declined, however, to supply stock for the -farms, and although eventually he obtained some cattle, there were not -nearly enough cows to go round. In many cases the soldiers were allowed -the loan of the military tents; and everything was done to have saw-mills -and grist-mills erected in the most convenient places with the greatest -possible dispatch. In the meantime small portable grist-mills, worked by -hand, were distributed among the settlers. - -Among the papers relating to the Loyalists in the Canadian Archives there -is an abstract of the numbers of the settlers in the five townships -at Cataraqui and the eight townships on the St Lawrence. There were -altogether 1568 men, 626 women, 1492 children, and 90 servants, making a -total of 3776 persons. These were, of course, only the original settlers. -As time went on others were added. Many of the soldiers had left their -families in the States behind them, and these families now hastened -to cross the border. A proclamation had been issued by the British -government inviting those Loyalists who still remained in the States to -assemble at certain places along the frontier, namely, at Isle aux Noix, -at Sackett’s Harbour, at Oswego, and at Niagara. The favourite route was -the old trail from the Mohawk valley to Oswego, where was stationed a -detachment of the 34th regiment. From Oswego these refugees crossed to -Cataraqui. ‘Loyalists,’ wrote an officer at Cataraqui in the summer of -1784, ‘are coming in daily across the lake.’ To accommodate these new -settlers three more townships had to be mapped out at the west end of the -Bay of Quinté. - -For the first few years the Cataraqui settlers had a severe struggle -for existence. Most of them arrived in 1784, too late to attempt to sow -fall wheat; and it was several seasons before their crops became nearly -adequate for food. The difficulties of transportation up the St Lawrence -rendered the arrival of supplies irregular and uncertain. Cut off as they -were from civilization by the St Lawrence rapids, they were in a much -less advantageous position than the great majority of the Nova Scotia -and New Brunswick settlers, who were situated near the sea-coast. They -had no money, and as the government refused to send them specie, they -were compelled to fall back on barter as a means of trade, with the -result that all trade was local and trivial. In the autumn of 1787 the -crops failed, and in 1788 famine stalked through the land. There are many -legends about what was known as ‘the hungry year.’ If we are to believe -local tradition, some of the settlers actually died of starvation. In the -family papers of one family is to be found a story about an old couple -who were saved from starvation only by the pigeons which they were able -to knock over. A member of another family testifies: ‘We had the luxury -of a cow which the family brought with them, and had it not been for this -domestic boon, all would have perished in the year of scarcity.’ Two -hundred acre lots were sold for a few pounds of flour. A valuable cow, in -one case, was sold for eight bushels of potatoes; a three-year-old horse -was exchanged for half a hundredweight of flour. Bran was used for making -cakes; and leeks, buds of trees, and even leaves, were ground into food. - -The summer of 1789, however, brought relief to the settlers, and though, -for many years, comforts and even necessaries were scarce, yet after -1791, the year in which the new settlements were erected into the -province of Upper Canada, it may be said that most of the settlers -had been placed on their feet. The soil was fruitful; communication -and transportation improved; and metallic currency gradually found -its way into the settlements. When Mrs Simcoe, the wife of the -lieutenant-governor, passed through the country in 1792, she was struck -by the neatness of the farms of the Dutch and German settlers from the -Mohawk valley, and by the high quality of the wheat. ‘I observed on my -way thither,’ she says in her diary, ‘that the wheat appeared finer than -any I have seen in England, and totally free from weeds.’ And a few -months later an anonymous English traveller, passing the same way, wrote: -‘In so infant a settlement, it would have been irrational to expect that -abundance which bursts the granaries, and lows in the stalls of more -cultivated countries. There was, however, that kind of appearance which -indicated that with economy and industry, there would be enough.’ - -Next in size to the settlements at Cataraqui and on the Upper St Lawrence -was the settlement at Niagara. During the war Niagara had been a haven -of refuge for the Loyalists of Pennsylvania and the frontier districts, -just as Oswego and St Johns had been havens of refuge for the Loyalists -of northern and western New York. As early as 1776 there arrived at -Fort George, Niagara, in a starving condition, five women and thirty-six -children, bearing names which are still to be found in the Niagara -peninsula. From that date until the end of the war refugees continued -to come in. Many of these refugees were the families of the men and -officers of the Loyalist troops stationed at Niagara. On September 27, -1783, for instance, the officer commanding at Niagara reports the arrival -from Schenectady of the wives of two officers of Butler’s Rangers, -with a number of children. Some of these people went down the lake to -Montreal; but others remained at the post, and ‘squatted’ on the land. -In 1780 Colonel Butler reports to Haldimand that four or five families -have settled and built houses, and he requests that they be given seed -early in the spring. In 1781 we know that a Loyalist named Robert Land -had squatted on Burlington Bay, at the head of Lake Ontario. In 1783 -Lieutenant Tinling was sent to Niagara to survey lots, and Sergeant Brass -of the 84th was sent to build a saw-mill and a grist-mill. At the same -time Butler’s Rangers, who were stationed at the fort, were disbanded; -and a number of them were induced to take up land. They took up land on -the west side of the river, because, although, according to the terms of -peace, Fort George was not given up by the British until 1796, the river -was to constitute the boundary between the two countries. A return of the -rise and progress of the settlement made in May 1784 shows a total of -forty-six settlers (that is, heads of families), with forty-four houses -and twenty barns. The return makes it clear that cultivation had been -going on for some time. There were 713 acres cleared, 123 acres sown in -wheat, and 342 acres waiting to be sown; and the farms were very well -stocked, there being an average of about three horses and four or five -cows to each settler. - -With regard to the settlement at Detroit, there is not much evidence -available. It was Haldimand’s intention at first to establish a large -settlement there, but the difficulties of communication doubtless proved -to be insuperable. In the event, however, some of Butler’s Rangers -settled there. Captain Bird of the Rangers applied for and received a -grant of land on which he made a settlement; and in the summer of 1784 we -find Captain Caldwell and some others applying for deeds for the land and -houses they occupied. In 1783 the commanding officer at Detroit reported -the arrival from Red Creek of two men, ‘one a Girty, the other McCarty,’ -who had come to see what encouragement there was to settle under the -British government. They asserted that several hundred more would be glad -to come if sufficient inducements were offered them, as they saw before -them where they were nothing but persecution. In 1784 Jehu Hay, the -British lieutenant-governor of Detroit, sent in lists of men living near -Fort Pitt who were anxious to settle under the British government if they -could get lands, most of them being men who had served in the Highland -and 60th regiments. But it is safe to assume that no large number of -these ever settled near Detroit, for when Hay arrived in Detroit in the -summer of 1784, he found only one Loyalist at the post itself. There -had been for more than a generation a settlement of French Canadians at -Detroit; but it was not until after 1791 that the English element became -at all considerable. - -It has been estimated that in the country above Montreal in 1783 there -were ten thousand Loyalists, and that by 1791 this number had increased -to twenty-five thousand. These figures are certainly too large. -Pitt’s estimate of the population of Upper Canada in 1791 was only -ten thousand. This is probably much nearer the mark. The overwhelming -majority of these people were of very humble origin. Comparatively few -of the half-pay officers settled above Montreal before 1791; and most -of these were, as Haldimand said, ‘mechanics, only removed from one -situation to practise their trade in another.’ Major Van Alstine, it -appears, was a blacksmith before he came to Canada. That many of the -Loyalists were illiterate is evident from the testimony of the Rev. -William Smart, a Presbyterian clergyman who came to Upper Canada in 1811: -‘There were but few of the U. E. Loyalists who possessed a complete -education. He was personally acquainted with many, especially along the -St Lawrence and Bay of Quinté, and by no means were all educated, or men -of judgment; even the half-pay officers, many of them, had but a limited -education.’ The aristocrats of the ‘Family Compact’ party did not come to -Canada with the Loyalists of 1783; they came, in most cases, after 1791, -some of them from Britain, such as Bishop Strachan, and some of them from -New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, such as the Jarvises and the Robinsons. -This fact is one which serves to explain a great deal in Upper Canadian -history. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -COMPENSATION AND HONOUR - - -Throughout the war the British government had constantly granted relief -and compensation to Loyalists who had fled to England. In the autumn -of 1782 the treasury was paying out to them, on account of losses or -services, an annual amount of £40,280 over and above occasional payments -of a particular or extraordinary nature amounting to £17,000 or £18,000 -annually. When peace had been concluded, and it became clear that the -Americans had no intention of making restitution to the Loyalists, the -British government determined to put the payments for their compensation -on a more satisfactory basis. - -For this purpose the Coalition Government of Fox and North appointed in -July 1783 a royal commission ‘to inquire into the losses and services -of all such persons who have suffered in their rights, properties, -and professions during the late unhappy dissensions in America, in -consequence of their loyalty to His Majesty and attachment to the British -Government.’ A full account of the proceedings of the commission is to -be found in the _Historical View of the Commission for Inquiry into the -Losses, Services, and Claims of the American Loyalists_, published in -London in 1815 by one of the commissioners, John Eardley Wilmot. The -commission was originally appointed to sit for only two years; but the -task which confronted it was so great that it was found necessary several -times to renew the act under which it was appointed; and not until -1790 was the long inquiry brought to an end. It was intended at first -that the claims of the men in the Loyalist regiments should be sent in -through their officers; and Sir John Johnson, for instance, was asked to -transmit the claims of the Loyalists settled in Canada. But it was found -that this method did not provide sufficient guarantee against fraudulent -and exorbitant claims; and eventually members of the commission were -compelled to go in person to New York, Nova Scotia, and Canada. - -The delay in concluding the work of the commission caused great -indignation. A tract which appeared in London in 1788 entitled -_The Claim of, the American Loyalists Reviewed and Maintained upon -Incontrovertible Principles of Law and Justice_ drew a black picture of -the results of the delay: - - It is well known that this delay of justice has produced the - most melancholy and shocking events. A number of sufferers have - been driven into insanity and become their own destroyers, - leaving behind them their helpless widows and orphans to - subsist upon the cold charity of strangers. Others have been - sent to cultivate the wilderness for their subsistence, - without having the means, and compelled through want to throw - themselves on the mercy of the American States, and the charity - of former friends, to support the life which might have been - made comfortable by the money long since due by the British - Government; and many others with their families are barely - subsisting upon a temporary allowance from Government, a mere - pittance when compared with the sum due them. - -Complaints were also made about the methods of the inquiry. The claimant -was taken into a room alone with the commissioners, was asked to submit -a written and sworn statement as to his losses and services, and was -then cross-examined both with regard to his own losses and those of his -fellow claimants. This cross-questioning was freely denounced as an -‘inquisition.’ - -Grave inconvenience was doubtless caused in many cases by the delay of -the commissioners in making their awards. But on the other hand it should -be remembered that the commissioners had before them a portentous task. -They had to examine between four thousand and five thousand claims. In -most of these the amount of detail to be gone through was considerable, -and the danger of fraud was great. There was the difficulty also of -determining just what losses should be compensated. The rule which was -followed was that claims should be allowed only for losses of property -through loyalty, for loss of offices held before the war, and for loss -of actual professional income. No account was taken of lands bought or -improved during the war, of uncultivated lands, of property mortgaged -to its full value or with defective titles, of damage done by British -troops, or of forage taken by them. Losses due to the fall in the value -of the provincial paper money were thrown out, as were also expenses -incurred while in prison or while living in New York city. Even losses -in trade and labour were discarded. It will be seen that to apply these -rules to thousands of detailed claims, all of which had to be verified, -was not the work of a few days, or even months. - -It must be remembered, too, that during the years from 1783 to 1790 the -British government was doing a great deal for the Loyalists in other -ways. Many of the better class received offices under the crown. Sir John -Johnson was appointed superintendent of the Loyalists in Canada, and -then superintendent of Indian Affairs; Colonel Edmund Fanning was made -lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia; Ward Chipman became solicitor-general -of New Brunswick. The officers of the Loyalist regiments were put on -half-pay; and there is evidence that many were allowed thus to rank as -half-pay officers who had no real claim to the title. ‘Many,’ said the -Rev. William Smart of Brockville, ‘were placed on the list of officers, -not because they had seen service, but as the most certain way of -compensating them for losses sustained in the Rebellion’; and Haldimand -himself complained that ‘there is no end to it if every man that comes -in is to be considered and paid as an officer.’ Then every Loyalist who -wished to do so received a grant of land. The rule was that each field -officer should receive 5000 acres, each captain 3000, each subaltern -2000, and each non-commissioned officer and private 200 acres. This rule -was not uniformly observed, and there was great irregularity in the -size of the grants. Major Van Alstine, for instance, received only 1200 -acres. But in what was afterwards Upper Canada, 3,200,000 acres were -granted out to Loyalists before 1787. And in addition to all this, the -British government clothed and fed and housed the Loyalists until they -were able to provide for themselves. There were those in Nova Scotia -who were receiving rations as late as 1792. What all this must have -cost the government during the years following 1783 it is difficult to -compute. Including the cost of surveys, official salaries, the building -of saw-mills and grist-mills, and such things, the figures must have run -up to several millions of pounds. - -When it is remembered that all this had been already done, it will be -admitted to be a proof of the generosity of the British government that -the total of the claims allowed by the royal commission amounted to -£3,112,455. The grants varied in size from £10, the compensation paid -to a common soldier, to £44,500, the amount paid to Sir John Johnson. -The total outlay on the part of Great Britain, both during and after the -war, on account of the Loyalists, must have amounted to not less than -£6,000,000, exclusive of the value of the lands assigned. - -With the object possibly of assuaging the grievances of which the -Loyalists complained in connection with the proceedings of the royal -commission, Lord Dorchester (as Sir Guy Carleton was by that time -styled) proposed in 1789 ‘to put a Marke of Honor upon the families who -had adhered to the unity of the empire, and joined the Royal Standard -in America before the Treaty of Separation in the year 1783.’ It was -therefore resolved that all Loyalists of that description were ‘to be -distinguished by the letters U.E. affixed to their names, alluding to -their great principle, the unity of the empire.’ The land boards were -ordered to preserve a registry of all such persons, ‘to the end that -their posterity may be discriminated from future settlers,’ and that -their sons and daughters, on coming of age, might receive grants of -two hundred acre lots. Unfortunately, the land boards carried out -these instructions in a very half-hearted manner, and when Colonel John -Graves Simcoe became lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, he found the -regulation a dead letter. He therefore revived it in a proclamation -issued at York (now Toronto), on April 6, 1796, which directed the -magistrates to ascertain under oath and to register the names of all -those who by reason of their loyalty to the Empire were entitled to -special distinction and grants of land. A list was compiled from the land -board registers, from the provision lists and muster lists, and from the -registrations made upon oath, which was known as the ‘Old U. E. List’; -and it is a fact often forgotten that no one, the names of some of whose -ancestors are not inscribed in that list, has the right to describe -himself as a United Empire Loyalist. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE AMERICAN MIGRATION - - -From the first the problem of governing the settlements above Montreal -perplexed the authorities. It was very early proposed to erect them into -a separate province, as New Brunswick had been erected into a separate -province. But Lord Dorchester was opposed to any such arrangement. ‘It -appears to me,’ he wrote to Lord Sydney, ‘that the western settlements -are as yet unprepared for any organization superior to that of a county.’ -In 1787, therefore, the country west of Montreal was divided into four -districts, for a time named Lunenburg, Mecklenburg, Nassau, and Hesse. -Lunenburg stretched from the western boundary of the province of Quebec -to the Gananoqui; Mecklenburg, from the Gananoqui to the Trent, flowing -into the Bay of Quinté; Nassau, from the Trent to a line drawn due north -from Long Point on Lake Erie; and Hesse, from this line to Detroit. We -do not know who was responsible for inflicting these names on a new -and unoffending country. Perhaps they were thought a compliment to the -Hanoverian ruler of England. Fortunately they were soon dropped, and the -names Eastern, Midland, Home, and Western were substituted. - -This division of the settlements proved only temporary. It left the -Loyalists under the arbitrary system of government set up in Quebec -by the Quebec Act of 1774, under which they enjoyed no representative -institutions whatever. It was not long before petitions began to pour in -from them asking that they should be granted a representative assembly. -Undoubtedly Lord Dorchester had underestimated the desire among them for -representative institutions. In 1791, therefore, the country west of the -Ottawa river, with the exception of a triangle of land at the junction -of the Ottawa and the St Lawrence, was erected by the Constitutional -Act into a separate province, with the name of Upper Canada; and this -province was granted a representative assembly of fifteen members. - -The lieutenant-governor appointed for the new province was Colonel John -Graves Simcoe. During the war Colonel Simcoe had been the commanding -officer of the Queen’s Rangers, which had been largely composed of -Loyalists, and he was therefore not unfitted to govern the new province. -He was theoretically under the control of Lord Dorchester at Quebec; but -his relations with Dorchester were somewhat strained, and he succeeded -in making himself virtually independent in his western jurisdiction. -Though he seemed phlegmatic, he possessed a vigorous and enterprising -disposition, and he planned great things for Upper Canada. He explored -the country in search of the best site for a capital; and it is -interesting to know that he had such faith in the future of Upper Canada -that he actually contemplated placing the capital in what was then the -virgin wilderness about the river Thames. He inaugurated a policy of -building roads and improving communications which showed great foresight; -and he entered upon an immigration propaganda, by means of proclamations -advertising free land grants, which brought a great increase of -population to the province. - -[Illustration: JOHN GRAVES SIMCOE - -From the bust in Exeter Cathedral] - -Simcoe believed that there were still in the United States after 1791 -many people who had remained loyal at heart to Great Britain, and who -were profoundly dissatisfied with their lot under the new American -government. It was his object to attract these people to Upper Canada -by means of his proclamations; and there is no doubt that he was partly -successful. But he also attracted many who had no other motive in coming -to Canada than their desire to obtain free land grants, and whose -attachment to the British crown was of the most recent origin. These -people were freely branded by the original settlers as ‘Americans’; -and there is no doubt that in many cases the name expressed their real -sympathies. - -The War of the Revolution had hardly been brought to a conclusion when -some of the Americans showed a tendency to migrate into Canada. In 1783, -when the American Colonel Willet was attempting an attack on the British -garrison at Oswego, American traders, with an impudence which was superb, -were arriving at Niagara. In 1784 some rebels who had attempted to pose -as Loyalists were ejected from the settlements at Cataraqui. And after -Simcoe began to advertise free land grants to all who would take the -oath of allegiance to King George, hundreds of Americans flocked across -the border. The Duc de la Rochefoucauld, a French _émigré_ who travelled -through Upper Canada in 1795, and who has given us the best account of -the province at that time, asserted that there were in Upper Canada many -who ‘falsely profess an attachment to the British monarch and curse the -Government of the Union for the mere purpose of getting possession of -the lands.’ ‘We met in this excursion,’ says La Rochefoucauld in another -place, ‘an American family who, with some oxen, cows, and sheep, were -emigrating to Canada. “We come,” said they, “to the governor,” whom they -did not know, “to see whether he will give us land.” “Aye, aye,” the -governor replied, “you are tired of the federal government; you like not -any longer to have so many kings; you wish again for your old father” -(it is thus the governor calls the British monarch when he speaks with -Americans); “you are perfectly right; come along, we love such good -Royalists as you are; we will give you land.”’ - -Other testimony is not lacking. Writing in 1799 Richard Cartwright said, -‘It has so happened that a great portion of the population of that part -of the province which extends from the head of the Bay of Kenty upwards -is composed of persons who have evidently no claim to the appellation of -Loyalists.’ In some districts it was a cause of grievance that persons -from the States entered the province, petitioned for lands, took the -necessary oaths, and, having obtained possession of the land, resold -it, pocketed the money, and returned to build up the American Union. As -late as 1816 a letter appeared in the Kingston _Gazette_ in which the -complaint is made that ‘people who have come into the country from the -States, marry into a family, and obtain a lot of wild land, get John -Ryder to move the landmarks, and instead of a wild lot, take by force a -fine house and barn and orchard, and a well-cultivated farm, and turn the -old Tory (as he is called) out of his house, and all his labor for thirty -years.’ - -Never at any other time perhaps have conditions been so favourable in -Canada for land-grabbing and land-speculation as they were then. Owing to -the large amount of land granted to absentee owners, and to the policy -of free land grants announced by Simcoe, land was sold at a very low -price. In some cases two hundred acre lots were sold for a gallon of rum. -In 1791 Sir William Pullency, an English speculator, bought 1,500,000 -acres of land in Upper Canada at one shilling an acre, and sold 700,000 -acres later for an average of eight shillings an acre. Under these -circumstances it was not surprising that many Americans, with their -shrewd business instincts, flocked into the country. - -It is clear, then, that a large part of the immigration which took place -under Simcoe was not Loyalist in its character. From this, it must not -be understood that the new-comers were not good settlers. Even Richard -Cartwright confessed that they had ‘resources in themselves which other -people are usually strangers to.’ They compared very favourably with the -Loyalists who came from England and the Maritime Provinces, who were -described by Cartwright as ‘idle and profligate.’ The great majority -of the American settlers became loyal subjects of the British crown; -and it was only when the American army invaded Canada in 1812, and when -William Lyon Mackenzie made a push for independence in 1837, that the -non-Loyalist character of some of the early immigration became apparent. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -The Loyalist in his New Home - - -The social history of the United Empire Loyalists was not greatly -different from that of other pioneer settlers in the Canadian forest. -Their homes were such as could have been seen until recently in many of -the outlying parts of the country. In Nova Scotia and New Brunswick some -of the better class of settlers were able to put up large and comfortable -wooden houses, some of which are still standing. But even there most of -them had to be content with primitive quarters. Edward Winslow was not a -poor man, as poverty was reckoned in those days. Yet he lived in rather -meagre style. He described his house at Granville, opposite Annapolis, as -being ‘almost as large as my log house, divided into two rooms, where we -are snug as pokers.’ Two years later, after he had made additions to it, -he proposed advertising it for sale in the following terms: ‘That elegant -House now occupied by the Honourable E. W., one of His Majesty’s Council -for the Province of New Brunswick, consisting of four beautiful Rooms on -the first Floor, highly finished. Also two spacious-lodging chambers in -the second story—a capacious dry cellar with arches &c. &c. &c.’ In Upper -Canada, owing to the difficulty of obtaining building materials, the -houses of the half-pay officers were even less pretentious. A traveller -passing through the country about Johnstown in 1792 described Sir John -Johnson’s house as ‘a small country lodge, neat, but as the grounds are -only beginning to be cleared, there was nothing of interest.’ - -The home of the average Loyalist was a log-cabin. Sometimes the cabin -contained one room, sometimes two. Its dimensions were as a rule no -more than fourteen feet by eighteen feet, and sometimes ten by fifteen. -The roofs were constructed of bark or small hollowed basswood logs, -overlapping one another like tiles. The windows were as often as not -covered not with glass, but with oiled paper. The chimneys were built -of sticks and clay, or rough unmortared stones, since bricks were not -procurable; sometimes there was no chimney, and the smoke was allowed -to find its way out through a hole in the bark roof. Where it was -impossible to obtain lumber, the doors were made of pieces of timber -split into rough boards; and in some cases the hinges and latches were -made of wood. These old log cabins, with the chinks between the logs -filled in with clay and moss, were still to be seen standing in many -parts of the country as late as fifty years ago. Though primitive, they -seem to have been not uncomfortable; and many of the old settlers clung -to them long after they could have afforded to build better. This was -doubtless partly due to the fact that log-houses were exempt from the -taxation laid on frame, brick, and stone structures. - -A few of the Loyalists succeeded in bringing with them to Canada some -sticks of furniture or some family heirlooms. Here and there a family -would possess an ancient spindle, a pair of curiously-wrought fire-dogs, -or a quaint pair of hand-bellows. But these relics of a former life -merely served to accentuate the rudeness of the greater part of the -furniture of the settlers. Chairs, benches, tables, beds, chests, were -fashioned by hand from the rough wood. The descendant of one family has -described how the family dinner-table was a large stump, hewn flat on -top, standing in the middle of the floor. The cooking was done at the -open fireplace; it was not until well on in the nineteenth century that -stoves came into common use in Canada. - -The clothing of the settlers was of the most varied description. Here -and there was one who had brought with him the tight knee-breeches and -silver-buckled shoes of polite society. But many had arrived with only -what was on their backs; and these soon found their garments, no matter -how carefully darned and patched, succumb to the effects of time and -labour. It was not long before the settlers learnt from the Indians the -art of making clothing out of deer-skin. Trousers made of this material -were found both comfortable and durable. ‘A gentleman who recently died -in Sophiasburg at an advanced age, remembered to have worn a pair for -twelve years, being repaired occasionally, and at the end they were -sold for two dollars and a half.’ Petticoats for women were also made -of deer-skin. ‘My grandmother,’ says one descendant, ‘made all sorts -of useful dresses with these skins, which were most comfortable for a -country life, and for going through the bush [since they] could not be -torn by the branches.’ There were, of course, some articles of clothing -which could not readily be made of leather; and very early the settlers -commenced growing flax and raising sheep for their wool. Home-made linen -and clothing of linsey-woolsey were used in the settlements by high and -low alike. It was not until the close of the eighteenth century that -articles of apparel, other than those made at home of flax and wool, -were easily obtainable. A calico dress was a great luxury. Few daughters -expected to have one until it was bought for their wedding-dress. Great -efforts were always made to array the bride in fitting costume; and -sometimes a dress, worn by the mother in other days, amid other scenes, -was brought forth, yellow and discoloured with the lapse of time. - -There was little money in the settlements. What little there was came in -pay to the soldiers or the half-pay officers. Among the greater part of -the population, business was carried on by barter. In Upper Canada the -lack of specie was partly overcome by the use of a kind of paper money. -‘This money consists of small squares of card or paper, on which are -printed promissory notes for various sums. These notes are made payable -once a year, generally about the latter end of September at Montreal. -The name of the merchant or firm is subscribed.’ This was merely an -extension of the system of credit still in use with country merchants, -but it provided the settlers with a very convenient substitute for cash. -The merchants did not suffer, as frequently this paper money was lost, -and never presented; and cases were known of its use by Indians as -wadding for their flint-locks. - -Social instincts among the settlers were strongly marked. Whenever a -family was erecting a house or barn, the neighbours as a rule lent a -helping hand. While the men were raising barn-timbers and roof-trees, -the women gathered about the quilting-frames or the spinning-wheels. -After the work was done, it was usual to have a festival. The young men -wrestled and showed their prowess at trials of strength; the rest looked -on and applauded. In the evening there was a dance, at which the local -musician scraped out tuneless tunes on an ancient fiddle; and there was -of course hearty eating and, it is to be feared, heavy drinking. - -Schools and churches were few and far between. A number of Loyalist -clergy settled both in Nova Scotia and in Upper Canada, and these held -services and taught school in the chief centres of population. The Rev. -John Stuart was, for instance, appointed chaplain in 1784 at Cataraqui; -and in 1786 he opened an academy there, for which he received government -aid. In time other schools sprang up, taught by retired soldiers or -farmers who were incapacitated for other work. The tuition given in these -schools was of the most elementary sort. La Rochefoucauld, writing of -Cataraqui in 1795, says: ‘In this district are some schools, but they -are few in number. The children are instructed in reading and writing, -and pay each a dollar a month. One of the masters, superior to the -rest in point of knowledge, taught Latin; but he has left the school, -without being succeeded by another instructor of the same learning.’ ‘At -seven years of age,’ writes the son of a Loyalist family, ‘I was one of -those who patronized Mrs Cranahan, who opened a Sylvan Seminary for the -young idea in Adolphustown; from thence, I went to Jonathan Clark’s, -and then tried Thomas Morden, lastly William Faulkiner, a relative of -the Hagermans. You may suppose that these graduations to Parnassus was -[_sic_] carried into effect, because a large amount of knowledge could -be obtained. Not so; for Dilworth’s Spelling Book, and the New Testament, -were the only books possessed by these academies.’ - -The lack of a clergy was even more marked. When Bishop Mountain visited -Upper Canada in 1794, he found only one Lutheran chapel and two -Presbyterian churches between Montreal and Kingston. At Kingston he -found ‘a small but decent church,’ and about the Bay of Quinté there -were three or four log huts which were used by the Church of England -missionary in the neighbourhood. At Niagara there was a clergyman, but -no church; the services were held in the Freemasons’ Hall. This lack of -a regularly-ordained clergy was partly remedied by a number of itinerant -Methodist preachers or ‘exhorters.’ These men were described by Bishop -Mountain as ‘a set of ignorant enthusiasts, whose preaching is calculated -only to perplex the understanding, to corrupt the morals, to relax the -nerves of industry, and dissolve the bands of society.’ But they gained -a very strong hold on the Loyalist population; and for a long time they -were familiar figures upon the country roads. - -For many years communications both in New Brunswick and in Upper Canada -were mainly by water. The roads between the settlements were little more -than forest paths. When Colonel Simcoe went to Upper Canada he planned -to build a road running across the province from Montreal to the river -Thames, to be called Dundas Street. He was recalled, however, before -the road was completed; and the project was allowed to fall through. In -1793 an act was passed by the legislature of Upper Canada ‘to regulate -the laying out, amending, and keeping in repair, the public highways and -roads.’ This threw on the individual settler the obligation of keeping -the road across his lot in good repair; but the large amount of crown -lands and clergy reserves and land held by speculators throughout the -province made this act of little avail. It was not until 1798 that a -road was run from the Bay of Quinté to the head of Lake Ontario, by an -American surveyor named Asa Danforth. But even this government road was -at times impassable; and there is evidence that some travellers preferred -to follow the shore of the lake. - -It will be seen from these notes on social history that the Loyalists had -no primrose path. But after the first grumblings and discontents, poured -into the ears of Governor Haldimand and Governor Parr, they seem to have -settled down contentedly to their lot; and their life appears to have -been on the whole happy. Especially in the winter, when they had some -leisure, they seem to have known how to enjoy themselves. - - In the winter season, nothing is more ardently wished for, - by young persons of both sexes, in Upper Canada, than the - setting in of frost, accompanied by a fall of snow. Then it - is, that pleasure commences her reign. The sleighs are drawn - out. Visits are paid, and returned, in all directions. Neither - cold, distance, or badness of roads prove any impediment. The - sleighs glide over all obstacles. It would excite surprise in - a stranger to view the open before the Governor’s House on a - levee morning, filled with these carriages. A sleigh would - not probably make any great figure in Bond street, whose - silken sons and daughters would probably mistake it for a - turnip cart, but in the Canadas, it is the means of pleasure, - and glowing healthful exercise. An overturn is nothing. It - contributes subject matter for conversation at the next house - that is visited, when a pleasant raillery often arises on the - derangement of dress, which the ladies have sustained, and - the more than usual display of graces, which the tumble has - occasioned. - -This picture, drawn in 1793 by a nameless traveller, is an evidence of -the courage and buoyancy of heart with which the United Empire Loyalists -faced the toils and privations of life in their new home. - - Not drooping like poor fugitives they came - In exodus to our Canadian wilds, - But full of heart and hope, with heads erect - And fearless eyes victorious in defeat. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE - - -It is astonishing how little documentary evidence the Loyalists left -behind them with regard to their migration. Among those who fled to -England there were a few who kept diaries and journals, or wrote -memoirs, which have found their way into print; and some contemporary -records have been published with regard to the settlements of Nova -Scotia and New Brunswick. But of the Loyalists who settled in Upper and -Lower Canada there is hardly one who left behind him a written account -of his experiences. The reason for this is that many of them were -illiterate, and those who were literate were so occupied with carving -a home for themselves out of the wilderness that they had neither -time nor inclination for literary labours. Were it not for the state -papers preserved in England, and for a collection of papers made by Sir -Frederick Haldimand, the Swiss soldier of fortune who was governor of -Quebec at the time of the migration, and who had a passion for filing -documents away, our knowledge of the settlements in the Canadas would be -of the most sketchy character. - -It would serve no good purpose to attempt here an exhaustive account of -the printed sources relating to the United Empire Loyalists. All that -can be done is to indicate some of the more important. The only general -history of the Loyalists is Egerton Ryerson, _The Loyalists of America -and Their Times_ (2 vols., 1880); it is diffuse and antiquated, and is -written in a spirit of undiscriminating admiration of the Loyalists, but -it contains much good material. Lorenzo Sabine, _Biographical Sketches of -Loyalists of the American Revolution_ (2 vols., 1864), is an old book, -but it is a storehouse of information about individual Loyalists, and -it contains a suggestive introductory essay. Some admirable work on the -Loyalists has been done by recent American historians. Claude H. Van -Tyne, _The Loyalists in the American Revolution_ (1902), is a readable -and scholarly study, based on extensive researches into documentary and -newspaper sources. The Loyalist point of view will be found admirably set -forth in M. C. Tyler, _The Literary History of the American Revolution_ -(2 vols., 1897), and _The Party of the Loyalists in the American -Revolution_ (American Historical Review, I, 24). Of special studies in a -limited field the most valuable and important is A. C. Flick, _Loyalism -in New York_ (1901); it is the result of exhaustive researches, and -contains an excellent bibliography of printed and manuscript sources. -Other studies in a limited field are James H. Stark, _The Loyalists of -Massachusetts and the Other Side of the American Revolution_ (1910), and -G. A. Gilbert, _The Connecticut Loyalists_ (American Historical Review, -IV, 273). - -For the settlements of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, the most important -source is _The Winslow Papers_ (edited by W. O. Raymond, 1901), an -admirably annotated collection of private letters written by and to -Colonel Edward Winslow. Some of the official correspondence relating to -the migration is calendared in the Historical Manuscript Commission’s -_Report on American Manuscripts in the Royal Institution of Great -Britain_ (1909). Much material will be found in the provincial histories -of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, such as Beamish Murdoch, _A History of -Nova Scotia or Acadie_ (3 vols., 1867), and James Hannay, _History of New -Brunswick_ (2 vols., 1909), and also in the local and county histories. -The story of the Loyalists of Prince Edward Island is contained in W. -H. Siebert and Florence E. Gilliam, _The Loyalists in Prince Edward -Island_ (Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd -series, IV, ii, 109). An account of the Shelburne colony will be found in -T. Watson Smith, _The Loyalists at Shelburne_ (Collections of the Nova -Scotia Historical Society, VI, 53). - -For the settlements in Upper and Lower Canada, the most important source -is the Haldimand Papers, which are fully calendared in the Reports of -the Canadian Archives from 1884 to 1889. J. McIlwraith, _Sir Frederick -Haldimand_ (1904), contains a chapter on ‘The Loyalists’ which is based -upon these papers. The most important secondary source is William -Canniff, _History of the Settlement of Upper Canada_ (1869), a book -the value of which is seriously diminished by lack of reference to -authorities, and by a slipshod style, but which contains a vast amount -of material preserved nowhere else. Among local histories reference may -be made to C. M. Day, _Pioneers of the Eastern Townships_ (1863), James -Croil, _Dundas_ (1861), and J. F. Pringle, _Lunenburgh or the Old Eastern -District_ (1891). An interesting essay in local history is L. H. Tasker, -_The United Empire Loyalist Settlement at Long Point, Lake Erie_ (Ontario -Historical Society, Papers and Records, II). For the later immigration -reference should be made to D. C. Scott, _John Graves Simcoe_ (1905), and -Ernest Cruikshank, _Immigration from the United States Into Upper Canada, -1784-1812_ (Proceedings of the Thirty-ninth Convention of the Ontario -Educational Association, 263). - -An authoritative account of the proceedings of the commissioners -appointed to inquire into the losses of the Loyalists is to be found in -J. E. Wilmot, _Historical View of the Commission for Inquiry Into the -Losses, Services, and Claims of the American Loyalists_ (1815). - -For the social history of the Loyalist settlements a useful book -is A ‘Canuck’ (M. G. Scherk), _Pen Pictures of Early Pioneer Life -in Upper Canada_ (1905). Many interesting notes on social history -will be found also in accounts of travels such as the Duc de la -Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Travels through the United States of North -America, the Country of the Iroquois, and Upper Canada_ (1799), _The -Diary of Mrs John Graves Simcoe_ (edited by J. Ross Robertson, 1911), and -_Canadian Letters: Description of a Tour thro’ the Provinces of Lower -and Upper Canada in the Course of the Years 1792 and ’93_ (The Canadian -Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal, IX, 3 and 4). - -An excellent index to unprinted materials relating to the Loyalists is -Wilfred Campbell, _Report on Manuscript Lists Relating to the United -Empire Loyalists, with Reference to Other Sources_ (1909). - -See also in this Series: _The Father of British Canada; The War Chief of -the Six Nations_. - - - - -INDEX - - - Adams, John, a social comparison, 16; - on strength of Loyalists, 17-18; - favours compensating the Loyalists, 46. - - Allen, Lieut.-Col. Isaac, on New Brunswick, 72. - - American Revolution, Lecky on, 2; - merely a phase of English party politics, 7; - not a war of social classes, 16; - one-third of the people opposed to measures of, 18; - ‘fratricidal butchery’ in, 38; - end of, 45. - - Americans, barbarity of, 40; - have proof that Loyalists lifted scalps, 42-3; - hypocrisy of, 48; - migrate to Upper Canada, 123; - testimonies against, 124-5; - and in favour, 126. - - Aplin, Joseph, and the Loyalist settlement at Parrtown, 74. - - - Bailey, Rev. Jacob, on the Loyalists, 56. - - Beecher, Rev. Jonathan, and the Shelburne settlement, 66. - - Bliss, Jonathan, a Loyalist in New Brunswick, 80; - and social feeling in St John, 82-3. - - Blowers, Sampson Salter, and the Loyalists, 56. - - Boston, riots in, 21; - and migration of the Loyalists, 54. - - Botsford, Amos, 56; - on New Brunswick, 72. - - Boucher, Rev. Jonathan, advocates doctrines of passive obedience to - authority and the divine right of kings, 8-10; - but upholds right of petition, 10; - and Washington, 13; - threatened by revolutionary mob, 22-3. - - Brant, Joseph, loyalty of, 37; - fails to control Indians at Cherry Valley, 40. - - Bunker’s Hill, British obstinacy at, 33. - - Burgoyne, General, and the Loyalists, 33, 38. - - Butler, Colonel John, and his Whig cousins, 16; - incursions into United States, 34, 39; - reprimanded, 42; - and Indian barbarity, 43. - - Byles, Rev. Mather, and the Revolution, 30. - - - Campbell, Thomas, his lines on Wyoming valley raid, 30. - - Cape Breton, Loyalists in, 63. - - Carleton, Sir Guy. - See Dorchester, Lord. - - Carleton, Colonel Thomas, governor of New Brunswick, 79, 81. - - Cartwright, Richard, on the Americans in Upper Canada, 124, 126. - - Cataraqui, hard times of Loyalists at, 105-6. - - Chipman, Ward, a Loyalist in New Brunswick, 80; - and social feeling in St John, 82-3. - - Constitutional Act of 1791, necessitated by the coming of the - Loyalists, 6. - - Cooper, Dr Myles, endorses the principle of submission to authority, - but upholds right of petition, 10. - - Cornwallis, General, and the Loyalists, 45. - - Cowper, William, his lines on American revolutionists, 20. - - Cummings, Samuel, 56; - on New Brunswick, 72. - - Cuyler, Abraham, leads a Loyalist migration, 63. - - - Declaration of Independence, rouses the Loyalists, 13-14. - - De Lancey, Colonel, on Loyalist settlement in New Brunswick, 75. - - Detroit, Loyalist settlement at, 109-10. - - Dole, James, a Loyalist agent, 65. - - Dorchester, Lord, on Canada, 4; - denounces American Whigs, 50, 51; - assists migration of the Loyalists, 56, 57; - takes strong stand in New York, 59-60; - initiates ‘Marke of Honor,’ 118; - opposes creation of Upper Canada, 120-2. - - Dulany, Daniel, protests against British policy, 11-12. - - Dundas, Colonel Thomas, on the Loyalist settlement in New Brunswick, - 84-5. - - - Eastern Townships, Loyalists not allowed to settle in, 95-6. - - - Fanning, Colonel Edmund, tries to take advantage of Loyalists in - Prince Edward Island, 88. - - Finucane, Chief Justice, fails to appease Loyalists in New Brunswick, - 77. - - Franklin, Benjamin, scouts idea of American independence, 13; - and his son, 16; - against granting amnesty to Loyalists, 46. - - - Galloway, Joseph, disapproves of British policy, 11; - a social comparison, 16. - - Georgia, strength of Loyalists in, 18. - - Germain, Lord George, incapacity of, 34. - - Gourlay, Robert, on the survey of townships in Upper Canada, 98. - - Grass, Captain Michael, 100; - rouses Haldimand’s anger, 101. - - Great Britain, in the Peace of Versailles, 46-7; - her betrayal of the Loyalists, 48-9; - makes amends, 52; - her generosity to Loyalists, 112-18. - - Gugy, Conrad, and Loyalist refugees, 92; - accusation against, 93. - - - Haldimand, Sir Frederick, denounces indiscriminate vengeance, 42; - settles Loyalist refugees, 91-2, 97-9, 101, 102; - debars settling in Eastern Townships, 96; - on compensation to Loyalists, 116-17. - - Haliburton, T. C, on the Shelburne settlement, 69-70. - - Hauser, Frederick, 56; - on New Brunswick, 72. - - Holland, Major Samuel, surveys townships in Upper Canada, 98. - - Howe, General, and migration of the Loyalists, 54-5. - - Hutchinson, Thomas, disapproves of British policy, 11; - a comparison, 16; - persecution of, 21. - - - Indians in the American Revolution, barbarity of, 40; - their use deprecated, 41-2. - - - Jessup’s Corps, at Saratoga, 38; - settlement of, 100. - - Johnson, Sir William, 16; - his career, 35-6. - - Johnson, Sir John, escapes to Canada, 25; - incursions into United States, 34, 40-1; - raises ‘Royal Greens,’ 37; - charges of barbarity, 41; - supervises settlement of Loyalists, 99; - and Loyalist claims, 113; - superintendent of Indian Affairs, 116; - compensation paid to, 118; - his house, 128. - - Johnson, Lady, carried off a prisoner, 25. - - Johnson, Colonel Guy, raises Loyalist regiment, 37. - - - King’s American Dragoons, hard lot of, in New Brunswick, 75-6, 77. - - - Loughborough, Lord, on Britain’s desertion of the Loyalists, 48. - - Lower Canada, the Loyalists the indirect cause of an assembly being - granted to, 6. - - Loyalists, the, vilified by early writers, 1-2; - reparation made, 2; - honoured in Canada, 3; - effect of their exodus on United States, 4; - effect of their migration on Canadian history, 4-6; - subscribe to the principles of passive submission to authority and - the right of petition, 8-10; - disapprove of British policy, 11-12; - causes of increase in numbers, 12-14; - loyal toast, 14; - numbers and strength, 16-19; - persecution of, 20-31; - and the test laws, 26-8; - story of two Loyalists hanged in Philadelphia, 28; - some penalties, 29; - confiscation of property, 29-30; - lack initiative, 32; - success in battle, 33-4; - charges of barbarism against, 34-5; - charges refuted, 41-4; - some regiments of, 36-8, 73; - raids and incursions, 38-41; - their hopeless position at end of war, 45-52; - British betrayal of, 48-9; - Britain makes amends, 52; - migration to Nova Scotia, 53-61; - some statistics of Loyalists in Maritime Provinces, 63, 66, 68, 73; - the Shelburne settlement, 63-70; - migration to New Brunswick, 71-85; - Prince Edward Island, 86-90; - Quebec, 91-6; - Upper Canada, 97-111; - allowances to, 102-4; - compensation to, 112-16; - honours and grants to, 116-18; - their ‘Marke of Honor,’ 118-19; - their houses and furniture, 127-9; - clothing, 130-1; - means of exchange, 131-2; - social customs, 132; - schools and churches, 132-4; - their happy lot, 136-7. - - Loyalist regiments, settled in New Brunswick, 73; - their distress, 75-6; - when formed in Canada, 91; - settlement of, in Upper Canada, 34, 37, 38, 99-100. - - Loyal Rangers, 38; - at Wyoming valley, 39; - at Mohawk valley, 41. - - - Macdonell, Alexander, in ‘the ’45,’ 36; - his ideas of border warfare, 39; - barbarity of, 42. - - Machiche, Loyalist discontent at, 93-4. - - McKean, Thomas, on number of Loyalists, 18-19. - - Maclean, Colonel Allan, raises a Loyalist regiment, 37. - - Massachusetts, Loyalist migration from, 65-7. - - Mountain, Bishop, on religion in Upper Canada, 134. - - Montgomery, General Richard, in the American Revolution, 7. - - Mowat, Captain, and the Shelburne settlement, 67. - - - New Brunswick, candid view of Loyalist in, 14; - Governor Parr’s opinion of, 71; - Loyalist settlements in, 72-7; - erected into a province, 78-9; - Loyalists fill chief offices in, 80; - capital of, and election of representatives, 81-3; - means of communication in, 134-5. - - Newton, William, amusing case of, 84. - - New York, strength of Loyalists in, 17; - riots in, 22; - a strange order, 23; - and the test laws, 27; - and confiscation of Loyalist property, 30; - debts due to Loyalists cancelled, 46; - laws enacted against Loyalists, 51; - Sir Guy Carleton too much for congress of, 60. - - Niagara, Loyalist settlement at, 107-9. - - North, Lord, denounces Britain’s desertion of Loyalists, 48. - - Nova Scotia, migration of Loyalists to, 53-61; - uncomplimentary opinions of, 61-2, 64; - schools and churches in, 132-4. - - - Odell, Rev. Jonathan, a Loyalist, 80. - - Oliver, Andrew, persecution of, 21. - - Ontario. See Upper Canada. - - - Parr, John, governor of Nova Scotia, on the condition of Loyalist - refugees, 58-9; - and the Shelburne settlement, 65, 67-8; - on New Brunswick, 71; - and land grants in New Brunswick, 77, 79; - on social status of Loyalists in Nova Scotia, 83. - - Pennsylvania, strength of Loyalists in, 17; - and the test laws, 27. - - Prince Edward Island, Loyalists in, 63; - scurvy treatment, 86-90. - - Pullency, Sir William, and land speculation, 125. - - Pynchon, Joseph, and the Shelburne settlement, 65-6. - - - Quebec, Loyalist refugees flock to, 91; - settlements, 92-5; - all traces of lost, 95. - - - ‘Rivington’s Gazette’ on terms of peace, 49. - - Rochefoucauld, Duc de la, and the Americans in Upper Canada, 123-4; - on education at Cataraqui, 133. - - Rogers’s Rangers, settlement of, 100. - - ‘Royal Greens,’ or the King’s Royal Regiment, raised, 37; - at ambuscade of Oriskany, 38; - settlement of, 100. - - Royal Highland Emigrants, 37. - - - St John, social bitterness among Loyalists in, 82. - - Scottish Highlanders, rebels of ‘the ’45,’ become Loyalists, 36. - - Seabury, Dr, and the Loyalists, 56. - - Shelburne, story of the Loyalist settlement at, 63-70. - - Simcoe, Col. John Graves, and the U.E. regulation, 119; - his good work in Upper Canada, 122; - invites Americans to cross the border, 123; - and road-building, 135. - - Smart, Rev. William, on the Loyalists in Upper Canada, 111, 116. - - Sons of Liberty and the Loyalists, 23. - - Stamp Act, the, some effects of, 21. - - Stuart, Rev. John, at Cataraqui, 133. - - - Tarleton’s Loyal Cavalry, success in the Carolinas, 33-4. - - Tea duty, Loyalist objection to, 11. - - Test laws, tyranny of, 26; - not strictly enforced, 27. - - Tories, American, get support of English Tories, 7; - loyalty of, 8; - an Episcopalian party, 15; - a social comparison with Whigs, 16; - tarring and feathering of, 22, 23; - test laws, 27-30. - - Tryon, Governor, and Loyalist success, 34. - - - United Empire Loyalists, origin of name, 118-19. - See Loyalists. - - Upper Canada, migration of Loyalists into determines form of - government, 5-6; - Loyalists removed to, 95; - settlements in, 97-100; - ‘Family Compact’ party, 111; - names of districts in, 120-1; - Americans flock into, 123-5; - schools and churches in, 132-4; - means of communication, 134-5. - - - Van Alstine, Major, and settlement of Loyalists, 100, 111; - his grant, 117. - - Van Schaak, Peter, a Whig, disapproves of test laws, 26-7. - - Versailles, Peace of, and the Loyalists, 46-52. - - Virginia and the Loyalists, 17, 47. - - - Washington, George, his aversion to the idea of independence, 13; - a comparison, 16; - approves the persecution of Loyalists, 23-4; - on the Loyalist raids, 44; - refuses to treat with Loyalists, 45; - his advice to the Loyalists, 50. - - Whigs, American, get support of English Whigs, 7; - their change of front, 13; - a Presbyterian party, 15; - a social comparison with Tories, 16; - a powerful organization formed to stamp out Loyalism, 24-5; - and the test laws, 27. - - Winslow, Edward, on conditions of Loyalist refugees, 61; - on New Brunswick, 71-2, 75-6, 78, 80; - and the wealthy widow, 84; - on his house, 127-8. - - - - - -THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA - -Edited by George M. Wrong and H. H. Langton of the University of Toronto - - -A series of thirty-two freshly-written narratives for popular reading, -designed to set forth, in historic continuity, the principal events and -movements in Canada, from the Norse Voyages to the Railway Builders. - -PART I. THE FIRST EUROPEAN VISITORS - - 1. _The Dawn of Canadian History_ - A Chronicle of Aboriginal Canada - BY STEPHEN LEACOCK - - 2. _The Mariner of St Malo_ - A Chronicle of the Voyages of Jacques Cartier - BY STEPHEN LEACOCK - -PART II. THE RISE OF NEW FRANCE - - 3. _The Founder of New France_ - A Chronicle of Champlain - BY CHARLES W. COLBY - - 4. _The Jesuit Missions_ - A Chronicle of the Cross in the Wilderness - BY THOMAS GUTHRIE MARQUIS - - 5. _The Seigneurs of Old Canada_ - A Chronicle of New-World Feudalism - BY WILLIAM BENNETT MUNRO - - 6. _The Great Intendant_ - A Chronicle of Jean Talon - BY THOMAS CHAPAIS - - 7. _The Fighting Governor_ - A Chronicle of Frontenac - BY CHARLES W. COLBY - -PART III. THE ENGLISH INVASION - - 8. _The Great Fortress_ - A Chronicle of Louisbourg - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - 9. _The Acadian Exiles_ - A Chronicle of the Land of Evangeline - BY ARTHUR G. DOUGHTY - - 10. _The Passing of New France_ - A Chronicle of Montcalm - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - 11. _The Winning of Canada_ - A Chronicle of Wolfe - BY WILLIAM WOOD - -PART IV. THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH CANADA - - 12. _The Father of British Canada_ - A Chronicle of Carleton - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - 13. _The United Empire Loyalists_ - A Chronicle of the Great Migration - BY W. STEWART WALLACE - - 14. _The War with the United States_ - A Chronicle of 1812 - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - PART V. THE RED MAN IN CANADA - - 15. _The War Chief of the Ottawas_ - A Chronicle of the Pontiac War - BY THOMAS GUTHRIE MARQUIS - - 16. _The War Chief of the Six Nations_ - A Chronicle of Joseph Brant - BY LOUIS AUBREY WOOD - - 17. _Tecumseh_ - A Chronicle of the last Great Leader of his People - BY ETHEL T. RAYMOND - -PART VI. PIONEERS OF THE NORTH AND WEST - - 18. _The ‘Adventurers of England’ on Hudson Bay_ - A Chronicle of the Fur Trade in the North - BY AGNES C. LAUT - - 19. _Pathfinders of the Great Plains_ - A Chronicle of La Vérendrye and his Sons - BY LAWRENCE J. BURPEE - - 20. _Adventurers of the Far North_ - A Chronicle of the Arctic Seas - BY STEPHEN LEACOCK - - 21. _The Red River Colony_ - A Chronicle of the Beginnings of Manitoba - BY LOUIS AUBREY WOOD - - 22. _Pioneers of the Pacific Coast_ - A Chronicle of Sea Rovers and Fur Hunters - BY AGNES C. LAUT - - 23. _The Cariboo Trail_ - A Chronicle of the Gold-fields of British Columbia - BY AGNES C. LAUT - -PART VII. THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL FREEDOM - - 24. _The Family Compact_ - A Chronicle of the Rebellion in Upper Canada - BY W. STEWART WALLACE - - 25. _The Patriotes of ’37_ - A Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lower Canada - BY ALFRED D. DECELLES - - 26. _The Tribune of Nova Scotia_ - A Chronicle of Joseph Howe - BY WILLIAM LAWSON GRANT - - 27. _The Winning of Popular Government_ - A Chronicle of the Union of 1841 - BY ARCHIBALD MACMECHAN - -PART VIII. THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY - - 28. _The Fathers of Confederation_ - A Chronicle of the Birth of the Dominion - BY A. H. U. COLQUHOUN - - 29. _The Day of Sir John Macdonald_ - A Chronicle of the Early Years of the Dominion - BY SIR JOSEPH POPE - - 30. _The Day of Sir Wilfrid Laurier_ - A Chronicle of Our Own Times - BY OSCAR D. SKELTON - -PART IX. NATIONAL HIGHWAYS - - 31. _All Afloat_ - A Chronicle of Craft and Waterways - BY WILLIAM WOOD - - 32. _The Railway Builders_ - A Chronicle of Overland Highways - BY OSCAR D. SKELTON - - Published by - Glasgow, Brook & Company - TORONTO, CANADA - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE UNITED EMPIRE -LOYALISTS *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. 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Stewart Wallace</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The United Empire Loyalists</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em;'>A Chronicle of the Great Migration</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: W. Stewart Wallace</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: February 7, 2022 [eBook #67356]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Marcia Brooks, Iona Vaughan, James Wright and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS ***</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_i"></a>[i]</span></p> - -<div class="front-matter"> - -<p class="noindent mt3"><i>CHRONICLES OF CANADA</i><br /> -Edited by George M. Wrong and H. H. Langton<br /> -In thirty-two volumes</p> - -<p class="titlepage"><b>13</b></p> - -<h1>THE UNITED EMPIRE<br /> -LOYALISTS</h1> - -<p class="center">BY W. STEWART WALLACE</p> - -<p class="noindent mt3"><i>Part IV</i><br /> -<i>The Beginnings of British Canada</i></p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ii"></a>[ii]</span></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iii"></a>[iii]</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="illus1"> -<img src="images/illus1.jpg" width="500" height="700" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">GEORGE III</p> -<p class="caption">From the National Portrait Gallery</p> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv"></a>[iv]</span></p> - -<p class="titlepage larger">THE<br /> -UNITED EMPIRE<br /> -LOYALISTS</p> - -<p class="center">A Chronicle of the Great Migration</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br /> -W. STEWART WALLACE</p> - -<div class="figcenter titlepage" style="width: 250px;"> -<img src="images/gb.jpg" width="250" height="300" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="titlepage">TORONTO<br /> -<span class="smaller">GLASGOW, BROOK & COMPANY<br /> -1920</span></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[v]</span></p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller"><i>Copyright in all Countries subscribing to<br /> -the Berne Convention</i></p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller"><span class="smcap">Press of The Hunter-Rose Co., Limited, Toronto</span></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak">CONTENTS</h2> - -</div> - -<table summary="Contents"> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td> - <td></td> - <td class="tdpg smaller">Page</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">I.</td> - <td>INTRODUCTORY</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">II.</td> - <td>LOYALISM IN THE THIRTEEN COLONIES</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">7</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">III.</td> - <td>PERSECUTION OF THE LOYALISTS</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">20</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">IV.</td> - <td>THE LOYALISTS UNDER ARMS</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">32</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">V.</td> - <td>PEACE WITHOUT HONOUR</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">45</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VI.</td> - <td>THE EXODUS TO NOVA SCOTIA</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">53</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VII.</td> - <td>THE BIRTH OF NEW BRUNSWICK</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">71</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VIII.</td> - <td>IN PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">86</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">IX.</td> - <td>THE LOYALISTS IN QUEBEC</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">91</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">X.</td> - <td>THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">97</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XI.</td> - <td>COMPENSATION AND HONOUR</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">112</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XII.</td> - <td>THE AMERICAN MIGRATION</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">120</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XIII.</td> - <td>THE LOYALIST IN HIS NEW HOME</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">127</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td> - <td>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#BIBLIOGRAPHICAL_NOTE">138</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr"></td> - <td>INDEX</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INDEX">143</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak">ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> - -</div> - -<table summary="Illustrations"> - <tr> - <td>GEORGE III</td> - <td class="tdpg" colspan="2"><a href="#illus1"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdsub">From the National Portrait Gallery.</td> - <td></td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>LORD CORNWALLIS</td> - <td class="tdc"><i>Facing page</i></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus2">46</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdsub">From the National Portrait Gallery.</td> - <td></td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>UPPER AND LOWER CANADA AND THE MARITIME PROVINCES AT THE TIME OF THE LOYALIST SETTLEMENTS</td> - <td class="tdc">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus3">52</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdsub">Map by Bartholomew.</td> - <td></td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>THE FIRST GOVERNMENT HOUSE, FREDERICTON—BUILT 1787</td> - <td class="tdc">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus4">80</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdsub"></td> - <td></td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>FACSIMILE OF CARD USED IN THE FIRST NEW BRUNSWICK ELECTION, 1785</td> - <td class="tdc">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus5">82</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdsub"></td> - <td></td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>SIR FREDERICK HALDIMAND</td> - <td class="tdc">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus6">98</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdsub">After a contemporary painting.</td> - <td></td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>JOHN GRAVES SIMCOE</td> - <td class="tdc">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus7">122</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdsub">From the bust in Exeter Cathedral.</td> - <td></td> - <td></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br /> -<span class="smaller">INTRODUCTORY</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>The United Empire Loyalists have suffered -a strange fate at the hands of historians. It -is not too much to say that for nearly a century -their history was written by their enemies. -English writers, for obvious reasons, took little -pleasure in dwelling on the American Revolution, -and most of the early accounts were -therefore American in their origin. Any one -who takes the trouble to read these early -accounts will be struck by the amazing manner -in which the Loyalists are treated. They are -either ignored entirely or else they are painted -in the blackest colours.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">So vile a crew the world ne’er saw before,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And grant, ye pitying heavens, it may no more!</div> - <div class="verse indent0">If ghosts from hell infest our poisoned air,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Those ghosts have entered these base bodies here.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Murder and blood is still their dear delight.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">So sang a ballad-monger of the Revolution; -and the opinion which he voiced persisted after -him. According to some American historians<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span> -of the first half of the nineteenth century, the -Loyalists were a comparatively insignificant -class of vicious criminals, and the people of -the American colonies were all but unanimous -in their armed opposition to the British -government.</p> - -<p>Within recent years, however, there has -been a change. American historians of a new -school have revised the history of the Revolution, -and a tardy reparation has been made to -the memory of the Tories of that day. Tyler, -Van Tyne, Flick, and other writers have -all made the <i>amende honorable</i> on behalf of -their countrymen. Indeed, some of these -writers, in their anxiety to stand straight, have -leaned backwards; and by no one perhaps -will the ultra-Tory view of the Revolution be -found so clearly expressed as by them. At -the same time the history of the Revolution -has been rewritten by some English historians; -and we have a writer like Lecky declaring -that the American Revolution ‘was the work -of an energetic minority, who succeeded in -committing an undecided and fluctuating -majority to courses for which they had little -love, and leading them step by step to a -position from which it was impossible to recede.’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span></p> - -<p>Thus, in the United States and in England, -the pendulum has swung from one extreme -to the other. In Canada it has remained -stationary. There, in the country where they -settled, the United Empire Loyalists are still -regarded with an uncritical veneration which -has in it something of the spirit of primitive -ancestor-worship. The interest which Canadians -have taken in the Loyalists has been -either patriotic or genealogical; and few -attempts have been made to tell their story -in the cold light of impartial history, or to -estimate the results which have flowed from -their migration. Yet such an attempt is -worth while making—an attempt to do the -United Empire Loyalists the honour of -painting them as they were, and of describing -the profound and far-reaching influences -which they exerted on the history of both -Canada and the United States.</p> - -<p>In the history of the United States the exodus -of the Loyalists is an event comparable only to -the expulsion of the Huguenots from France -after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. -The Loyalists, whatever their social status -(and they were not all aristocrats), represented the -conservative and moderate element -in the revolting states; and their removal,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -whether by banishment or disfranchisement, -meant the elimination of a very wholesome -element in the body politic. To this were due -in part no doubt many of the early errors of the -republic in finance, diplomacy, and politics. -At the same time it was a circumstance which -must have hastened by many years the -triumph of democracy. In the tenure of land, -for example, the emigration produced a revolution. -The confiscated estates of the great Tory -landowners were in most cases cut up into small -lots and sold to the common people; and thus -the process of levelling and making more -democratic the whole social structure was -accelerated.</p> - -<p>On the Canadian body politic the impress of -the Loyalist migration is so deep that it would -be difficult to overestimate it. It is no exaggeration -to say that the United Empire -Loyalists changed the course of the current of -Canadian history. Before 1783 the clearest -observers saw no future before Canada but -that of a French colony under the British -crown. ‘Barring a catastrophe shocking to -think of,’ wrote Sir Guy Carleton in 1767, ‘this -country must, to the end of time, be peopled -by the Canadian race, who have already taken -such firm root, and got to so great a height, that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -any new stock transplanted will be totally hid, -except in the towns of Quebec and Montreal.’ -Just how discerning this prophecy was may be -judged from the fact that even to-day it holds -true with regard to the districts that were -settled at the time it was written. What -rendered it void was the unexpected influx of -the refugees of the Revolution. The effect of -this immigration was to create two new -English-speaking provinces, New Brunswick -and Upper Canada, and to strengthen the -English element in two other provinces, Lower -Canada and Nova Scotia, so that ultimately -the French population in Canada was outnumbered -by the English population surrounding -it. Nor should the character of this -English immigration escape notice. It was -not only English; but it was also filled with a -passionate loyalty to the British crown. This -fact serves to explain a great deal in later -Canadian history. Before 1783 the continuance -of Canada in the British Empire was by -no means assured: after 1783 the Imperial tie -was well-knit.</p> - -<p>Nor can there be any doubt that the coming -of the Loyalists hastened the advent of -free institutions. It was the settlement of -Upper Canada that rendered the Quebec Act<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -of 1774 obsolete, and made necessary the Constitutional -Act of 1791, which granted to the -Canadas representative assemblies. The Loyalists -were Tories and Imperialists; but, in the -colonies from which they came, they had -been accustomed to a very advanced type of -democratic government, and it was not to be -expected that they would quietly reconcile -themselves in their new home to the arbitrary -system of the Quebec Act. The French -Canadians, on the other hand, had not been -accustomed to representative institutions, and -did not desire them. But when Upper Canada -was granted an assembly, it was impossible -not to grant an assembly to Lower Canada -too; and so Canada was started on that -road of constitutional development which has -brought her to her present position as a self-governing -unit in the British Empire.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br /> -<span class="smaller">LOYALISM IN THE THIRTEEN COLONIES</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>It was a remark of John Fiske that the -American Revolution was merely a phase of -English party politics in the eighteenth century. -In this view there is undoubtedly an element of -truth. The Revolution was a struggle within -the British Empire, in which were aligned on -one side the American Whigs supported by -the English Whigs, and on the other side the -English Tories supported by the American -Tories. The leaders of the Whig party in -England, Charles James Fox, Edmund Burke, -Colonel Barré, the great Chatham himself, all -championed the cause of the American revolutionists -in the English parliament. There were -many cases of Whig officers in the English -army who refused to serve against the rebels in -America. General Richard Montgomery, who -led the revolutionists in their attack on Quebec -in 1775-76, furnishes the case of an English -officer who, having resigned his commission,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -came to America and, on the outbreak of the -rebellion, took service in the rebel forces. On -the other hand there were thousands of -American Tories who took service under the -king’s banner; and some of the severest defeats -which the rebel forces suffered were -encountered at their hands.</p> - -<p>It would be a mistake, however, to identify -too closely the parties in England with the -parties in America. The old Tory party in -England was very different from the so-called -Tory party in America. The term Tory in -America was, as a matter of fact, an epithet -of derision applied by the revolutionists to all -who opposed them. The opponents of the -revolutionists called themselves not Tories, but -Loyalists or ‘friends of government.’</p> - -<p>There were, it is true, among the Loyalists -not a few who held language that smacked of -Toryism. Among the Loyalist pamphleteers -there were those who preached the doctrine -of passive obedience and non-resistance. Thus -the Rev. Jonathan Boucher, a clergyman of -Virginia, wrote:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>Having then, my brethren, thus long been -tossed to and fro in a wearisome circle of -uncertain traditions, or in speculations and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -projects still more uncertain, concerning -government, what better can you do than, -following the apostle’s advice, ‘to submit -yourselves to every ordinance of man, for -the Lord’s sake; whether it be to the king -as supreme, or unto governors, as unto -them that are sent by him for the punishment -of evil-doers, and for the praise of -them that do well? For, so is the will of -God, that with well-doing ye may put to -silence the ignorance of foolish men; as -free, and not using your liberty for a cloak -of maliciousness, but as servants of God. -Honour all men: love the brotherhood: -fear God: honour the king.’</p> - -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Jonathan Boucher subscribed to the doctrine -of the divine right of kings:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>Copying after the fair model of heaven -itself, wherein there was government even -among the angels, the families of the earth -were subjected to rulers, at first set over -them by God. ‘For there is no power, but -of God: the powers that be are ordained -of God.’ The first father was the first -king.... Hence it is, that our church, in -perfect conformity with the doctrine here<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -inculcated, in her explication of the fifth -commandment, from the obedience due to -parents, wisely derives the congenial duty -of ‘honouring the king, and all that are -put in authority under him.’</p> - -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Dr Myles Cooper, the president of King’s -College, took up similar ground. God, he said, -established the laws of government, ordained -the British power, and commanded all to obey -authority. ‘The laws of heaven and earth’ -forbade rebellion. To threaten open disrespect -of government was ‘an unpardonable -crime.’ ‘The principles of submission and -obedience to lawful authority’ were religious -duties.</p> - -<p>But even Jonathan Boucher and Myles -Cooper did not apply these doctrines without -reserve. They both upheld the sacred right -of petition and remonstrance. ‘It is your -duty,’ wrote Boucher, ‘to instruct your -members to take all the constitutional means -in their power to obtain redress.’ Both he and -Cooper deplored the policy of the British -ministry. Cooper declared the Stamp Act to -be contrary to American rights; he approved -of the opposition to the duties on the enumerated -articles; and he was inclined to think the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -duty on tea ‘dangerous to constitutional -liberty.’</p> - -<p>It may be confidently asserted that the great -majority of the American Loyalists, in fact, -did not approve of the course pursued by the -British government between 1765 and 1774. -They did not deny its legality; but they -doubted as a rule either its wisdom or its -justice. Thomas Hutchinson, the governor of -Massachusetts, one of the most famous and -most hated of the Loyalists, went to England, -if we are to believe his private letters, with the -secret ambition of obtaining the repeal of the -act which closed Boston harbour. Joseph -Galloway, another of the Loyalist leaders, and -the author of the last serious attempt at conciliation, -actually sat in the first Continental -Congress, which was called with the object -of obtaining the redress of what Galloway himself -described as ‘the grievances justly complained -of.’ Still more instructive is the case -of Daniel Dulany of Maryland. Dulany, -one of the most distinguished lawyers of -his time, was after the Declaration of Independence -denounced as a Tory; his property -was confiscated, and the safety of his person -imperilled. Yet at the beginning of the -Revolution he had been found in the ranks<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -of the Whig pamphleteers; and no more -damaging attack was ever made on the policy -of the British government than that contained -in his <i>Considerations on the Propriety of -Imposing Taxes in the British Colonies</i>. When -the elder Pitt attacked the Stamp Act in the -House of Commons in January 1766, he borrowed -most of his argument from this pamphlet, -which had appeared three months before.</p> - -<p>This difficulty which many of the Loyalists -felt with regard to the justice of the position -taken up by the British government greatly -weakened the hands of the Loyalist party -in the early stages of the Revolution. It was -only as the Revolution gained momentum that -the party grew in vigour and numbers. A -variety of factors contributed to this result. -In the first place there were the excesses of the -revolutionary mob. When the mob took to -sacking private houses, driving clergymen out -of their pulpits, and tarring and feathering -respectable citizens, there were doubtless many -law-abiding people who became Tories in spite -of themselves. Later on, the methods of the -inquisitorial communities possibly made Tories -out of some who were the victims of their -attentions. The outbreak of armed rebellion -must have shocked many into a reactionary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -attitude. It was of these that a Whig satirist -wrote, quoting:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">This word, Rebellion, hath frozen them up,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Like fish in a pond.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">But the event which brought the greatest -reinforcement to the Loyalist ranks was the -Declaration of Independence. Six months -before the Declaration of Independence was -passed by the Continental Congress, the Whig -leaders had been almost unanimous in repudiating -any intention of severing the connection -between the mother country and the -colonies. Benjamin Franklin told Lord -Chatham that he had never heard in America -one word in favour of independence ‘from -any person, drunk or sober.’ Jonathan -Boucher says that Washington told him in the -summer of 1775 ‘that if ever I heard of his -joining in any such measures, I had his leave -to set him down for everything wicked.’ As -late as Christmas Day 1775 the revolutionary -congress of New Hampshire officially proclaimed -their disavowal of any purpose ‘aiming -at independence.’ Instances such as these -could be reproduced indefinitely. When, therefore, -the Whig leaders in the summer of 1776 -made their right-about-face with regard to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -independence, it is not surprising that some of -their followers fell away from them. Among -these were many who were heartily opposed -to the measures of the British government, -and who had even approved of the policy of -armed rebellion, but who could not forget that -they were born British subjects. They drank -to the toast, ‘My country, may she always be -right; but right or wrong, my country.’</p> - -<p>Other motives influenced the growth of the -Loyalist party. There were those who opposed -the Revolution because they were dependent on -government for their livelihood, royal office-holders -and Anglican clergymen for instance. -There were those who were Loyalists because -they thought they had picked the winning side, -such as the man who candidly wrote from New -Brunswick in 1788, ‘I have made one great -mistake in politics, for which reason I never -intend to make so great a blunder again.’ -Many espoused the cause because they were -natives of the British Isles, and had not become -thoroughly saturated with American ideas: of -the claimants for compensation before the -Royal Commissioners after the war almost -two-thirds were persons who had been born in -England, Scotland, or Ireland. In some of the -colonies the struggle between Whig and Tory<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -followed older party lines: this was especially -true in New York, where the Livingston or -Presbyterian party became Whig and the De -Lancey or Episcopalian party Tory. Curiously -enough the cleavage in many places -followed religious lines. The members of the -Church of England were in the main Loyalists; -the Presbyterians were in the main revolutionists. -The revolutionist cause was often -strongest in those colonies, such as Connecticut, -where the Church of England was weakest. -But the division was far from being a strict -one. There were even members of the Church -of England in the Boston Tea Party; and -there were Presbyterians among the exiles who -went to Canada and Nova Scotia. The Revolution -was not in any sense a religious war; but -religious differences contributed to embitter -the conflict, and doubtless made Whigs or -Tories of people who had no other interest at -stake.</p> - -<p>It is commonly supposed that the Loyalists -drew their strength from the upper classes in -the colonies, while the revolutionists drew -theirs from the proletariat. There is just -enough truth in this to make it misleading. -It is true that among the official classes and -the large landowners, among the clergymen,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -lawyers, and physicians, the majority were -Loyalists; and it is true that the mob was -everywhere revolutionist. But it cannot be -said that the Revolution was in any sense a -war of social classes. In it father was arrayed -against son and brother against brother. -Benjamin Franklin was a Whig; his son, Sir -William Franklin, was a Tory. In the valley -of the Susquehanna the Tory Colonel John -Butler, of Butler’s Rangers, found himself -confronted by his Whig cousins, Colonel -William Butler and Colonel Zeb Butler. -George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, John -Adams, were not inferior in social status to -Sir William Johnson, Thomas Hutchinson, and -Joseph Galloway. And, on the other hand, -there were no humbler peasants in the revolutionary -ranks than some of the Loyalist farmers -who migrated to Upper Canada in 1783. All -that can be said is that the Loyalists were most -numerous among those classes which had most -to lose by the change, and least numerous -among those classes which had least to lose.</p> - -<p>Much labour has been spent on the problem -of the numbers of the Loyalists. No means of -numbering political opinions was resorted to -at the time of the Revolution, so that satisfactory -statistics are not available. There<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -was, moreover, throughout the contest a good -deal of going and coming between the Whig -and Tory camps, which makes an estimate -still more difficult. ‘I have been struck,’ -wrote Lorenzo Sabine, ‘in the course of my -investigations, with the absence of fixed -principles, not only among people in the -common walks of life, but in many of the -prominent personages of the day.’ Alexander -Hamilton, for instance, deserted from the -Tories to the Whigs; Benedict Arnold deserted -from the Whigs to the Tories.</p> - -<p>The Loyalists themselves always maintained -that they constituted an actual majority in -the Thirteen Colonies. In 1779 they professed -to have more troops in the field than the Continental -Congress. These statements were no -doubt exaggerations. The fact is that the -strength of the Loyalists was very unevenly -distributed. In the colony of New York they -may well have been in the majority. They -were strong also in Pennsylvania, so strong -that an officer of the revolutionary army -described that colony as ‘the enemies’ country.’ -‘New York and Pennsylvania,’ wrote John -Adams years afterwards, ‘were so nearly -divided—if their propensity was not against us—that -if New England on one side and Virginia<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -on the other had not kept them in awe, they -would have joined the British.’ In Georgia the -Loyalists were in so large a majority that in -1781 that colony would probably have detached -itself from the revolutionary movement had -it not been for the surrender of Cornwallis at -Yorktown. On the other hand, in the New -England colonies the Loyalists were a small -minority, strongest perhaps in Connecticut, -and yet even there predominant only in one -or two towns.</p> - -<p>There were in the Thirteen Colonies at the -time of the Revolution in the neighbourhood -of three million people. Of these it is probable -that at least one million were Loyalists. This -estimate is supported by the opinion of John -Adams, who was well qualified to form a -judgment, and whose Whig sympathies were -not likely to incline him to exaggerate. He -gave it as his opinion more than once that -about one-third of the people of the Thirteen -Colonies had been opposed to the measures of -the Revolution in all its stages. This estimate -he once mentioned in a letter to Thomas -McKean, chief justice of Pennsylvania, who -had signed the Declaration of Independence, -and had been a member of every Continental -Congress from that of 1765 to the close of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -Revolution; and McKean replied, ‘You say -that ... about a third of the people of the -colonies were against the Revolution. It required -much reflection before I could fix my -opinion on this subject; but on mature deliberation -I conclude you are right, and that more -than a third of influential characters were -against it.’</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br /> -<span class="smaller">PERSECUTION OF THE LOYALISTS</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>In the autumn of the year 1779 an English -poet, writing in the seclusion of his garden at -Olney, paid his respects to the American -revolutionists in the following lines:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">Yon roaring boys, who rave and fight</div> - <div class="verse indent2">On t’ other side the Atlantic,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">I always held them in the right,</div> - <div class="verse indent2">But most so when most frantic.</div> - </div> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">When lawless mobs insult the court,</div> - <div class="verse indent2">That man shall be my toast,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">If breaking windows be the sport,</div> - <div class="verse indent2">Who bravely breaks the most.</div> - </div> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">But oh! for him my fancy culls</div> - <div class="verse indent2">The choicest flowers she bears,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Who constitutionally pulls</div> - <div class="verse indent2">Your house about your ears.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">When William Cowper wrote these lines, his -sources of information with regard to affairs -in America were probably slight; but had he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -been writing at the seat of war he could not -have touched off the treatment of the Loyalists -by the revolutionists with more effective -irony.</p> - -<p>There were two kinds of persecution to -which the Loyalists were subjected—that which -was perpetrated by ‘lawless mobs,’ and that -which was carried out ‘constitutionally.’</p> - -<p>It was at the hands of the mob that the -Loyalists first suffered persecution. Probably -the worst of the revolutionary mobs was that -which paraded the streets of Boston. In 1765, -at the time of the Stamp Act agitation, large -crowds in Boston attacked and destroyed the -magnificent houses of Andrew Oliver and -Thomas Hutchinson. They broke down the -doors with broadaxes, destroyed the furniture, -stole the money and jewels, scattered the books -and papers, and, having drunk the wines in -the cellar, proceeded to the dismantling of the -roof and walls. The owners of the houses -barely escaped with their lives. In 1768 -the same mob wantonly attacked the British -troops in Boston, and so precipitated what -American historians used to term ‘the Boston -Massacre’; and in 1773 the famous band of -‘Boston Indians’ threw the tea into Boston -harbour.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span></p> - -<p>In other places the excesses of the mob were -nearly as great. In New York they were active -in destroying printing-presses from which had -issued Tory pamphlets, in breaking windows -of private houses, in stealing live stock and -personal effects, and in destroying property. -A favourite pastime was tarring and feathering -‘obnoxious Tories.’ This consisted in stripping -the victim naked, smearing him with -a coat of tar and feathers, and parading him -about the streets in a cart for the contemplation -of his neighbours. Another amusement was -making Tories ride the rail. This consisted -in putting the ‘unhappy victims upon sharp -rails with one leg on each side; each rail was -carried upon the shoulders of two tall men, -with a man on each side to keep the poor -wretch straight and fixed in his seat.’</p> - -<p>Even clergymen were not free from the -attentions of the mob. The Rev. Jonathan -Boucher tells us that he was compelled to -preach with loaded pistols placed on the pulpit -cushions beside him. On one occasion he was -prevented from entering the pulpit by two -hundred armed men, whose leader warned him -not to attempt to preach. ‘I returned for -answer,’ says Boucher, ‘that there was but -one way by which they could keep me out of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -it, and that was by taking away my life. At -the proper time, with my sermon in one hand -and a loaded pistol in the other, like Nehemiah -I prepared to ascend my pulpit, when one of -my friends, Mr David Crauford, having got -behind me, threw his arms round me and held -me fast. He assured me that he had heard -the most positive orders given to twenty men -picked out for the purpose, to fire on me the -moment I got into the pulpit.’</p> - -<p>That the practices of the mob were not -frowned upon by the revolutionary leaders, -there is good reason for believing. The provincial -Congress of New York, in December -1776, went so far as to order the committee of -public safety to secure all the pitch and tar -‘necessary for the public use and public -safety.’ Even Washington seems to have -approved of persecution of the Tories by the -mob. In 1776 General Putnam, meeting a -procession of the Sons of Liberty who were -parading a number of Tories on rails up and -down the streets of New York, attempted to -put a stop to the barbarous proceeding. -Washington, on hearing of this, administered -a reprimand to Putnam, declaring ‘that to -discourage such proceedings was to injure the -cause of liberty in which they were engaged,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -and that nobody would attempt it but an enemy -to his country.’</p> - -<p>Very early in the Revolution the Whigs -began to organize. They first formed themselves -into local associations, similar to the -Puritan associations in the Great Rebellion -in England, and announced that they would -‘hold all those persons inimical to the liberties -of the colonies who shall refuse to subscribe this -association.’ In connection with these associations -there sprang up local committees.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">From garrets, cellars, rushing through the street,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The new-born statesmen in committee meet,</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">sang a Loyalist verse-writer. Very soon there -was completed an organization, stretching from -the Continental Congress and the provincial -congresses at one end down to the pettiest -parish committees on the other, which was -destined to prove a most effective engine for -stamping out loyalism, and which was to contribute -in no small degree to the success of the -Revolution.</p> - -<p>Though the action of the mob never entirely -disappeared, the persecution of the Tories was -taken over, as soon as the Revolution got -under way, by this semi-official organization. -What usually happened was that the Continental<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span> -or provincial Congress laid down the -general policy to be followed, and the local -committees carried it out in detail. Thus, -when early in 1776 the Continental Congress -recommended the disarming of the Tories, -it was the local committees which carried -the recommendation into effect. During this -early period the conduct of the revolutionary -authorities was remarkably moderate. They -arrested the Tories, tried them, held them at -bail for their good behaviour, quarantined them -in their houses, exiled them to other districts, -but only in extreme cases did they imprison -them. There was, of course, a good deal of -hardship entailed on the Tories; and occasionally -the agents of the revolutionary committees -acted without authority, as when Colonel -Dayton, who was sent to arrest Sir John -Johnson at his home in the Mohawk valley, -sacked Johnson Hall and carried off Lady -Johnson a prisoner, on finding that Sir John -Johnson had escaped to Canada with many of -his Highland retainers. But, as a rule, in this -early period, the measures taken both by the -revolutionary committees and by the army -officers were easily defensible on the ground of -military necessity.</p> - -<p>But with the Declaration of Independence<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -a new order of things was inaugurated. That -measure revolutionized the political situation. -With the severance of the Imperial tie, loyalism -became tantamount to treason to the state; -and Loyalists laid themselves open to all the -penalties of treason. The Declaration of Independence -was followed by the test laws. -These laws compelled every one to abjure -allegiance to the British crown, and swear -allegiance to the state in which he resided. -A record was kept of those who took the oath, -and to them were given certificates without -which no traveller was safe from arrest. -Those who failed to take the oath became liable -to imprisonment, confiscation of property, -banishment, and even death.</p> - -<p>Even among the Whigs there was a good deal -of opposition to the test laws. Peter Van -Schaak, a moderate Whig of New York state, so -strongly disapproved of the test laws that he -seceded from the revolutionary party. ‘Had -you,’ he wrote, ‘at the beginning of the war, -permitted every one differing in sentiment -from you, to take the other side, or at least to -have removed out of the State, with their -property ... it would have been a conduct -magnanimous and just. But, now, after -restraining those persons from removing;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -punishing them, if, in the attempt, they were -apprehended; selling their estates if they -escaped; compelling them to the duties of -subjects under heavy penalties; deriving aid -from them in the prosecution of the war ... -now to compel them to take an oath is an act -of severity.’</p> - -<p>Of course, the test laws were not rigidly or -universally enforced. In Pennsylvania only a -small proportion of the population took the -oath. In New York, out of one thousand -Tories arrested for failure to take the oath, six -hundred were allowed to go on bail, and the -rest were merely acquitted or imprisoned. On -the whole the American revolutionists were -not bloody-minded men; they inaugurated no -September Massacres, no Reign of Terror, no -<i>dragonnades</i>. There was a distinct aversion -among them to applying the death penalty. -‘We shall have many unhappy persons to take -their trials for their life next Oyer court,’ wrote -a North Carolina patriot. ‘Law should be -strictly adhered to, severity exercised, but the -doors of mercy should never be shut.’</p> - -<p>The test laws, nevertheless, and the other -discriminating laws passed against the Loyalists -provided the excuse for a great deal of barbarism -and ruthlessness. In Pennsylvania<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -bills of attainder were passed against no fewer -than four hundred and ninety persons. The -property of nearly all these persons was confiscated, -and several of them were put to death. -A detailed account has come down to us of -the hanging of two Loyalists of Philadelphia -named Roberts and Carlisle. These two men -had shown great zeal for the king’s cause when -the British Army was in Philadelphia. After -Philadelphia was evacuated, they were seized -by the Whigs, tried, and condemned to be -hanged. Roberts’s wife and children went -before Congress and on their knees begged -for mercy; but in vain. One November -morning of 1778 the two men were marched -to the gallows, with halters round their -necks. At the gallows, wrote a spectator, -Roberts’s behaviour ‘did honour to human -nature.’</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">He nothing common did or mean</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Upon that memorable scene</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Addressing the spectators, he told them that -his conscience acquitted him of guilt; that he -suffered for doing his duty to his sovereign; -and that his blood would one day be required -at their hands. Then he turned to his children -and charged them to remember the principles<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -for which he died, and to adhere to them while -they had breath.</p> - -<p>But if these judicial murders were few and -far between, in other respects the revolutionists -showed the Tories little mercy. Both those -who remained in the country and those who -fled from it were subjected to an attack on -their personal fortunes which gradually impoverished -them. This was carried on at -first by a nibbling system of fines and special -taxation. Loyalists were fined for evading -military service, for the hire of substitutes, for -any manifestation of loyalty. They were subjected -to double and treble taxes; and in New -York and South Carolina they had to make -good all robberies committed in their counties. -Then the revolutionary leaders turned to the -expedient of confiscation. From the very -first some of the patriots, without doubt, had -an eye on Loyalist property; and when the -coffers of the Continental Congress had been -emptied, the idea gained ground that the -Revolution might be financed by the confiscation -of Loyalist estates. Late in 1777 the plan -was embodied in a resolution of the Continental -Congress, and the states were recommended -to invest the proceeds in continental loan -certificates. The idea proved very popular;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -and in spite of a great deal of corruption in -connection with the sale and transfer of the -land, large sums found their way as a result -into the state exchequers. In New York alone -over £3,600,000 worth of property was acquired -by the state.</p> - -<p>The Tory who refused to take the oath of -allegiance became in fact an outlaw. He did -not have in the courts of law even the rights -of a foreigner. If his neighbours owed him -money, he had no legal redress. He might be -assaulted, insulted, blackmailed, or slandered, -yet the law granted him no remedy. No -relative or friend could leave an orphan child -to his guardianship. He could be the executor -or administrator of no man’s estate. He could -neither buy land nor transfer it to another. If -he was a lawyer, he was denied the right to -practise his profession.</p> - -<p>This strict legal view of the status of the -Loyalist may not have been always and everywhere -enforced. There were Loyalists, such -as the Rev. Mather Byles of Boston, who refused -to be molested, and who survived the -Revolution unharmed. But when all allowance -is made for these exceptions, it is not -difficult to understand how the great majority -of avowed Tories came to take refuge within<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -the British lines, to enlist under the British -flag, and, when the Revolution had proved -successful, to leave their homes for ever and -begin life anew amid other surroundings. The -persecution to which they were subjected left -them no alternative.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE LOYALISTS UNDER ARMS</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>It has been charged against the Loyalists, -and the charge cannot be denied, that at the -beginning of the Revolution they lacked initiative, -and were slow to organize and defend -themselves. It was not, in fact, until 1776 -that Loyalist regiments began to be formed on -an extensive scale. There were several reasons -why this was so. In the first place a great -many of the Loyalists, as has been pointed out, -were not at the outset in complete sympathy -with the policy of the British government; -and those who might have been willing to take -up arms were very early disarmed and intimidated -by the energy of the revolutionary -authorities. In the second place that very -conservatism which made the Loyalists draw -back from revolution hindered them from -taking arms until the king gave them commissions -and provided facilities for military -organization. And there is no fact better<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -attested in the history of the Revolution than -the failure of the British authorities to understand -until it was too late the great advantages -to be derived from the employment of Loyalist -levies. The truth is that the British officers -did not think much more highly of the Loyalists -than they did of the rebels. For both they had -the Briton’s contempt for the colonial, and the -professional soldier’s contempt for the armed -civilian.</p> - -<p>Had more use been made of the Tories, the -military history of the Revolution might have -been very different. They understood the -conditions of warfare in the New World much -better than the British regulars or the German -mercenaries. Had the advice of prominent -Loyalists been accepted by the British commander -at the battle of Bunker’s Hill, it is -highly probable that there would have been -none of that carnage in the British ranks which -made of the victory a virtual defeat. It was -said that Burgoyne’s early successes were -largely due to the skill with which he used his -Loyalist auxiliaries. And in the latter part -of the war, it must be confessed that the successes -of the Loyalist troops far outshone those -of the British regulars. In the Carolinas -Tarleton’s Loyal Cavalry swept everything<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -before them, until their defeat at the Cowpens -by Daniel Morgan. In southern New York -Governor Tryon’s levies carried fire and sword -up the Hudson, into ‘Indigo Connecticut,’ and -over into New Jersey. Along the northern -frontier, the Loyalist forces commanded by -Sir John Johnson and Colonel Butler made repeated -incursions into the Mohawk, Schoharie, -and Wyoming valleys and, in each case, after -leaving a trail of desolation behind them, they -withdrew to the Canadian border in good order. -The trouble was that, owing to the stupidity -and incapacity of Lord George Germain, the -British minister who was more than any other -man responsible for the misconduct of the -American War, these expeditions were not -made part of a properly concerted plan; and -so they sank into the category of isolated raids.</p> - -<p>From the point of view of Canadian history, -the most interesting of these expeditions were -those conducted by Sir John Johnson and -Colonel Butler. They were carried on with -the Canadian border as their base-line. It was -by the men who were engaged in them that -Upper Canada was at first largely settled; and -for a century and a quarter there have been -levelled against these men by American and -even by English writers charges of barbarism<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -and inhumanity about which Canadians in -particular are interested to know the truth.</p> - -<p>Most of Johnson’s and Butler’s men came -from central or northern New York. To explain -how this came about it is necessary to -make an excursion into previous history. In -1738 there had come out to America a young -Irishman of good family named William -Johnson. The famous naval hero, Sir Peter -Warren, who was an uncle of Johnson, had -large tracts of land in the Mohawk valley, in -northern New York. These estates he employed -his nephew in administering; and, -when he died, he bequeathed them to him. In -the meantime William Johnson had begun to -improve his opportunities. He had built up -a prosperous trade with the Indians; he had -learned their language and studied their ways; -and he had gained such an ascendancy over -them that he came to be known as ‘the Indian-tamer,’ -and was appointed the British superintendent-general -for Indian Affairs. In the -Seven Years’ War he served with great distinction -against the French. He defeated -Baron Dieskau at Lake George in 1755, and he -captured Niagara in 1759; for the first of these -services he was created a baronet, and received -a pension of £5000 a year. During his later<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -years he lived at his house, Johnson Hall, on -the Mohawk river; and he died in 1774, on the -eve of the American Revolution, leaving his -title and his vast estates to his only son, Sir -John.</p> - -<p>Just before his death Sir William Johnson -had interested himself in schemes for the -colonization of his lands. In these he was -remarkably successful. He secured in the -main two classes of immigrants, Germans and -Scottish Highlanders. Of the Highlanders he -must have induced more than one thousand -to emigrate from Scotland, some of them as -late as 1773. Many of them had been Jacobites; -some of them had seen service at Culloden -Moor; and one of them, Alexander Macdonell, -whose son subsequently sat in the first -legislature of Upper Canada, had been on -Bonnie Prince Charlie’s personal staff. These -men had no love for the Hanoverians; but -their loyalty to their new chieftain, and their -lack of sympathy with American ideals, kept -them at the time of the Revolution true almost -without exception to the British cause. King -George had no more faithful allies in the New -World than these rebels of the ’45.</p> - -<p>They were the first of the Loyalists to arm -and organize themselves. In the summer of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span> -1775 Colonel Allan Maclean, a Scottish officer -in the English army, aided by Colonel Guy -Johnson, a brother-in-law of Sir John Johnson, -raised a regiment in the Mohawk valley known -as the Royal Highland Emigrants, which he -took to Canada, and which did good service -against the American invaders under Montgomery -in the autumn of the same year. In -the spring of 1776 Sir John Johnson received -word that the revolutionary authorities had -determined on his arrest, and he was compelled -to flee from Johnson Hall to Canada. With -him he took three hundred of his Scottish -dependants; and he was followed by the -Mohawk Indians under their famous chief, -Joseph Brant. In Canada Johnson received -a colonel’s commission to raise two Loyalist -battalions of five hundred men each, to be -known as the King’s Royal Regiment of New -York. The full complement was soon made -up from the numbers of Loyalists who flocked -across the border from other counties of -northern New York; and Sir John Johnson’s -‘Royal Greens,’ as they were commonly called, -were in the thick of nearly every border foray -from that time until the end of the war. It -was by these men that the north shore of the -St Lawrence river, between Montreal and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span> -Kingston, was mainly settled. As the tide -of refugees swelled, other regiments were -formed. Colonel John Butler, one of Sir John -Johnson’s right-hand men, organized his Loyal -Rangers, a body of irregular troops who -adopted, with modifications, the Indian method -of warfare. It was against this corps that -some of the most serious charges of brutality -and bloodthirstiness were made by American -historians; and it was by this corps that the -Niagara district of Upper Canada was settled -after the war.</p> - -<p>It is not possible here to give more than a -brief sketch of the operations of these troops. -In 1777 they formed an important part of the -forces with which General Burgoyne, by way -of Lake Champlain, and Colonel St Leger, -by way of Oswego, attempted, unsuccessfully, -to reach Albany. An offshoot of the first -battalion of the ‘Royal Greens,’ known as -Jessup’s Corps, was with Burgoyne at Saratoga; -and the rest of the regiment was with -St Leger, under the command of Sir John -Johnson himself. The ambuscade of Oriskany, -where Sir John Johnson’s men first met their -Whig neighbours and relatives, who were defending -Fort Stanwix, was one of the bloodiest -battles of the war. Its ‘fratricidal butchery’<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> -denuded the Mohawk valley of most of its -male population; and it was said that if -Tryon county ‘smiled again during the war, -it smiled through tears.’ The battle was inconclusive, -so bitterly was it contested; but -it was successful in stemming the advance of -St Leger’s forces.</p> - -<p>The next year (1778) there was an outbreak -of sporadic raiding all along the border. -Alexander Macdonell, the former aide-de-camp -of Bonnie Prince Charlie, fell with three -hundred Loyalists on the Dutch settlements -of the Schoharie valley and laid them waste. -Macdonell’s ideas of border warfare were -derived from his Highland ancestors; and, -as he expected no quarter, he gave none. -Colonel Butler, with his Rangers and a party -of Indians, descended into the valley of -Wyoming, which was a sort of debatable -ground between Connecticut and Pennsylvania, -and carried fire and sword through the -settlements there. This raid was commemorated -by Thomas Campbell in a most unhistorical -poem entitled <i>Gertrude of Wyoming</i>:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">On Susquehana’s side, fair Wyoming!</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Although the wild-flower on thy ruined wall</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And roofless homes a sad remembrance bring</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Of what thy gentle people did befall.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span></p> - -<p class="noindent">Later in the year Walter Butler, the son of -Colonel John Butler, and Joseph Brant, with a -party of Loyalists and Mohawks, made a -similar inroad on Cherry Valley, south of -Springfield in the state of New York. On this -occasion Brant’s Indians got beyond control, -and more than fifty defenceless old men, -women, and children were slaughtered in cold -blood.</p> - -<p>The Americans took their revenge the following -year. A large force under General Sullivan -invaded the settlements of the Six Nations -Indians in the Chemung and Genesee valleys, -and exacted an eye for an eye and a tooth for -a tooth. They burned the villages, destroyed -the crops, and turned the helpless women and -children out to face the coming winter. Most -of the Indians during the winter of 1779-80 -were dependent on the mercy of the British -commissaries.</p> - -<p>This kind of warfare tends to perpetuate itself -indefinitely. In 1780 the Loyalists and Indians -returned to the attack. In May Sir John -Johnson with his ‘Royal Greens’ made a -descent into the Mohawk valley, fell upon his -‘rebellious birthplace,’ and carried off rich -booty and many prisoners. In the early -autumn, with a force composed of his own<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span> -regiment, two hundred of Butler’s Rangers, -and some regulars and Indians, he crossed -over to the Schoharie valley, devastated it, and -then returned to the Mohawk valley, where he -completed the work of the previous spring. -All attempts to crush him failed. At the -battle of Fox’s Mills he escaped defeat or -capture by the American forces under General -Van Rensselaer largely on account of the dense -smoke with which the air was filled from the -burning of barns and villages.</p> - -<p>How far the Loyalists under Johnson and -Butler were open to the charges of inhumanity -and barbarism so often levelled against them, is -difficult to determine. The charges are based -almost wholly on unsubstantial tradition. The -greater part of the excesses complained of, -it is safe to say, were perpetrated by the -Indians; and Sir John Johnson and Colonel -Butler can no more be blamed for the excesses -of the Indians at Cherry Valley than Montcalm -can be blamed for their excesses at Fort William -Henry. It was unfortunate that the military -opinion of that day regarded the use of savages -as necessary, and no one deplored this use more -than men like Haldimand and Carleton; but -Washington and the Continental Congress -were as ready to receive the aid of the Indians<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span> -as were the British. The difficulty of the -Americans was that most of the Indians were -on the other side.</p> - -<p>That there were, however, atrocities committed -by the Loyalists cannot be doubted. -Sir John Johnson himself told the revolutionists -that ‘their Tory neighbours, and not himself, -were blameable for those acts.’ There are well-authenticated -cases of atrocities committed by -Alexander Macdonell: in 1781 he ordered his -men to shoot down a prisoner taken near -Johnstown, and when the men bungled their -task, Macdonell cut the prisoner down with his -broadsword. When Colonel Butler returned -from Cherry Valley, Sir Frederick Haldimand -refused to see him, and wrote to him that ‘such -indiscriminate vengeance taken even upon the -treacherous and cruel enemy they are engaged -against is useless and disreputable to themselves, -as it is contrary to the disposition and -maxims of their King whose cause they are -fighting.’</p> - -<p>But rumour exaggerated whatever atrocities -there were. For many years the Americans -believed that the Tories had lifted scalps like -the Indians; and later, when the Americans -captured York in 1813, they found what they -regarded as a signal proof of this barbarous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> -practice among the Loyalists, in the speaker’s -wig, which was hanging beside the chair in -the legislative chamber! There may have -been members of Butler’s Rangers who borrowed -from the Indians this hideous custom, -just as there were American frontiersmen who -were guilty of it; but it must not be imagined -that it was a common practice on either side. -Except at Cherry Valley, there is no proof that -any violence was done by the Loyalists to -women and children. On his return from -Wyoming, Colonel Butler reported: ‘I can -with truth inform you that in the destruction -of this settlement not a single person has been -hurt of the inhabitants, but such as were armed; -to those indeed the Indians gave no quarter.’</p> - -<p>In defence of the Loyalists, two considerations -may be urged. In the first place, it must -be remembered that they were men who had -been evicted from their homes, and whose -property had been confiscated. They had been -placed under the ban of the law: the payment -of their debts had been denied them; and they -had been forbidden to return to their native -land under penalty of death without benefit -of clergy. They had been imprisoned, fined, -subjected to special taxation; their families -had been maltreated, and were in many cases<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span> -still in the hands of their enemies. They would -have been hardly human had they waged a -mimic warfare. In the second place, their -depredations were of great value from a military -point of view. Not only did they prevent -thousands of militiamen from joining the -Continental army, but they seriously threatened -the sources of Washington’s food supply. The -valleys which they ravaged were the granary -of the revolutionary forces. In 1780 Sir John -Johnson destroyed in the Schoharie valley alone -no less than eighty thousand bushels of grain; -and this loss, as Washington wrote to the -president of Congress, ‘threatened alarming -consequences.’ That this work of destruction -was agreeable to the Loyalists cannot be -doubted; but this fact does not diminish its -value as a military measure.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V<br /> -<span class="smaller">PEACE WITHOUT HONOUR</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>The war was brought to a virtual termination -by the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown -on October 19, 1781. The definitive articles -of peace were signed at Versailles on September -3, 1783. During the two years that intervened -between these events, the lot of the -Loyalists was one of gloomy uncertainty. -They found it hard to believe that the British -government would abandon them to the mercy -of their enemies; and yet the temper of the -revolutionists toward them continued such that -there seemed little hope of concession or conciliation. -Success had not taught the rebels -the grace of forgiveness. At the capitulation -of Yorktown, Washington had refused to treat -with the Loyalists in Cornwallis’s army on the -same terms as with the British regulars; and -Cornwallis had been compelled to smuggle his -Loyalist levies out of Yorktown on the ship that -carried the news of his surrender to New York.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span> -As late as 1782 fresh confiscation laws had been -passed in Georgia and the Carolinas; and in -New York a law had been passed cancelling all -debts due to Loyalists, on condition that one-fortieth -of the debt was paid into the state -treasury. These were straws which showed -the way the wind was blowing.</p> - -<p>In the negotiations leading up to the Peace -of Versailles there were no clauses so long and -bitterly discussed as those relating to the -Loyalists. The British commissioners stood -out at first for the principle of complete -amnesty to them and restitution of all they had -lost; and it is noteworthy that the French -minister added his plea to theirs. But -Benjamin Franklin and his colleagues refused -to agree to this formula. They took -the ground that they, as the representatives -merely of the Continental Congress, had not -the right to bind the individual states in such -a matter. The argument was a quibble. -Their real reason was that they were well -aware that public opinion in America would -not support them in such a concession. A few -enlightened men in America, such as John -Adams, favoured a policy of compensation to -the Loyalists, ‘how little soever they deserve -it, nay, how much soever they deserve the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span> -contrary’; but the attitude of the great -majority of the Americans had been clearly -demonstrated by a resolution passed in the -legislature of Virginia on December 17, 1782, -to the effect that all demands for the restitution -of confiscated property were wholly inadmissible. -Even some of the Loyalists had begun -to realize that a revolution which had touched -property was bound to be permanent, and that -the American commissioners could no more -give back to them their confiscated lands -than Charles II was able to give back to his -father’s cavaliers the estates they had lost in -the Civil War.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="illus2"> -<img src="images/illus2.jpg" width="500" height="600" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">LORD CORNWALLIS</p> -<p class="caption">From the painting in the National Portrait Gallery</p> -</div> - -<p>The American commissioners agreed, finally, -that no future confiscations should take place, -that imprisoned Loyalists should be released, -that no further persecutions should be permitted, -and that creditors on either side should -‘meet with no lawful impediment’ to the recovery -of all good debts in sterling money. -But with regard to the British demand for -restitution, all they could be induced to sign -was a promise that Congress would ‘earnestly -recommend to the legislatures of the respective -states’ a policy of amnesty and restitution.</p> - -<p>In making this last recommendation, it is -difficult not to convict the American commissioners<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span> -of something very like hypocrisy. -There seems to be no doubt that they knew the -recommendation would not be complied with; -and little or no attempt was made by them to -persuade the states to comply with it. In -after years the clause was represented by the -Americans as a mere form of words, necessary -to bring the negotiations to an end, and to -save the face of the British government. To -this day it has remained, except in one or -two states, a dead letter. On the other hand -it is impossible not to convict the British -commissioners of a betrayal of the Loyalists. -‘Never,’ said Lord North in the House -of Commons, ‘never was the honour, the -humanity, the principles, the policy of a -nation so grossly abused, as in the desertion -of those men who are now exposed to every -punishment that desertion and poverty can -inflict, because they were not rebels.’ ‘In -ancient or in modern history,’ said Lord -Loughborough in the House of Lords, ‘there -cannot be found an instance of so shameful a -desertion of men who have sacrificed all to -their duty and to their reliance upon our -faith.’ It seems probable that the British -commissioners could have obtained, on paper -at any rate, better terms for the Loyalists. It<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span> -is very doubtful if the Americans would have -gone to war again over such a question. In -1783 the position of Great Britain was relatively -not weaker, but stronger, than in 1781, when -hostilities had ceased. The attitude of the -French minister, and the state of the French -finances, made it unlikely that France would -lend her support to further hostilities. And -there is no doubt that the American states -were even more sorely in need of peace than -was Great Britain.</p> - -<p>When the terms of peace were announced, -great was the bitterness among the Loyalists. -One of them protested in <i>Rivington’s Gazette</i> -that ‘even robbers, murderers, and rebels are -faithful to their fellows and never betray each -other,’ and another sang,</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">’Tis an honour to serve the bravest of nations,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And be left to be hanged in their capitulations.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">If the terms of the peace had been observed, the -plight of the Loyalists would have been bad -enough. But as it was, the outcome proved -even worse. Every clause in the treaty relating -to the Loyalists was broken over and over -again. There was no sign of an abatement of -the popular feeling against them; indeed, in -some places, the spirit of persecution seemed to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span> -blaze out anew. One of Washington’s bitterest -sayings was uttered at this time, when he said -of the Loyalists that ‘he could see nothing -better for them than to commit suicide.’ -Loyalist creditors found it impossible to recover -their debts in America, while they were -themselves sued in the British courts by their -American creditors, and their property was -still being confiscated by the American legislatures. -The legislature of New York publicly -declined to reverse its policy of confiscation, -on the ground that Great Britain had offered -no compensation for the property which her -friends had destroyed. Loyalists who ventured -to return home under the treaty of peace were -insulted, tarred and feathered, whipped, and -even ham-strung. All over the country -there were formed local committees or associations -with the object of preventing renewed -intercourse with the Loyalists and the restitution -of Loyalist property. ‘The proceedings -of these people,’ wrote Sir Guy Carleton, ‘are -not to be attributed to politics alone—it serves -as a pretence, and under that cloak they act -more boldly, but avarice and a desire of rapine -are the great incentives.’</p> - -<p>The Loyalists were even denied civil rights -in most of the states. In 1784 an act was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span> -passed in New York declaring that all who had -held office under the British, or helped to fit -out vessels of war, or who had served as -privates or officers in the British Army, or who -had left the state, were guilty of ‘misprision -of treason,’ and were disqualified from both -the franchise and public office. There was in -fact hardly a state in 1785 where the Loyalist -was allowed to vote. In New York Loyalist -lawyers were not allowed to practise until -April 1786, and then only on condition of -taking an ‘oath of abjuration and allegiance.’ -In the same state, Loyalists were subjected to -such invidious special taxation that in 1785 -one of them confessed that ‘those in New -York whose estates have not been confiscated -are so loaded with taxes and other grievances -that there is nothing left but to sell out and -move into the protection of the British government.’</p> - -<p>It was clear that something would have to -be done by the British government for the -Loyalists’ relief. ‘It is utterly impossible,’ -wrote Sir Guy Carleton to Lord North, ‘to -leave exposed to the rage and violence of these -people [the Americans] men of character -whose only offence has been their attachment -to the King’s service.’ Accordingly the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span> -British government made amends for its -betrayal of the Loyalists by taking them under -its wing. It arranged for the transportation -of all those who wished to leave the revolted -states; it offered them homes in the provinces -of Nova Scotia and Quebec; it granted half-pay -to the officers after their regiments were -reduced; and it appointed a royal commission -to provide compensation for the losses sustained.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="illus3"> -<p class="transnote">Transcriber’s Note: Click map for larger version</p> -<a href="images/illus3-full.jpg"><img src="images/illus3.jpg" width="500" height="325" alt="" /></a> -<p class="caption">UPPER AND LOWER CANADA<br /> -AND THE MARITIME PROVINCES AT THE TIME OF<br /> -THE LOYALISTS SETTLEMENTS</p> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE EXODUS TO NOVA SCOTIA</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>When the terms of peace became known, tens -of thousands of the Loyalists shook the dust -of their ungrateful country from their feet, -never to return. Of these the more influential -part, both during and after the war, sailed for -England. The royal officials, the wealthy -merchants, landowners, and professional men, -the high military officers—these went to -England to press their claims for compensation -and preferment. The humbler element, for -the most part, migrated to the remaining -British colonies in North America. About two -hundred families went to the West Indies, a -few to Newfoundland, many to what were -afterwards called Upper and Lower Canada, -and a vast army to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, -and Prince Edward Island.</p> - -<p>The advantages of Nova Scotia as a field for -immigration had been known to the people of -New England and New York before the Revolutionary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span> -War had broken out. Shortly after -the Peace of 1763 parts of the Nova Scotian -peninsula and the banks of the river St John -had been sparsely settled by colonists from -the south; and during the Revolutionary War -considerable sympathy with the cause of the -Continental Congress was shown by these -colonists from New England. Nova Scotia, -moreover, was contiguous to the New England -colonies, and it was therefore not surprising -that after the Revolution the Loyalists should -have turned their eyes to Nova Scotia as a -refuge for their families.</p> - -<p>The first considerable migration took place -at the time of the evacuation of Boston by -General Howe in March 1776. Boston was at -that time a town with a population of about -sixteen thousand inhabitants, and of these -nearly one thousand accompanied the British -Army to Halifax. ‘Neither Hell, Hull, nor -Halifax,’ said one of them, ‘can afford worse -shelter than Boston.’ The embarkation was -accomplished amid the most hopeless confusion. -‘Nothing can be more diverting,’ -wrote a Whig, ‘than to see the town in its -present situation; all is uproar and confusion; -carts, trucks, wheelbarrows, handbarrows, -coaches, chaises, all driving as if the very<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span> -devil was after them.’ The fleet was composed -of every vessel on which hands could -be laid. In Benjamin Hallowell’s cabin ‘there -were thirty-seven persons—men, women, and -children; servants, masters, and mistresses—obliged -to pig together on the floor, there being -no berths.’ It was a miracle that the crazy -flotilla arrived safely at Halifax; but there it -arrived after tossing about for six days in the -March tempests. General Howe remained with -his army at Halifax until June. Then he set sail -for New York. Some of the Loyalists accompanied -him to New York, but the greater number -took passage for England. Only a few of the -company remained in Nova Scotia.</p> - -<p>From 1776 to 1783 small bodies of Loyalists -continually found their way to Halifax; but -it was not until the evacuation of New York -by the British in 1783 that the full tide of -immigration set in. As soon as news leaked -out that the terms of peace were not likely to -be favourable, and it became evident that the -animus of the Whigs showed no signs of abating, -the Loyalists gathered in New York looked -about for a country in which to begin life -anew. Most of them were too poor to think of -going to England, and the British provinces -to the north seemed the most hopeful place of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span> -resort. In 1782 several associations were -formed in New York for the purpose of furthering -the interests of those who proposed to settle -in Nova Scotia. One of these associations had -as its president the famous Dr Seabury, and -as its secretary Sampson Salter Blowers, afterwards -chief justice of Nova Scotia. Its officers -waited on Sir Guy Carleton, and received his -approval of their plans. It was arranged that -a first instalment of about five hundred -colonists should set out in the autumn of 1782, -in charge of three agents, Amos Botsford, -Samuel Cummings, and Frederick Hauser, -whose duty it should be to spy out the land and -obtain grants.</p> - -<p>The party sailed from New York, in nine -transport ships, on October 19, 1782, and -arrived a few days later at Annapolis Royal. -The population of Annapolis, which was only -a little over a hundred, was soon swamped by -the numbers that poured out of the transports. -‘All the houses and barracks are crowded,’ -wrote the Rev. Jacob Bailey, who was then at -Annapolis, ‘and many are unable to procure -any lodgings.’ The three agents, leaving the -colonists at Annapolis, went first to Halifax, -and then set out on a trip of exploration through -the Annapolis valley, after which they crossed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span> -the Bay of Fundy and explored the country -adjacent to the river St John. On their -return they published glowing accounts of the -country, and their report was transmitted to -their friends in New York.</p> - -<p>The result of the favourable reports sent in -by these agents, and by others who had gone -ahead, was an invasion of Nova Scotia such -as no one, not even the provincial authorities, -had begun to expect. As the names of the -thousands who were anxious to go to Nova -Scotia poured into the adjutant-general’s office -in New York, it became clear to Sir Guy Carleton -that with the shipping facilities at his disposal -he could not attempt to transport them all at -once. It was decided that the ships would -have to make two trips; and, as a matter of -fact, most of them made three or four trips -before the last British soldier was able to leave -the New York shore.</p> - -<p>On April 26, 1783, the first or ‘spring’ fleet -set sail. It had on board no less than seven -thousand persons, men, women, children, and -servants. Half of these went to the mouth of -the river St John, and about half to Port Roseway, -at the south-west end of the Nova Scotian -peninsula. The voyage was fair, and the ships -arrived at their destinations without mishap.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span> -But at St John at least, the colonists found -that almost no preparations had been made -to receive them. They were disembarked on -a wild and primeval shore, where they had -to clear away the brushwood before they -could pitch their tents or build their shanties. -The prospect must have been disheartening. -‘Nothing but wilderness before our eyes, the -women and children did not refrain from -tears,’ wrote one of the exiles; and the -grandmother of Sir Leonard Tilley used to -tell her descendants, ‘I climbed to the top of -Chipman’s Hill and watched the sails disappearing -in the distance, and such a feeling of -loneliness came over me that, although I had -not shed a tear through all the war, I sat down -on the damp moss with my baby in my lap and -cried.’</p> - -<p>All summer and autumn the ships kept -plying to and fro. In June the ‘summer -fleet’ brought about 2500 colonists to St John -River, Annapolis, Port Roseway, and Fort -Cumberland. By August 23 John Parr, the -governor of Nova Scotia, wrote that ‘upward -of 12,000 souls have already arrived from New -York,’ and that as many more were expected. -By the end of September he estimated that -18,000 had arrived, and stated that 10,000 more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span> -were still to come. By the end of the year -he computed the total immigration to have -amounted to 30,000. As late as January 15, -1784, the refugees were still arriving. On -that date Governor Parr wrote to Lord North -announcing the arrival of ‘a considerable -number of Refugee families, who must be -provided for in and about the town at extraordinary -expence, as at this season of the -year I cannot send them into the country.’ -‘I cannot,’ he added, ‘better describe the -wretched condition of these people than by -inclosing your lordship a list of those just -arrived in the Clinton transport, destitute of -almost everything, chiefly women and children, -all still on board, as I have not yet been able to -find any sort of place for them, and the cold -setting in severe.’ There is a tradition in -Halifax that the cabooses had to be taken off -the ships, and ranged along the principal street, -in order to shelter these unfortunates during -the winter.</p> - -<p>New York was evacuated by the British -troops on November 25, 1783. Sir Guy -Carleton did not withdraw from the city until -he was satisfied that every person who desired -the protection of the British flag was embarked -on the boats. During the latter half of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span> -year Carleton was repeatedly requested by -Congress to fix some precise limit to his occupation -of New York. He replied briefly, but -courteously, that he was doing the best he -could, and that no man could do more. When -Congress objected that the Loyalists were not -included in the agreement with regard to -evacuation, Carleton replied that he held -opposite views; and that in any case it was a -point of honour with him that no troops should -embark until the last person who claimed his -protection should be safely on board a British -ship. As time went on, his replies to Congress -grew shorter and more incisive. On being -requested to name an outside date for the -evacuation of the city, he declared that he -could not even guess when the last ship would -be loaded, but that he was resolved to remain -until it was. He pointed out, moreover, that -the more the uncontrolled violence of their -citizens drove refugees to his protection, the -longer would evacuation be delayed. ‘I -should show,’ he said, ‘an indifference to the -feelings of humanity, as well as to the honour -and interest of the nation whom I serve, to -leave any of the Loyalists that are desirous to -quit the country, a prey to the violence they conceive -they have so much cause to apprehend.’</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span></p> - -<p>After the evacuation of New York, therefore, -the number of refugee Loyalists who came to -Nova Scotia was small and insignificant. In -1784 and 1785 there arrived a few persons who -had tried to take up the thread of their former -life in the colonies, but had given up the -attempt. And in August 1784 the <i>Sally</i> -transport from London cast anchor at Halifax -with three hundred destitute refugees on board. -‘As if there was not a sufficiency of such -distress’d objects already in this country,’ -wrote Edward Winslow from Halifax, ‘the -good people of England have collected a whole -ship load of all kinds of vagrants from the -streets of London, and sent them out to Nova -Scotia. Great numbers died on the passage -of various disorders—the miserable remnant -are landed here and have now no covering but -tents. Such as are able to crawl are begging -for a proportion of provisions at my door.’</p> - -<p>But the increase of population in Nova -Scotia from immigration during the years -immediately following 1783 was partly counterbalanced -by the defections from the province. -Many of the refugees quailed before -the prospect of carving out a home in the -wilderness. ‘It is, I think, the roughest land -I ever saw’; ‘I am totally discouraged’;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span> -‘I am sick of this Province’—such expressions -as these abound in the journals and diaries -of the settlers. There were complaints that -deception had been practised. ‘All our golden -promises,’ wrote a Long Island Loyalist, ‘are -vanished in smoke. We were taught to believe -this place was not barren and foggy as had been -represented, but we find it ten times worse. -We have nothing but his Majesty’s rotten pork -and unbaked flour to subsist on.... It is the -most inhospitable clime that ever mortal set -foot on.’ At first there was great distress -among the refugees. The immigration of 1783 -had at one stroke trebled the population of -Nova Scotia; and the resources of the province -were inadequate to meet the demand on them. -‘Nova Scarcity’ was the nickname for the -province invented by a New England wit. -Under these circumstances it is not surprising -that some who had set their hand to the plough -turned back. Some of them went to Upper -Canada; some to England; some to the states -from which they had come; for within a few -years the fury of the anti-Loyalist feeling died -down, and not a few Loyalists took advantage -of this to return to the place of their birth.</p> - -<p>The most careful analysis of the Loyalist -immigration into the Maritime Provinces has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span> -placed the total number of immigrants at about -35,000. These were in settlements scattered -broadcast over the face of the map. There was -a colony of 3000 in Cape Breton, which afforded -an ideal field for settlement, since before 1783 -the governor of Nova Scotia had been precluded -from granting lands there. In 1784 Cape -Breton was erected into a separate government, -with a lieutenant-governor of its own; and -settlers flocked into it from Halifax, and even -from Canada. Abraham Cuyler, formerly mayor -of Albany, led a considerable number down -the St Lawrence and through the Gulf to Cape -Breton. On the mainland of Nova Scotia -there were settlements at Halifax, at Shelburne, -at Fort Cumberland, at Annapolis and Digby, -at Port Mouton, and at other places. In what -is now New Brunswick there was a settlement -at Passamaquoddy Bay, and there were other -settlements on the St John river extending -from the mouth up past what is now the city -of Fredericton. In Prince Edward Island, -then called the Island of St John, there was -a settlement which is variously estimated -in size, but which was comparatively unimportant.</p> - -<p>The most interesting of these settlements -was that at Shelburne, which is situated at the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span> -south-west corner of Nova Scotia, on one of the -finest harbours of the Atlantic seaboard. The -name of the harbour was originally Port Razoir, -but this was corrupted by the English settlers -into Port Roseway. The place had been settled -previous to 1783. In 1775 Colonel Alexander -McNutt, a notable figure of the pre-Loyalist -days in Nova Scotia, had obtained a grant of -100,000 acres about the harbour, and had -induced about a dozen Scottish and Irish -families to settle there. This settlement he -had dignified with the name of New Jerusalem. -In a short time, however, New Jerusalem -languished and died, and when the Loyalists -arrived in May 1783, the only inhabitants of -the place were two or three fishermen and their -families. It would have been well if the -Loyalists had listened to the testimony of one -of these men, who, when he was asked how he -came to be there, replied that ‘poverty had -brought him there, and poverty had kept him -there.’</p> - -<p>The project of settling the shores of Port -Roseway had its birth in the autumn of 1782, -when one hundred and twenty Loyalist families, -whose attention had been directed to that part -of Nova Scotia by a friend in Massachusetts, -banded together with the object of emigrating<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span> -thither. They first appointed a committee -of seven to make arrangements for their removal; -and, a few weeks later, they commissioned -two members of the association, -Joseph Pynchon and James Dole, to go to -Halifax and lay before Governor Parr their -desires and intentions. Pynchon and Dole, -on their arrival at Halifax, had an interview -with the governor, and obtained from him -very satisfactory arrangements. The governor -agreed to give the settlers the land about -Port Roseway which they desired. He promised -them that surveyors should be sent to -lay out the grants, that carpenters and a supply -of 400,000 feet of lumber should be furnished -for building their houses, that for the first -year at least the settlers should receive army -rations, and that they should be free for ever -from impressment in the British Navy. All -these promises were made on the distinct -understanding that they should interfere in no -way with the claims of the Loyalists on the -British government for compensation for losses -sustained in the war. Elated by the reception -they had received from the governor, the agents -wrote home enthusiastic accounts of the prospects -of the venture. Pynchon even hinted -that the new town would supersede Halifax.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span> -‘Much talk is here,’ he wrote, ‘of capital of -Province.... Halifax can’t but be sensible -that Port Roseway, if properly attended to in -encouraging settlers of every denomination, -will have much the advantage of all supplies -from the Bay of Fundy and westward. What -the consequence will be time only will reveal.’ -Many persons at Halifax, wrote Pynchon, -prophesied that the new settlement would -dwindle, and recommended the shore of the -Bay of Fundy or the banks of the river St John -in preference to Port Roseway; but Pynchon -attributed their fears to jealousy. A few years’ -experience must have convinced him that his -suspicions were ill-founded.</p> - -<p>The first instalment of settlers, about four -thousand in number, arrived in May 1783. -They found nothing but the virgin wilderness -confronting them. But they set to work with a -will to clear the land and build their houses. -‘As soon as we had set up a kind of tent,’ -wrote the Rev. Jonathan Beecher in his Journal, -‘we knelt down, my wife and I and my two -boys, and kissed the dear ground and thanked -God that the flag of England floated there, and -resolved that we would work with the rest to -become again prosperous and happy.’ By -July 11 the work of clearing had been so far<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span> -advanced that it became possible to allot the -lands. The town had been laid out in five -long parallel streets, with other streets crossing -them at right angles. Each associate was -given a town lot fronting on one of these -streets, as well as a water lot facing the harbour, -and a fifty-acre farm in the surrounding -country. With the aid of the government -artisans, the wooden houses were rapidly run -up; and in a couple of months a town sprang -up where before had been the forest and some -fishermen’s huts.</p> - -<p>At the end of July Governor Parr paid the -town a visit, and christened it, curiously enough, -with the name of Shelburne, after the British -statesman who was responsible for the Peace -of Versailles. The occasion was one of great -ceremony. His Excellency, as he landed from -the sloop <i>Sophie</i>, was saluted by the booming -of cannon from the ships and from the shore. -He proceeded up the main street, through a -lane of armed men. At the place appointed -for his reception he was met by the magistrates -and principal citizens, and presented with an -address. In the evening there was a dinner -given by Captain Mowat on board the <i>Sophie</i>; -and the next evening there was another dinner -at the house of Justice Robertson, followed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span> -by a ball given by the citizens, which was -‘conducted with the greatest festivity and decorum,’ -and ‘did not break up till five the next -morning.’ Parr was delighted with Shelburne, -and wrote to Sir Guy Carleton, ‘From every -appearance I have not a doubt but that it will -in a short time become the most flourishing -Town for trade of any in this part of the world, -and the country will for agriculture.’</p> - -<p>For a few years it looked as though Shelburne -was not going to belie these hopes. The -autumn of 1783 brought a considerable increase -to its population; and in 1784 it seems -to have numbered no less than ten thousand -souls, including the suburb of Burchtown, -in which most of the negro refugees in New -York had been settled. It became a place of -business and fashion. There was for a time -an extensive trade in fish and lumber with -Great Britain and the West Indies. Shipyards -were built, from which was launched -the first ship built in Nova Scotia after the -British occupation. Shops, taverns, churches, -coffee-houses, sprang up. At one time no -less than three newspapers were published in -the town. The military were stationed there, -and on summer evenings the military band -played on the promenade near the bridge.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span> -On election day the main street was so crowded -that ‘one might have walked on the heads of -the people.’</p> - -<p>Then Shelburne fell into decay. It appeared -that the region was ill-suited for farming -and grazing, and was not capable of -supporting so large a population. The whale -fishery which the Shelburne merchants had -established in Brazilian waters proved a failure. -The regulations of the Navigation Acts thwarted -their attempts to set up a coasting trade. -Failure dogged all their enterprises, and soon -the glory of Shelburne departed. It became -like a city of the dead. ‘The houses,’ wrote -Haliburton, ‘were still standing though untenanted. -It had all the stillness and quiet -of a moonlight scene. It was difficult to -imagine it was deserted. The idea of repose -more readily suggested itself than decay. All -was new and recent. Seclusion, and not death -or removal, appeared to be the cause of the -absence of inhabitants.’ The same eye-witness -of Shelburne’s ruin described the town later:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>The houses, which had been originally -built of wood, had severally disappeared. -Some had been taken to pieces and removed -to Halifax or St John; others had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span> -been converted into fuel, and the rest had -fallen a prey to neglect and decomposition. -The chimneys stood up erect, and marked -the spot around which the social circle -had assembled; and the blackened fireplaces, -ranged one above another, bespoke -the size of the tenement and the means of -its owner. In some places they had sunk -with the edifice, leaving a heap of ruins, -while not a few were inclining to their fall, -and awaiting the first storm to repose again -in the dust that now covered those who -had constructed them. Hundreds of cellars -with their stone walls and granite partitions -were everywhere to be seen like uncovered -monuments of the dead. Time and decay -had done their work. All that was perishable -had perished, and those numerous -vaults spoke of a generation that had -passed away for ever, and without the aid -of an inscription, told a tale of sorrow and -of sadness that overpowered the heart.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Alas for the dreams of the Pynchons and -the Parrs! Shelburne is now a quaint and -picturesque town; but it is not the city which -its projectors planned.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE BIRTH OF NEW BRUNSWICK</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>When Governor Parr wrote to Sir Guy -Carleton, commending in such warm terms -the advantages of Shelburne, he took occasion -at the same time to disparage the country -about the river St John. ‘I greatly fear,’ -he wrote, ‘the soil and fertility of that part of -this province is overrated by people who have -explored it partially. I wish it may turn out -otherwise, but have my fears that there is -scarce good land enough for them already sent -there.’</p> - -<p>How Governor Parr came to make so egregious -a mistake with regard to the comparative -merits of the Shelburne districts and those of -the St John river it is difficult to understand. -Edward Winslow frankly accused him of -jealousy of the St John settlements. Possibly -he was only too well aware of the inadequacy -of the preparations made to receive the -Loyalists at the mouth of the St John, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span> -wished to divert the stream of immigration -elsewhere. At any rate his opinion was in -direct conflict with the unanimous testimony -of the agents sent to report on the land. -Botsford, Cummings, and Hauser had reported: -‘The St John is a fine river, equal in magnitude -to the Connecticut or Hudson. At the mouth -of the river is a fine harbour, accessible at -all seasons of the year—never frozen or obstructed -by ice.... There are many settlers -along the river upon the interval land, who -get their living easily. The interval lies on -the river, and is a most fertile soil, annually -matured by the overflowing of the river, -and produces crops of all kinds with little -labour, and vegetables in the greatest perfection, -parsnips of great length, etc.’ Later -Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Allen and Edward -Winslow, the muster-master-general of the -provincial forces, were sent up as agents for -the Loyalist regiments in New York, and they -explored the river for one hundred and twenty -miles above its mouth. ‘We have returned,’ -wrote Winslow after his trip, ‘delighted beyond -expression.’</p> - -<p>Governor Parr’s fears, therefore, had little -effect on the popularity of the St John river -district. In all, no less than ten thousand<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span> -people settled on the north side of the Bay of -Fundy in 1783. These came, in the main, in -three divisions. With the spring fleet arrived -about three thousand people; with the summer -fleet not quite two thousand; and with the -autumn fleet well over three thousand. Of -those who came in the spring and summer -most were civilian refugees; but of those who -arrived in the autumn nearly all were disbanded -soldiers. Altogether thirteen distinct -corps settled on the St John river. There were -the King’s American Dragoons, De Lancey’s -First and Second Battalions, the New Jersey -Volunteers, the King’s American Regiment, -the Maryland Loyalists, the 42nd Regiment, -the Prince of Wales American Regiment, the -New York Volunteers, the Royal Guides and -Pioneers, the Queen’s Rangers, the Pennsylvania -Loyalists, and Arnold’s American Legion. -All these regiments were reduced, of course, -to a fraction of their original strength, owing -to the fact that numbers of their men had been -discharged in New York, and that many of the -officers had gone to England. But nevertheless, -with their women and children, their -numbers were not far from four thousand.</p> - -<p>The arrangements which the government -of Nova Scotia had made for the reception of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span> -this vast army of people were sadly inadequate. -In the first place there was an unpardonable -delay in the surveying and allotment of lands. -This may be partly explained by the insufficient -number of surveyors at the disposal -of the governor, and by the tedious and difficult -process of escheating lands already granted; -but it is impossible not to convict the governor -and his staff of want of foresight and expedition -in making arrangements and carrying them -into effect. When Joseph Aplin arrived at -Parrtown, as the settlement at the mouth of -the river was for a short time called, he found -1500 frame houses and 400 log huts erected, -but no one had yet received a title to the land -on which his house was built. The case of the -detachment of the King’s American Dragoons -who had settled near the mouth of the river -was particularly hard. They had arrived in -advance of the other troops, and had settled -on the west side of the harbour of St John, in -what Edward Winslow described as ‘one of -the pleasantest spots I ever beheld.’ They -had already made considerable improvements -on their lands, when word came that the -government had determined to reserve the -lands about the mouth of the river for the -refugees, and to allot blocks of land farther<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span> -up the river to the various regiments of provincial -troops. When news of this decision -reached the officers of the provincial regiments, -there was great indignation. ‘This is so -notorious a forfeiture of the faith of government,’ -wrote Colonel De Lancey to Edward -Winslow, ‘that it appears to me almost incredible, -and yet I fear it is not to be doubted. -Could we have known this a little earlier it -would have saved you the trouble of exploring -the country for the benefit of a people you are -not connected with. In short it is a subject -too disagreeable to say more upon.’ Winslow, -who was hot-headed, talked openly about the -provincials defending the lands on which they -had ‘squatted.’ But protests were in vain; -and the King’s American Dragoons were compelled -to abandon their settlement, and to -remove up the river to the district of Prince -William. When the main body of the Loyalist -regiments arrived in the autumn they found -that the blocks of land assigned to them had -not yet been surveyed. Of their distress and -perplexity there is a picture in one of Edward -Winslow’s letters.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>I saw [he says] all those Provincial -Regiments, which we have so frequently<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span> -mustered, landing in this inhospitable -climate, in the month of October, without -shelter, and without knowing where to -find a place to reside. The chagrin of -the officers was not to me so truly affecting -as the poignant distress of the men. -Those respectable sergeants of Robinson’s, -Ludlow’s, Cruger’s, Fanning’s, etc.—once -hospitable yeomen of the country—were -addressing me in language which almost -murdered me as I heard it. ‘Sir, we have -served all the war, your honour is witness -how faithfully. We were promised land; -we expected you had obtained it for us. We -like the country—only let us have a spot of -our own, and give us such kind of regulations -as will hinder bad men from injuring us.’</p> - -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Many of these men had ultimately to go up -the river more than fifty miles past what is -now Fredericton.</p> - -<p>A second difficulty was that food and building -materials supplied by government proved -inadequate. At first the settlers were given -lumber and bricks and tools to build their -houses, but the later arrivals, who had as a rule -to go farthest up the river, were compelled to -find their building materials in the forest.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span> -Even the King’s American Dragoons, evicted -from their lands on the harbour of St John, were -ordered to build their huts ‘without any public -expence.’ Many were compelled to spend the -winter in tents banked up with snow; others -sheltered themselves in huts of bark. The -privations and sufferings which many of the -refugees suffered were piteous. Some, especially -among the women and children, died -from cold and exposure and insufficient food.</p> - -<p>In the third place there was great inequality -in the area of the lands allotted. When the -first refugees arrived, it was not expected that -so many more would follow; and consequently -the earlier grants were much larger in size -than the later. In Parrtown a town lot at -length shrank in size to one-sixteenth of what -it had originally been. There was doubtless -also some favouritism and respect of persons -in the granting of lands. At any rate the -inequality of the grants caused a great many -grievances among a certain class of refugees. -Chief Justice Finucane of Nova Scotia was sent -by Governor Parr to attempt to smooth matters -out; but his conduct seemed to accentuate the -ill-feeling and alienate from the Nova Scotia -authorities the good-will of some of the better -class of Loyalists.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span></p> - -<p>It was not surprising, under these circumstances, -that Governor Parr and the officers -of his government should have become very -unpopular on the north side of the Bay of -Fundy. Governor Parr was himself much distressed -over the ill-feeling against him among -the Loyalists; and it should be explained that -his failure to satisfy them did not arise from -unwillingness to do anything in his power to -make them comfortable. The trouble was -that his executive ability had not been sufficient -to cope with the serious problems confronting -him. Out of the feeling against Governor Parr -arose an agitation to have the country north -of the Bay of Fundy removed from his jurisdiction -altogether, and erected into a separate -government. This idea of the division of the -province had been suggested by Edward -Winslow as early as July 1783: ‘Think what -multitudes have and will come here, and then -judge whether it must not from the nature of -things immediately become a separate government.’ -There were good reasons why such a -change should be made. The distance of Parrtown -from Halifax made it very difficult and -tedious to transact business with the government; -and the Halifax authorities, being old -inhabitants, were not in complete sympathy<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span> -with the new settlers. The erection of a new -province, moreover, would provide offices for -many of the Loyalists who were pressing their -claims for place on the government at home. -The settlers, therefore, brought their influence -to bear on the Imperial authorities, through -their friends in London; and in the summer of -1784 they succeeded in effecting the division -they desired, in spite of the opposition of -Governor Parr and the official class at Halifax. -Governor Parr, indeed, had a narrow escape -from being recalled.</p> - -<p>The new province, which it was intended -at first to call New Ireland, but which was -eventually called New Brunswick, was to include -all that part of Nova Scotia north of a -line running across the isthmus from the mouth -of the Missiquash river to its source, and thence -across to the nearest part of Baie Verte. This -boundary was another triumph for the Loyalists, -as it placed in New Brunswick Fort Cumberland -and the greater part of Cumberland county. -The government of the province was offered -first to General Fox, who had been in command -at Halifax in 1783, and then to General -Musgrave; but was declined by both. It -was eventually accepted by Colonel Thomas -Carleton, a brother of Sir Guy Carleton, by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span> -whom it was held for over thirty years. The -chief offices of government fell to Loyalists -who were in London. The secretary of the -province was the Rev. Jonathan Odell, a witty -New Jersey divine, who had been secretary to -Sir Guy Carleton in New York. It is interesting -to note that Odell’s son, the Hon. W. F. Odell, -was secretary of the province after him, and -that between them they held the office for two-thirds -of a century. The chief justice was a -former judge of the Supreme Court of New -York; the other judges were retired officers -of regiments who had fought in the war. -The attorney-general was Jonathan Bliss, of -Massachusetts; and the solicitor-general was -Ward Chipman, the friend and correspondent -of Edward Winslow. Winslow himself, whose -charming letters throw such a flood of light -on the settlement of Nova Scotia and New -Brunswick, was a member of the council. -New Brunswick was indeed <i>par excellence</i> the -Loyalist province.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;" id="illus4"> -<img src="images/illus4.jpg" width="700" height="425" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">THE FIRST GOVERNMENT HOUSE, FREDERICTON—BUILT 1787</p> -</div> - -<p>The new governor arrived at Parrtown on -November 21, 1784, and was immediately presented -with an enthusiastic address of welcome -by the inhabitants. They described themselves -as ‘a number of oppressed and insulted Loyalists,’ -and added that they had formerly been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span> -freemen, and again hoped to be so under his -government. Next spring the governor granted -to Parrtown incorporation as a city under -the name of St John. The name Parrtown -had been given, it appears, at the request -of Governor Parr himself, who explained -apologetically that the suggestion had arisen -out of ‘female vanity’; and in view of Governor -Parr’s unpopularity, the change of name was -very welcome. At the same time, however, -Colonel Carleton greatly offended the people of -St John by removing the capital of the province -up the river to St Anne’s, to which he gave the -name Fredericktown (Fredericton) in honour of -the Duke of York.</p> - -<p>On October 15, 1785, writs were issued for -the election of members to serve in a general -assembly. The province was divided into -eight counties, among which were apportioned -twenty-six members. The right to vote was -given by Governor Carleton to all males of -twenty-one years of age who had been three -months in the province, the object of this very -democratic franchise being to include in the -voting list settlers who were clearing their -lands, but had not yet received their grants. -The elections were held in November, and -lasted for fifteen days. They passed off without<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span> -incident, except in the city of St John. There -a struggle took place which throws a great deal -of light on the bitterness of social feeling among -the Loyalists. The inhabitants split into two -parties, known as the Upper Cove and the -Lower Cove. The Upper Cove represented -the aristocratic element, and the Lower Cove -the democratic. For some time class feeling -had been growing; it had been aroused by the -attempt of fifty-five gentlemen of New York to -obtain for themselves, on account of their -social standing and services during the war, -grants of land in Nova Scotia of five thousand -acres each; and it had been fanned into flame -by the inequality in the size of the lots granted -in St John itself. Unfortunately, among the -six Upper Cove candidates in St John there were -two officers of the government, Jonathan Bliss -and Ward Chipman; and thus the struggle -took on the appearance of one between government -and opposition candidates. The election -was bitterly contested, under the old -method of open voting; and as it proceeded it -became clear that the Lower Cove was polling -a majority of the votes. The defeat of the -government officers, it was felt, would be such -a calamity that at the scrutiny Sheriff Oliver -struck off over eighty votes, and returned the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span> -Upper Cove candidates. The election was protested, -but the House of Assembly refused, on a -technicality, to upset the election. A strangely -ill-worded and ungrammatical petition to have -the assembly dissolved was presented to the -governor by the Lower Cove people, but -Governor Carleton refused to interfere, and the -Upper Cove candidates kept their seats. The -incident created a great deal of indignation in -St John, and Ward Chipman and Jonathan -Bliss were not able for many years to obtain a -majority in that riding.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="illus5"> -<img src="images/illus5.jpg" width="500" height="700" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">FACSIMILE OF CARD USED IN THE FIRST -NEW BRUNSWICK ELECTION, 1785</p> -</div> - -<p>It is evident from these early records -that, while there were members of the oldest -and most famous families in British America -among the Loyalists of the Thirteen Colonies, -the majority of those who came to Nova Scotia, -New Brunswick, and especially to Upper -Canada, were people of very humble origin. -Of the settlers in Nova Scotia, Governor Parr -expressed his regret ‘that there is not a -sufficient proportion of men of education and -abilities among the present adventurers.’ The -election in St John was a sufficient evidence of -the strength of the democratic element there; -and their petition to Governor Carleton is a -sufficient evidence of their illiteracy. Some of -the settlers assumed pretensions to which they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span> -were not entitled. An amusing case is that -of William Newton. This man had been the -groom of the Honourable George Hanger, a -major in the British Legion during the war. -Having come to Nova Scotia, he began to pay -court to a wealthy widow, and introduced himself -to her by affirming ‘that he was particularly -connected with the hono’ble Major -Hanger, and that his circumstances were -rather affluent, having served in a money-making -department, and that he had left a -considerable property behind him.’ The widow -applied to Edward Winslow, who assured her -that Mr Newton had indeed been connected—very -closely—with the Honourable Major -Hanger, and that he had left a large property -behind him. ‘The nuptials were immediately -celebrated with great pomp, and Mr Newton -is at present,’ wrote Winslow, ‘a gentleman of -consideration in Nova Scotia.’</p> - -<p>During 1785 and subsequent years, the -work of settlement went on rapidly in New -Brunswick. There was hardship and privation -at first, and up to 1792 some indigent -settlers received rations from the government. -But astonishing progress was made. ‘The -new settlements of the Loyalists,’ wrote Colonel -Thomas Dundas, who visited New Brunswick<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span> -in the winter of 1786-87, ‘are in a thriving -way.’ Apparently, however, he did not think -highly of the industry of the disbanded soldiers, -for he avowed that ‘rum and idle habits contracted -during the war are much against -them.’ But he paid a compliment to the half-pay -officers. ‘The half-pay provincial officers,’ -he wrote, ‘are valuable settlers, as they are -enabled to live well and improve their lands.’</p> - -<p>It took some time for the province to settle -down. Many who found their lands disappointing -moved to other parts of the province; -and after 1790 numbers went to Upper -Canada. But gradually the settlers adjusted -themselves to their environment, and New -Brunswick entered on that era of prosperity -which has been hers ever since.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII<br /> -<span class="smaller">IN PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>Not many Loyalists found their way to Prince -Edward Island, or, as it was called at the time -of the American Revolution, the Island of St -John. Probably there were not many more -than six hundred on the island at any one -time. But the story of these immigrants forms -a chapter in itself. Elsewhere the refugees -were well and loyally treated. In Nova -Scotia and Quebec the English officials strove -to the best of their ability, which was perhaps -not always great, to make provision -for them. But in Prince Edward Island -they were the victims of treachery and -duplicity.</p> - -<p>Prince Edward Island was in 1783 owned by -a number of large landed proprietors. When -it became known that the British government -intended to settle the Loyalists in Nova Scotia, -these proprietors presented a petition to Lord -North, declaring their desire to afford asylum<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span> -to such as would settle on the island. To this -end they offered to resign certain of their lands -for colonization, on condition that the government -abated the quit-rents. This petition was -favourably received by the government, and a -proclamation was issued promising lands to -settlers in Prince Edward Island on terms -similar to those granted to settlers in Nova -Scotia and Quebec.</p> - -<p>Encouraged by the liberal terms held forth, -a number of Loyalists went to the island -direct from New York, and a number went -later from Shelburne, disappointed by the -prospects there. In June 1784 a muster of -Loyalists on the island was taken, which -showed a total of about three hundred and -eighty persons, and during the remainder of -the year a couple of hundred went from -Shelburne. At the end of 1784, therefore, -it is safe to assume that there were nearly six -hundred on the island, or about one-fifth of the -total population.</p> - -<p>These refugees found great difficulty in obtaining -the grants of land promised to them. -They were allowed to take up their residence -on certain lands, being assured that their titles -were secure; and then, after they had cleared -the lands, erected buildings, planted orchards,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span> -and made other improvements, they were told -that their titles lacked validity, and they were -forced to move. Written title-deeds were withheld -on every possible pretext, and when they -were granted they were found to contain -onerous conditions out of harmony with the -promises made. The object of the proprietors, -in inflicting these persecutions, seems to have -been to force the settlers to become tenants -instead of freeholders. Even Colonel Edmund -Fanning, the Loyalist lieutenant-governor, was -implicated in this conspiracy. Fanning was -one of the proprietors in Township No. 50. The -settlers in this township, being unable to obtain -their grants, resolved to send a remonstrance -to the British government, and chose as their -representative one of their number who had -known Lord Cornwallis during the war, hoping -through him to obtain redress. This agent was -on the point of leaving for England, when news -of his intention reached Colonel Fanning. The -ensuing result was as prompt as it was significant: -within a week afterwards nearly all the -Loyalists in Township No. 50 had obtained -their grants.</p> - -<p>Others, however, did not have friends in high -places, and were unable to obtain redress. The -minutes of council which contained the records<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span> -of many of the allotments were not entered -in the regular Council Book, but were kept -on loose sheets; and thus the unfortunate -settlers were not able to prove by the Council -Book that their lands had been allotted them. -When the rough minutes were discovered years -later, they were found to bear evidence, in -erasures and the use of different inks, of having -been tampered with.</p> - -<p>For seventy-five years the Loyalists continued -to agitate for justice. As early as -1790 the island legislature passed an act -empowering the governor to give grants to -those who had not yet received them from the -proprietors. But this measure did not entirely -redress the grievances, and after a lapse of -fifty years a petition of the descendants of the -Loyalists led to further action in the matter. -In 1840 a bill was passed by the House of -Assembly granting relief to the Loyalists, but -was thrown out by the Legislative Council. As -late as 1860 the question was still troubling -the island politics. In that year a land commission -was appointed, which reported that -there were Loyalists who still had claims on -the local government, and recommended that -free grants should be made to such as could -prove that their fathers had been attracted to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span> -the island under promises which had never -been fulfilled.</p> - -<p>Such is the unlovely story of how the -Loyalists were persecuted in the Island of St -John, under the British flag.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE LOYALISTS IN QUEBEC</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>It was a tribute to the stability of British rule -in the newly-won province of Quebec that at -the very beginning of the Revolutionary War -loyal refugees began to flock across the border. -As early as June 2, 1774, Colonel Christie, -stationed at St Johns on the Richelieu, wrote to -Sir Frederick Haldimand at Quebec notifying -him of the arrival of immigrants; and it is interesting -to note that at that early date he already -complained of ‘their unreasonable expectations.’ -In the years 1775 and 1776 large bodies -of persecuted Loyalists from the Mohawk -valley came north with Sir John Johnson and -Colonel Butler; and in these years was formed -in Canada the first of the Loyalist regiments. -It was not, however, until the defeat of -Burgoyne at Saratoga in 1778 that the full -tide of immigration set in. Immediately -thereafter Haldimand wrote to Lord George -Germain, under date of October 14, 1778, reporting<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span> -the arrival of ‘loyalists in great distress,’ -seeking refuge from the revolted provinces. -Haldimand lost no time in making -provision for their reception. He established -a settlement for them at Machiche, near Three -Rivers, which he placed under the superintendence -of a compatriot and a protégé of his -named Conrad Gugy. The captains of militia -in the neighbourhood were ordered to help build -barracks for the refugees, provisions were -secured from the merchants at Three Rivers, -and everything in reason was done to make the -unfortunates comfortable. By the autumn of -1778 there were in Canada, at Machiche and -other places, more than one thousand refugees, -men, women, and children, exclusive of those -who had enlisted in the regiments. Including -the troops, probably no less than three thousand -had found their way to Canada.</p> - -<p>With the conclusion of peace came a great -rush to the north. The resources of government -were strained to the utmost to provide for -the necessities of the thousands who flocked -over the border-line. At Chambly, St Johns, -Montreal, Sorel, Machiche, Quebec, officers of -government were stationed to dole out supplies. -At Quebec alone in March 1784 one thousand -three hundred and thirty-eight ‘friends of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span> -government’ were being fed at the public -expense. At Sorel a settlement was established -similar to that at Machiche. The seigneury of -Sorel had been purchased by the government -in 1780 for military purposes, and when the -war was over it was turned into a Loyalist -reserve, on which huts were erected and provisions -dispensed. In all, there must have -been nearly seven thousand Loyalists in the -province of Quebec in the winter of 1783-84.</p> - -<p>Complete details are lacking with regard -to the temporary encampments in which the -Loyalists were hived; but there are evidences -that they were not entirely satisfied with the -manner in which they were looked after. One -of the earliest of Canadian county histories,<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> -a book partly based on traditionary sources, has -some vague tales about the cruelty and malversation -practised by a Frenchman under -whom the Loyalists were placed at ‘Mishish.’ -‘Mishish’ is obviously a phonetic spelling of -Machiche, and ‘the Frenchman’ is probably -Conrad Gugy. Some letters in the Dominion -Archives point in the same direction. Under -date of April 29, the governor’s secretary writes -to Stephen De Lancey, the inspector of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span> -Loyalists, referring to ‘the uniform discontent -of the Loyalists at Machiche.’ The -discontent, he explains, is excited by a few ill-disposed -persons. ‘The sickness they complain -of has been common throughout the -province, and should have lessened rather than -increased the consumption of provisions.’ A -Loyalist who writes to the governor, putting -his complaints on paper, is assured that ‘His -Excellency is anxious to do everything in his -power for the Loyalists, but if what he can do -does not come up to the expectation of him and -those he represents, His Excellency gives the -fullest permission to them to seek redress in -such manner as they shall think best.’</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> -<div class="footnote"> -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> <i>Dundas, or a Sketch of Canadian History</i>, by James Croil, -Montreal, 1861.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p>What degree of justice there was in the -complaints of the refugees it is now difficult -to determine. No doubt some of them were -confirmed grumblers, and many of them had -what Colonel Christie called ‘unreasonable -expectations.’ Nothing is more certain than -that Sir Frederick Haldimand spared no effort -to accommodate the Loyalists. On the other -hand, it would be rash to assert that in the -confusion which then reigned there were no -grievances of which they could justly complain.</p> - -<p>In the spring and summer of 1784 the great -majority of the refugees within the limits of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span> -the province of Quebec were removed to what -was afterwards known as Upper Canada. -But some remained, and swelled the number -of the ‘old subjects’ in the French province. -Considerable settlements were made at two -places. One of these was Sorel, where the -seigneury that had been bought by the crown -was granted out to the new-comers in lots; -the other was in the Gaspé peninsula, on the -shores of the Gulf of St Lawrence and of -Chaleur Bay. The seigneury of Sorel was -well peopled, for each grantee received only -sixty acres and a town lot, taking the rest -of his allotment in some of the newer settlements. -The settlement in the Gaspé peninsula -was more sparse; the chief centre of population -was the tiny fishing village of Paspebiac. -In addition to these settlements, some of the -exiles took up land on private seigneuries; -these, however, were not many, for the government -discouraged the practice, and refused -supplies to all who did not settle on the king’s -land. At the present time, of all these Loyalist -groups in the province of Quebec scarce a -trace remains: they have all been swallowed -up in the surrounding French population.</p> - -<p>The Eastern Townships in the province of -Quebec were not settled by the United Empire<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span> -Loyalists. In 1783 Sir Frederick Haldimand -set his face like flint against any attempt on -the part of the Loyalists to settle the lands -lying along the Vermont frontier. He feared -that a settlement there would prove a permanent -thorn in the flesh of the Americans, and -might lead to much trouble and friction. He -wished that these lands should be left unsettled -for a time, and that, in the end, they should be -settled by French Canadians ‘as an antidote -to the restless New England population.’ -Some of the more daring Loyalists, in spite of -the prohibition of the governor, ventured to -settle on Missisquoi Bay. When the governor -heard of it, he sent orders to the officer commanding -at St Johns that they should be -removed as soon as the season should admit -of it; and instructions were given that if any -other Loyalists settled there, their houses were -to be destroyed. By these drastic means the -government kept the Eastern Townships a -wilderness until after 1791, when the townships -were granted out in free and common -socage, and American settlers began to flock in. -But, as will be explained, these later settlers -have no just claim to the appellation of United -Empire Loyalists.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE WESTERN SETTLEMENTS</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>Sir Frederick Haldimand offered the Loyalists -a wide choice of places in which to settle. He -was willing to make land grants on Chaleur -Bay, at Gaspé, on the north shore of the -St Lawrence above Montreal, on the Bay of -Quinté, at Niagara, or along the Detroit river; -and if none of these places was suitable, he -offered to transport to Nova Scotia or Cape -Breton those who wished to go thither. At all -these places settlements of Loyalists sprang -up. That at Niagara grew to considerable importance, -and became after the division of the -province in 1791 the capital of Upper Canada. -But by far the largest settlement was that which -Haldimand planned along the north shore of -the St Lawrence and Lake Ontario between -the western boundary of the government of -Quebec and Cataraqui (now Kingston), east of -the Bay of Quinté. Here the great majority of -the Loyalists in Canada were concentrated.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span></p> - -<p>As soon as Haldimand received instructions -from England with regard to the granting of -the lands he gave orders to Major Samuel -Holland, surveyor-general of the king’s territories -in North America, to proceed with the -work of making the necessary surveys. Major -Holland, taking with him as assistants Lieutenants -Kotté and Sutherland and deputy-surveyors -John Collins and Patrick McNish, set out -in the early autumn of 1783, and before the -winter closed in he had completed the survey -of five townships bordering on the Bay of -Quinté. The next spring his men returned, -and surveyed eight townships along the north -bank of the St Lawrence, between the Bay of -Quinté and the provincial boundary. These -townships are now distinguished by names, -but in 1783-84 they were designated merely by -numbers; thus for many years the old inhabitants -referred to the townships of Osnaburg, -Williamsburg, and Matilda, for instance, as the -‘third town,’ the ‘fourth town,’ and the -‘fifth town.’ The surveys were made in great -haste, and, it is to be feared, not with great -care; for some tedious lawsuits arose out of -the discrepancies contained in them, and a -generation later Robert Gourlay wrote that -‘one of the present surveyors informed me<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span> -that in running new lines over a great extent -of the province, he found spare room for a -whole township in the midst of those laid out -at an early period.’ Each township was subdivided -into lots of two hundred acres each, and -a town-site was selected in each case which was -subdivided into town lots.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="illus6"> -<img src="images/illus6.jpg" width="500" height="650" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">SIR FREDERICK HALDIMAND</p> -<p class="caption">After a contemporary painting</p> -</div> - -<p>The task of transporting the settlers from -their camping-places at Sorel, Machiche, and -St Johns to their new homes up the St -Lawrence was one of some magnitude. -General Haldimand was not able himself to -oversee the work; but he appointed Sir John -Johnson as superintendent, and the work of -settlement went on under Johnson’s care. On -a given day the Loyalists were ordered to strike -camp, and proceed in a body to the new -settlements. Any who remained behind without -sufficient excuse had their rations stopped. -Bateaux took the settlers up the St Lawrence, -and the various detachments were disembarked -at their respective destinations. It had been -decided that the settlers should be placed on -the land as far as possible according to the -corps in which they had served during the war, -and that care should be taken to have the -Protestant and Roman Catholic members of a -corps settled separately. It was this arrangement<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span> -which brought about the grouping of -Protestant and Roman Catholic Scottish Highlanders -in Glengarry. The first battalion of -the King’s Royal Regiment of New York -was settled on the first five townships west of -the provincial boundary. This was Sir John -Johnson’s regiment, and most of its members -were his Scottish dependants from the Mohawk -valley. The next three townships were settled -by part of Jessup’s Corps, an offshoot of Sir -John Johnson’s regiment. Of the Cataraqui -townships the first was settled by a band of -New York Loyalists, many of them of Dutch -or German extraction, commanded by Captain -Michael Grass. On the second were part of -Jessup’s Corps; on the third and fourth were -a detachment of the second battalion of the -King’s Royal Regiment of New York, which -had been stationed at Oswego across the lake -at the close of the war, a detachment of -Rogers’s Rangers, and a party of New York -Loyalists under Major Van Alstine. The -parties commanded by Grass and Van Alstine -had come by ship from New York to Quebec -after the evacuation of New York in 1783. On -the fifth township were various detachments -of disbanded regular troops, and even a handful -of disbanded German mercenaries.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span></p> - -<p>As soon as the settlers had been placed on -the townships to which they had been assigned, -they received their allotments of land. The -surveyor was the land agent, and the allotments -were apportioned by each applicant -drawing a lot out of a hat. This democratic -method of allotting lands roused the indignation -of some of the officers who had settled -with their men. They felt that they should -have been given the front lots, unmindful of -the fact that their grants as officers were from -five to ten times as large as the grants which -their men received. Their protests, contained -in a letter of Captain Grass to the governor, -roused Haldimand to a display of warmth to -which he was as a rule a stranger. Captain -Grass and his associates, he wrote, were to get -no special privileges, ‘the most of them who -came into the province with him being, in fact, -mechanics, only removed from one situation -to practise their trade in another. Mr Grass -should, therefore, think himself very well off -to draw lots in common with the Loyalists.’ -A good deal of difficulty arose also from the -fact that many allotments were inferior to -the rest from an agricultural point of view; -but difficulties of this sort were adjusted by -Johnson and Holland on the spot.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span></p> - -<p>By 1784 nearly all the settlers were destitute -and completely dependent on the generosity -of the British government. They had no -effects; they had no money; and in many -cases they were sorely in need of clothes. The -way in which Sir Frederick Haldimand came -to their relief is deserving of high praise. If he -had adhered to the letter of his instructions -from England, the position of the Loyalists -would have been a most unenviable one. -Repeatedly, however, Haldimand took on his -own shoulders the responsibility of ignoring or -disobeying the instructions from England, and -trusted to chance that his protests would prevent -the government from repudiating his -actions. When the home government, for -instance, ordered a reduction of the rations, -Haldimand undertook to continue them in -full; and fortunately for him the home government, -on receipt of his protest, rescinded the -order.</p> - -<p>The settlers on the Upper St Lawrence and -the Bay of Quinté did not perhaps fare as well -as those in Nova Scotia, or even the Mohawk -Indians who settled on the Grand river. They -did not receive lumber for building purposes, -and ‘bricks for the inside of their chimneys, -and a little assistance of nails,’ as did the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span> -former; nor did they receive ploughs and -church-bells, as did the latter. For building -lumber they had to wait until saw-mills were -constructed; instead of ploughs they had at -first to use hoes and spades, and there were -not quite enough hoes and spades to go round. -Still, they did not fare badly. When the -difficulty of transporting things up the St -Lawrence is remembered, it is remarkable that -they obtained as much as they did. In the -first place they were supplied with clothes for -three years, or until they were able to provide -clothes for themselves. These consisted of -coarse cloth for trousers and Indian blankets -for coats. Boots they made out of skins or -heavy cloth. Tools for building were given -them: to each family were given an ax and -a hand-saw, though unfortunately the axes -were short-handled ship’s axes, ill-adapted to -cutting in the forest; to each group of two -families were allotted a whip-saw and a cross-cut -saw; and to each group of five families -was supplied a set of tools, containing chisels, -augers, draw-knives, etc. To each group of -five families was also allotted ‘one firelock -... intended for the messes, the pigeon and -wildfowl season’; but later on a firelock -was supplied to every head of a family.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span> -Haldimand went to great trouble in obtaining -seed-wheat for the settlers, sending agents -down even into Vermont and the Mohawk -valley to obtain all that was to be had; he -declined, however, to supply stock for the -farms, and although eventually he obtained -some cattle, there were not nearly enough -cows to go round. In many cases the soldiers -were allowed the loan of the military tents; -and everything was done to have saw-mills -and grist-mills erected in the most convenient -places with the greatest possible dispatch. -In the meantime small portable grist-mills, -worked by hand, were distributed among -the settlers.</p> - -<p>Among the papers relating to the Loyalists -in the Canadian Archives there is an abstract -of the numbers of the settlers in the five townships -at Cataraqui and the eight townships -on the St Lawrence. There were altogether -1568 men, 626 women, 1492 children, and 90 -servants, making a total of 3776 persons. -These were, of course, only the original settlers. -As time went on others were added. Many -of the soldiers had left their families in the -States behind them, and these families now -hastened to cross the border. A proclamation -had been issued by the British government<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span> -inviting those Loyalists who still remained in -the States to assemble at certain places along -the frontier, namely, at Isle aux Noix, at -Sackett’s Harbour, at Oswego, and at Niagara. -The favourite route was the old trail from the -Mohawk valley to Oswego, where was stationed -a detachment of the 34th regiment. From -Oswego these refugees crossed to Cataraqui. -‘Loyalists,’ wrote an officer at Cataraqui in -the summer of 1784, ‘are coming in daily -across the lake.’ To accommodate these new -settlers three more townships had to be mapped -out at the west end of the Bay of Quinté.</p> - -<p>For the first few years the Cataraqui settlers -had a severe struggle for existence. Most of -them arrived in 1784, too late to attempt to -sow fall wheat; and it was several seasons -before their crops became nearly adequate for -food. The difficulties of transportation up the -St Lawrence rendered the arrival of supplies -irregular and uncertain. Cut off as they were -from civilization by the St Lawrence rapids, -they were in a much less advantageous position -than the great majority of the Nova Scotia -and New Brunswick settlers, who were situated -near the sea-coast. They had no money, and -as the government refused to send them specie, -they were compelled to fall back on barter as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span> -a means of trade, with the result that all trade -was local and trivial. In the autumn of 1787 -the crops failed, and in 1788 famine stalked -through the land. There are many legends -about what was known as ‘the hungry year.’ -If we are to believe local tradition, some of the -settlers actually died of starvation. In the -family papers of one family is to be found a -story about an old couple who were saved from -starvation only by the pigeons which they were -able to knock over. A member of another -family testifies: ‘We had the luxury of a cow -which the family brought with them, and had -it not been for this domestic boon, all would -have perished in the year of scarcity.’ Two -hundred acre lots were sold for a few pounds of -flour. A valuable cow, in one case, was sold -for eight bushels of potatoes; a three-year-old -horse was exchanged for half a hundredweight -of flour. Bran was used for making cakes; -and leeks, buds of trees, and even leaves, were -ground into food.</p> - -<p>The summer of 1789, however, brought relief -to the settlers, and though, for many years, -comforts and even necessaries were scarce, -yet after 1791, the year in which the new settlements -were erected into the province of Upper -Canada, it may be said that most of the settlers<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span> -had been placed on their feet. The soil was -fruitful; communication and transportation -improved; and metallic currency gradually -found its way into the settlements. When -Mrs Simcoe, the wife of the lieutenant-governor, -passed through the country in 1792, she was -struck by the neatness of the farms of the -Dutch and German settlers from the Mohawk -valley, and by the high quality of the wheat. -‘I observed on my way thither,’ she says in -her diary, ‘that the wheat appeared finer than -any I have seen in England, and totally free -from weeds.’ And a few months later an -anonymous English traveller, passing the same -way, wrote: ‘In so infant a settlement, it -would have been irrational to expect that -abundance which bursts the granaries, and lows -in the stalls of more cultivated countries. -There was, however, that kind of appearance -which indicated that with economy and industry, -there would be enough.’</p> - -<p>Next in size to the settlements at Cataraqui -and on the Upper St Lawrence was the settlement -at Niagara. During the war Niagara -had been a haven of refuge for the Loyalists -of Pennsylvania and the frontier districts, -just as Oswego and St Johns had been havens -of refuge for the Loyalists of northern and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span> -western New York. As early as 1776 there -arrived at Fort George, Niagara, in a starving -condition, five women and thirty-six children, -bearing names which are still to be found in the -Niagara peninsula. From that date until the -end of the war refugees continued to come in. -Many of these refugees were the families of -the men and officers of the Loyalist troops -stationed at Niagara. On September 27, 1783, -for instance, the officer commanding at Niagara -reports the arrival from Schenectady of -the wives of two officers of Butler’s Rangers, -with a number of children. Some of these -people went down the lake to Montreal; but -others remained at the post, and ‘squatted’ -on the land. In 1780 Colonel Butler reports -to Haldimand that four or five families have -settled and built houses, and he requests that -they be given seed early in the spring. In 1781 -we know that a Loyalist named Robert Land -had squatted on Burlington Bay, at the head -of Lake Ontario. In 1783 Lieutenant Tinling -was sent to Niagara to survey lots, and Sergeant -Brass of the 84th was sent to build a saw-mill -and a grist-mill. At the same time Butler’s -Rangers, who were stationed at the fort, were -disbanded; and a number of them were induced -to take up land. They took up land on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span> -the west side of the river, because, although, -according to the terms of peace, Fort George -was not given up by the British until 1796, the -river was to constitute the boundary between -the two countries. A return of the rise and -progress of the settlement made in May 1784 -shows a total of forty-six settlers (that is, heads -of families), with forty-four houses and twenty -barns. The return makes it clear that cultivation -had been going on for some time. There -were 713 acres cleared, 123 acres sown in -wheat, and 342 acres waiting to be sown; and -the farms were very well stocked, there being -an average of about three horses and four or -five cows to each settler.</p> - -<p>With regard to the settlement at Detroit, -there is not much evidence available. It was -Haldimand’s intention at first to establish a -large settlement there, but the difficulties of -communication doubtless proved to be insuperable. -In the event, however, some of Butler’s -Rangers settled there. Captain Bird of the -Rangers applied for and received a grant of -land on which he made a settlement; and in the -summer of 1784 we find Captain Caldwell and -some others applying for deeds for the land and -houses they occupied. In 1783 the commanding -officer at Detroit reported the arrival from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span> -Red Creek of two men, ‘one a Girty, the -other McCarty,’ who had come to see what -encouragement there was to settle under -the British government. They asserted that -several hundred more would be glad to come if -sufficient inducements were offered them, as -they saw before them where they were nothing -but persecution. In 1784 Jehu Hay, the British -lieutenant-governor of Detroit, sent in lists -of men living near Fort Pitt who were anxious -to settle under the British government if they -could get lands, most of them being men who -had served in the Highland and 60th regiments. -But it is safe to assume that no large -number of these ever settled near Detroit, for -when Hay arrived in Detroit in the summer of -1784, he found only one Loyalist at the post -itself. There had been for more than a generation -a settlement of French Canadians at -Detroit; but it was not until after 1791 that -the English element became at all considerable.</p> - -<p>It has been estimated that in the country -above Montreal in 1783 there were ten thousand -Loyalists, and that by 1791 this number -had increased to twenty-five thousand. These -figures are certainly too large. Pitt’s estimate -of the population of Upper Canada in 1791 was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span> -only ten thousand. This is probably much -nearer the mark. The overwhelming majority -of these people were of very humble origin. -Comparatively few of the half-pay officers -settled above Montreal before 1791; and most -of these were, as Haldimand said, ‘mechanics, -only removed from one situation to practise -their trade in another.’ Major Van Alstine, -it appears, was a blacksmith before he came to -Canada. That many of the Loyalists were -illiterate is evident from the testimony of the -Rev. William Smart, a Presbyterian clergyman -who came to Upper Canada in 1811: ‘There -were but few of the U. E. Loyalists who -possessed a complete education. He was personally -acquainted with many, especially along -the St Lawrence and Bay of Quinté, and by no -means were all educated, or men of judgment; -even the half-pay officers, many of them, had -but a limited education.’ The aristocrats of -the ‘Family Compact’ party did not come to -Canada with the Loyalists of 1783; they came, -in most cases, after 1791, some of them from -Britain, such as Bishop Strachan, and some of -them from New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, -such as the Jarvises and the Robinsons. This -fact is one which serves to explain a great deal -in Upper Canadian history.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI<br /> -<span class="smaller">COMPENSATION AND HONOUR</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>Throughout the war the British government -had constantly granted relief and compensation -to Loyalists who had fled to England. In the -autumn of 1782 the treasury was paying out -to them, on account of losses or services, an -annual amount of £40,280 over and above -occasional payments of a particular or extraordinary -nature amounting to £17,000 or -£18,000 annually. When peace had been concluded, -and it became clear that the Americans -had no intention of making restitution to the -Loyalists, the British government determined -to put the payments for their compensation on -a more satisfactory basis.</p> - -<p>For this purpose the Coalition Government -of Fox and North appointed in July 1783 a -royal commission ‘to inquire into the losses -and services of all such persons who have -suffered in their rights, properties, and professions -during the late unhappy dissensions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span> -in America, in consequence of their loyalty -to His Majesty and attachment to the British -Government.’ A full account of the proceedings -of the commission is to be found in the -<i>Historical View of the Commission for Inquiry -into the Losses, Services, and Claims of the -American Loyalists</i>, published in London in -1815 by one of the commissioners, John -Eardley Wilmot. The commission was originally -appointed to sit for only two years; but -the task which confronted it was so great -that it was found necessary several times to -renew the act under which it was appointed; -and not until 1790 was the long inquiry brought -to an end. It was intended at first that the -claims of the men in the Loyalist regiments -should be sent in through their officers; and -Sir John Johnson, for instance, was asked to -transmit the claims of the Loyalists settled in -Canada. But it was found that this method -did not provide sufficient guarantee against -fraudulent and exorbitant claims; and eventually -members of the commission were compelled -to go in person to New York, Nova -Scotia, and Canada.</p> - -<p>The delay in concluding the work of the -commission caused great indignation. A tract -which appeared in London in 1788 entitled <i>The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span> -Claim of, the American Loyalists Reviewed and -Maintained upon Incontrovertible Principles -of Law and Justice</i> drew a black picture of the -results of the delay:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>It is well known that this delay of justice -has produced the most melancholy and -shocking events. A number of sufferers -have been driven into insanity and become -their own destroyers, leaving behind them -their helpless widows and orphans to subsist -upon the cold charity of strangers. Others -have been sent to cultivate the wilderness -for their subsistence, without having the -means, and compelled through want to -throw themselves on the mercy of the -American States, and the charity of former -friends, to support the life which might -have been made comfortable by the money -long since due by the British Government; -and many others with their families are -barely subsisting upon a temporary allowance -from Government, a mere pittance -when compared with the sum due them.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Complaints were also made about the -methods of the inquiry. The claimant was -taken into a room alone with the commissioners,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span> -was asked to submit a written and sworn -statement as to his losses and services, and was -then cross-examined both with regard to his -own losses and those of his fellow claimants. -This cross-questioning was freely denounced as -an ‘inquisition.’</p> - -<p>Grave inconvenience was doubtless caused -in many cases by the delay of the commissioners -in making their awards. But on the other -hand it should be remembered that the commissioners -had before them a portentous task. -They had to examine between four thousand -and five thousand claims. In most of these -the amount of detail to be gone through was -considerable, and the danger of fraud was -great. There was the difficulty also of determining -just what losses should be compensated. -The rule which was followed was that claims -should be allowed only for losses of property -through loyalty, for loss of offices held before -the war, and for loss of actual professional -income. No account was taken of lands -bought or improved during the war, of uncultivated -lands, of property mortgaged to its full -value or with defective titles, of damage done -by British troops, or of forage taken by them. -Losses due to the fall in the value of the provincial -paper money were thrown out, as were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span> -also expenses incurred while in prison or while -living in New York city. Even losses in trade -and labour were discarded. It will be seen -that to apply these rules to thousands of detailed -claims, all of which had to be verified, -was not the work of a few days, or even -months.</p> - -<p>It must be remembered, too, that during the -years from 1783 to 1790 the British government -was doing a great deal for the Loyalists in -other ways. Many of the better class received -offices under the crown. Sir John Johnson -was appointed superintendent of the Loyalists -in Canada, and then superintendent of Indian -Affairs; Colonel Edmund Fanning was made -lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia; Ward -Chipman became solicitor-general of New -Brunswick. The officers of the Loyalist regiments -were put on half-pay; and there is -evidence that many were allowed thus to rank -as half-pay officers who had no real claim -to the title. ‘Many,’ said the Rev. William -Smart of Brockville, ‘were placed on the list -of officers, not because they had seen service, -but as the most certain way of compensating -them for losses sustained in the Rebellion’; and -Haldimand himself complained that ‘there is -no end to it if every man that comes in is to be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span> -considered and paid as an officer.’ Then every -Loyalist who wished to do so received a grant -of land. The rule was that each field officer -should receive 5000 acres, each captain 3000, -each subaltern 2000, and each non-commissioned -officer and private 200 acres. This -rule was not uniformly observed, and there was -great irregularity in the size of the grants. -Major Van Alstine, for instance, received only -1200 acres. But in what was afterwards -Upper Canada, 3,200,000 acres were granted -out to Loyalists before 1787. And in addition -to all this, the British government clothed -and fed and housed the Loyalists until they -were able to provide for themselves. There -were those in Nova Scotia who were receiving -rations as late as 1792. What all this must -have cost the government during the years -following 1783 it is difficult to compute. Including -the cost of surveys, official salaries, -the building of saw-mills and grist-mills, and -such things, the figures must have run up to -several millions of pounds.</p> - -<p>When it is remembered that all this had -been already done, it will be admitted to be a -proof of the generosity of the British government -that the total of the claims allowed by -the royal commission amounted to £3,112,455.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span> -The grants varied in size from £10, the -compensation paid to a common soldier, to -£44,500, the amount paid to Sir John Johnson. -The total outlay on the part of Great Britain, -both during and after the war, on account of -the Loyalists, must have amounted to not less -than £6,000,000, exclusive of the value of the -lands assigned.</p> - -<p>With the object possibly of assuaging the -grievances of which the Loyalists complained -in connection with the proceedings of the royal -commission, Lord Dorchester (as Sir Guy -Carleton was by that time styled) proposed in -1789 ‘to put a Marke of Honor upon the -families who had adhered to the unity of the -empire, and joined the Royal Standard in -America before the Treaty of Separation in -the year 1783.’ It was therefore resolved that -all Loyalists of that description were ‘to be -distinguished by the letters U.E. affixed to -their names, alluding to their great principle, -the unity of the empire.’ The land boards -were ordered to preserve a registry of all such -persons, ‘to the end that their posterity may -be discriminated from future settlers,’ and that -their sons and daughters, on coming of age, -might receive grants of two hundred acre lots. -Unfortunately, the land boards carried out<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span> -these instructions in a very half-hearted -manner, and when Colonel John Graves -Simcoe became lieutenant-governor of Upper -Canada, he found the regulation a dead letter. -He therefore revived it in a proclamation issued -at York (now Toronto), on April 6, 1796, which -directed the magistrates to ascertain under oath -and to register the names of all those who by -reason of their loyalty to the Empire were entitled -to special distinction and grants of land. -A list was compiled from the land board registers, -from the provision lists and muster lists, -and from the registrations made upon oath, -which was known as the ‘Old U. E. List’; and -it is a fact often forgotten that no one, the names -of some of whose ancestors are not inscribed -in that list, has the right to describe himself as -a United Empire Loyalist.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE AMERICAN MIGRATION</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>From the first the problem of governing the -settlements above Montreal perplexed the -authorities. It was very early proposed to -erect them into a separate province, as New -Brunswick had been erected into a separate -province. But Lord Dorchester was opposed -to any such arrangement. ‘It appears to me,’ -he wrote to Lord Sydney, ‘that the western -settlements are as yet unprepared for any -organization superior to that of a county.’ -In 1787, therefore, the country west of Montreal -was divided into four districts, for a time -named Lunenburg, Mecklenburg, Nassau, and -Hesse. Lunenburg stretched from the western -boundary of the province of Quebec to the -Gananoqui; Mecklenburg, from the Gananoqui -to the Trent, flowing into the Bay of Quinté; -Nassau, from the Trent to a line drawn due -north from Long Point on Lake Erie; and -Hesse, from this line to Detroit. We do not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span> -know who was responsible for inflicting these -names on a new and unoffending country. -Perhaps they were thought a compliment to -the Hanoverian ruler of England. Fortunately -they were soon dropped, and the names -Eastern, Midland, Home, and Western were -substituted.</p> - -<p>This division of the settlements proved only -temporary. It left the Loyalists under the -arbitrary system of government set up in -Quebec by the Quebec Act of 1774, under which -they enjoyed no representative institutions -whatever. It was not long before petitions -began to pour in from them asking that they -should be granted a representative assembly. -Undoubtedly Lord Dorchester had underestimated -the desire among them for representative -institutions. In 1791, therefore, the -country west of the Ottawa river, with the -exception of a triangle of land at the junction of -the Ottawa and the St Lawrence, was erected by -the Constitutional Act into a separate province, -with the name of Upper Canada; and this province -was granted a representative assembly -of fifteen members.</p> - -<p>The lieutenant-governor appointed for the -new province was Colonel John Graves Simcoe. -During the war Colonel Simcoe had been the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span> -commanding officer of the Queen’s Rangers, -which had been largely composed of Loyalists, -and he was therefore not unfitted to govern -the new province. He was theoretically under -the control of Lord Dorchester at Quebec; but -his relations with Dorchester were somewhat -strained, and he succeeded in making himself -virtually independent in his western jurisdiction. -Though he seemed phlegmatic, he -possessed a vigorous and enterprising disposition, -and he planned great things for -Upper Canada. He explored the country in -search of the best site for a capital; and it is -interesting to know that he had such faith in -the future of Upper Canada that he actually -contemplated placing the capital in what was -then the virgin wilderness about the river -Thames. He inaugurated a policy of building -roads and improving communications which -showed great foresight; and he entered upon -an immigration propaganda, by means of proclamations -advertising free land grants, which -brought a great increase of population to the -province.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="illus7"> -<img src="images/illus7.jpg" width="500" height="700" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">JOHN GRAVES SIMCOE</p> -<p class="caption">From the bust in Exeter Cathedral</p> -</div> - -<p>Simcoe believed that there were still in the -United States after 1791 many people who -had remained loyal at heart to Great Britain, -and who were profoundly dissatisfied with their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span> -lot under the new American government. It -was his object to attract these people to Upper -Canada by means of his proclamations; and -there is no doubt that he was partly successful. -But he also attracted many who had no other -motive in coming to Canada than their desire -to obtain free land grants, and whose -attachment to the British crown was of the -most recent origin. These people were freely -branded by the original settlers as ‘Americans’; -and there is no doubt that in many cases the -name expressed their real sympathies.</p> - -<p>The War of the Revolution had hardly been -brought to a conclusion when some of the -Americans showed a tendency to migrate into -Canada. In 1783, when the American Colonel -Willet was attempting an attack on the British -garrison at Oswego, American traders, with an -impudence which was superb, were arriving -at Niagara. In 1784 some rebels who had -attempted to pose as Loyalists were ejected -from the settlements at Cataraqui. And after -Simcoe began to advertise free land grants to all -who would take the oath of allegiance to King -George, hundreds of Americans flocked across -the border. The Duc de la Rochefoucauld, -a French <i>émigré</i> who travelled through Upper -Canada in 1795, and who has given us the best<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span> -account of the province at that time, asserted -that there were in Upper Canada many who -‘falsely profess an attachment to the British -monarch and curse the Government of the -Union for the mere purpose of getting possession -of the lands.’ ‘We met in this excursion,’ -says La Rochefoucauld in another place, ‘an -American family who, with some oxen, cows, -and sheep, were emigrating to Canada. “We -come,” said they, “to the governor,” whom -they did not know, “to see whether he will -give us land.” “Aye, aye,” the governor -replied, “you are tired of the federal government; -you like not any longer to have so many -kings; you wish again for your old father” -(it is thus the governor calls the British -monarch when he speaks with Americans); -“you are perfectly right; come along, we love -such good Royalists as you are; we will give -you land.”’</p> - -<p>Other testimony is not lacking. Writing in -1799 Richard Cartwright said, ‘It has so happened -that a great portion of the population -of that part of the province which extends from -the head of the Bay of Kenty upwards is composed -of persons who have evidently no claim -to the appellation of Loyalists.’ In some districts -it was a cause of grievance that persons<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span> -from the States entered the province, petitioned -for lands, took the necessary oaths, and, having -obtained possession of the land, resold it, -pocketed the money, and returned to build up -the American Union. As late as 1816 a letter -appeared in the Kingston <i>Gazette</i> in which the -complaint is made that ‘people who have -come into the country from the States, marry -into a family, and obtain a lot of wild land, -get John Ryder to move the landmarks, and -instead of a wild lot, take by force a fine house -and barn and orchard, and a well-cultivated -farm, and turn the old Tory (as he is called) -out of his house, and all his labor for thirty -years.’</p> - -<p>Never at any other time perhaps have conditions -been so favourable in Canada for land-grabbing -and land-speculation as they were -then. Owing to the large amount of land -granted to absentee owners, and to the policy -of free land grants announced by Simcoe, land -was sold at a very low price. In some cases -two hundred acre lots were sold for a gallon -of rum. In 1791 Sir William Pullency, an -English speculator, bought 1,500,000 acres of -land in Upper Canada at one shilling an acre, -and sold 700,000 acres later for an average -of eight shillings an acre. Under these circumstances<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span> -it was not surprising that many -Americans, with their shrewd business instincts, -flocked into the country.</p> - -<p>It is clear, then, that a large part of the -immigration which took place under Simcoe -was not Loyalist in its character. From this, -it must not be understood that the new-comers -were not good settlers. Even Richard Cartwright -confessed that they had ‘resources in -themselves which other people are usually -strangers to.’ They compared very favourably -with the Loyalists who came from England -and the Maritime Provinces, who were described -by Cartwright as ‘idle and profligate.’ The -great majority of the American settlers became -loyal subjects of the British crown; and it was -only when the American army invaded Canada -in 1812, and when William Lyon Mackenzie -made a push for independence in 1837, that -the non-Loyalist character of some of the early -immigration became apparent.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII<br /> -<span class="smaller">The Loyalist in his New Home</span></h2> - -</div> - -<p>The social history of the United Empire -Loyalists was not greatly different from that -of other pioneer settlers in the Canadian forest. -Their homes were such as could have been seen -until recently in many of the outlying parts of -the country. In Nova Scotia and New Brunswick -some of the better class of settlers were able -to put up large and comfortable wooden houses, -some of which are still standing. But even -there most of them had to be content with -primitive quarters. Edward Winslow was not -a poor man, as poverty was reckoned in those -days. Yet he lived in rather meagre style. -He described his house at Granville, opposite -Annapolis, as being ‘almost as large as my log -house, divided into two rooms, where we are -snug as pokers.’ Two years later, after he -had made additions to it, he proposed advertising -it for sale in the following terms: ‘That -elegant House now occupied by the Honourable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span> -E. W., one of His Majesty’s Council for the -Province of New Brunswick, consisting of four -beautiful Rooms on the first Floor, highly -finished. Also two spacious-lodging chambers -in the second story—a capacious dry cellar -with arches &c. &c. &c.’ In Upper Canada, -owing to the difficulty of obtaining building -materials, the houses of the half-pay officers -were even less pretentious. A traveller passing -through the country about Johnstown in 1792 -described Sir John Johnson’s house as ‘a small -country lodge, neat, but as the grounds are only -beginning to be cleared, there was nothing of -interest.’</p> - -<p>The home of the average Loyalist was a log-cabin. -Sometimes the cabin contained one -room, sometimes two. Its dimensions were as -a rule no more than fourteen feet by eighteen -feet, and sometimes ten by fifteen. The roofs -were constructed of bark or small hollowed -basswood logs, overlapping one another like -tiles. The windows were as often as not -covered not with glass, but with oiled paper. -The chimneys were built of sticks and clay, -or rough unmortared stones, since bricks were -not procurable; sometimes there was no chimney, -and the smoke was allowed to find its -way out through a hole in the bark roof.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span> -Where it was impossible to obtain lumber, the -doors were made of pieces of timber split into -rough boards; and in some cases the hinges -and latches were made of wood. These old -log cabins, with the chinks between the logs -filled in with clay and moss, were still to be -seen standing in many parts of the country -as late as fifty years ago. Though primitive, -they seem to have been not uncomfortable; -and many of the old settlers clung to them -long after they could have afforded to build -better. This was doubtless partly due to the -fact that log-houses were exempt from the -taxation laid on frame, brick, and stone -structures.</p> - -<p>A few of the Loyalists succeeded in bringing -with them to Canada some sticks of furniture -or some family heirlooms. Here and there a -family would possess an ancient spindle, a pair -of curiously-wrought fire-dogs, or a quaint pair -of hand-bellows. But these relics of a former -life merely served to accentuate the rudeness -of the greater part of the furniture of the -settlers. Chairs, benches, tables, beds, chests, -were fashioned by hand from the rough wood. -The descendant of one family has described -how the family dinner-table was a large stump, -hewn flat on top, standing in the middle of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span> -floor. The cooking was done at the open fireplace; -it was not until well on in the nineteenth -century that stoves came into common -use in Canada.</p> - -<p>The clothing of the settlers was of the most -varied description. Here and there was one -who had brought with him the tight knee-breeches -and silver-buckled shoes of polite -society. But many had arrived with only -what was on their backs; and these soon -found their garments, no matter how carefully -darned and patched, succumb to the effects -of time and labour. It was not long before -the settlers learnt from the Indians the art of -making clothing out of deer-skin. Trousers -made of this material were found both comfortable -and durable. ‘A gentleman who -recently died in Sophiasburg at an advanced -age, remembered to have worn a pair for -twelve years, being repaired occasionally, and -at the end they were sold for two dollars and a -half.’ Petticoats for women were also made -of deer-skin. ‘My grandmother,’ says one -descendant, ‘made all sorts of useful dresses -with these skins, which were most comfortable -for a country life, and for going through -the bush [since they] could not be torn by -the branches.’ There were, of course, some<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span> -articles of clothing which could not readily -be made of leather; and very early the settlers -commenced growing flax and raising sheep for -their wool. Home-made linen and clothing -of linsey-woolsey were used in the settlements -by high and low alike. It was not until the -close of the eighteenth century that articles -of apparel, other than those made at home -of flax and wool, were easily obtainable. -A calico dress was a great luxury. Few -daughters expected to have one until it was -bought for their wedding-dress. Great efforts -were always made to array the bride in fitting -costume; and sometimes a dress, worn by the -mother in other days, amid other scenes, was -brought forth, yellow and discoloured with the -lapse of time.</p> - -<p>There was little money in the settlements. -What little there was came in pay to the -soldiers or the half-pay officers. Among the -greater part of the population, business was -carried on by barter. In Upper Canada the -lack of specie was partly overcome by the -use of a kind of paper money. ‘This money -consists of small squares of card or paper, on -which are printed promissory notes for various -sums. These notes are made payable once -a year, generally about the latter end of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span> -September at Montreal. The name of the -merchant or firm is subscribed.’ This was -merely an extension of the system of credit -still in use with country merchants, but it -provided the settlers with a very convenient -substitute for cash. The merchants did not -suffer, as frequently this paper money was -lost, and never presented; and cases were -known of its use by Indians as wadding for -their flint-locks.</p> - -<p>Social instincts among the settlers were -strongly marked. Whenever a family was -erecting a house or barn, the neighbours as a -rule lent a helping hand. While the men were -raising barn-timbers and roof-trees, the women -gathered about the quilting-frames or the -spinning-wheels. After the work was done, -it was usual to have a festival. The young -men wrestled and showed their prowess at -trials of strength; the rest looked on and -applauded. In the evening there was a dance, -at which the local musician scraped out tuneless -tunes on an ancient fiddle; and there was -of course hearty eating and, it is to be feared, -heavy drinking.</p> - -<p>Schools and churches were few and far between. -A number of Loyalist clergy settled -both in Nova Scotia and in Upper Canada,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span> -and these held services and taught school in -the chief centres of population. The Rev. -John Stuart was, for instance, appointed -chaplain in 1784 at Cataraqui; and in 1786 -he opened an academy there, for which he -received government aid. In time other -schools sprang up, taught by retired soldiers -or farmers who were incapacitated for other -work. The tuition given in these schools was -of the most elementary sort. La Rochefoucauld, -writing of Cataraqui in 1795, says: -‘In this district are some schools, but they are -few in number. The children are instructed -in reading and writing, and pay each a dollar -a month. One of the masters, superior to -the rest in point of knowledge, taught Latin; -but he has left the school, without being -succeeded by another instructor of the same -learning.’ ‘At seven years of age,’ writes -the son of a Loyalist family, ‘I was one of -those who patronized Mrs Cranahan, who -opened a Sylvan Seminary for the young -idea in Adolphustown; from thence, I went -to Jonathan Clark’s, and then tried Thomas -Morden, lastly William Faulkiner, a relative of -the Hagermans. You may suppose that these -graduations to Parnassus was [<i>sic</i>] carried -into effect, because a large amount of knowledge<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span> -could be obtained. Not so; for Dilworth’s -Spelling Book, and the New Testament, -were the only books possessed by these -academies.’</p> - -<p>The lack of a clergy was even more marked. -When Bishop Mountain visited Upper Canada -in 1794, he found only one Lutheran chapel and -two Presbyterian churches between Montreal -and Kingston. At Kingston he found ‘a small -but decent church,’ and about the Bay of -Quinté there were three or four log huts which -were used by the Church of England missionary -in the neighbourhood. At Niagara there was -a clergyman, but no church; the services were -held in the Freemasons’ Hall. This lack of a -regularly-ordained clergy was partly remedied -by a number of itinerant Methodist preachers -or ‘exhorters.’ These men were described by -Bishop Mountain as ‘a set of ignorant enthusiasts, -whose preaching is calculated only -to perplex the understanding, to corrupt the -morals, to relax the nerves of industry, and -dissolve the bands of society.’ But they gained -a very strong hold on the Loyalist population; -and for a long time they were familiar figures -upon the country roads.</p> - -<p>For many years communications both in New -Brunswick and in Upper Canada were mainly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span> -by water. The roads between the settlements -were little more than forest paths. When -Colonel Simcoe went to Upper Canada he -planned to build a road running across the -province from Montreal to the river Thames, -to be called Dundas Street. He was recalled, -however, before the road was completed; and -the project was allowed to fall through. In -1793 an act was passed by the legislature of -Upper Canada ‘to regulate the laying out, -amending, and keeping in repair, the public -highways and roads.’ This threw on the -individual settler the obligation of keeping the -road across his lot in good repair; but the large -amount of crown lands and clergy reserves and -land held by speculators throughout the province -made this act of little avail. It was not -until 1798 that a road was run from the Bay of -Quinté to the head of Lake Ontario, by an -American surveyor named Asa Danforth. -But even this government road was at times -impassable; and there is evidence that some -travellers preferred to follow the shore of the -lake.</p> - -<p>It will be seen from these notes on social -history that the Loyalists had no primrose path. -But after the first grumblings and discontents, -poured into the ears of Governor Haldimand<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span> -and Governor Parr, they seem to have settled -down contentedly to their lot; and their life -appears to have been on the whole happy. -Especially in the winter, when they had some -leisure, they seem to have known how to enjoy -themselves.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>In the winter season, nothing is more -ardently wished for, by young persons of -both sexes, in Upper Canada, than the -setting in of frost, accompanied by a fall of -snow. Then it is, that pleasure commences -her reign. The sleighs are drawn out. -Visits are paid, and returned, in all directions. -Neither cold, distance, or badness -of roads prove any impediment. The -sleighs glide over all obstacles. It would -excite surprise in a stranger to view the -open before the Governor’s House on a -levee morning, filled with these carriages. -A sleigh would not probably make any -great figure in Bond street, whose silken -sons and daughters would probably mistake -it for a turnip cart, but in the Canadas, it is -the means of pleasure, and glowing healthful -exercise. An overturn is nothing. It -contributes subject matter for conversation -at the next house that is visited, when a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span> -pleasant raillery often arises on the derangement -of dress, which the ladies have -sustained, and the more than usual display -of graces, which the tumble has occasioned.</p> - -</div> - -<p>This picture, drawn in 1793 by a nameless -traveller, is an evidence of the courage and -buoyancy of heart with which the United -Empire Loyalists faced the toils and privations -of life in their new home.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">Not drooping like poor fugitives they came</div> - <div class="verse indent0">In exodus to our Canadian wilds,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">But full of heart and hope, with heads erect</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And fearless eyes victorious in defeat.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="BIBLIOGRAPHICAL_NOTE">BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</h2> - -</div> - -<p>It is astonishing how little documentary evidence -the Loyalists left behind them with regard to -their migration. Among those who fled to England -there were a few who kept diaries and -journals, or wrote memoirs, which have found -their way into print; and some contemporary -records have been published with regard to the -settlements of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. -But of the Loyalists who settled in Upper and -Lower Canada there is hardly one who left behind -him a written account of his experiences. The -reason for this is that many of them were -illiterate, and those who were literate were so -occupied with carving a home for themselves -out of the wilderness that they had neither time -nor inclination for literary labours. Were it not -for the state papers preserved in England, and for -a collection of papers made by Sir Frederick -Haldimand, the Swiss soldier of fortune who was -governor of Quebec at the time of the migration, -and who had a passion for filing documents away, -our knowledge of the settlements in the Canadas -would be of the most sketchy character.</p> - -<p>It would serve no good purpose to attempt<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span> -here an exhaustive account of the printed sources -relating to the United Empire Loyalists. All -that can be done is to indicate some of the more -important. The only general history of the -Loyalists is Egerton Ryerson, <i>The Loyalists of -America and Their Times</i> (2 vols., 1880); it is -diffuse and antiquated, and is written in a spirit of -undiscriminating admiration of the Loyalists, but it -contains much good material. Lorenzo Sabine, -<i>Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American -Revolution</i> (2 vols., 1864), is an old book, but it -is a storehouse of information about individual -Loyalists, and it contains a suggestive introductory -essay. Some admirable work on the -Loyalists has been done by recent American -historians. Claude H. Van Tyne, <i>The Loyalists -in the American Revolution</i> (1902), is a readable -and scholarly study, based on extensive -researches into documentary and newspaper -sources. The Loyalist point of view will be found -admirably set forth in M. C. Tyler, <i>The Literary -History of the American Revolution</i> (2 vols., 1897), -and <i>The Party of the Loyalists in the American -Revolution</i> (American Historical Review, I, 24). -Of special studies in a limited field the most -valuable and important is A. C. Flick, <i>Loyalism in -New York</i> (1901); it is the result of exhaustive -researches, and contains an excellent bibliography -of printed and manuscript sources. Other -studies in a limited field are James H. Stark, <i>The -Loyalists of Massachusetts and the Other Side of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span> -the American Revolution</i> (1910), and G. A. Gilbert, -<i>The Connecticut Loyalists</i> (American Historical -Review, IV, 273).</p> - -<p>For the settlements of Nova Scotia and New -Brunswick, the most important source is <i>The -Winslow Papers</i> (edited by W. O. Raymond, 1901), -an admirably annotated collection of private -letters written by and to Colonel Edward Winslow. -Some of the official correspondence relating to -the migration is calendared in the Historical -Manuscript Commission’s <i>Report on American -Manuscripts in the Royal Institution of Great -Britain</i> (1909). Much material will be found in -the provincial histories of Nova Scotia and New -Brunswick, such as Beamish Murdoch, <i>A History -of Nova Scotia or Acadie</i> (3 vols., 1867), and James -Hannay, <i>History of New Brunswick</i> (2 vols., 1909), -and also in the local and county histories. The -story of the Loyalists of Prince Edward Island -is contained in W. H. Siebert and Florence E. -Gilliam, <i>The Loyalists in Prince Edward Island</i> -(Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal -Society of Canada, 3rd series, IV, ii, 109). An -account of the Shelburne colony will be found in -T. Watson Smith, <i>The Loyalists at Shelburne</i> -(Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, -VI, 53).</p> - -<p>For the settlements in Upper and Lower Canada, -the most important source is the Haldimand -Papers, which are fully calendared in the Reports -of the Canadian Archives from 1884 to 1889. J.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span> -McIlwraith, <i>Sir Frederick Haldimand</i> (1904), contains -a chapter on ‘The Loyalists’ which is based -upon these papers. The most important secondary -source is William Canniff, <i>History of the Settlement -of Upper Canada</i> (1869), a book the value of which -is seriously diminished by lack of reference to -authorities, and by a slipshod style, but which contains -a vast amount of material preserved nowhere -else. Among local histories reference may be -made to C. M. Day, <i>Pioneers of the Eastern Townships</i> -(1863), James Croil, <i>Dundas</i> (1861), and J. F. -Pringle, <i>Lunenburgh or the Old Eastern District</i> -(1891). An interesting essay in local history is -L. H. Tasker, <i>The United Empire Loyalist Settlement -at Long Point, Lake Erie</i> (Ontario Historical -Society, Papers and Records, II). For the later -immigration reference should be made to D. C. -Scott, <i>John Graves Simcoe</i> (1905), and Ernest -Cruikshank, <i>Immigration from the United States -Into Upper Canada, 1784-1812</i> (Proceedings of the -Thirty-ninth Convention of the Ontario Educational -Association, 263).</p> - -<p>An authoritative account of the proceedings of -the commissioners appointed to inquire into the -losses of the Loyalists is to be found in J. E. -Wilmot, <i>Historical View of the Commission for -Inquiry Into the Losses, Services, and Claims of the -American Loyalists</i> (1815).</p> - -<p>For the social history of the Loyalist settlements -a useful book is A ‘Canuck’ (M. G. Scherk), <i>Pen -Pictures of Early Pioneer Life in Upper Canada</i><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span> -(1905). Many interesting notes on social history -will be found also in accounts of travels such as -the Duc de la Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, <i>Travels -through the United States of North America, the -Country of the Iroquois, and Upper Canada</i> (1799), -<i>The Diary of Mrs John Graves Simcoe</i> (edited by -J. Ross Robertson, 1911), and <i>Canadian Letters: -Description of a Tour thro’ the Provinces of Lower -and Upper Canada in the Course of the Years 1792 -and ’93</i> (The Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic -Journal, IX, 3 and 4).</p> - -<p>An excellent index to unprinted materials -relating to the Loyalists is Wilfred Campbell, -<i>Report on Manuscript Lists Relating to the United -Empire Loyalists, with Reference to Other Sources</i> -(1909).</p> - -<p>See also in this Series: <i>The Father of British -Canada; The War Chief of the Six Nations</i>.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2> - -</div> - -<ul> - -<li class="ifrst">Adams, John, a social comparison, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on strength of Loyalists, <a href="#Page_17">17-18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">favours compensating the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Allen, Lieut.-Col. Isaac, on New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">American Revolution, Lecky on, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">merely a phase of English party politics, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">not a war of social classes, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">one-third of the people opposed to measures of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">‘fratricidal butchery’ in, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">end of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Americans, barbarity of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">have proof that Loyalists lifted scalps, <a href="#Page_42">42-3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">hypocrisy of, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">migrate to Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">testimonies against, <a href="#Page_124">124-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and in favour, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aplin, Joseph, and the Loyalist settlement at Parrtown, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Bailey, Rev. Jacob, on the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Beecher, Rev. Jonathan, and the Shelburne settlement, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bliss, Jonathan, a Loyalist in New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and social feeling in St John, <a href="#Page_82">82-3</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blowers, Sampson Salter, and the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Boston, riots in, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and migration of the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Botsford, Amos, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Boucher, Rev. Jonathan, advocates doctrines of passive obedience to authority and the divine right of kings, <a href="#Page_8">8-10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">but upholds right of petition, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and Washington, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">threatened by revolutionary mob, <a href="#Page_22">22-3</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brant, Joseph, loyalty of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fails to control Indians at Cherry Valley, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bunker’s Hill, British obstinacy at, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Burgoyne, General, and the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Butler, Colonel John, and his Whig cousins, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">incursions into United States, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reprimanded, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and Indian barbarity, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Byles, Rev. Mather, and the Revolution, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Campbell, Thomas, his lines on Wyoming valley raid, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cape Breton, Loyalists in, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Carleton, Sir Guy.</li> -<li class="isub1">See Dorchester, Lord.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span>Carleton, Colonel Thomas, governor of New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cartwright, Richard, on the Americans in Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cataraqui, hard times of Loyalists at, <a href="#Page_105">105-6</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chipman, Ward, a Loyalist in New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and social feeling in St John, <a href="#Page_82">82-3</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Constitutional Act of 1791, necessitated by the coming of the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cooper, Dr Myles, endorses the principle of submission to authority, but upholds right of petition, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cornwallis, General, and the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cowper, William, his lines on American revolutionists, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cummings, Samuel, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cuyler, Abraham, leads a Loyalist migration, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Declaration of Independence, rouses the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_13">13-14</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">De Lancey, Colonel, on Loyalist settlement in New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Detroit, Loyalist settlement at, <a href="#Page_109">109-10</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dole, James, a Loyalist agent, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dorchester, Lord, on Canada, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">denounces American Whigs, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">assists migration of the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">takes strong stand in New York, <a href="#Page_59">59-60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">initiates ‘Marke of Honor,’ <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">opposes creation of Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_120">120-2</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dulany, Daniel, protests against British policy, <a href="#Page_11">11-12</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dundas, Colonel Thomas, on the Loyalist settlement in New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_84">84-5</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Eastern Townships, Loyalists not allowed to settle in, <a href="#Page_95">95-6</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Fanning, Colonel Edmund, tries to take advantage of Loyalists in Prince Edward Island, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Finucane, Chief Justice, fails to appease Loyalists in New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Franklin, Benjamin, scouts idea of American independence, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and his son, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">against granting amnesty to Loyalists, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Galloway, Joseph, disapproves of British policy, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a social comparison, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Georgia, strength of Loyalists in, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Germain, Lord George, incapacity of, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gourlay, Robert, on the survey of townships in Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grass, Captain Michael, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rouses Haldimand’s anger, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Great Britain, in the Peace of Versailles, <a href="#Page_46">46-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her betrayal of the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_48">48-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">makes amends, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her generosity to Loyalists, <a href="#Page_112">112-18</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gugy, Conrad, and Loyalist refugees, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accusation against, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span>Haldimand, Sir Frederick, denounces indiscriminate vengeance, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settles Loyalist refugees, <a href="#Page_91">91-2</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97-9</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">debars settling in Eastern Townships, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on compensation to Loyalists, <a href="#Page_116">116-17</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Haliburton, T. C, on the Shelburne settlement, <a href="#Page_69">69-70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hauser, Frederick, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Holland, Major Samuel, surveys townships in Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Howe, General, and migration of the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_54">54-5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hutchinson, Thomas, disapproves of British policy, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a comparison, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">persecution of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Indians in the American Revolution, barbarity of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their use deprecated, <a href="#Page_41">41-2</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Jessup’s Corps, at Saratoga, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settlement of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Sir William, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his career, <a href="#Page_35">35-6</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Sir John, escapes to Canada, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">incursions into United States, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40-1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">raises ‘Royal Greens,’ <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">charges of barbarity, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">supervises settlement of Loyalists, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and Loyalist claims, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">superintendent of Indian Affairs, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">compensation paid to, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his house, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Lady, carried off a prisoner, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Colonel Guy, raises Loyalist regiment, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">King’s American Dragoons, hard lot of, in New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_75">75-6</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Loughborough, Lord, on Britain’s desertion of the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lower Canada, the Loyalists the indirect cause of an assembly being granted to, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="Loyalists">Loyalists, the, vilified by early writers, <a href="#Page_1">1-2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reparation made, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">honoured in Canada, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">effect of their exodus on United States, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">effect of their migration on Canadian history, <a href="#Page_4">4-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">subscribe to the principles of passive submission to authority and the right of petition, <a href="#Page_8">8-10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">disapprove of British policy, <a href="#Page_11">11-12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">causes of increase in numbers, <a href="#Page_12">12-14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">loyal toast, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">numbers and strength, <a href="#Page_16">16-19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">persecution of, <a href="#Page_20">20-31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and the test laws, <a href="#Page_26">26-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">story of two Loyalists hanged in Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">some penalties, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">confiscation of property, <a href="#Page_29">29-30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">lack initiative, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">success in battle, <a href="#Page_33">33-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">charges of barbarism against, <a href="#Page_34">34-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">charges refuted, <a href="#Page_41">41-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">some regiments of, <a href="#Page_36">36-8</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">raids and incursions, <a href="#Page_38">38-41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their hopeless position at end of war, <a href="#Page_45">45-52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">British betrayal of, <a href="#Page_48">48-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Britain makes amends, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">migration to Nova Scotia, <a href="#Page_53">53-61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">some statistics of Loyalists in Maritime Provinces, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Shelburne settlement, <a href="#Page_63">63-70</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span>migration to New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_71">71-85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Prince Edward Island, <a href="#Page_86">86-90</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Quebec, <a href="#Page_91">91-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_97">97-111</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">allowances to, <a href="#Page_102">102-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">compensation to, <a href="#Page_112">112-16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">honours and grants to, <a href="#Page_116">116-18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their ‘Marke of Honor,’ <a href="#Page_118">118-19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their houses and furniture, <a href="#Page_127">127-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">clothing, <a href="#Page_130">130-1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">means of exchange, <a href="#Page_131">131-2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">social customs, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">schools and churches, <a href="#Page_132">132-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their happy lot, <a href="#Page_136">136-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Loyalist regiments, settled in New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their distress, <a href="#Page_75">75-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">when formed in Canada, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settlement of, in Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99-100</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Loyal Rangers, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Wyoming valley, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Mohawk valley, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Macdonell, Alexander, in ‘the ’45,’ <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his ideas of border warfare, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">barbarity of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Machiche, Loyalist discontent at, <a href="#Page_93">93-4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">McKean, Thomas, on number of Loyalists, <a href="#Page_18">18-19</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maclean, Colonel Allan, raises a Loyalist regiment, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Massachusetts, Loyalist migration from, <a href="#Page_65">65-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mountain, Bishop, on religion in Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Montgomery, General Richard, in the American Revolution, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mowat, Captain, and the Shelburne settlement, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">New Brunswick, candid view of Loyalist in, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Governor Parr’s opinion of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Loyalist settlements in, <a href="#Page_72">72-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">erected into a province, <a href="#Page_78">78-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Loyalists fill chief offices in, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">capital of, and election of representatives, <a href="#Page_81">81-3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">means of communication in, <a href="#Page_134">134-5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Newton, William, amusing case of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">New York, strength of Loyalists in, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">riots in, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a strange order, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and the test laws, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and confiscation of Loyalist property, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">debts due to Loyalists cancelled, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">laws enacted against Loyalists, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Sir Guy Carleton too much for congress of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Niagara, Loyalist settlement at, <a href="#Page_107">107-9</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">North, Lord, denounces Britain’s desertion of Loyalists, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nova Scotia, migration of Loyalists to, <a href="#Page_53">53-61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">uncomplimentary opinions of, <a href="#Page_61">61-2</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">schools and churches in, <a href="#Page_132">132-4</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Odell, Rev. Jonathan, a Loyalist, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Oliver, Andrew, persecution of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ontario. <a href="#Upper_Canada">See Upper Canada.</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Parr, John, governor of Nova Scotia, on the condition of Loyalist refugees, <a href="#Page_58">58-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and the Shelburne settlement, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and land grants in New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on social status of Loyalists in Nova Scotia, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pennsylvania, strength of Loyalists in, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span>and the test laws, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Prince Edward Island, Loyalists in, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">scurvy treatment, <a href="#Page_86">86-90</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pullency, Sir William, and land speculation, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pynchon, Joseph, and the Shelburne settlement, <a href="#Page_65">65-6</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Quebec, Loyalist refugees flock to, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settlements, <a href="#Page_92">92-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">all traces of lost, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">‘Rivington’s Gazette’ on terms of peace, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rochefoucauld, Duc de la, and the Americans in Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_123">123-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on education at Cataraqui, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rogers’s Rangers, settlement of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">‘Royal Greens,’ or the King’s Royal Regiment, raised, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at ambuscade of Oriskany, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settlement of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Royal Highland Emigrants, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">St John, social bitterness among Loyalists in, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scottish Highlanders, rebels of ‘the ’45,’ become Loyalists, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Seabury, Dr, and the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shelburne, story of the Loyalist settlement at, <a href="#Page_63">63-70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Simcoe, Col. John Graves, and the U.E. regulation, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his good work in Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">invites Americans to cross the border, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and road-building, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smart, Rev. William, on the Loyalists in Upper Canada, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sons of Liberty and the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stamp Act, the, some effects of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stuart, Rev. John, at Cataraqui, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Tarleton’s Loyal Cavalry, success in the Carolinas, <a href="#Page_33">33-4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tea duty, Loyalist objection to, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Test laws, tyranny of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">not strictly enforced, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tories, American, get support of English Tories, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">loyalty of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">an Episcopalian party, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a social comparison with Whigs, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tarring and feathering of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">test laws, <a href="#Page_27">27-30</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tryon, Governor, and Loyalist success, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">United Empire Loyalists, origin of name, <a href="#Page_118">118-19</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><a href="#Loyalists">See Loyalists.</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Upper_Canada">Upper Canada, migration of Loyalists into determines form of government, <a href="#Page_5">5-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Loyalists removed to, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settlements in, <a href="#Page_97">97-100</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">‘Family Compact’ party, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">names of districts in, <a href="#Page_120">120-1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Americans flock into, <a href="#Page_123">123-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">schools and churches in, <a href="#Page_132">132-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">means of communication, <a href="#Page_134">134-5</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Van Alstine, Major, and settlement of Loyalists, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his grant, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span>Van Schaak, Peter, a Whig, disapproves of test laws, <a href="#Page_26">26-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Versailles, Peace of, and the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_46">46-52</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Virginia and the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Washington, George, his aversion to the idea of independence, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a comparison, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">approves the persecution of Loyalists, <a href="#Page_23">23-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the Loyalist raids, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">refuses to treat with Loyalists, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his advice to the Loyalists, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Whigs, American, get support of English Whigs, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their change of front, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a Presbyterian party, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a social comparison with Tories, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a powerful organization formed to stamp out Loyalism, <a href="#Page_24">24-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and the test laws, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Winslow, Edward, on conditions of Loyalist refugees, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on New Brunswick, <a href="#Page_71">71-2</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75-6</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and the wealthy widow, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on his house, <a href="#Page_127">127-8</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="front-matter"> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="nobreak">THE CHRONICLES OF CANADA</h2> - -</div> - -<p class="center">Edited by George M. Wrong and H. H. Langton -of the University of Toronto</p> - -<p class="noindent">A series of thirty-two freshly-written narratives for -popular reading, designed to set forth, in historic continuity, -the principal events and movements in Canada, -from the Norse Voyages to the Railway Builders.</p> - -<p class="bookpart">PART I. THE FIRST EUROPEAN VISITORS</p> - -<p class="book">1. <i>The Dawn of Canadian History</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Aboriginal Canada</p> - -<p class="author">BY STEPHEN LEACOCK</p> - -<p class="book">2. <i>The Mariner of St Malo</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Voyages of Jacques Cartier</p> - -<p class="author">BY STEPHEN LEACOCK</p> - -<p class="bookpart">PART II. THE RISE OF NEW FRANCE</p> - -<p class="book">3. <i>The Founder of New France</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Champlain</p> - -<p class="author">BY CHARLES W. COLBY</p> - -<p class="book">4. <i>The Jesuit Missions</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Cross in the Wilderness</p> - -<p class="author">BY THOMAS GUTHRIE MARQUIS</p> - -<p class="book">5. <i>The Seigneurs of Old Canada</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of New-World Feudalism</p> - -<p class="author">BY WILLIAM BENNETT MUNRO</p> - -<p class="book">6. <i>The Great Intendant</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Jean Talon</p> - -<p class="author">BY THOMAS CHAPAIS</p> - -<p class="book">7. <i>The Fighting Governor</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Frontenac</p> - -<p class="author">BY CHARLES W. COLBY</p> - -<p class="bookpart">PART III. THE ENGLISH INVASION</p> - -<p class="book">8. <i>The Great Fortress</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Louisbourg</p> - -<p class="author">BY WILLIAM WOOD</p> - -<p class="book">9. <i>The Acadian Exiles</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Land of Evangeline</p> - -<p class="author">BY ARTHUR G. DOUGHTY</p> - -<p class="book">10. <i>The Passing of New France</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Montcalm</p> - -<p class="author">BY WILLIAM WOOD</p> - -<p class="book">11. <i>The Winning of Canada</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Wolfe</p> - -<p class="author">BY WILLIAM WOOD</p> - -<p class="bookpart">PART IV. THE BEGINNINGS OF BRITISH CANADA</p> - -<p class="book">12. <i>The Father of British Canada</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Carleton</p> - -<p class="author">BY WILLIAM WOOD</p> - -<p class="book">13. <i>The United Empire Loyalists</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Great Migration</p> - -<p class="author">BY W. STEWART WALLACE</p> - -<p class="book">14. <i>The War with the United States</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of 1812</p> - -<p class="author">BY WILLIAM WOOD</p> - -<p class="bookpart">PART V. THE RED MAN IN CANADA</p> - -<p class="book">15. <i>The War Chief of the Ottawas</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Pontiac War</p> - -<p class="author">BY THOMAS GUTHRIE MARQUIS</p> - -<p class="book">16. <i>The War Chief of the Six Nations</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Joseph Brant</p> - -<p class="author">BY LOUIS AUBREY WOOD</p> - -<p class="book">17. <i>Tecumseh</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the last Great Leader of his People</p> - -<p class="author">BY ETHEL T. RAYMOND</p> - -<p class="bookpart">PART VI. PIONEERS OF THE NORTH AND WEST</p> - -<p class="book">18. <i>The ‘Adventurers of England’ on Hudson Bay</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Fur Trade in the North</p> - -<p class="author">BY AGNES C. LAUT</p> - -<p class="book">19. <i>Pathfinders of the Great Plains</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of La Vérendrye and his Sons</p> - -<p class="author">BY LAWRENCE J. BURPEE</p> - -<p class="book">20. <i>Adventurers of the Far North</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Arctic Seas</p> - -<p class="author">BY STEPHEN LEACOCK</p> - -<p class="book">21. <i>The Red River Colony</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Beginnings of Manitoba</p> - -<p class="author">BY LOUIS AUBREY WOOD</p> - -<p class="book">22. <i>Pioneers of the Pacific Coast</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Sea Rovers and Fur Hunters</p> - -<p class="author">BY AGNES C. LAUT</p> - -<p class="book">23. <i>The Cariboo Trail</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Gold-fields of British Columbia</p> - -<p class="author">BY AGNES C. LAUT</p> - -<p class="bookpart">PART VII. THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL FREEDOM</p> - -<p class="book">24. <i>The Family Compact</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Rebellion in Upper Canada</p> - -<p class="author">BY W. STEWART WALLACE</p> - -<p class="book">25. <i>The Patriotes of ’37</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lower Canada</p> - -<p class="author">BY ALFRED D. DECELLES</p> - -<p class="book">26. <i>The Tribune of Nova Scotia</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Joseph Howe</p> - -<p class="author">BY WILLIAM LAWSON GRANT</p> - -<p class="book">27. <i>The Winning of Popular Government</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Union of 1841</p> - -<p class="author">BY ARCHIBALD MACMECHAN</p> - -<p class="bookpart">PART VIII. THE GROWTH OF NATIONALITY</p> - -<p class="book">28. <i>The Fathers of Confederation</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Birth of the Dominion</p> - -<p class="author">BY A. H. U. COLQUHOUN</p> - -<p class="book">29. <i>The Day of Sir John Macdonald</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of the Early Years of the Dominion</p> - -<p class="author">BY SIR JOSEPH POPE</p> - -<p class="book">30. <i>The Day of Sir Wilfrid Laurier</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Our Own Times</p> - -<p class="author">BY OSCAR D. SKELTON</p> - -<p class="bookpart">PART IX. NATIONAL HIGHWAYS</p> - -<p class="book">31. <i>All Afloat</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Craft and Waterways</p> - -<p class="author">BY WILLIAM WOOD</p> - -<p class="book">32. <i>The Railway Builders</i></p> - -<p class="booksub">A Chronicle of Overland Highways</p> - -<p class="author">BY OSCAR D. 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