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diff --git a/old/67300-0.txt b/old/67300-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 559c166..0000000 --- a/old/67300-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,12058 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Hobo, by Nels Anderson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The Hobo - The Sociology of the Homeless Man - -Author: Nels Anderson - -Release Date: February 1, 2022 [eBook #67300] - -Language: English - -Produced by: hekula03, Tim Lindell and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The - Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HOBO *** - - - - - -=TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE= - - - Footnotes have been placed at the end of their respective chapters. - - - - - THE HOBO - THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE HOMELESS MAN - - - - - THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS - - THE BAKER AND TAYLOR COMPANY, NEW YORK - THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS, LONDON - THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA, TOKYO - THE MISSION BOOK COMPANY, SHANGHAI - - - - - THE HOBO - - THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE - HOMELESS MAN - - - BY NELS ANDERSON - - - A STUDY PREPARED FOR THE CHICAGO - COUNCIL OF SOCIAL AGENCIES UNDER - THE DIRECTION OF THE COMMITTEE - ON HOMELESS MEN - - - [Illustration: (Publisher colophon.)] - - - THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS - CHICAGO · ILLINOIS - - - - - COPYRIGHT 1923 BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO - ALL RIGHTS RESERVED - PUBLISHED MAY 1923 - - - COMPOSED AND PRINTED BY - THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS - CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, U.S.A. - - - - -EDITOR’S PREFACE - - -The present volume is intended to be the first of a series of -studies of the urban community and of city life. The old familiar -problems of our communal and social life--poverty, crime, and -vice--assume new and strange forms under the conditions of -modern urban existence. Inherited custom, tradition, all our -ancient social and political heritages--human nature itself--have -changed and are changing under the influence of the modern urban -environment. - -The man whose restless disposition made him a pioneer on the -frontier tends to become a “homeless man”--a hobo and a vagrant--in -the modern city. From the point of view of their biological -predispositions, the pioneer and the hobo are perhaps the same -temperamental type; from the point of view of their socially -acquired traits, they are something quite different. - -The city, more than any other product of man’s genius and labors, -represents the effort of mankind to remake the world in accordance -with its wishes, but the city, once made, compels man to conform -to the structure and the purposes he himself has imposed upon it. -If it is true that man made the city, it is quite as true that -the city is now making man. That is certainly a part of what we -mean when we speak of the “urban” as contrasted with the “rural” -mind. In any case, it is true that within the circle of these -two tendencies, man’s disposition, on the one hand, to create a -world in which he can live, and, on the other, to adapt himself to -the world which he himself has created, all, or most all of the -problems and the processes are included with which the student of -society is positively concerned. These processes go on, and these -problems arise everywhere that men, coming together in order to -live, find themselves compelled to carry on a common and communal -life. In cities, however, and particularly in great cities, where -social life is more intense than elsewhere, the processes produce -new and strange effects, and the problems are more poignant and -pressing. - -A changing population of from 30,000 to 75,000 homeless men in -Chicago, living together within the area of thirty or forty city -blocks, has created a milieu in which new and unusual personal -types flourish and new and unsuspected problems have arisen. - -If the city were to be identified, as it sometimes has been, -with its mere physical structure, its buildings, streets, -street railways, telephones, and other communal efficiencies; -if the city were, in fact, a mere complex of mechanical and -administrative devices for realizing certain clearly defined -purposes, the problem of the city would be one of engineering -and of administration merely. But this takes no account of human -nature; it takes no account of what we have come to refer to in -industry as the “problem of personnel.” At least it seems to -assume that the individual men and women for whom these organized -agencies--economic, social, and political--exist, and by whom -they are conducted, remain, in all their varied associations -and relations, practically the same. Recent observation, on the -other hand, has led to the conclusion that human nature, as we -ordinarily understand it, while it is based on certain fundamental -but not clearly definable human traits and predispositions, is -very largely a product of the environment, and particularly the -human environment in which the individual happens to find himself. -That means that every community, through the very character of the -environment which it imposes upon the individuals that compose -it, tends to determine the personal traits as it does determine -the language, the vocation, social values, and, eventually, the -personal opinions, of the individuals who compose it. - -It is the purpose of this and the succeeding studies in this series -to describe the changes that are taking place in the life of the -city and its peoples, and to investigate the city’s problems in -the light of these changes, and conditions of life generally of -urban people. For this reason, this study of the “homeless man” has -sought to see him, first of all, in his own habitat; in the social -milieu which he has created for himself within the limits of the -larger community by which he is surrounded, but from which he is, -in large part, an outcast. - -It is interesting to notice that within the area of his own -social environment, the hobo has created, or at least there has -grown up in response to his needs, a distinct and relatively -independent local community, with its own economic, social, and -social-political institutions. - -It is assumed that the study here made of the “Hobohemia” of -Chicago, as well as the studies that are being planned for other -areas and aspects of the city and its life, will at least be -comparable with the natural areas and the problematic aspects of -other American cities. It is, in fact, the purpose of these studies -to emphasize not so much the particular and local as the generic -and universal aspects of the city and its life, and so make these -studies not merely a contribution to our information but to our -permanent scientific knowledge of the city as a communal type. - - ROBERT E. PARK - - - - -COMMITTEE’S PREFACE - - -The Committee on Homeless Men was organized by the Executive -Committee of the Chicago Council of Social Agencies on June 16, -1922, to study the problem of the migratory casual worker. Its -members included men and women in contact with the problem of -homeless men from different points of view. - -Mr. Nels Anderson, a graduate student in sociology in the -University of Chicago, was selected to make the study. Mr. Anderson -was already thoroughly familiar with the life of the migratory -casual worker. He had shared their experiences “on the road” and -at work, and had visited the Hobohemian areas of many of the -large western cities. In the summer of 1921, he made a study of -400 migrants. Early in 1922, through the generous assistance and -encouragement of Dr. William A. Evans, Dr. Ben L. Reitman, and -Joel D. Hunter, he began a study of homeless men in Chicago, in -connection with a field-study course at the University of Chicago. - -The assumption of this study by the Chicago Council of Social -Agencies, in co-operation with the Juvenile Protective Association, -enabled an enlargement of its scope.[1] - -The object of this inquiry, from the standpoint of the Committee, -was to secure those facts which would enable social agencies to -deal intelligently with the problems created by the continuous -ebb and flow, out of and into Chicago, of tens of thousands of -foot-loose and homeless men. Only through an understanding both -of the human nature of the migratory casual worker, and of the -economic and social forces which have shaped his personality, -could there be devised any fundamental program for social agencies -interested in his welfare. - -Earlier studies of the migratory casual workers in the United -States have been limited almost entirely to statistical -investigation. In the present inquiry a more intensive study of -cases was decided upon in preference to an extensive statistical -survey. For the past twelve months Mr. Anderson lived in Hobohemia, -and in a natural and informal way secured upward of sixty -life-histories, and collected, in addition, a mass of documents -and other materials which are listed in Appendix B. Mr. Anderson -has had, in certain parts of the field work, the assistance of C. -W. Allen, L. G. Brown, G. F. Davis, B. W. Bridgman, F. C. Frey, -E. H. Koster, G. S. Sobel, H. D. Wolf, and R. N. Wood, students -in sociology at the University of Chicago, and has utilized -the results of past studies of this subject by students in the -department. - -The Committee on Homeless Men held many meetings which were devoted -to outlining the plan of investigation, to reports upon the -progress of field work, and to the drafting of the findings and -recommendations which appear as Appendix A. - -The Committee and the author are indebted to the social agencies -and to the many persons who co-operated in furnishing data for this -investigation. They desire also to express their appreciation to -Professor Robert E. Park for the inclusion of this volume as the -first of a series of studies on the urban community of which he is -editor, and for his services in the preparation of the manuscript -for publication. - - ERNEST W. BURGESS, _Chairman_ - University of Chicago - - WILFRED S. REYNOLDS, _Secretary_ - Director, Chicago Council of Social Agencies - - BRIGADIER JOHN E. ATKINS - Salvation Army, Workingman’s Palace - - MISS JESSIE BINFORD - Juvenile Protective Association - - MRS. JOSEPH T. BOWEN - Juvenile Protective Association - - FREDERICK S. DEIBLER - Advisory Board, Illinois Free Employment Service - - T. ARNOLD HILL - Chicago Urban League - - JOEL D. HUNTER - United Charities of Chicago - - M. J. KARPF - Jewish Social Service Bureau - - GEORGE B. KILBEY - Chicago Christian Industrial League - - REV. MOSES E. KILEY - Central Charity Bureau - - BRIGADIER DAVID MILLER - Salvation Army - - DR. BEN L. REITMAN - Chicago Department of Health - - WILLOUGHBY G. WALLING - President, Chicago Council of Social Agencies - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] A part of the investigation relating to the effects upon the -boy of association with tramps, especially made for the Juvenile -Protective Association, is not included in this report, but will -appear in an early number of the _Journal of the American Institute -of Criminal Law and Criminology_. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - PART I. HOBOHEMIA, THE HOME OF - THE HOMELESS MAN - - - PAGE - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xv - - CHAPTER - - I. HOBOHEMIA DEFINED 3 - - II. THE JUNGLES: THE HOMELESS MAN ABROAD 16 - - III. THE LODGING-HOUSE: THE HOMELESS MAN AT HOME 27 - - IV. “GETTING BY” IN HOBOHEMIA 40 - - - PART II. TYPES OF HOBOS - - CHAPTER - - V. WHY DO MEN LEAVE HOME? 61 - - VI. THE HOBO AND THE TRAMP 87 - - VII. THE HOME GUARD AND THE BUM 96 - - VIII. WORK 107 - - - PART III. THE HOBO PROBLEM - - CHAPTER - - IX. HEALTH 125 - - X. SEX LIFE OF THE HOMELESS MAN 137 - - XI. THE HOBO AS A CITIZEN 150 - - - PART IV. HOW THE HOBO MEETS - HIS PROBLEM - - CHAPTER - - XII. PERSONALITIES OF HOBOHEMIA 171 - - XIII. THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE HOBO 185 - - XIV. HOBO SONGS AND BALLADS 194 - - XV. THE SOAP BOX AND THE OPEN FORUM 215 - - XVI. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL HOBO ORGANIZATION 230 - - XVII. MISSIONS AND WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS 250 - - - APPENDIXES - - A. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 265 - - B. DOCUMENTS AND MATERIALS 281 - - C. BIBLIOGRAPHY 291 - - - INDEX 299 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - FACING - PAGE - - A JUNGLE CAMP 10 - - SUMMER RESORTING BEHIND FIELD MUSEUM, CHICAGO 10 - - A DINING-ROOM ON THE “MAIN STEM” 34 - - EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 34 - - LEADERS IN THE EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT 88 - - A POPULAR RESORT IN HOBOHEMIA 88 - - DR. BEN L. REITMAN 172 - - MEMBERS OF THE JEFFERSON PARK INTELLIGENTSIA 186 - - THE HOBO READS PROGRESSIVE LITERATURE 186 - - THE SOAP-BOX ORATOR--THE ECONOMIC ARGUMENT 216 - - AN OUTDOOR MISSION MEETING--THE RELIGIOUS PLEA 216 - - JAMES EADS HOW 236 - - A FREE LUNCH AT A MISSION 258 - - A WINTER’S NIGHT IN A MISSION 258 - - - - - PART I - - HOBOHEMIA, THE HOME OF - THE HOMELESS MAN - - - - -CHAPTER I - -HOBOHEMIA DEFINED - - All that Broadway is to the actors of America, West Madison - is to its habitués--and more. Every institution of the - Rialto is paralleled by one in West Madison. West Madison - Street is the Rialto of the hobo. - - The hobos, themselves, do not think of Madison Street as - the Rialto; they call it “The Main Stem,” a term borrowed - from tramp jargon, and meaning the main street of the - town. “The Main Stem” is a more fitting term, perhaps, - than the Rialto, but still inadequate. West Madison Street - is more than a mere Rialto, more than the principal hobo - thoroughfare of Chicago. It is the Pennsylvania Avenue, - the Wilhelmstrasse of the anarchy of Hobohemia.--From an - unpublished paper on the hobo, by Harry M. Beardsley, of - the _Chicago Daily News_, March 20, 1917. - - -A survey of the lodging-house and hotel population, supplemented by -the census reports of the areas in which they live, indicates that -the number of homeless men in Chicago ranges from 30,000 in good -times to 75,000 in hard times. - -We may say that approximately one-third of these are permanent -residents of the city. The other two-thirds are here today and gone -tomorrow. When work is plentiful they seldom linger in the city -more than a week at a time. In winter when jobs are scarce, and it -takes courage to face the inclement weather, the visits to town -lengthen to three weeks and a month. From 300,000 to 500,000 of -these migratory men pass through the city during the course of a -normal year. - -A still larger number are wanderers who have spent their days and -their strength on the “long, gray road” and have fled to this haven -for succor. They are Chicago’s portion of the down-and-outs. - - An investigation of 1,000 dependent, homeless men made in - Chicago in 1911 indicated that 254, or more than one-fourth - of the 1,000 examined, were either temporarily crippled - or maimed. Some 89 of this 1,000, or 9 per cent, were - manifestly either insane, feeble-minded, or epileptic. This - did not include those large numbers of border-line cases in - which vice or an overwhelming desire to wander had assumed - the character of a mania. - - Homeless men are largely single men. Something like 75 per - cent of the cases examined were single, while only 9 per - cent admitted they were married. - - -“MAIN STEMS” - -Every large city has its district into which these homeless types -gravitate. In the parlance of the “road” such a section is known -as the “stem” or the “main drag.” To the homeless man it is home, -for there, no matter how sorry his lot, he can find those who will -understand. The veteran of the road finds other veterans; the -old man finds the aged; the chronic grouch finds fellowship; the -radical, the optimist, the crook, the inebriate, all find others -here to tune in with them. The wanderer finds friends here or -enemies, but, and that is at once a characteristic and pathetic -feature of Hobohemia, they are friends or enemies only for the day. -They meet and pass on. - -Hobohemia is divided into four parts--west, south, north, and -east--and no part is more than five minutes from the heart of the -Loop. They are all the “stem” as they are also Hobohemia. This -four-part concept, Hobohemia, is Chicago to the down-and-out. - - -THE “SLAVE MARKET” - -To the men of the road, West Madison Street is the “slave market.” -It is the slave market because here most of the employment -agencies are located. Here men in search of work bargain for jobs -in distant places with the “man catchers” from the agencies. Most -of the men on West Madison Street are looking for work. If they -are not seeking work they want jobs, at least; jobs that have long -rides thrown in. Most of the men seen here are young, at any rate -they are men under middle age; restless, seeking, they parade the -streets and scan the signs chalked on the windows or smeared over -colored posters. Eager to “ship” somewhere, they are generally -interested in a job as a means to reach a destination. The result -is that distant jobs are in demand while good, paying, local jobs -usually go begging. - -West Madison, being a port of homeless men, has its own -characteristic institutions and professions. The bootlegger is at -home here; the dope peddler hunts and finds here his victims; here -the professional gambler plies his trade and the “jack roller,” as -he is commonly called, the man who robs his fellows, while they -are drunk or asleep; these and others of their kind find in the -anonymity of this changing population the freedom and security that -only the crowded city offers. - -The street has its share also of peddlers, beggars, cripples, and -old, broken men; men worn out with the adventure and vicissitudes -of life on the road. One of its most striking characteristics is -the almost complete absence of women and children; it is the most -completely womanless and childless of all the city areas. It is -quite definitely a man’s street. - -West Madison Street, near the river, has always been a stronghold -of the casual laborer. At one time it was a rendezvous for the -seamen, but of late these have made South Chicago their haven. -Even before the coming of the factories, before family life had -wholly departed, this was an area of the homeless man. It will -continue to be so, no doubt, until big businesses or a new union -depot crowds the hobo out. Then he will move farther out into -that area of deteriorated property that inevitably grows up just -outside the business center of the city, where property, which -has been abandoned for residences, has not yet been taken over by -businesses, and where land values are high but rents are low. - -Jefferson Park, between Adams and Monroe and west of Throop Street, -is an appanage of the “slave market.” It is the favorite place for -the “bos” to sleep in summer or to enjoy their leisure, relating -their adventures and reading the papers. On the “stem” it is known -as “Bum Park,” and men who visit it daily know no other name -for it. A certain high spot of ground in the park is generally -designated as “Crumb Hill.” It is especially dedicated to “drunks.” -At any rate, the drunk and the drowsy seem inevitably to drift to -this rise of ground. In fact, so many men visit the place that the -grass under the trees seems to be having a fierce struggle to hold -its own. It must be said, however, that the men who go to “Bum -Park” are for the most part sober and well behaved. It is too far -out for the more confirmed Madison Street bums to walk. The town -folks of the neighborhood use the park, to a certain extent, but -the women and children of the neighborhood are usually outnumbered -by the men of the road, who monopolize the benches and crowd the -shady places. - - -HOBOHEMIA’S PLAYGROUND - -The thing that characterizes State Street south of the Loop is the -burlesque show. It is here that the hobo, seeking entertainment, is -cheered and gladdened by the “bathing beauties” and the oriental -dancers. Here, also, he finds improvement at the hands of the lady -barbers, who, it is reported, are using these men as a wedge to -make their way into a profitable profession that up to the present -time has belonged almost wholly to men. - -South State Street differs from West Madison in many particulars. -For one thing there are more women here, and there is nothing -like so complete an absence of family life. The male population, -likewise, is of a totally different complexion. The prevailing -color is an urban pink, rather than the rural grime and bronze -of the man on the road. There are not so many restless, seeking -youngsters. - -Men do not parade the streets in groups of threes and fours with -their coats or bundles under their arms. There are no employment -offices on this street. They are not needed. Nobody wants to go -anywhere. When these men work they are content to take some short -job in the city. Short local jobs are at a premium. Many of these -men have petty jobs about the city where they work a few hours a -day and are able to earn enough to live. In winter many men will be -found in the cheap hotels on South State, Van Buren, or South Clark -streets who have been able to save enough money during the summer -to house themselves during the cold weather. State Street is the -rendezvous of the vagabond who has settled and retired, the “home -guard” as they are rather contemptuously referred to by the tribe -of younger and more adventurous men who still choose to take the -road. - -The white man’s end of the south section of Hobohemia does not -extend south of Twelfth Street. From that point on to about -Thirtieth Street there is an area that has been taken over by the -colored population. Colored people go much farther south, but if -there are any homeless men in the “Black Belt,” they are likely to -be found along State Street, between Twenty-second and Thirtieth. -The Douglas Hotel, in this region, is a colored man’s lodging-house. - -To the south and southwest are the railroad yards. In summer -homeless men find these yards a convenient place to pass the night. -For those who wish to leave the city, they are the more accessible -than the yards on the north and west. The railroad yard is, in most -places, one of the hobo’s favorite holdouts. It is a good place -to loaf. There are coal and wood and often vacant spaces where he -can build fires and cook food or keep warm. This is not so easily -done in Chicago where the tramp’s most deadly enemy, the railroad -police, are numerous and in closer co-operation with the civil -authorities than in most cities. In spite of this, hobos hang about -the yards. - - -“BUGHOUSE SQUARE” - -On the north side of the river, Clark Street below Chicago Avenue -is the “stem.” Here a class of transients have drifted together, -forming a group unlike any in either of the other areas of -Hobohemia. This is the region of the hobo intellectuals. This area -may be described as the rendezvous of the thinker, the dreamer, and -the chronic agitator. Many of its denizens are “home guards.” Few -transients ever turn up here; they do not have time. They alone -come here who have time to think, patience to listen, or courage to -talk. Washington Square is the center of the northern area. To the -“bos” it is “Bughouse Square.” Many people do not know any other -name for it. This area is as near to the so-called Latin Quarter -as the hobo dare come. “Bughouse Square” is, in fact, quite as -much the stronghold of the more or less vagabond poets, artists, -writers, revolutionists, of various types as of the go-abouts. -Among themselves this region is known as the “village.” - -Bohemia and Hobohemia meet at “Bughouse Square.” On Sundays and -holidays, any evening, in fact, when the weather permits, it -will be teeming with life. At such times all the benches will be -occupied. On the grass in the shade of the trees men sit about -in little groups of a dozen or less. The park, except a little -corner to the southeast where the women come to read, or knit, or -gossip, while the children play, is completely in possession of -men. A polyglot population swarms here. Tramps, and hobos--yes, -but they are only scatteringly represented. Pale-faced denizens of -the Russian tearooms, philosophers and enthusiasts from the “Blue -Fish,” brush shoulders with kindred types from the “Dill Pickle,” -the “Green Mask,” the “Gray Cottage.” Free-lance propagandists -who belong to no group and claim no following, non-conformists, -dreamers, fakers, beggars, bootleggers, dope fiends--they are all -here. - -Around the edges of the Square the curbstone orators gather their -audiences. Religion, politics, science, the economic struggle, -these are the principal themes of discussion in this outdoor forum. -Often there are three or four audiences gathered at the same time -in different parts of the park, each carrying on a different -discussion. One may be calling miserable sinners to repent, and the -other denouncing all religion as superstition. Opposing speakers -frequently follow each other, talking to the same audience. In this -aggregation of minds the most striking thing is the variety and -violence of the antipathies. There is, notwithstanding, a generous -tolerance. It is probably a tolerance growing out of the fact, -that, although everyone talks and argues, no one takes the other -seriously. It helps to pass the time and that is why folks come to -“Bughouse Square.” - -To the hobo who thinks, even though he does not think well, the -lower North Side is a great source of comfort. On the North Side -he finds people to whom he can talk and to whom he is willing -to listen. Hobos do not generally go there to listen, however, -but burning with a message of which they are bound to unburden -themselves. They go to speak, perhaps to write. Many of them are -there to get away from the sordidness of life in other areas of -Hobohemia. - - -A “JUNGLE” ON THE LAKE FRONT - -Grant Park, east of Michigan Avenue, is a loafing place for hobos -with time on their hands. They gather here from all parts of -Hobohemia to read the papers, to talk, and to kill time. For men -who have not had a bed it is a good place to sleep when the sun is -kind and the grass is warm. In the long summer evenings Grant -Park is a favorite gathering place for men who like to get together -to tell yarns and to frolic. It is a favorite rendezvous for the -boy tramps. - -[Illustration: A JUNGLE CAMP--THE “BOS” HAVE HID FROM THE CAMERA] - -[Illustration: SUMMER RESORTING BEHIND FIELD MUSEUM, CHICAGO] - -The section of Grant Park facing the lake shore is no less popular. -Along the shore from the Field Museum northward to Randolph Street -the homeless men have access to the lake. They take advantage of -the unimproved condition of the park and make of the place, between -the railroad tracks and the lake, a retreat, a resort, a social -center. Here they wash their clothes, bathe, sew, mend shoes. - -Behind the Field Museum, on the section of the park that is still -being used as a dump for rubbish, the hobos have established a -series of camps or “jungles.” Here, not more than five minutes from -the Loop, are numerous improvised shacks in which men live. Many -men visit these sections only for the day. To them it is a good -place to come to fish and they spend hours gazing at the water and -trying to keep the little fish from biting. - - -WHY MEN COME TO CHICAGO - -The hobo has no social centers other than the “stem,” and the -“jungle.” He either spends his leisure in the “jungles” or in town. -The “jungle” ordinarily is a station on his way to town. Life -revolves for him around his contacts on the “stem,” and it is to -town he hies himself whenever free to do so. - -Few casuals can give any reason for the attraction that the city -has for them. Few have ever considered it. The explanations they -give, when pressed for reasons, are more or less matter of fact -and center in their material interests. Other motives, motives of -which they are only half conscious, undoubtedly influence them. - -The city is the labor exchange for the migratory worker and even -for the migratory non-worker who is often just as ambitious to -travel. When he is tired of a job, or when the old job is finished, -he goes to town to get another in some other part of the country. -The labor exchanges facilitate this turnover of seasonal labor. -They enable a man to leave the city “on the cushins.” This is the -lure that draws him to the city. Hobohemia brings the job-seeking -man and the man-seeking job together. Migrants have always known -that a larger variety of jobs and a better assortment of good -“shipments” were to be had in Chicago than elsewhere. - - Chicago is the greatest railway center in the United - States. No one knows these facts better than the hobo. - It is a fact that trains from all points of the compass - are constantly entering and leaving the city over its 39 - different railways. According to the _Chicago City Manual_, - there are 2,840 miles of steam railways within the city - limits. The mileage of steam railroad track in Chicago is - equal to the entire railroad mileage in Switzerland and - Belgium, and is greater than the steam railroad mileage - found in each of the kingdoms of Denmark, Holland, Norway, - and Portugal. Twenty-five through package cars leave - Chicago every day for 18,000 shipping points in 44 states. - -The termination of the seasonal occupations brings men cityward. -They come here for shelter during the winter, and not only for -shelter but for inside winter work. This is the hobo’s only -alternative, provided he cannot go to California or to one of the -southern states. The dull routine of the inside job, which seemed -so unattractive in the springtime, looks better with the falling of -the temperature. We may add, also, that many of the men who are -attracted to the city in winter are not particularly interested in -work. There are, however, among the improvident tramp class, “wise -virgins” who save in the summer in order to enjoy the life of a -boarding-house during the winter. - -The hobo often goes to town for medical attention. For the sick and -injured of the floating fraternity Chicago is a haven of refuge -because of the large number of opportunities found here for free -treatment. The county hospital, the dispensaries, and the medical -colleges are well known to these men. Many get well and go their -way, others get no farther than the hospital--and then the morgue. - -A man whose income is limited to a few hundred dollars a year can -do more with it in the large city than in a small town. In no other -American city will a dollar go farther than in Chicago. It is not -uncommon to find men living in Hobohemia on less than a dollar a -day. Large numbers make possible cheap service, and cheap service -brings the men. - - -THE PROBLEM DEFINED IN TERMS OF NUMBERS - -Not only the extent, but the nature of the problem of the homeless -man is revealed by a study of his numbers. In Chicago all estimates -are in substantial agreement that the population of Hobohemia never -falls below 30,000 in summer, doubles this figure in winter, and -has reached 75,000 and over in periods of unemployment.[2] - -These numbers, while large, are only between 1 and 2½ per cent -of Chicago’s population of nearly 3,000,000. Homeless men, -however, are not distributed evenly throughout the city; they are -concentrated, segregated, as we have seen, in three contiguous -narrow areas close to the center of transportation and trade. - -This segregation of tens of thousands of foot-loose, homeless, -and not to say hopeless men is the fact fundamental to an -understanding of the problem. Their concentration has created -an isolated cultural area--Hobohemia. Here characteristic -institutions have arisen--cheap hotels, lodging-houses, flops, -eating joints, outfitting shops, employment agencies, missions, -radical bookstores, welfare agencies, economic and political -institutions--to minister to the needs, physical and spiritual, of -the homeless man. This massing of detached and migratory men upon -a small area has created an environment in which gamblers, dope -venders, bootleggers, and pickpockets can live and thrive. - -The mobility of the migratory worker complicates the problem of the -missions, police, and welfare agencies. The mission measures its -success not only in numbers of converts but in the numbers of men -fed and lodged. The police department, on the contrary, alarmed by -the influx of hobos and tramps in response to free meals and free -flops, has adopted a policy of severity and repression for the -protection of the community. Welfare agencies, opposing alike the -demoralizing results of indiscriminate feeding and lodging, and the -negative policy of the police, favor a program of organized effort -based upon an investigation of the needs of each individual case. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[2] Mrs. Solenberger’s figures of more than a decade ago put -the number of the various types of homeless men in this city at -40,000-60,000: - -“No exact census of the total number of homeless men of various -types in the lodging-house districts of Chicago has been taken, but -40,000 is considered a conservative estimate by several careful -students of the question who are closely in touch with local -conditions. This number is somewhat increased at election times -and very greatly increased when word goes out, as it did during -the winter of 1907-8, that relief funds were being collected and -free lodgings and food would be furnished to the unemployed. In -December, January, February, and March of that winter all private -lodging-houses were filled to overflowing, and the Municipal -Lodging House, its annex, and two other houses which it operated -gave a total of 79,411 lodgings to homeless men as compared with -6,930 for the same months of the winter before, an increase of -72,481. The Health Department, which took charge of the municipal -lodging-houses and made a careful study of local conditions during -the winter of 1907-8, estimated the number of homeless men then -in Chicago to be probably not less than 60,000.”--_One Thousand -Homeless Men_, p. 9, n. - -Nearly if not quite one-fifth of the 700 hotels in Chicago -cater to the migratory and casual worker. The 63 hotels visited -by investigators in this study had a total capacity for the -accommodation of 15,000 men. On the basis of these figures, it -seems safe to put the total capacity of the hotels in Hobohemian -areas at 25,000-30,000. A like number of men are probably provided -for in nearby boarding- and lodging-houses. Thousands of other -men sleep at the docks, in engine rooms, in vacant houses, in -flophouses, or in summer in the parks. - -The returns of the 1920 United States census show that in the three -wards of the city in which Hobohemian areas are located there are -28,105 more male than female residents. This figure indicates -that the so-called “home guard” numbers about 30,000, the summer -population of Hobohemia. - -The Jewish Bureau of Social Service estimates that the number of -homeless men in Chicago at any one time in the winter of 1921-22 -was 120,000. This figure, which seems high when compared with -estimates arrived at by other methods of calculation, assumes that -the proportion of homeless men for the city is the same as that for -the Jewish community. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE JUNGLES: THE HOMELESS MAN ABROAD - - -In the city, under ordinary circumstances, the homeless man gathers -with his kind. Even so he is very much alone and his contacts with -his fellows are relatively formal and distant. - -City life is interesting but full of danger. Even in a world where -the conditions of life are so elementary, prudence dictates a -certain amount of reserve and hence formality and convention in -the relations of men. The flophouse and the cheap hotel compel -promiscuity, but do not encourage intimacy or neighborliness. On -the outskirts of cities, however, the homeless men have established -social centers that they call “jungles,” places where the hobos -congregate to pass their leisure time outside the urban centers. -The jungle is to the tramp what the camp ground is to the vagabond -who travels by auto. It has for the hobo, perhaps, greater -significance, since it becomes a necessary part of his daily life. -The evening camp fire for the tourist, on the contrary, is a -novelty merely, an experience but not a necessity. - - -LOCATION AND TYPES OF JUNGLES - -Jungles are usually located in close proximity to a railroad -division point, where the trains are made up or where trains stop -to change crews and engines. Sometimes they are located near a -“tank town,” where occasional stops are made for water or fuel. -Not infrequently they are near the intersection of railroad lines. -In the South, and on the West Coast, jungles are often located -along the highways. This is due to the fact that many men go South -in winter not to work but to escape the rigors of the northern -climate. The railroad for the time being has no attraction for them -and they are content to stroll abroad, seeing the country. In the -West, where men frequently carry bedding and cooking equipment, -they can camp anywhere. It is easier for them, therefore, to leave -the railroad and venture along the highways. - -Accessibility to a railroad is only one of the requirements of a -good jungle. It should be located in a dry and shady place that -permits sleeping on the ground. There should be plenty of water for -cooking and bathing and wood enough to keep the pot boiling. If -there is a general store near by where bread, meat, and vegetables -may be had, so much the better. For those who have no money, but -enough courage to “bum lumps,” it is well that the jungles be not -too far from a town, though far enough to escape the attention of -the natives and officials, the town “clowns.” - -Jungle camps may be divided into two classes--the temporary and the -permanent, or continuous. Temporary jungles are merely stop-over or -relay stations inhabited intermittently by the men of the road. Men -temporarily stranded in a town usually seek a secluded spot at the -edge of a village, not too far from the railroad, where they may -while away the time without being molested. Men on the road look -for places where other men preceding them have camped. There they -are likely to find pots and kettles in which to cook food or wash -clothes. At points where trains stop frequently, making it possible -for men to get away at any time, the population of a temporary -jungle is likely to be larger and more permanent. - -The continuous or permanent jungles are seldom deserted, at -least in summer. There is usually someone there to keep the fire -burning and usually there are men or boys occupied at various -tasks--cooking, washing or boiling clothes, shaving, sewing, -bathing, and reading. - -Women are often found in the areas of the cities where the homeless -men congregate but not in the jungles. Here is an institution where -the hobo is his own housewife. He not only cooks his own food, but -has even invented dishes that are peculiar to jungle life. Chief -among these is “mulligan” stew. “Mulligan,” or “combination,” is a -“throw together” of vegetables and meat. There are certain ideal -mixtures of vegetables and meat, but the tramp makes “mulligan” -from anything that is at hand. Onions, potatoes, and beef are the -prime essentials. Some men become adept at frying and roasting over -camp fires. - -The hobo who lives in the jungles has proved that he can become -domesticated without the aid of women. He has established the habit -of keeping his clothes and person clean. It is not difficult to -select from a group of transients the men who have just come from -the jungles. Their clothes will be clean and even bear evidence of -jungle sewing. Overalls that have seen service will be bleached -almost white from numerous washings. The hobo learns here the -housewife’s art of keeping pots clean and the camp in order. The -man who cannot, or will not, learn these few elementary principles -of housekeeping is likely to fare ill in the jungle. - -If it is a warm day some men will be sleeping. They may have -been riding trains all night or have found the night too cold -for sleep. A daily paper from an adjoining town may be going the -rounds. There may be newspapers from different cities brought in by -men traveling different directions. Travelers meeting this way have -much of common interest to talk about and conversation is enlivened -with discussions of questions of concern to “bos.” The jungle is -always astir with life and movement, and the hobo enters into this -life as he does no other. Here he turns his back on the world and -faces his fellows, and is at ease. - -Absolute democracy reigns in the jungle. The color line has been -drawn in some camps, but it is the general custom, and especially -in the North, for Negroes, Mexicans, and whites to share the same -jungle. The jungle is the melting pot of trampdom. - -The average man of the road has had a variety of experience and not -a little adventure. In the jungles there is always an audience for -anyone who wants to talk, whether of his thoughts, his experiences, -or his observations. There is plenty of opportunity to tell -stories. The art of telling a story is diligently cultivated by the -“bos” in the assemblies about the fire. This vagabond existence -tends to enrich the personality and long practice has developed -in some of these men an art of personal narrative that has -greatly declined elsewhere. Many of them develop into fascinating -_raconteurs_ in the literal as well as the literary sense of the -term. Talk in the jungle is of the open road and the day to come, -and in that there is sufficient matter to occupy them. - -Jungle populations are ever changing. Every hour new faces appear -to take the place of those that have passed on. They come and go -without ceremony, with scarcely a greeting or “fare-you-well.” -Every new member is of interest for the news he brings or the -rumors that he spreads. Each is interested in the other so far as -he has something to tell about the road over which he has come, the -work conditions, the behavior of the police, or other significant -details. But with all the discussion there is seldom any effort to -discuss personal relations and connections. Here is one place where -every man’s past is his own secret. - -Only in the case of very young boys or sick men and sometimes old -men is there any effort to learn something of the individual’s -past. Men will brush elbows in the jungles for days and even weeks -without ever learning one another’s names. They live closed lives -and grant others the same privilege. - - -THE LAWS OF THE JUNGLE - -In every permanent camp there is likely to be a permanent group -that makes the camp its headquarters. Sometimes these groups are -able to take possession and exploit the transient guests. The -I.W.W. has at times been able to exclude everyone who did not carry -the red card of that organization. As a rule, however, the jungle -is extremely hospitable and democratic. - -The freedom of the jungles is, however, limited by a code of -etiquette. Jungle laws are unwritten, but strictly adhered to. The -breaking of these rules, if intentional, leads to expulsion, forced -labor, or physical punishment. - - Jungle crimes include (1) making fire by night in jungles - subject to raids; (2) “hi-jacking,” or robbing men at night - when sleeping in the jungles; (3) “buzzing,” or making - the jungle a permanent hangout for jungle “buzzards” - who subsist on the leavings of meals; (4) wasting food - or destroying it after eating is a serious crime; (5) - leaving pots and other utensils dirty after using; (6) - cooking without first hustling fuel; (7) destroying jungle - equipment. In addition to these fixed offenses are other - crimes which are dealt with as they arise. Men are supposed - to use cooking cans for cooking only, “boiling up” cans for - washing clothing, coffee cans to cook coffee, etc. After - using, guests are expected to clean utensils, dry them, and - leave them turned bottom side up so that they will not fill - with rainwater and rust. They are expected to keep the camp - clean. To enforce such common-sense rules, self-appointed - committees come into existence.[3] - -Exclusive camps are usually the result of the efforts of the older -residents to enforce discipline. Most “jungle buzzards,” men who -linger in the jungles from season to season, take an interest -in the running of things. For the most part they are parasitic, -begging food from others, but they are generally on the alert to -keep the place clean and orderly. - -The following description of a day in the jungles was written -by a migratory worker, a man who knows the life from years of -experience. His narrative presents a faithful picture of an average -day in an average jungle. - - -A DAY IN THE JUNGLES - - 1.[4] This jungle is on the edge of a strip of timber. A - stream fed from a spring runs into the lake near by. The - empty box cars on the railroad siding close by offer - protection against rain and a place to sleep. Half a mile - away is the junction of two railroads where all trains - stop, and a mile and a half further on is a small town. - - At one o’clock in the morning a few men step off a freight - train. One speaks up: “Does anyone know if there is a - jungle in this place?” “Yes,” someone answers, “The jungle - is up in that direction,” pointing towards a woods, “but - what’s the use in going over there now? You can’t build a - fire at this time of night. I am going to hunt up a box car - for a flop.” - - After a moment of silence someone else asks, “Any town - close by?” “Yes, there it is,” replies another, pointing - to some lights showing in the distance. The men form - groups according to acquaintance and talk in a low tone. - “Come on, let us hunt up a place to flop till daylight.” - The different groups start off. One starts out for the - town, one goes towards the box cars, and one makes for the - jungles. I was with the group bound for the jungles. - - A hundred feet from the railroad right-of-way under the - darkness of big trees we see three or four dying camp - fires. Around one fire we can see the shadows of men. Some - are sitting on the butts of logs, smoking or dozing; others - are stretched out on the ground sound asleep. - - The new arrivals walk up to the fire, look over the bunch - to find, perhaps, some old acquaintances. Then some of - us find seats or lie down; others, with as little noise - as possible, hunt up cans which they fill with water and - place over the glowing coals. The men take ground coffee - from packages in their pockets and pour it into boiling - water. The feed is open to everybody. Bread and sausage - are brought out; even sugar is passed around as long as it - lasts. The men eat in silence. Each one takes the utensils - he used and walks to the creek to wash them. Nearly all of - the men then lie down, but some leave. Nobody asks anyone - about himself and nobody says “hello” or “goodbye.” - - Daylight comes. The breaking of sticks for firewood is - heard. Fires are started, cooking utensils are chosen. The - law of the jungle is that no one can call a vessel his - except at the time he uses it. Packages and receptacles are - opened revealing food of all kinds. Eating commences. If - any man with more than enough for himself sees someone else - not eating, it is etiquette to offer to share with his - neighbor. If the other man accepts the offer, he thereby - takes upon himself the responsibility of cleaning the - dishes. - - At any time men will be seen leaving the jungles to hustle - food, or to get wood, or to catch trains. Anytime is eating - time in the jungles and someone is always bringing in - “chuck” that he has bought or “bummed.” Talking goes on as - long as the daylight lasts. Heated arguments often develop. - Papers and pamphlets are distributed, union cards are taken - out; business meetings are held to decide policies and - actions, how to get the next meal or how to win the battle - between labor and capital. - - About ten o’clock in the morning two townsmen displaying - stars come into the jungle. One of them tells the men that - they will have to clean out because people are kicking. A - holdup has been committed in town the night before and they - intend to prevent any more from being committed, “So you - fellers have to leave.” - - One man in the jungles speaks up and tells the officers - that we are not holdup men, that we are getting ourselves - something to eat, and that we have got to have some place - to do that. “We have paid for everything. What would you do - if you was in our place; go into town and get pulled and - let the town feed us?” - - The officer looks nonplussed, but curtly replies, “Well, - I am going by orders.” After that he walks away. The - timid men leave the jungle. The others reply by roundly - cursing indiscriminately all their enemies. They are town - clowns, sky pilots, Bible ranters, bulls, politicians, home - guards, hicks, stool pigeons, systems, scissor bills, and - capitalists. Incidentally they advocate strikes, rebellion, - mass action, complete revolution of the political system, - abolishment of the wage system. - - It is close to twelve o’clock. Fires are replenished, cans, - pots and pans are put into service. Plans are being made - in anticipation of a coming raid by the police. At two - o’clock, someone suggests a song. After a fiery song of - the class struggle, a speech follows advising the men to - organize. - - By three o’clock only about fifteen or twenty are left in - the jungle. The officer followed by townsmen armed with - guns return. Some of the hobos retreat into the woods. - Those remaining are ordered to hold up their hands with - “You damn bums” added to the command. Some comply, others - refuse. One even has the courage to shout, “Go ahead and - shoot, you damn cowards.” This starts a general shooting - into every pot, pan and can in sight. The men scatter. - - After the invaders leave, an inventory is immediately made - to assess the damage. Since the utensils in best condition - had been hidden in the brush, no serious loss to the jungle - has resulted. - - By four o’clock the story of the raid has traveled and men - come in from all directions. The decision of the majority - is to remain in the jungle over night. Food is brought in - and preparations for supper begin. The men are doubling up - to cook together. Those belonging to certain unions have - as many as eight or ten in a bunch. There are from thirty - to forty angry men in camp by now and more are coming in. - There is some talk of revenge. - - By six o’clock supper is well under way. Several fires are - burning. Containers of every description are used to cook - in; broken shovels and tie plates are used to fry on, empty - tobacco tins are used as cups, and tomato cans serve as fry - pans, soup kettles and soap dishes. Potatoes are roasted on - the coals, wires are bent upon which to broil meat. All are - still talking excitedly of the clash with the police. - - While some of the men are busily engaged in cooking, others - are sewing and mending their clothes or shoes, and still - others are shaving. Now and then as at breakfast someone - will shout, asking if anybody wants some spuds or a piece - of punk or a piece of “gut” (sausage); and usually there - is an affirmative answer. After supper, pans and cans are - cleaned out, the paper is read and passes the rounds. - Already it is growing dark, and the hunt begins for dry - sleeping places. - - Suddenly a commotion is started; a man is roughly rushed - into the open. He is a hi-jack caught in the act of robbing - a fellow who was sleeping, a greater crime in the jungle - than an open hold up. Cries of “Burn the ----” and “Let us - hang him!” are heard from all sides. A council is hurriedly - called, a chairman is selected, motions are made with - amendments and substitutes. After a short discussion a vote - is taken to give him a whipping. The man is tied to a tree - facing toward it. His back is bared, and men are called - for to apply punishment. No one steps forward; everybody - declines to apply the strap or stick. - - Another council is called but before they get started a - young fellow has declared his willingness to fight the - hi-jack to a finish because he knew him and didn’t like him - anyway. The proposition is accepted. The hi-jack is more - than ten pounds heavier than the challenger; but whether - from fear or not, for he knows that the challenger has the - crowd back of him to a man, the hi-jack is slow to start. - Perhaps he feels that the crowd will give him a beating - whether he wins or not. He soon loosens up but he does - not show the goods. The “bo” is more than a match for him - but the hi-jack does not give up easily. He displays some - courage but the “bo” fights like a madman and strikes the - hi-jack blow after blow. The fight lasts more than ten - minutes before the hi-jack is completely knocked out. - - After he gets to his feet he is given a chance to wash his - face and stick paper on the cuts; then he is “frisked,” - that is, ordered to donate all but one dollar to the - jungle. Then he is sent out of camp with orders not to show - up in any of the diggings along the line for it would be - murder if anyone should spot him. - - By eleven o’clock the excitement is over. Different men - announce that they were headed for so and so and that the - freight starts at such a time. To this someone replies that - he is going that way too so they start off together. Others - walk back among the trees to the places where they have - prepared to sleep. Others who have insufficient clothes - to stand the night chill bunch up around the glowing camp - fires. Soon everything is quiet except for an occasional - sound out of the darkness of men mumbling in conversation. - Occasionally the sound of groans and snores or sighs, or - curses are heard. These betray the dreams of men living - like hunted animals. - - I look at my watch and note that it is near midnight and - that all is over for the night, so I curl up on some papers - beside a bed of coals.[5] - - -THE MELTING POT OF TRAMPDOM - -The part played by the jungles as an agency of discipline for the -men of the road cannot be overestimated. Here hobo tradition and -law are formulated and transmitted. It is the nursery of tramp -lore. Here the fledgling learns to behave like an old-timer. In -the jungles the slang of the road and the cant of the tramp class -is coined and circulated. It may originate elsewhere but here it -gets recognition. The stories and songs current among the men of -the road, the sentiments, the attitudes, and the philosophy of the -migratory laborer are all given due airing. In short, every idea -and ideal that finds lodgment in the tramp’s fancy may be expressed -here in the wayside forum where anyone who thinks may speak, -whether he be a jester or a sage. - -Suspicion and hostility are the universal attitudes of the town or -small city to the hobo and the tramp. Accordingly, the so-called -“floater” custom of passing vagrants on to other communities is -widespread.[6] The net effect of this policy is to intensify -the anti-social attitude of the homeless man and to release and -accentuate criminal tendencies. The small town is helpless to cope -with the situation. As things are, its action perhaps cannot be -different. Agriculture, as it becomes organized upon a capitalistic -basis, is increasingly dependent upon seasonal labor, in harvesting -crops for example. The report of the Commission on Industrial -Relations states: - - The attempts to regulate movements of migratory workers - by local organizations have, without exception, proved - failures. This must necessarily be true no matter how well - planned or well managed such local organizations may be. - The problem cannot be handled except on a national scale - and by methods and machinery which are proportioned to the - enormous size and complexity of the problem.[7] - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[3] It is interesting here to note that there is a striking -parallel between the rules of the jungles and the rules of cow -camps and other camps of the hills. It is the custom of the cow men -of the west to maintain camps in the hills which are stocked with -provisions and equipped with utensils and furnishings. These camps -are usually left open and anyone who passes is welcome to spend the -night, provided he puts the place in order when he leaves. - -[4] The documents from which extracts have been taken are numbered -consecutively in the text. For complete list of documents used in -each chapter see pp. 281-88. - -[5] Written by A. W. Dragstedt, secretary in 1922 of the “Hobo -College” of Chicago. - -[6] For a discussion of the practice of “floating” with reference -to the treatment of misdemeanants, see Stuart A. Queen, _The -Passing of the County Jail_. - -[7] _Final Report_, p. 158. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE LODGING-HOUSE: THE HOMELESS MAN AT HOME - - -Hobohemia is a lodging-house area. The accommodations it offers the -homeless man range from a bed in a single room for fifty cents to -location on the floor of an empty loft for a dime. Lodging-house -keepers take thin profits but they serve large numbers. There are -usually more men than there are beds, particularly in winter. -An estimate indicates that all hotels are full from December to -May. During the rest of the year they are likely to be filled to -two-thirds of their capacity. - -Chicago has known three types of cheap hotels: the so-called -“barrel-house,” the welfare institution, and the business -enterprise. The first, the barrel-house, was a rooming-house, -saloon, and house of prostitution, all in one. Men with money -usually spent it in the barrel-houses. There they found warmth and -companionship. They would join the circle at the bar, buy drinks -for the crowd, and have a good time. Men who were afraid of being -robbed placed their money with the bartender and charged against it -the drinks purchased. As soon as they were overcome by drink they -would be taken upstairs to bed. The following day the program would -be repeated. A three- or four-hundred-dollar stake at this rate -usually lasted a week. Not infrequently the barrel-house added to -its other attractions the opportunity for gambling. - -The barrel-house is a thing of the past. Its place has been taken -in part by hotels like the Workingmen’s Palace; the Reliance; the -New Century, owned and operated by the Salvation Army; the Rufus -F. Dawes, owned and maintained by General C. G. Dawes; the Popular -Hotel, owned and maintained by the Chicago Christian Industrial -League. In places of this sort, charges are small, usually not -enough to cover operating expenses. - -The Rufus F. Dawes and the Workingmen’s Palace are both large, -fire-proof structures, clean and modern, constructed originally -for other purposes. Like all paternalistic, quasi-charitable -institutions, however, they are not popular, although the charges -for a room and bed are hardly sufficient to cover the operating -expenses. This is the second type of lodging-house. - -The pioneers in the cheap hotel business in Chicago operated on -a commercial basis were Harvey and McGuire, the founders of the -well-known Harvey-McGuire hotel system. Harvey, an evangelist, -in his work with the “down-and-outs” had learned the evils of -barrel-houses. He went into a partnership with McGuire, a man -acquainted with the rough side of life. After a number of years -the Harvey-McGuire system went out of existence. McGuire went -into the hotel business for himself and now owns a number of -cheap lodging-houses. Harvey sold his interests to his nephew and -went back to evangelistic work. The nephew went into partnership -with Mr. Dammarell. There are eight hotels in the present -Harvey-Dammarell system with a combined capacity for lodging 3,000 -men. The Ideal opened in 1884, probably the oldest men’s hotel in -the city, originally known as the Collonade, at 509 West Madison -Street, is an example of the type. The Mohawk, the most modern -men’s hotel, is also the property of the Harvey-Dammarell system. - -The men who run these hotels do not claim to be philanthropists. -Mr. Harvey has defined the situation. He says: - - We are in the hotel business to make a living. We give the - men the best service they can pay for. We give nothing away - and we ask nothing. Consequently, we do not lay ourselves - open to criticism. We insist on order and sobriety and - we usually get it. We hold that the men have a right to - criticize us and come to us if they are not satisfied with - the service we give. That is business. The man who pays - seventy-five cents for a bed has a right to seventy-five - cents’ worth of service. If a man can only pay twenty-five - cents for a bed he is entitled to all that he pays for and - is entitled to kick if he doesn’t get it. - -Different types of hotels attract different types of men. The -better class of workingmen who patronize the Mohawk, where the -prices range from forty to seventy cents, wear collars and creased -trousers. The hotel provides stationery and desks. Hotels where the -prices range from twenty-five cents to forty cents are patronized -by a shabbier group of men. Few of them are shaven. Some of them -read, but most of them sit alone with their thoughts. In some -second-class places a man is employed to go the rounds and arouse -the sleepers. - -In the twenty-five-cent hotels, the patrons not only are content -to sit unshaven, but they are often dirty. Many of them have the -faces of beaten men; many of them are cripples and old men. The -exceptions are the Popular and the Rufus F. Dawes, where the price -is twenty cents or less to be sure, but the guests are more select. -Since these places are semi-charitable, they can force certain -requirements upon their patrons. - -The term “room” is a misnomer when applied to a sleeping apartment -in a cheap hotel. These rooms have been aptly termed “cubicles,” -and among the patrons they are known as “cages.” A cubicle is -usually from 6 to 8 feet in width and from 8 to 12 feet in length. -The thin walls, composed of steel or matched lumber, are usually -about 8 feet in height. A wire netting over the top admits air -and prevents the guests climbing from one cubicle to another. -The furnishings are simple; sometimes only a bed, sometimes a -bed and a chair, and in more expensive places a stand. They are -not constructed either for comfort or convenience; lighting and -ventilation are usually bad. But they are all they were intended to -be: places for men to sleep with a limited degree of privacy. - -A canvass of the Hobohemian hotels has been made with a view to -learning the approximate mobility of the hotel population. Few -of these hotels are prepared to make any but general statements, -though some of them have made an effort to get the facts. The -consensus of opinion of hotel clerks is that the greatest turnover -is in the cheapest hotels. Better-class places like the Acme, the -Ironsides, and the Workingmen’s Palace have a large proportion of -permanent guests. The permanent guests, those who remain two or -three months or more, range from a third to a half of the total -number of roomers. Many of the older hotels have permanent patrons -who are seasonal but regular. Others never leave the city. - - -THE “FLOPHOUSE” - -“Flophouses” are nearly all alike. Guests sleep on the floor or in -bare, wooden bunks. The only privilege they buy is the privilege -to lie down somewhere in a warm room. - - 2. “Hogan’s Flop” is known from coast to coast among hobos. - A tramp who has been in Chicago long enough to learn of - Lynch’s place, the Workingmen’s Palace, Hinky Dink’s, or to - eat doughnuts in missions has heard of Hogan’s. - - The first “Hogan’s Flop” was located on South State Street. - Later it moved to the West Side and for some time was on - Meridian Street. Since it left Meridian Street it has been - located in several places. The original Hogan, who was a - Spanish-American War veteran, has passed to his reward. - Only his name remains. Every winter, however, someone - starts a “flop” and it invariably inherits the name and - fame of Hogan. Hogan is now a myth, a sort of eponymous - hero. A tramp discussing this matter said: “Hogan may be - dead but the bugs that were in business with him are still - on the job. They follow this joint wherever it goes. You - know when they moved from Meridian Street it wasn’t three - days before the bugs got the new address and followed us.” - -The following account is adapted from a description of a night -spent in “Hogan’s Flop”: - - 3. I spent the evening at the Bible Rescue Mission where - sincere folks were pleading with men of the road to come - forward and make things right with the Master. Two came - forward and it was a time of rejoicing. They prayed and - sang and fed us rolls and coffee, and to those who had no - bed for the night they gave tickets to “Hogan’s.” They - offered me a ticket but I thanked them and assured them - that I still had a little money. - - You have to know where “Hogan’s” is to find it. In the - spring of 1922, it occupied the second and third floors of - a building at 16 South Desplaines Street. A narrow, shaky - stairs, a squeaky door, a feebly lighted entrance, a night - clerk who demands a dime and you are within. You may take - your choice of sleeping on this floor or go on up to the - third. There is no difference in the price. I chose the - second floor. It was less crowded. The fire, from a large - heater in the center of the room, was warmer. - - The men around the stove had evidently been exposed to - the elements. One was drying his shoes for it had rained - all day. Another was drying his shirt. Two were engaged - in listless conversation. Others were silent. The air was - stuffy, the light dim. I walked around the room looking - for a place to lie down. Dozens of men were sleeping on - the floor with their heads to the wall. Some were lying on - paper, others on the bare floor. Some were partly covered - by their overcoats; some had no overcoats. It is an art - to curl up under an overcoat. One man of fifty years or - more had removed his shirt and trousers and was using the - latter for a pillow. He had tied his shoes to his trousers - which is evidence that he knew “flop” house ethics. When - men sleep in box cars they sometimes use their shoes for - pillows but this is not necessary in “Hogan’s.” A planking - around the walls affords a resting place for weary heads. - - A number of the faces here I had seen a great many times - on the “stem.” Two were old men in their seventies who had - been in the city several years and were mendicants most - of the time. There was a one-legged man whom I had seen - chumming with another one-legged man on the streets. Both - peddled lead pencils and shoestrings. On the only cot on - the floor, two young fellows were lying. They were sleeping - with their heads at opposite ends of the narrow bed and - their bodies were entangled to prevent their falling off. - - I found a vacant place on the floor where I could have - about two feet between myself and my nearest neighbor so - I spread my papers and lay down. I had more paper than I - needed so I gave half to another man who was just circling - about for a place to go to bed. I asked the man nearest - me if the bugs bothered much. He answered in the richest - of Irish brogues that Hogan’s bugs were sure efficient. - Another man chimed in. He said they were better organized - than the German army. How well organized they were I - can’t say but I was not long in learning that they were - enterprising. - - Two men near me engaged in a discussion about the economic - conference at Genoa. One man had very positive, orderly - ideas of how things should go. The other interrupted - occasionally only to agree. Someone wanted to know why he - didn’t hire a hall. Then there was silence, except for - snores. I never heard such a variety of snores but none - of them seemed to suggest peaceful slumbers or pleasant - dreaming. Once the snores were broken into by some man - bawling out, “Hey, you; quit spittin’ over this way; you’re - gettin’ it on my paper.” “Well, dammit; How much room do - you want to take up?” His neighbor retorted, “It’s none of - your ---- business how much room I take. You lay off’n that - spittin’, see.” - - More snores. A man got up, stretched, rubbed his legs, came - to the center of the room to the stove. More snores. Some - men came in, paid their dimes and looked for an opening on - the floor. A man ran to the toilet to vomit. A wag called - to him to “heave it up.” - - After an hour or so I felt something on my hand. I crushed - it. There were others to be seen on the white papers. I - lay down to try to sleep again. A second attack brought me - suddenly to my feet. I lay down resolved a third time not - to be disturbed. My companions seemed to be suffering more - from the hard floor than anything else; and the floor was - hard. I turned my thoughts to the hardness of the floor at - “Hogan’s.” - - How long I dozed I can’t say but I awoke marveling at the - endurance of the man of the road. While I pondered thus a - man jumped to his feet and hastened out. He was cursing - the bugs and saying that he knew an engine room that had - this “place beat all hollow.” I felt better. Someone else - had weakened first. I got up and started home. It was - two-thirty. - - -RESTAURANTS AND LUNCHROOMS - -Hobohemian restaurants serve meals for a half or a third of the -prices current in the Loop. In some of these lunchrooms the charges -are so low that one marvels. However, the food is coarse and poor -and the service rough and ready. - -The homeless man is as casual in his eating as he is in his work. -He usually gives all the restaurants a trial. If he has any money -when meal time comes he generally does a little “window shopping.” -He meanders up and down the street reading the bills of fare in the -windows. The Hobohemian restaurants know this and accordingly use -window displays to attract the roaming patron. Food is placed in -the windows, cooking is done within sight of the street, but the -chief means of attraction are the menus chalked on the windows. -The whole window is sometimes lettered up with special entrées of -the day. Some of these bills of fare are interesting. - -Gus’s place on South Halsted Street near the Academy Theater, July -28, 1922, displayed the following: - - Pig’s Snouts and Cabbage or Kraut 15c - Corn Beef Hash 10c - Hamburger Roast 10c - Liver and Onions 15c - Hungarian Goulash 20c - Pig’s Shank and Cabbage 15c - Spare Ribs and Cabbage 20c - Pig’s Feet and Potato Salad 15c - Beef Stew and Kraut 15c - Sausage and Mashed Potatoes 15c - Roast Beef 20c - Roast Pork 25c - T-Bone Steak 30c - -The same day the James Restaurant on Madison Street near Desplaines -advertised the following under the caption, “A Full Meal for Ten -Cents”: - - Veal Loaf 10c - Sardines and Potato Salad 10c - Hamburger and One Egg 10c - Baked Beans 10c - Liver and Onions 10c - Corn Beef Plain 10c - Macaroni Italian 10c - Three Eggs any Style 15c - Kidney Stew 10c - Sausage and Mashed Potatoes 10c - Brown Hash and One Egg 10c - Liver and Brown Gravy 10c - Salt Pork Plain 10c - Salmon and Potato Salad 10c - Corn Flakes and Milk 5c - Four Eggs any Style 20c - -One eating-house on West Madison Street is “The Home Restaurant, -Meals Fifteen Cents and Up.” This is a popular appeal. Restaurants -frequently advertise “Home Cooking,” “Home Made Bread,” “Home Made -Coffee,” “Doughnuts Like Mother Used to Make.” - -[Illustration: A DINING-ROOM ON THE “MAIN STEM”] - -[Illustration: EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS OFFER OPPORTUNITY FOR TRAVEL] - -At meal time, especially at noon, scores of men flock into these -eating-houses. The men, a noisy and turbulent crowd, call out their -orders, which are shouted by the waiters to the cooks who set out -without ceremony the desired dishes. Four or five waiters are able -to attend to the wants of a hundred or more men during the course -of an hour. The waiters work like madmen during the rush hours, -speeding in with orders, out with dirty dishes. During the course -of this hour a waiter becomes literally plastered with splashes of -coffee, gravy, and soup. The uncleanliness is revolting and the -waiters are no less shocking than the cooks and dishwashers. In the -kitchens uncleanliness reaches its limit. - -But what is the opinion of the patron? They know that the hamburger -is generally mixed with bread and potatoes, that the bread is -usually stale, that the milk is frequently sour. There are few who -do not abhor the odors of the cheap restaurant, but a steady patron -reasons thus: “I don’t allow myself to see things, and as long as -the eyes don’t see the heart grieves not.” - - -OUTFITTING STORES AND CLOTHING EXCHANGES - -The hobo seldom dresses up. If he does it is evidence that he -is making an effort to get out of his class. When he does buy -clothing, either rough clothing or a good “front,” he finds his -way to places where new clothes are on sale at astonishingly low -prices. The seasonal laborer’s outfitters handle a very cheap grade -of goods. Much of it is out of date and either shopworn or soiled. -Cheap clothing stores are not peculiar to Hobohemia, but here they -cater to the wants of the homeless man. - -Clothing exchanges, which is a polite term for second-hand clothing -stores, are numerous in Hobohemia. There are many of them along -North Clark Street and west of Clark on Chicago Avenue. These -establishments make a specialty of buying slightly worn clothing, -sample suits and overcoats from broken lots, which they sell at -remarkably low prices. - -Second-hand clothing stores are not entirely monopolized by the -hobo trade, but the veteran hobo knows of their existence and he -knows how to drive a bargain. - -The cobbler who deals in shoes, both second-hand and new, as a -sideline, gets his share of the Hobohemian trade. Coming off -the road with a roll, the hobo is likely to invest in a whole -outfit--shoes, suit, and overcoat--only to sell them again in a few -days when he is broke. The second-hand dealer meets him both ways, -coming and going. - - -PAWN SHOPS - -Pawn shops are not typical of Hobohemia. They are usually located -in that region just outside the limits of the lodging-houses, a -sort of border land between respectability and the down-and-outs. -Not that the hobo is unwilling, when he is broke, to put anything -valuable he happens to have in “hock,” but usually he does not -happen to have anything valuable. Still there are men who make a -practice of carrying a watch or a ring upon which, in case of need, -they can raise a few dollars. - -Pawn shops are, to a limited extent, clothing exchanges. They are -places where the hobo does much of his buying and selling of tools, -fire arms, leather goods, jewelry, and like articles of that sort. - - -MOVIES AND BURLESQUES - -Commercialized entertainment has had difficulty in getting a -foothold in Hobohemia. The movie has firmly established itself on -the border land, where it may be patronized by both the transient -and the resident population. The movies put the admission fee at -ten cents. As a matter of fact, there is one on South Halsted -Street which charges only a nickel. The pictures shown in these -houses have usually passed from the first-class theaters through -the various grades of cheaper houses until finally they arrive -here much out of date, badly scarred, and so scratched that they -irritate the eyes. - -Vaudeville and burlesque have become fully established on the South -Side. Certain of these theaters cater to “men only.” Advertisements -of “classy girls,” “bathing beauties,” or “fancy dancing” have a -strange attraction for the homeless and lonely men. - -Many men in the Hobohemian population do not patronize either the -movie or the burlesque. Those who do are sometimes merely looking -for an opportunity to sit down in quiet for an hour. Some theaters, -in recognition of this fact, extend an invitation to the audience -to “Stay as Long as You Like.” This draws a great many men, -especially in cold weather. - - -BARBER COLLEGES AND BARBERS - -Chicago has several barber colleges in close proximity to the -“stem.” Four of them are located on West Madison Street and most -of them are so situated that they can attract men who are willing -to submit to the inexperienced efforts of students. Students must -have practice, and here are men, who as they themselves say, can -stand it. - -The cheap rooming-houses do not always offer facilities for -shaving, so they are willing to sacrifice themselves in the -interest of education and art. If they are fortunate they may be -served by a Senior, but they always are in danger of falling into -the hands of a Freshman. Hair cuts cost ten or fifteen cents. This -is governed by the law of supply and demand. The colleges must have -patrons to keep the students busy. The lady barber flourishes in -Hobohemia. The hobo, at least, seems to have no prejudice against a -razor being wielded by feminine hands. - - -BOOKSTORES - -Hobohemia has its bookstores where new and second-hand books are -sold. The “Hobo Bookstore,” sometimes called the “Proletariat,” -located at 1237 West Madison Street, is the best known. This -place makes a specialty of periodicals of a radical nature which -are extensively read by the “bos.” A large line of books on many -subjects are sold, but they are chiefly the paper-bound volumes -that the transient can afford. The “Radical Book Shop,” located on -North Clark Street, is popular among the intellectuals who pass -their time in “Bughouse Square.” - - -SALOONS AND SOFT DRINK STANDS - -The saloon still lives in Hobohemia, though with waning prestige. -The five-cent schooner and the free lunch of pre-war days have -passed, but the saloons are far from being dead. One can still get -a “kick” out of stuff that is sold across the bar, but the crowds -do not gather as before prohibition. Formerly, men who got drunk -were kept inside, today they are hustled outside or at least kept -out of sight. As the saloon has lost its prestige, the bootlegger -has gained, and the “drunks” for which he is responsible parade the -streets or litter the alleys. - -Fruit and soft drink stands and ice-cream cone peddlers are in -evidence since prohibition. Enthusiastic and persistent bootblacks -swarm in the streets and Gypsy fortune-tellers who hail every -passer-by for the privilege of “reading” his mind, and, perhaps, in -order to turn a trick at his expense. - - -THE HOUSING PROBLEM - -Standards of living are low in Hobohemia. Flops are unwholesome and -unsanitary. Efforts have been made to improve these conditions, but -they have not been wholly successful. The Salvation Army and the -Dawes hotels have improved the lodging-houses. But the municipal -free lodging-house has been opposed by the police on the ground -that it was already too popular among casual and migratory workers. -The same may be said of any other effort to deal with the problem -from the point of view of philanthropy. - -The only other alternative would seem to be to encourage the -migratory workers to organize to help themselves. This is difficult -but not impossible, but the history of these efforts is another -chapter in the story of Hobohemia. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -“GETTING BY” IN HOBOHEMIA - - -A man who is conservative can live in Hobohemia on a dollar a day. -If he is not too fastidious he can live for sixty cents, including -a bed every night. Sleeping in a ten-cent “flop” and sticking to -coffee and rolls, he can get along for fifty cents. Old men who do -not move around much will live a long time on “coffee-an’,” which -they can get at the average restaurant for a nickel. The man who is -reduced to “coffee-an’,” however, has touched bedrock. - - An old beggar who lingers about the Olive Branch Mission on - South Desplaines Street claims that if he were guaranteed - forty cents a day he could get on nicely. This would give - him a bed every night and, as he says, a good bed is - sometimes better than a meal. - - The daily routine of this old man’s life rarely takes him - beyond the limits of a single block. On the south side - of Madison Street, between 62 Desplaines Street and the - Transedes Hotel, he is at home. All else is, for him, the - open sea. When he ventures beyond the limits of this area - into outlying territory he plans the trip the day before. - - There are perhaps a hundred old men on South State and West - Madison streets whose interests and ambitions have shrunk - to the same unvarying routine and the same narrow limits.[8] - -Every man who enters Hobohemia is struggling to live above the -“coffee-an’” level, and the various devices that are employed in -accomplishing this are often ingenious. This business of wringing -from chance source enough money each day to supply one’s insistent -wants is known on the “stem” as “getting by.” “Getting by” may mean -anything from putting in a few hours a day at the most casual -labor to picking a pocket or purloining an overcoat. It includes -working at odd jobs, peddling small articles, street faking, -“putting over” old and new forms of grafts, “working” the folks at -home, “white collar” begging, stealing, and “jack rolling.” - - -WORKING AT ODD JOBS - -In spite of all that has been said to the contrary, the hobo is a -worker. He is not a steady worker but he earns most of the money he -spends. There are migratory casual workers, who spend three or four -months each year in a Chicago lodging-house, who never look to the -public for assistance. They know how much money they will need to -tide them over the winter, and they have learned to spread it thin -to make it reach. Casual in their work, they are conservative in -their spending. - -There are others who are never able to save anything. No matter how -much they bring to town they soon spend it. For these the odd job -is the likeliest means of livelihood. In a city like Chicago there -are almost always opportunities for men who are content to take -small jobs. Every restaurant must have dishwashers and waiters. -Every hotel needs porters; every saloon or pool hall employs men to -do odd jobs. Petty as these jobs are and little as they pay, men -not only take but seek them. One man who has been twenty years on -West Madison Street is working as night clerk in a lodging-house; -another does janitor work at nights and loafs daytime; still -another has been for some time a potato peeler in a Madison Street -restaurant. - -Men who spurn steady jobs in favor of petty ones with pay every -night sometimes do so because they hate to leave the street. Often -it is because they are not properly clad or have no money to pay -their way. - - -PEDDLING A DEVICE FOR “GETTING BY” - -In the eyes of the law, peddling in Chicago, at least, is not -begging.[9] Nevertheless much of the peddling in the streets is -merely legalized begging. Usually the articles offered for sale -are cheap wares which are disposed of for whatever “you care to -give.” Not infrequently the buyer gives four times what the article -is worth. There are hundreds of cripples in Chicago who gain a -livelihood by selling pencils or shoestrings. Many of these are -homeless men. Pencils bought for thirty-five cents a dozen retail -for a dime, or whatever the purchaser cares to tax himself. A -peddler’s license is a protection against the police and serves as -a moral prop to the beggar. - -A peddler of shoestrings and pencils usually measures his success -by the number of sales made in which no change is asked. He expects -to be overpaid. Sometimes he persuades himself he is entitled to -be overpaid. The business of “getting by” by “touching hearts” is -usually spoken of as “work.” A peddler who works the North Side -will say: “I didn’t work yesterday; the day before I made three -dollars and eighty-five cents.” This man considers himself a _real_ -cripple, because he has locomotor ataxia. He is incensed when he -meets a one-armed peddler, because a man with one arm is not a -real cripple. Real cripples should have first consideration. An -able-bodied man who begs when broke is beneath contempt. That is -“panhandling” and an able-bodied “panhandler” is always considered -despicable. - -Many peddlers live in Hobohemian hotels, and spend their leisure -on the “stem.” When they go to “work” they take a car. Some of -them have regular stands. Not infrequently a peddler will assume -to monopolize a position in front of a church or near the entrance -of a factory where girls go and come. Beggars have a liberal fund -of knowledge about pay days. They know the factories where the -workers, when they have money, are “good.” - - -STREET FAKING - -The chief difference between peddling and street faking is one of -method. The peddler appeals to the individual; the faker appeals -to the crowd. The faker is a salesman. He “pulls” a stunt or makes -a speech to attract the crowd. The peddler is more than often a -beggar. It requires considerably more initiative and force to play -the rôle of a street faker than to peddle. - -Almost any time of the day at some street corner of the “stem” one -may see a faker with a crowd around him. His wares consist perhaps -of combination sets of cuff buttons and collar buttons, or some -other such “line.” Success depends upon the novelty of the article -offered. A new line of goods is much sought after and a good street -faker changes his line from time to time. Many fakers are homeless -men. Numbers of the citizens of Hobohemia have tried their hand at -some time or other at this kind of salesmanship. Those who are able -to “put it over” generally stay with the work. - -Peddling jewelry is one old device for getting money, but it is not -too old to succeed. There are men who carry with them cheap rings -or watches which they sell by approaching the prospective buyers -individually. Sometimes they gather a crowd around them but that -rarely succeeds as well as when they work quietly. A faker may sit -beside a man in a park or approach him on the street and proffer a -ring or watch or pair of eyeglasses for sale cheap, on the grounds -that he is broke. Sometimes he will pretend that he found the -article and would like to get a little money for it. Often he will -tell of some sentiment connected with an article that he is trying -to dispose of. A man may have a ring that his mother gave him and -he will only part with it on condition that he might have the -privilege of redeeming it later. If he thought he could not redeem -it he would rather starve than part with it, etc. Hobos are often -the victims as well as the perpetrators of these fakes. - - -GRAFTS OLD AND NEW - -Few of these tricks are new but none of them are so old that they -do not yield some return. They probably owe their long life to the -proverbial identity of fundamental human nature wherever it is -found. - -One of the most ancient and universal forms of deception is the -fake disease. In Hobohemia a pretended affliction is called -“jiggers” or “bugs.” - - 4. L. J. appealed to the Jewish Charities with a letter - signed by a doctor in a hospital in Hot Springs saying that - he had treated L. J. who was suffering from syphilis and - that his eyes were affected and he would “undoubtedly go - blind.” It was learned later that this letter was a forgery - as were other credentials that the man carried. He had been - in a hospital and had been treated for a venereal disease. - While there he familiarized himself enough with the - terminology of the disease so that he could talk with some - intelligence about his case. He would say with conviction, - “I know I’m going blind before long.” It further developed - that he had been exploiting charity organizations in - several cities. Before his entry upon this deception it was - learned that he had earned a prison record. - -An ancient ruse is to feign to be deaf and dumb. A man who played -“deaf-and-dumb” worked restaurants, drug stores, groceries, and -other places of business. He would enter the places and stand with -cap in hand. Never would he change the expression of his face, -regardless of what was said or done. When spoken to he would point -to his ears and mouth until he received some money, and then he -would bow. If there was a chance of getting something, he would -never leave a place unless he was in danger of being thrown out. -An investigator followed him for two hours before he learned he -was neither deaf nor dumb. Three months later he met the same man -working the same graft in another part of the city. - -“The hat trick,” as it is sometimes called, is a popular means -of “getting by.” On a Sunday, a holiday, or indeed any evening, -the streets of Hobohemia are likely to be enlivened by men who -have a message, haranguing the crowds. They may be selling papers -or books on the proletarian movement. In any case, most of them -terminate their speeches by passing the hat. Few speakers spend -their eloquence on the audiences of Hobohemia without asking -something in return. It must not be assumed that these men are all -insincere. Many of them are, but most of them are in the “game” for -the money it yields. One of these orators is conspicuous because -his stock in trade is a confession that he is not like the other -speakers. He admits that he is out for bed and board. He will talk -on any subject, will permit himself to be laughed at, and jollied -by the crowd, but when he passes the hat he usually gets enough for -another day’s board. - -The missions attract men who are religious primarily for profit. -Many who are really sincere find it more profitable to be on the -Lord’s side. Nearly every mission has a corps of men who perform -the “hat trick” by going from house to house begging old clothes -or cash or whatever the people care to give. The collector’s -conscience is the only check on the amount of money taken in. Some -missions divide all cash collections with the solicitors. Sometimes -the collector gets as much as fifty cents on the dollar. - -The exploitation of children is as old as the history of vagrancy. -Even the tramp has learned that on the road boys may be used to -get money. A boy can beg better than an older man, and frequently -men will chum with boys for the advantages such companionships -give them. Boys who are new on the road are often willing to be -exploited by a veteran in exchange for the things they can learn -from him. - - -“WORKING THE FOLKS” - -There is a type of tramp who lives on his bad reputation. He may -have been sent away for the sake of the family, or have fled for -safety, or he may have gone voluntarily to start life anew. Seldom -does he succeed, but family pride stands between him and his -return. He capitalizes the fact that his family does not want him -to return. - -Such a man resides on South State Street. He comes from a good -family but his relatives do not care to have him about. He is fat -and greasy and dirty; he seems to have no opinions of his own; is -always getting into people’s way and making himself disagreeable -by his effort to be sociable. His relatives pay him four dollars a -week to stay in Chicago. On that amount, with what he can earn, he -is able to live.[10] - -Another man raises funds now and then when he is broke by writing -or telegraphing that he is thinking about returning home. His -return means trouble. His requests for assistance are a kind of -blackmail levied on the family.[11] - - -“WHITE COLLAR” BEGGING - -Most interesting among the beggars is the man, the well-dressed -and able-bodied individual, who begs on the strength of his -affiliations. These are the men who make a specialty of exploiting -their membership in fraternal organizations. Labor unions are -very much imposed upon by men who carry paid-up cards but who are -temporarily “down.” The organizations as such are not appealed -to as much as individual members. It is hard for a union man who -is working to turn away a brother who shows that he is in good -standing with the organization. - -Of late the “ex-service-man” story has been a good means of getting -consideration, and the American Legion buttons have been worked to -the limit. Most of the men who wear parts of a uniform or other -insignia indicative of military service have really seen service -and many have seen action, but a great many of them have heard more -than they have seen. - -There are men who make a specialty of “working” the charity -organizations. Some of them are so adept that they know beforehand -what they will be asked and have a stereotyped response for every -stereotyped question. These men know a surprising amount about the -inside workings of the charitable agencies and they generously hand -on their information to their successor. They usually know, for -example, what material aid may be had from each organization. A -typical case is that of Brown. - - 5. Brown had not been in Chicago an hour until he had - located the chief organizations to which he might go for - help. He knew that he could check his bag at the Y.M.C.A. - He learned where to go for a bath, where to get clean - clothes, how to get a shave and haircut and he actually - succeeded in getting some money from the United Charities. - He was able to “flop” in a bed even though he came to town - without money late in the afternoon; whereas many other men - in the same position would have been forced to “carry the - banner.” He knew about the charity organizations in all the - cities he had visited from the Atlantic to the Pacific. - After his case was traced it was learned that he told about - the same story wherever he went and that he was known in - organizations in all the cities to which he referred. He - is 27 years old and has been living for the most part in - institutions or at the expense of organizations since he - was 13. - - 6. Another case is that of P. S., a Jewish boy who made his - way between New York and Chicago three times and received - accommodation at the Jewish charity associations in nearly - every big city on his road between here and New York. He is - a mental case and goes to the Charities because of a sense - of helplessness. Since the last contact with him that the - Chicago Jewish charities have had he has learned to get - over the country with a little more confidence but he never - fails to hunt up the welfare organization as soon as he - comes to town. He was last heard of in California. - - -BORROWING AND BEGGING - -Nearly every homeless man “goes broke” at times. Some of them do -not feel that a trip to town has been a success if they return -to the job with money in their pockets. On the other hand, they -do not feel that they have had their money’s worth unless they -remain in town a week or two after they have “blown in.” As they -linger they face the problem of living. They may have friends -but that is unusual. The homeless man used to get advances from -the saloon keeper with whom he spent his money. Such loans were -often faithfully made good, but they were just as often “beat.” -Prohibition has put an end to that kind of philanthropy. - -Many of the men who visit the city intermittently loaf and work -by turns. These men often beg but they do not remain at it long, -perhaps a day or so, or until disgust seizes them. Often when they -beg they are drunk or “rum-dum.” As soon as they are sober they -quit. Sometimes they succeed in attaching themselves to a friend -who has just arrived with a “roll.” But living at the expense of -another migrant quickly palls. Soon they will be found scanning the -“boards” for free shipment to another job. They disappear from the -streets for a season. As soon as they get a “stake,” however, they -will be seen again treating the boys and swapping stories on the -“main stem”; if not in Chicago, then in some other city. It is the -life. - -The more interesting types are those who live continuously in the -city and are broke most of the time. Some of them have reduced the -problem of “getting by” to an art. The tramp who only occasionally -goes “broke” may try to imitate these types but he soon tires of -the game and goes to work. The chief classes of beggars are the -“panhandlers” and the “moochers.” - -The “panhandler” can sometimes extract from the pockets of others -what amounts to large sums of money. Some “panhandlers” are able to -beg from ten to twenty dollars a day. The “panhandler” is a beggar -who knows how to beg without loss of dignity. He is not docile and -fawning. He appeals in a frank, open manner and usually “comes away -with the goods.” The “moocher” begs for nickels and dimes. He is an -amateur. He goes to the back door of a house or hotel and asks for -a sandwich. His appeal is to pity. - -The antagonisms between beggars and peddlers are very keen. The man -who carries a permit to peddle has no respect for the individual -who merely begs. Nevertheless, some peddlers, when business is -slow, themselves turn beggars. On the other hand, the man who -begs professes to consider himself far more respectable than the -peddler who uses his license as an excuse to get money. This is the -language and opinion of a professional: “Good begging is far more -honorable than bad peddling and most of this shoestring and lead -pencil peddling is bad. I am not going to beat around the bush. I -am not going to do any of this petty grafting to get enough to live -on.”[12] These antagonisms are evidence of a struggle for status. -When a peddler denounces the beggars he is trying to justify -himself. His philosophy, like most philosophies, is an attempt to -justify his vocation. The same is true of plain beggars. Most of -them are able to justify their means of “getting by.” - - -STEALING - -Hobos are not clever enough to be first-class crooks nor daring -enough to be classed as criminals. Yet most of them will steal -something to eat. There are men who are peculiarly expert at -stealing food from back-door steps--pies or cakes that have been -set out to cool, for example. There are men who wander about the -residential areas, in order to steal from back doors. Some men -follow the milkman as he goes from door to door delivering milk and -cream, in order to steal a bottle when the opportunity offers. A -quart of milk makes an excellent breakfast. - -Stealing becomes serious when men break into stores and box cars. -It is not what they take but what they spoil that does the damage. -This is the chief complaint of the railroad against the tramp. -In the country the tramp is often destructive to the orchards he -visits. He will shake down more fruit than he can possibly use and -dig up a dozen hills of potatoes to get enough for a “mulligan.” - - -“JACK ROLLING” - -“Jack rolling” may be anything from picking a man’s pocket in a -crowd to robbing him while he is drunk or asleep. On every “stem” -there are a goodly number of men who occasionally or continually -“roll” their fellow-tramps. Nearly every migrant who makes -periodical trips to the city after having saved his earnings for -three or four months can tell of at least one encounter with the -“jack roller.” Scarcely a day goes by on Madison Street but some -man is relieved of a “stake” by some “jack” who will, perhaps, -come around later and join in denouncing men who will rob a -workingman. - -The average hobo is often indiscreet with his money, and especially -so when he is drunk. He often displays it, even scatters it at -times. This is a great temptation to men who have been living -“close to their bellies” for months. As unpopular as the “jack -roller” is among the tramps there are few who would overlook an -opportunity to take a few dollars from a “drunk,” seeing that he -was in possession of money that someone else was bound to take -sooner or later. - - 7. An investigator became acquainted with two men who - were jack rollers who operated on Madison Street west of - Halsted. They were well dressed for the “street” though - not so well groomed as to be conspicuous. The investigator - pretended to them that he had just spent ninety days in the - jail in Salt Lake City for “rolling” a drunk. They had no - sympathy for a man who would get drunk and wallow in the - gutter. “He’s not entitled to have any money.” Neither of - these men drank but they “chased women” and one of them - played the races. Neither had any scruples against taking - money from a drunken or sleeping man. They were able to - justify themselves as easily as the peddlers and beggars - do. Said one of them, “Everybody is eating on everybody he - can get at, and they don’t care where they bite. Believe - me, as long as I can play safe I’m going to get mine.” - - -“GETTING BY” IN WINTER - -During the cold winter months the problem of “getting by” becomes -serious. In the spring, summer, and fall hobos can sleep in -the parks, in vacant houses, on the docks, in box cars, or in -any other place where they may curl up and pass a few hours in -slumber without fear of disturbance. But finding “flops” in winter -usually engages the best effort a “bo” can muster. Besides food -and shelter, the hobo must manage in some way to secure winter -clothing. Above all he needs shelter, and shelter for the man -without money is not easy to find in the city. - -The best scouting qualities the average man can command are needed -to get along in winter. There are many places to sleep and loaf -during the day, but the good places are invariably crowded. For -sleeping quarters police stations, railroad depots, doorways, -mission floors, and even poolrooms are pressed into service. It is -not uncommon for men who cannot find a warm place to sleep to walk -the streets all night. This practice of walking the streets all -night, snatching a wink of sleep here and a little rest there, is -termed, in the parlance of the road, “carrying the banner.” He who -“carries the banner” during the night usually tries to snatch a bit -of sleep during the day in places he does not have access to in the -night time. He may go into the missions, but in cold weather the -missions are crowded. They are crowded with men who sit for hours -in a stupor between sleeping and waking. In almost every mission on -the “stem” there are attendants known as “bouncers,” whose duties -during the meetings are to shake and harass men who have lost -themselves in slumber. - -Lodging-houses are also imposed upon by men who have no money to -pay for a bed but who loaf in the lobbies during the day. Most -lodging-houses make an effort to keep men out who are not guests. -Fear is instilled into their hearts by occasionally calling the -police to clear the lobbies of loafers. All who dare spend their -leisure time in the public library, but the average tramp, unkempt -and unclean from a night on the street, cannot muster sufficient -courage to enter a public library. - -The missions and other charity organizations play an important part -in supplying the cold-weather wants of the tramp. They usually make -it a point to get on hand at the beginning of winter a large supply -of overcoats, or “bennies,” and other clothes that are either sold -at moderate prices or are given away. Such clothes are usually -solicited from the public, and the men on the “stem” believe that -they are entitled to them. Hence each man makes an effort to get -what he feels is coming to him. When winter comes they begin to -bestir themselves and concoct schemes for securing the desired -amount of clothing to keep out the cold. During the winter time -many of these men will submit to being “converted” in order to get -food and shelter. - -Competition between homeless men in winter is keen. Food is scarce, -jobs are less plentiful, people are less generous, and there are -more men begging. Many of the short-job men become beggars and a -large number of those who are able to peddle during the summer -likewise enter the ranks of the beggars. As beggars multiply, the -housewife is less generous with the man at the back door, the man -on the street also hardens his heart, and the police are called on -for protection. - - 8. “Fat” is a very efficient “panhandler.” He does not - always “panhandle” but works when the opportunities present - and the weather permits. He gets his money from men on the - street, but he does most of his begging in winter when he - cannot get the courage to leave town. He can beg for three - or four hours and obtain about three dollars in that time. - He only “panhandles” when his money is gone. He has a good - personality and appeals for help in a frank, open manner - giving no hard-luck story. He says that he is a workingman - temporarily down and that he is trying to get some money to - leave town. He does not work the same street every day. He - keeps sober. - - He has no moral scruples against begging, nor against work. - He works and works well when circumstances force him to - it. He doesn’t feel mean when out begging or “stemming.” - He looks upon it as a legitimate business and better than - stealing, and so long as the situation is such he might as - well make the best of it. He seldom “panhandles” in summer. - - He has an interesting philosophy. He calculates that - according to the law of averages out of each hundred - persons he begs, a certain number will turn him down, - a certain number will “bawl him out,” a certain number - will give him advice, and a certain number will give him - something, and his earnings will average about three - dollars. So he goes at the job with vigor each time in - order to get it over as soon as possible. “You get to - expect about so much police interference and so much - opposition from the people, and you get more of this in - winter than in summer, but that is the case in whatever - line you go into.” - - “Fat” works and begs as the notion strikes him but he - does less begging in summer and less work in winter. If - he doesn’t like one city he goes to another. Last winter - (1921-22) he was in Chicago, not because he likes Chicago - but because he happened to be here. - - -THE GAME OF “GETTING BY” - -“Getting by” is a game not without its elements of fascination. The -man who “panhandles” is getting a compensation that is not wholly -measured by the nickels and dimes he accumulates. Even the peddler -of shoestrings likes to think of “good days” when he is able to -surpass himself. It matters not by what means “the down-and-out” -gets his living; he manages to find a certain satisfaction in the -game. The necessity of “putting it over” has its own compensations. - -No group in Hobohemia is wholly without status. In every group -there are classes. In jail grand larceny is a distinction as -against petit larceny. In Hobohemia men are judged by the methods -they use to “get by.” Begging, faking, and the various other -devices for gaining a livelihood serve to classify these men among -themselves. It matters not where a man belongs, somewhere he has -a place and that place defines him to himself and to his group. -No matter what means an individual employs to get a living he -struggles to retain some shred of self-respect. Even the outcast -from home and society places a high value upon his family name. - - 9. S. R. is an Englishman fifteen years in this country. - When he came to the United States to earn a “stake” he left - his wife in England. His intention was to save enough money - to send for her. He came here partly to overcome his love - for alcohol but he found as much drink here and it was as - accessible. He earned “big money” as a bricklayer but he - never saved any. He became ashamed of himself after a year - or two and ceased to write to his wife. That is, he had - other interests here. - - Today he is a physical wreck. He is paralyzed on one side - and he is also suffering from tuberculosis brought on by - injudicious exposure and drink. He told his story but asked - that his real name, which he told, should not be used. For, - he said, “I am the only one who has ever disgraced that - name.” - -Several old men on West Madison Street are living on mere pittances -but are too proud to go to the poorhouse. They much prefer to take -their chances with other mendicants. They want to play the game to -the end. As long as they are able to totter about the street and -hold out their hands they feel that they are holding their own. To -go to an institution would mean that they had given up. Dependent -as they are and as pitiful as they look, they still have enough -self-respect to resent the thought of complete surrender. - -In the game of “getting by” the homeless man is practically sure -sooner or later to lose his economic independence. At any time -(except perhaps in periods of prolonged unemployment), only a small -proportion of homeless men are grafters, beggars, fakers, or petty -criminals. Yet, all the time, the migratory casual workers are -living from hand to mouth, always perilously near the margin of -dependence. Consequently, few homeless men have not been temporary -dependents, and great numbers of them must in time become permanent -dependents. - -This process of personal degradation of the migratory casual worker -from economic independence to pauperism is only an aspect of the -play of economic forces in modern industrial society. Seasonal -industries, business cycles, alternate periods of employment and -of unemployment, the casualization of industry, have created -this great industrial reserve army of homeless, foot-loose men -which concentrates in periods of slack employment, as winter, in -strategic centers of transportation, our largest cities. They -must live; the majority of them are indispensable in the present -competitive organization of industry; agencies and persons moved -by religious and philanthropic impulses will continue to alleviate -their condition; and yet their concentration in increasing numbers -in winter in certain areas of our large cities cannot be regarded -otherwise than as a menace. The policy of allowing the migratory -casual laborer to “get by” is, however, easier and cheaper at the -moment, even if the prevention of the economic deterioration and -personal degradation of the homeless men would, in the long run, -make for social efficiency and national economy. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[8] See Document 18. - -[9] The mayor’s office issued about 6,000 free permits in 1922 to -peddle from house to house (not from wagon or cart), from basket or -other receptacle, only for a period of sixty days. - -[10] Unpublished Document 111. - -[11] Unpublished Document 112. - -[12] Unpublished Document 113. - - - - - PART II - - TYPES OF HOBOS - - - - -CHAPTER V - -WHY DO MEN LEAVE HOME? - - -Why are there tramps and hobos? What are the conditions and motives -that make migratory workers, vagrants, homeless men? Attempts to -answer these questions have invariably raised other questions even -more difficult to answer. Homeless men themselves are not always -agreed in regard to the matter. The younger men put the blame upon -circumstance and external conditions. The older men, who know life -better, are humbler. They are disposed to go to the other extreme -and put all the blame on themselves. - - 10. “My old man tried his d--dest to get me to go to - school; but no, I couldn’t learn anything in school. I - could make my own way. I could get along without the old - man or his advice. Well, when I woke up I was forty years - old, of course it was too late. I couldn’t go back. That’s - what’s the matter with half of these d--d kids on the road. - No one can tell them anything. They’re burning up to learn - something on their own hook; and they’ll learn it, too.” - -From the records and observations of a great many men the reasons -why men leave home seem to fall under several heads: (_a_) seasonal -work and unemployment, (_b_) industrial inadequacy, (_c_) defects -of personality, (_d_) crises in the life of the person, (_e_) -racial or national discrimination, and (_f_) wanderlust. - - -SEASONAL WORK AND UNEMPLOYMENT - -Chief among the economic causes why men leave home are (1) -seasonal occupations, (2) local changes in industry, (3) seasonal -fluctuations in the demand for labor, and (4) periods of -unemployment. The cases of homeless men studied in Chicago show -how these conditions of work tend to require and to create the -migratory worker. - -1) The industrial attractions of seasonal work often make a -powerful appeal to the foot-loose man and boy. A new railroad that -is building, a mining camp just opening up, an oil boom widely -advertised, a bumper crop to be harvested in Kansas or the Dakotas -fire the imagination and bring thousands of recruits each year into -the army of seasonal and migratory workers. - - 11. Fifty-eight years old and born in Belgium. He came to - this country with his parents in 1882. His family moved to - a farm in northern Wisconsin where they remained several - years. The boy worked during his spare time in the woods. - His father soon became tired of farming and decided he - could do better in the coal camps of southern Illinois, for - he had been a miner in Belgium. After the family moved, the - boy grew restless in the mining town and decided to return - to his old home town in Wisconsin where he could get a job - in the woods which was more to his liking. For several - years he divided his time between the northern woods in - winter and the mines at his Illinois home in summer. But - he never liked coal mining and later began to go to the - harvest fields for his summer employment. Sometimes he - worked on railroad construction or at other seasonal work. - He has spent several winters in Chicago, and usually (he - says) he has been able to pay his way. However this year, - 1921-22, he has been eating some at the missions. - -This case shows the steps by which a stationary seasonal worker -becomes a migratory worker. It indicates how easily and naturally -the migrant may sink still lower in the economic scale until he -spends his winters in Hobohemia “feeding at the missions.” - -2) Local changes in industry dislocate the routine of work of the -wage-earner. The timber in certain regions gives out, mines close -down when the ore is exhausted or when prices drop, or in the -reorganization of an industry a branch factory may be abandoned. -Under these circumstances, certain workers are compelled to look -elsewhere for employment. Those who are free to move naturally -migrate. The following case is that of a migratory worker who with -the passing of the West finds it difficult to make the necessary -adjustment. - - 12. A. is the pioneer type of hobo. He came to Chicago - because he was pressed eastward by the closing down of the - mines in the West. He is about fifty years old. He was born - in southern Illinois but grew restless on the farm. He left - home in his teens to drive a team on the railroad grades. - He moved West with the railroad building. He got into the - mining game at Cripple Creek, and then turned prospector. - He spent a couple of years in the mines of Alaska. He has - never been able to attach himself to an old established - camp. He has worked in the mines of northern Michigan but - did not like it there. He regrets that he came East. He - says that he was never so hopelessly down in the West. He - plans to go back where he knows people and where he can go - out and get some kind of a job when he feels like going to - work. - - This man always carried a bundle in the West. He laments - that he found it necessary to throw his bed away when he - came East. He claims that a man with a bed and a desire - to work can get along better in the West than he has seen - anyone get along here. Out there he only went to town four - or five times a year. The rest of the time he was out in - the hills. Out there he could always find work (until this - recent industrial depression), but here he has not seen any - jobs he cares for. - -3) Seasonal fluctuations in the demand for labor accompanied by the -seasonal rise and fall in wages have greatly affected the ebb and -flow of workers. - - Industrial fluctuations may be classed as cyclical and - seasonal. Cyclical fluctuations result from business - depressions and at times double the amount of loss of - time during a year, which is illustrated by the fact that - the railroads employed 236,000 fewer men in 1908 than in - 1907. Seasonal fluctuations may either be inappreciable, - as in municipal utilities, or may displace nearly the - entire labor force. The seasonal fluctuations in the - canning industry in California, for example, involve nearly - nine-tenths of all the workers; in logging camps, which - depend upon the snow, operations are practically suspended - in summer; while in the brick and tile industry only 36.5 - per cent of the total number of employees are retained - during the dull season. Irregularities in the conduct of - industry and in the method of employing labor are evident - in dock work, in the unskilled work in iron and steel, - and in slaughtering and meat packing; in the competitive - conditions in industries which force employers to cut - labor cost down to the utmost and to close down in order - to save operating expenses; in speculative practices which - result in the piling up of orders and alternate periods - of rush production and inactivity; in loss of time due - to inefficient management within plants. In some cases - it has been charged, although without definite proof, - that irregularity of employment is due to a deliberate - policy of employers in order to lessen the chance of - organized movement, as well as to keep the level of wages - down in unskilled occupations by continually hiring new - individuals.[13] - -4) Periods of unemployment throw hundreds of thousands of men out -of work. But the effects of unemployment are not ended with the -passing of the period of business depression. The majority of -men, it is true, return to work with their economic efficiency -little if any impaired by the stress and strain of uncertainty -and deprivation. But upon thousands of men the enforced period -of idleness has had a disorganizing effect.[14] The demoralizing -effect of being out of work is particularly marked upon the -unskilled laborer. His regular routine of work has been -interrupted; habits of loafing are easily acquired. The path of -personal degradation may lead to the “bread line” at the mission, -and from there to panhandling in the Loop. - - An increasingly large number of laborers go downward - instead of upward. Young men, full of ambition and high - hopes for the future start their life as workers, but - meeting failure after failure in establishing themselves - in some trade or calling, their ambitions and hopes go - to pieces, and they gradually sink into the ranks of - migratory and casual workers. Continuing their existence - in these ranks they begin to lose self-respect and - become “hobos.” Afterwards, acquiring certain negative - habits, as those of drinking, begging, and losing all - self-control, self-respect, and desire to work, they - become “down-and-outs”--tramps, bums, vagabonds, gamblers, - pickpockets, yeggmen, and other petty criminals--in short, - public parasites, the number of whom seems to be growing - faster than the general population.[15] - - -THE INDUSTRIALLY INADEQUATE - -Every year thousands of men fail in the struggle for existence. -For one reason or another, they cannot, or at least they do not, -keep the pace set by modern large-scale industry. These men are -“misfits,” industrially inadequate. - -The majority of individuals, commonly regarded as industrially -inadequate, are probably feeble-minded or restless types like the -emotionally unstable and the egocentric and fall into the group -of defective personalities to be considered later. Other causes -of industrial incompetency are (1) physical handicaps due to -accidents, sickness, or occupational diseases; (2) alcoholism and -drug addiction; and (3) old age. - -1) The workers in certain industries are exposed to dangerous dusts -and gases. The printers have learned the risks of their trade and -endeavor to cope with them. Other industries have taken steps to -eliminate industrial hazards. Many transients are miners who go -from one job to another exposing themselves to different dangers. - - 13. O. O. is fifty-three years old and he has been a - migrant for many years. He has been a lumber jack and a - harvest hand. He has tried his hand at various casual - jobs but most of his time has been spent in the mines. - He used to work in the most dangerous mines because they - generally pay the most money. Three years ago (about 1919) - while working in the copper mines in Butte, Montana, he - contracted miner’s “con,” which is some sort of lung - trouble. He had no place to go, could not hold a job, and - has wandered about the country ever since. He has no hope - of regaining his health and is too proud to return to his - people who live in Ohio. - -Other industries also have their victims. - - 14. G. T. came from the New England states. He was - wandering about the country in hope of regaining his - health. He was a textile worker and claims that the dyes - and dust were the cause of his condition. There was no - means at hand of proving his story but the fact that he was - in ill health, very much underweight, and he was not able - to do heavy work. Numerous times he was rebuked because he - asked for light work. - -Many men in Hobohemia have limbs or parts of limbs missing, or -bent and twisted bodies. These are victims of industrial or -non-industrial accidents. - - 15. Red begs and sometimes peddles pencils along Halsted - Street. He lost his leg several years ago while working in - the coal mines. In his sober moments he claims that his - own carelessness was partly to blame for his loss, but he - also holds that the company was negligent. His leg at first - had only been bruised and he went back to work in a damp, - cold place, and inflammation set in. He has since become - accommodated to a life of begging and peddling. - -2) Alcoholism decreases the economic efficiency of the worker and -so tends to depress him into the group of homeless men. Before -prohibition the saloon had no better patron than the homeless man. -In Chicago today bootleggers and blind pigs in the vicinity of the -“stem” thrive upon the homeless man’s love for liquor. - - 16. E. J. loafs on West Madison Street and South State - Street. He drinks and does not care who knows it. He has - been a drinking man for years. “Booze put me on the bum. - Now, I’m here and I’m too old to be good for anything, so - why not keep it up? You’re goin’ t’ die when your time - comes anyway; so why not keep it up?” His philosophy helps - him to live and he lives as well as he can by begging a - little, working when any jobs come his way. He used to be - a carpenter but has lost his efficiency at that trade. He - threw up his membership in the union several years ago. - -Drinking is responsible for keeping many men on the road. One man -said that he left home because he had too many drinking friends. -He has been on the road for several years but wherever he goes -he finds other drinking friends. An old man refuses to live with -his children in the country because he cannot get his “morning’s -morning” while with them. They have written him time and again but -he does not answer. - -Drug addiction likewise decreases the industrial efficiency of its -victims. Drug addicts among homeless men seldom are transient. -Those who are transient are often cocaine users who are able to do -without the drug for considerable periods of time. Not infrequently -“coke heads” or “snow-birds” are found among the hobo workers. When -on out-of-town jobs, they are prone to go to town occasionally to -indulge in a cocaine spree much as a “booze-hoister” indulges in -a liquor spree. When their money is gone they return to work and -do not touch the “snow” for weeks or months. Users of heroin or -morphine are not able to separate themselves from the source of -supply for so long a time. - -Because of the secret nature of the practice, the extent of drug -addiction among homeless men is unknown. Men who use drugs are -loath to disclose the fact to anyone but drug users. The drug -addict employs every scheme to keep his practice a secret whereas -the drinking man strives to share his joy with others. The fear -of being discovered drives many addicts from the circle of their -family and friends and many of them drift into the homeless man -areas where they enjoy the maximum seclusion. - - 17. The investigator was accosted by a beggar in the Loop. - He was impressed by the fervor and the hurry with which - the man begged him and was away. He followed the man for - several blocks and watched him accost more than a hundred - persons, all men. The only men from whom he failed to - solicit were those accompanied by women. If two men were - standing two or three yards apart he accosted each one - individually. Only one or two men gave him anything. Most - of them looked with suspicion at him, and not without - reason, for although he was fairly well dressed he was - very dirty and his clothes looked as if he had been - sleeping out. He had a pallid, leaden complexion, and he - had a ten days’ growth of beard. He had a wild, hunted - expression and impressed the investigator as being a drug - addict. He continued to follow the man and engaged him in - conversation. He learned that he had just beat his way from - Boston. He had ridden passenger trains all the way and had - come in less than three days. His only difficulty was in - Buffalo where he says that a policeman pulled him off the - train and beat him. Why he left Boston he would not say. He - denied being a “dope” then and it was not till three days - later when he was seen in Grant Park that he admitted the - fact. He came to Chicago because he knew more people here - and was certain of getting morphine. - -Drug users need as much as three or four dollars a day, and even -more, to supply their wants. As a rule they are physically unfit -to earn a living. They cannot live as the hobos do because the -average hobo does not have money enough to buy drugs. They may be -forced to live in cheap hotels and to eat in cheap restaurants but -only to save money to satisfy the craving for “dope.” Drug addicts -wander very little except to make rapid trips from city to city. -The drug addict tends to become a criminal rather than a migratory -worker. Their natural habitat is the great city. - -3) Many old men in the tramp class are not able to work and are -too independent to go to the almshouse. Some of them have spent -their lives on the road. These old, homeless men usually find -their way to the larger cities. Unlike the younger men they have -no dreams and no longer burn with the desire to travel. Many have -been self-supporting until they were overtaken by senility. It is -pitiable to see an old man tottering along the streets living a -hand-to-mouth existence. - - 18. J. is an old man who lives in a cheap hotel on South - Desplaines Street, where a few cents a day will house him. - He is seventy-two, very bent and gray. Once he was picked - up on the street in winter and sent to the hospital where - he remained a day or two and was transferred to the poor - house at Oak Forest. He ran away from the poor house two - years ago and has managed to live. He seldom gets more - than a block or two from his lodging. Even today (1923) he - may be seen on a cold day shivering without an overcoat - on Madison Street. He is a good beggar and manages to get - from fifty cents to a dollar a day from the “boys” on - the “stem.” Sometimes during the warm weather he makes - excursions of three to five blocks away on begging tours. - He is exceedingly feeble and walking that distance is hard - work for him. Work is out of the question. There are very - few jobs that he could manage. - -This case is typical. During the summer time, when it is possible -to sit outdoors in comfort, numbers of old men may be found in -groups on the pavements or in the parks. In winter they are too -much occupied seeking food and shelter. - -The physically handicapped and industrially inefficient individuals -are numerous among the homeless men. The handicap is, in part at -least, the reason of their presence in that class. Competition with -able-bodied workers forces them into the scrap heap. - - -DEFECTS OF PERSONALITY - -Psychological and sociological studies of vagabondage in France, -Italy, and Germany have led to the conclusion that the vagabond -is primarily a psychopathic type.[16] The findings of European -psychopathologists are, of course, the result of case-studies -of beggars and wanderers in these countries and cannot without -reservation be accepted for the United States. Undoubtedly there -are large numbers of individuals with defects of personalities -among American hobos and tramps, but there are also large numbers -of normal individuals. The American tradition of pioneering, -wanderlust, seasonal employment, attract into the group of -wanderers and migratory workers a great many energetic and -venturesome normal boys and young men. - -William Healy, for several years director of the Psychopathic -Institute of Chicago, sums up the relation of mental deficiency to -vagabondage in these words: - - We have seen vagabondage in connection with - feeble-mindedness, epilepsy, dementia precox, but we - have also seen the same behavior in normal boys who had - conceived a grudge, with or without good reasons, against - home conditions. Again, we have seen normal lads who have - been seeking larger experiences in this way.[17] - -Dr. Healy’s observations were made primarily with juveniles, but -he adds cautiously a conclusion as to the explanation of adult -vagabondage: - - When vagabondage is continued beyond the unstable years - of adolescence, generalizations on the character of the - individuals are more likely to be correct. But even here - the only chance of adequate conception of the relationship - between the behavior and the type of individual who engages - in it is to be found in a personal study of him. - -The proportion of feeble-minded is popularly supposed to be -higher among the migratory and casual laborer than in the general -population. In the earlier studies, only the most obvious cases -of mental defect were noted. Mrs. Solenberger by common-sense -observation or medical examinations found only eighty-nine of the -one thousand men she examined to be feeble-minded, epileptic, or -insane.[18] - -In recent years mental tests have been given to small groups of -unemployed men, in which the types of the hobo, tramp, and bum -were well represented. Knollin found 20 per cent of the 150 hobos -he tested feeble-minded.[19] Pintner and Toops examined two groups -of applicants at Ohio free employment agencies by standardized -tests other than the Stanford revision of the Binet-Simon. Of the -94 men taking the tests at Columbus, 28.7 per cent were diagnosed -as feeble-minded. Of the 40 unemployed men examined at Dayton 7.5 -per cent were assigned to the feeble-minded class.[20] Glenn R. -Johnson gave the Stanford revision of the Binet-Simon tests to 107 -men out of work in Portland, and found 18 per cent feeble-minded, -i.e., under twelve years mental age.[21] As he had expected, he -found the proportion of inferior intelligence lower than that of -the 62 business men and high-school students upon which Terman -had standardized his tests for adults, but he also found among -hobos a higher percentage of superior adults. He found also that -the higher the intelligence of the individual the shorter the -period of holding a job among the unemployed. The testing of an -unselected group of 653 men in the army by the Stanford revision -of the Binet-Simon tests affords an interesting opportunity for a -comparison with the results of the Portland study. - -This comparison would indicate that the intelligence of the -unemployed is not lower, but, if anything, higher than that of the -adult males tested in army camps. Apparently other factors than -intelligence are decisive in determining whether an individual -is employable or unemployable, or whether he makes or fails to -make an adequate adjustment in the normal routine of industrial -organization. - -The defects in personality commonly found in the cases of homeless -men studied in Chicago are those noted by the students of vagabondage -and unemployment, namely, feeble-mindedness, constitutional -inferiority, emotional instability, and egocentricity. In a survey of -100 cases of unemployment which had been received as patients in the -Boston Psychopathic Hospital, Dr. Herman M. Adler found that 43 fell -into the class of _paranoid personality_ (egocentricity). The next -largest group of 35 cases was assigned to the class of _inadequate -personality_ (mentally defective or feeble-minded). The remaining -cases, 22 in number, were diagnosed as _emotionally unstable -personality_. An analysis of the months employed per case showed that -the emotionally unstable group averages 50 months to each job; the -inadequate group 24.7 months to each job; and the paranoid group 20.6 -months to each job.[22] - -MENTAL CAPACITY OF ARMY GROUP AND OF PORTLAND UNEMPLOYED AS -MEASURED BY STANFORD-BINET - - ============+=============+============ - | ARMY GROUP | PORTLAND - MENTAL AGE | | UNEMPLOYED - +-------------+------------ - | 653 Cases | 105 Cases - ------------+-------------+------------ - | Per Cent | Per Cent - 5 | 0.2 | - 6 | 0.3 | - 7 | 0.2 | 1.9 - 8 | 3.4 | 1.9 - 9 | 9.5 | 3.8 - 10 | 10.1 | 6.7 - 11 | 10.6 | 5.7 - 12 | 12.4 | 8.6 - 13 | 10.6 | 16.2 - 14 | 11.8 | 18.1 - 15 | 9.6 | 11.4 - 16 | 8.3 | 9.5 - 17 | 7.2 | 7.6 - 18 | 5.2 | 7.6 - 19 | 0.8 | 2.9 - ------------+-------------+------------ - -Many individuals not feeble-minded find their way into the group -of casual and migratory workers by reason of other defects of -personality, for example, emotional instability and egocentricity. -Among transient laborers the very great turnover cannot be entirely -accounted for by industrial conditions. Much of their shifting from -scene to scene is indicative of their emotional instability and -restlessness. - - 19. W. E. was born in a little village in Kentucky. His - first job away from home was on the section. When he - learned that it was the meanest job on the railroad he - decided to change. He got a job on an extra-gang where he - moved about considerably, worked in several towns during - the summer. Later got a steady job on a farm but he soon - tired of “eating at the same table day after day” and he - went to Kansas City where he worked in a box factory. He - became expert at it but soon tired of using the same tools, - and working as fast as possible day after day, and he - changed. He worked in several factories making boxes but - there was no difference. Then with his meager experience - with tools he got in the maintenance of way work of a - railroad. Here he had some variety and remained a year. - Decided he wanted to work in the mines and he got a job - timbering. Later he tried his hand at millwright work but - he soon quit that and went back to the bridge gang. He - still goes to town every month or two to spend his money - and each time he goes out to some different job. - -In hard times when work is scarce and wages are low, voluntary -quitting of jobs is much less than in good times. Hobos are -easily piqued and they will “walk off” the job on the slightest -pretext, even when they have the best jobs and living conditions -are relatively good. Hobo philosophy is disposed to represent the -man who is a long time on the job as a piker. He ought to leave a -job once in a while simply to assert his independence and to learn -something else about other jobs. The following case shows the -relation of instability and egocentricity to labor turnover: - - 20. Yes, Pete had had plenty of good jobs, but something - had always gone against him. At one place not long ago they - wanted him to continue work in spite of the dust which was - blowing everywhere. Another rude employer never spoke to - him (or any other of the employees) politely. - - No one should work for a man like that. Upon another - occasion the boss suggested reform of a certain habit--as - if he had any right to tell an American citizen what he - ought to do. - - He had worked at almost everything, but it went against his - very nature to do one thing very long. He would, in two - or three weeks, quit and look for a different occupation. - Why he quit, I am sure he didn’t know. “Independence,” - “Justice,” and “American Equality” furnished the material - for his excuses, but they were only excuses. - -A survey of the so-called “intellectuals” of Hobohemia reveals a -group of egocentric and rebellious natures who decry most things -that are. Intellectuals, just because they are highly organized -and specialized, are very likely to become misfits outside of the -environment to which they artificially are adapted. When, added to -this handicap, they lack the discipline which a regular occupation -affords they are likely to become quite impossible. - - 21. H. has a great chart that he uses to preach evolution - to the curbstone audiences. He has learned a few scientific - terms from one or two books he has read. He has no use for - the modern scientists. He considers them heretic. He is a - student of Darwin “and those old-timers.” When pinned down - he is not able to discuss clearly what contributions the - old-timers made or what they believed. - - 22. D. H. is a student of economics according to Karl Marx. - He has no room in his thinking for any contribution of any - other man. Indeed, he does not think that anyone has made - any contribution since Marx. One of his stock phrases is - “Now get this into your heads. I am making it simple so - that you can understand it.” - - 23. B. is writing a novel. He has been working on it for - several years. He also writes songs, popular songs. But - he has never sold a song nor has he ever been able to - interest a publisher in his novel. He calls the publishers - a lot of grafters and claims that they are in league to - keep the poor writers down. - - 24. L. is a soap-box orator. He has one hobby. He is - a single-taxer. He is a great believer in Lincoln, - Washington, Jefferson. To him there is only one problem, to - find out who is exploiting the people, and there is only - one remedy and that the single tax. He will entertain no - argument against the single tax. Anyone who does not share - his opinion is to be pitied. - -The intellectuals are frequently egocentric. They are obsessed by -some peculiar point of view. As egocentrics they are in conflict -with the rest of the world. Their cry is often a lament and just as -often a justification or defense. - -A study of individual cases seems to indicate that there is a -large proportion of inadequate personalities among homeless men. -The following cases indicate the variety of ways in which personal -defects lead to a migratory existence which lands them eventually -at the bottom of the social scale. - - 25. D. is a man who could not get along at home. He was - continually into difficulty with his father. He always had - ideas and schemes that his father thought foolish and he - was never permitted to carry any of them out. He still has - the habit of working up schemes and programs. One week he - will be writing a play. Again he will be inventing some - mechanical device. He has tried several different courses - in mechanical engineering but has not completed any of them. - - 26. F. has an idea that he can become a singer but he - refuses to spend his time in the rigid and arduous training - that would be required. He buys cheap books on voice - culture. When he gets money enough ahead to take lessons he - forgets his musical ambition and drinks or gambles. - - 27. L. was the “simple Simon” in his home town. During the - war he was rejected for military service so he decided to - go to the city to work. Here he earned fair money, more - than at home. The people at home used to tease him but - at first he got by fairly well in Minneapolis. Later he - went to Detroit because the fellows where he worked in - Minneapolis used “to run him.” They used to tease him in - Detroit and he left two jobs there on that account. He is - the type of person that invites teasing. He puts himself - in the way of it but resents it if it reaches a certain - extent. With the slack season in industry in 1921-22 he had - a hard time to get along but he would not return home. - - 28. H. is a man who thinks that he is getting the worst of - every deal he has with others. He says that at home he was - imposed on by his people so he left. He is always on the - lookout for plots directed against him. If he is working - along with others on a job and a bad piece of work falls - his way he concludes that it happened purposely. However, - he is ready to gloat over favors. His best efforts are made - to ingratiate himself with others. Whenever he leaves a - place, he does so with bitterness in his heart. He usually - keeps his grudge to himself. - - 29. M. is a good worker but a transient. He behaves well - when sober but he becomes quarrelsome when drunk. If he is - not discharged because of a drunken scene he usually quits - voluntarily because he feels ashamed of himself. He argues - a great deal when sober but he has the ability to control - himself. His periods of drunkenness last from a week to ten - days and are staged whenever his finances will permit. Not - infrequently he is arrested while drunk. - - -CRISES IN THE LIFE OF THE PERSON - -Crises in the life of the person, as family conflict, for example, -the feeling of failure, disgrace or embarrassment, the fear of -punishment for the commission of an offense may cause a man to -desert home and community. With the severance of family and social -ties the man or boy is all the more likely to drift aimlessly from -place to place, and at last perhaps find himself permanently in the -group of migratory and casual laborers. - -Conflict at home forces many men and boys into the group of -homeless men. Not infrequently boys run away from home because of -difficulties with their people. One youth says that his father -tried to tell him “where to head in at,” and he “wouldn’t stand for -it.” Another boy could not get along with his brothers who were -older than he. They tried to “boss” him. - -Many men in Hobohemia manifest no inclination to wander but are -as completely cut off from their home associations as are the -migrants. These men of the “home guard” types may have had trouble -with their parents or with their wives. - - 30. H. claims that he was married and that he held a job - as traveling salesman. He maintained an apartment on the - South Side where he left his wife while he was away on - trips through the Southwest. His story is that his wife - was untrue to him and he divorced her. This experience - “broke him up” so that he quit his job and went West where - he remained a year. Today he loafs on West Madison Street - and blames his wife for his failure in life. The divorced - wife’s story learned from other sources lays considerable - of the responsibility at his feet. This much of his story - is true: he was not in the tramp class before he married. - The circumstances surrounding his home trouble were - unfortunate and were partly due to the shortcomings of both. - - 31. G. lays the blame for his condition upon family - trouble. He has not lived with his wife for nine years. - They are not divorced because he and his wife are both - Catholic and do not believe in it. He worked most of the - time before their separation and claims that he owned his - own home which is now in the possession of his wife. What - his wife is doing now he does not know nor does he know - anything about their child. He is content where he is; - doing just enough work to pay expenses. - -Deaths in a family will sometimes turn a person out into the world -and he may drift into the hobo and tramp group. - - 32. M.’s father died when he was about six years old. Five - years later his mother died. Kindly neighbors took him in - charge by turns. It seemed to him that wherever he was the - people would parade the fact that they were taking “care - of” someone else’s child. It was charity. He stayed with - several different families. Some of them he liked and - others he didn’t. Some sent him to school and others didn’t - seem to care what became of him. More than one family - tried to pass him on to others on the ground that it was - too much of an expense. When he began to be old enough to - work then they all wanted him. He hated it all so he left - the country. He came through Chicago on his way to Texas. - (A sixteen-year-old boy and small for his age.) He said he - had a brother in the cavalry who was stationed in Texas. - The brother tried to persuade him to wait till he had saved - enough money to pay his fare but he preferred to take his - “chances,” so he was “beating his way.” - -Embarrassing situations often make it easier to leave home than -to remain and face the criticism or sympathy of the public. -On the road, a man is more or less immune to attacks upon his -self-consciousness and self-respect, for his relations to other -persons are loose and transient and he has no status to maintain. -The opposite is true in his home town where his every act is known. - - 33. One man who works in and near Chicago claims that - he was put on the “bum” by a woman. He was to have been - married to this girl and prepared for the wedding in good - faith. A few days before the ceremony she ran away with - another man. He was laughed at by his friends and rather - than remain and for a long time be the butt of the joke, he - packed his things and has not been back since. His home is - in a country town in southern Illinois, and although he has - been near the place several times during the past ten years - he has never returned. - - 34. F. is another case of injured pride. For some boyish - prank he had been sent to the reformatory for three years. - Upon his release he was given transportation home and - started in high glee. His people met him at the station - and took him home. Although he was treated well he felt - uncomfortable. “They treated me good because I happened - to be a part of the family. I felt like I didn’t belong - there, so as soon as it got dark I skinned out. They write - to me to come back and maybe I will after a while.” He is - an average man of the migratory worker type. He comes to - Chicago when he has money and when he is “broke” he goes - out on some job and is not seen for two or three months or - until he has another stake. He gets arrested now and then - but only on petty offenses that he commits while drunk. - -The following case shows that a sense of failure and fear of -ridicule may force a boy to leave his home community: - - 35. This lad was working in a grocery store at the age of - twelve. He became dissatisfied with the job and asked for - a raise which was denied. He was somewhat embarrassed at - being set back and lest he be laughed at for staying on - after making a demand he quit. Someone asked him what he - would do since there was no other job to be had. This was - really another challenge and he met it with the reply that - Podunk was not the only place to work. He left home to make - his bluff good. - - He met with many reverses. He was small and no one wanted - to hire him. So he begged and he “managed.” Sometimes he - did odd jobs, but he didn’t go home. Other people had left - home and come back beaten and had to take the “horse laugh” - and he did not admire any of them. He couldn’t think of - going back unless he had more money than when he left and - better clothes, so he went on. He learned to like the road - and he traveled over the country for about two years before - he went back. When he did return he was in a position to - talk. He had some money to spend, he had seen the country. - He had been East and West, and he had been to sea. He had - something to talk about. But he only remained in his home - town long enough to stir up admiration and envy and he - was off again. He is still under twenty-one and is still - traveling in response to the same urge. - -Other individuals began their migratory career by fleeing from the -consequences of some offense. If the offense is of such gravity -that the consequences seem to outweigh the advantages of remaining -in the community, then flight is the natural course. - - 36. A. states that he left home to avoid the wrath of his - father. He had been to town with the horse and buggy. On - the way home the horse became excited, left the road, ran - into a post, and broke the buggy. His father was absent - for the day and he and his brothers tried to repair the - buggy so that the parent would not suspect. It could not - be fixed and they all knew what the consequences would be. - The brothers helped him pack up and he ran away. He did not - return for three years; then it was only to remain for a - short time. - - 37. Red left home because he feared the consequences of an - affair with a woman. He claims that the woman had relations - with another man and that he was not sure that the child - would be his. The other man was a Mexican and Red says that - he has heard since that the child is a dark-skinned little - fellow and that eases his conscience. - - 38. O. could not get along with his wife. They were - divorced and he was ordered by the court to pay her thirty - dollars a month. He paid it faithfully for a couple of - months and then failed for a month or two. She had him - arrested and he agreed to make good. As soon as he was - released, he fled the country. He has been living in and - about Chicago the past year. It has been two or three years - since he left home. He has not communicated with his home - because he fears arrest. His alimony bill has mounted to - terrifying proportions. He hopes that his wife is married - again. - - -RACIAL AND NATIONAL DISCRIMINATION - -In certain situations racial or national traits cause -discrimination in employment and so result in a descent from -regular to casual work. So far as selection for employment is -adverse to the Negroes they tend to recruit the ranks of homeless -men. During the war, a much higher proportion of foreign-born -of German origin was observed on West Madison Street than had -previously been reported. Interviews with certain Russians on -the “main stem” in the spring of 1922 suggest that the public -disapproval of Bolshevism had reacted unfavorably on the chances -for employment of this nationality in the United States. - - -WANDERLUST - -Wanderlust is a longing for new experience. It is the yearning to -see new places, to feel the thrill of new sensations, to encounter -new situations, and to know the freedom and the exhilaration of -being a stranger. - - In its pure form the desire for new experience results - in motion, change, danger, instability, social - irresponsibility. It is to be seen in simple form in the - prowling and meddling activities of the child, and the - love of adventure and travel in the boy and man. It ranges - in moral quality from the pursuit of game and the pursuit - of pleasure to the pursuit of knowledge and the pursuit - of ideals. It is found equally in the vagabond and the - scientific explorer.[23] - - Even those of us who seem to have settled down quite - comfortably to exacting routine are sometimes intolerably - stirred by the wanderlust. It comes upon us unaware; and - often we cut away and go. There are automobiles, railway - cars, steamships, airplanes--serving little other purpose, - really, than the gratification of wander tendencies. - Usually we do not say it so openly of course; we make good - reasons for travelling, for not “staying put.” Many a - business man has developed a perfect technique for escaping - from his rut; many a laborer has invented a physical - inability to work steadily that lets him out into the - drifting current when monotony sets in on the job. Life is - full of these moral side doors; but we need not view man’s - rationalizing power cynically, merely understandingly. - The escapes he contrives are a damaging critique of the - modern mode of life. We may infer from them the superior - adjustments we strive so blindly toward.[24] - -Wanderlust is a wish of the person. Its expression in the form of -tramping, “making” the harvest field, roughing it, pioneering, is a -social pattern of American life. The fascination of the life of the -road is, in part, disclosed in the following case-study. - - 39. S. who is 19 years old has been a wanderer for nearly - four years. He does not know why he travels except that - he gets thrills out of it. He says that there is nothing - that he likes better than to catch trains out of a town - where the police are rather strict. When he can outwit - the “bulls” he gets a “kick” out of it. He would rather - ride the passenger trains than the freights because he can - “get there” quicker, and then, they are watched closer. He - likes to tell of making “big jumps” on passenger trains as - from the coast to Chicago in five days, or from Chicago to - Kansas City or Omaha in one day. He only works long enough - in one place to get a “grubstake,” or enough money to live - on for a few days. - - He says that he knows that he would be better off if he - would settle down at some steady job. He has tried it a - few times but the monotony of it made him so restless that - he had to leave. He thinks that he might be able to stay - in a city if he had a steady job and he agreed to take - such a job if he could get it. Jobs were scarce and the - investigator promised to take him to the United Charities - to help him get placed. - - The following morning the lad came to the office with - another boy with whom he had become acquainted that - morning. He had changed his mind about that job but wanted - to thank everyone who had taken an interest in him. He and - his “buddy” were going to “make the Harvest.” - -The longing to see the world is often stimulated in a boy by reason -of the experiences of some relative or friend whom he admires. One -boy went on the road because of the influence his uncle had upon -him. The uncle did not advise him to leave home, in fact, he did -not know very much about the boy. But the uncle had been to war, -and had traveled in China, Alaska, and South America. The boy had -to go on the road to become disillusioned. He now knows that his -uncle is a plain tramp and that he himself has become a hobo. - - 40. W. left home when he was sixteen. He was the oldest of - a family of five boys and three girls. His father owned a - farm in Michigan and was usually hard pressed for means. - He needed help at home and so W. was kept out of school a - great deal. When he did go to school it was hard for him - to learn. When the father saw that the younger boys were - passing W. in school he decided that it was time wasted to - send W. to school. W. was big for his age and the father - imposed more work on him than on the other boys who were - smaller. W. felt that he was not getting a square deal so - he ran away. - - He remained away a year before he dared to write. One - reason he did not write sooner was because he was not - earning much money, and the other reason was that he - feared his father would hunt him down and force him to - return. When he felt secure he wrote more frequently and - most of his letters were boastful. He told of prospering - and he moved from place to place often to show the other - children at home that he could go and come as he pleased. - He traveled in different parts of the country and from each - part he would write painting his experiences in a rosy hue. - - He succeeded in stirring up unrest in the hearts of the - other boys who left home one by one. In about two years N. - followed W. L. soon began to feel that he too could make - “his way” so he left. All five of the boys left home before - they were sixteen. Each felt that he was wasting his time - about home while the other boys were seeing the country and - making good money. Only one of the five boys returned home. - The others roamed the country following migratory work. - One married but only lived with his wife a year and then - deserted her. - - The father always blamed W. for leading the boys away. W. - used to send presents to the other members of the family. - He used to send the mother money now and then. He was the - idol of the rest of the children and they left home to - follow in his footsteps. - -A visit to the “jungles” at the junction of any railroad or at the -outskirts of any large city or even small town reveals the extent -to which the tramp is consciously and enthusiastically imitated. -Around the camp fire watching the coffee pot boil or the “mulligan” -cook, the boys are often found mingling with the tramps and -listening in on their stories of adventure. - -To boys the tramp is not a problem, but a human being, and an -interesting one at that. He has no cares nor burdens to hold him -down. All he is concerned with is to live and seek adventure, and -in this he personifies the heroes in the stories the boys have -read. Tramp life is an invitation to a career of varied experiences -and adventures. All this is a promise and a challenge. A promise -that all the wishes that disturb him shall be fulfilled and a -challenge to leave the work-a-day world that he is bound to. - - -THE MULTIPLE EXPLANATION - -No single cause can be found to explain how a man may be reduced -to the status of a homeless, migratory, and casual laborer. In -any given case all of the factors analyzed above may have entered -into the process of economic and social degradation. Indeed, the -conjunction of several of these causes is necessary to explain the -extent and the nature of the casualization and mobility of labor -in this country. Unemployment and seasonal work disorganize the -routine of life of the individual worker and destroy regular habits -of work but at the same time thousands of boys and men moved by -wanderlust are eager to escape the monotony of stable and settled -existence. No matter how perfect a social and economic order may -yet be devised there will always remain certain “misfits,” the -industrially inadequate, the unstable and egocentric, who will ever -tend to conflict with constituted authority in industry, society, -and government. - -The description, however, of these causes of vagabondage--(_a_) -unemployment and seasonal work, (_b_) industrial inadequacy, (_c_) -defects of personality, (_d_) crises in the life of the person, -(_e_) racial or national discrimination, (_f_) wanderlust--is a -necessary condition to any solution of the problem of the homeless -man. A program is remedial and not preventive that does not grapple -with the fundamental causes here revealed. These causes have roots -at the very core of our American life, in our industrial system, -in education, cultural and vocational, in family relations, in the -problems of racial and immigrant adjustment, and in the opportunity -offered or denied by society for the expression of the wishes of -the person. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[13] _Final Report of the Commission on Industrial Relations_ -(1915), pp. 163-64. - -[14] B. Seebohm Rountree, _Unemployment; A Social Study_. London, -1911. See especially chap. vii, “Detailed Descriptions of Selected -Families,” where the demoralizing effects of unemployment upon the -laborer are clearly indicated. - -[15] _Final Report of the Commission on Industrial Relations_ -(1915), p. 157. - -[16] See Bibliography, p. 287. - -[17] _The Individual Delinquent_, pp. 776-79. - -[18] _One Thousand Homeless Men_, pp. 88-89. - -[19] L. M. Terman, _The Measurement of Intelligence_, p. 18. - -[20] Rudolph Pintner and H. A. Toops, “Mental Tests of Unemployed -Men,” _Journal of Applied Psychology_, I (1917), 325-41; II (1918), -15-25. - -[21] “Unemployment and Feeble-mindedness,” _Journal of -Delinquency_, II (1917), 59-73. - -[22] Herman M. Adler, “Unemployment and Personality--A Study of -Psychopathic Cases,” _Mental Hygiene_, I (January, 1917), 16-24. - -[23] R. E. Park and H. A. Miller, _Old World Traits Transplanted_, -p. 27. - -[24] Rexford Tugwell, “The Gypsy Strain,” _Pacific Review_, pp. -177-78. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE HOBO AND THE TRAMP - - -The term “homeless man” was used by Mrs. Alice W. Solenberger -in her study of 1,000 cases in Chicago to include all types of -unattached men, tramps, hobos, bums, and the other nameless -varieties of the “go-abouts.” - - Almost all “tramps” are “homeless men” but by no means - are all homeless men tramps. The homeless man may be an - able-bodied workman without a family; he may be a runaway - boy, a consumptive temporarily stranded on his way to a - health resort, an irresponsible, feeble-minded, or insane - man, but unless he is also a professional wanderer he is - not a “tramp.”[25] - -There is no better term at hand than “homeless men” by which the -men who inhabit Hobohemia may be characterized. Dr. Ben L. Reitman, -who has himself traveled as a tramp, in the sense in which he uses -the word, has defined the three principal types of the hobo. He -says: - - There are three types of the genus vagrant: the hobo, the - tramp, and the bum. The hobo works and wanders, the tramp - dreams and wanders and the bum drinks and wanders. - -St. John Tucker, formerly the president of the “Hobo College” in -Chicago, gives the same classification with a slightly different -definition: - - A hobo is a migratory worker. A tramp is a migratory - non-worker. A bum is a stationary non-worker. Upon the - labor of the _migratory worker_ all the basic industries - depend. He goes forth from the crowded slavemarkets to - hew the forests, build and repair the railroads, tunnel - mountains and build ravines. His is the labor that harvests - the wheat in the fall and cuts the ice in the winter. All - of these are hobos. - -M. Kuhn, of St. Louis (and elsewhere), a migrant, a writer, and, -according to his own definition, a hobo, in a pamphlet entitled -“The Hobo Problem” gives a fairly representative statement of the -homeless man’s explanation of his lot. - - The hobo is a seasonal, transient, migratory worker of - either sex. Being a seasonal worker he is necessarily - idle much of the time; being transient, he is necessarily - homeless. He is detached from the soil and the fireside. - By the nature of his work and not by his own will, he is - precluded from establishing a home and rearing a family. - Sex, poverty, habits and degree of skill have nothing - whatever to do with classifying individuals as hobos; the - character of his work does that. - - There are individuals not hobos who pose as such. They are - enabled to do this for two reasons: first, hobos have no - organization by which they can expose the impostor; second, - the frauds are encouraged and made possible by organized - and private charity. The hobo class, therefore, is unable - to rid itself of this extremely undesirable element. With - organization it can and will be done even if charity, which - is strongly opposed by the hobo class, is not abolished. - -Nicholas Klein, president of the “Hobo College” and attorney and -adviser to James Eads How, the so-called hobo millionaire, who -finances the “Hobo College,” says: - - A hobo is one who travels in search of work, the migratory - worker who must go about to find employment. Workers of - that sort pick our berries, fruit, hops, and help to - harvest the crops on the western farms. They follow the - seasons around giving their time to farms in spring, - summer, and autumn, and ending up in the ice fields in - winter. We could not get in our crops without them for the - hobo is the boy who does the work. The name originated from - the words “hoe-boy” plainly derived from work on the farm. - A tramp is one who travels but does not work, and a bum is - a man who stays in one place and does not work. Between - these grades there is a great gulf of social distinction. - Don’t get tramps and hobos mixed. They are quite - different in many respects. The chief difference being - that the hobo will work and the tramp will not, preferring - to live on what he can pick up at back doors as he makes - his way through the country.[26] - -[Illustration: LEADERS IN THE EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT AMONG THE HOBOS] - -[Illustration: A POPULAR RESORT IN HOBOHEMIA] - -Roger Payne, A.B. and LL.B., who has taken upon himself the title -“hobo philosopher,” sees only one type of the wanderer and that is -the hobo. The hobo to him is a migratory worker. If he works but -does not migrate, or if he migrates but does not work, he is not a -hobo. All others are either tramps or bums. He makes no distinction -between them. The hobo, foot-loose and care-free, leads, Mr. Payne -thinks, the ideal life. - -Although we cannot draw lines closely, it seems clear that there -are at least five types of homeless men: (_a_) the seasonal -worker,[27] (_b_) the transient or occasional worker or hobo, -(_c_) the tramp who “dreams and wanders” and works only when it -is convenient, (_d_) the bum who seldom wanders and seldom works, -and (_e_) the home guard who lives in Hobohemia and does not leave -town.[28] - - -THE SEASONAL WORKER - -Seasonal workers are men who have definite occupations in different -seasons. The yearly circuit of their labors takes them about the -country, often into several different states. These men may work -in the clothing industries during cold weather but in summer are -employed at odd jobs; or they may have steady work in summer and -do odd jobs in winter. One man picks fruit in summer and works -as a machinist in winter. He does not spend his summers in the -same state nor his winters in the same city but follows those two -occupations throughout the year. - - 41. Bill S. is a Scotchman and a seasonal worker. During - the winter he is usually in Chicago. He works as a - practical nurse. He is efficient and well liked by his - patients and a steady worker during the winter. In summer - he quits and goes to the harvest fields or works on a - construction job. Since leaving his winter job (March to - October, 1922) he has had several jobs out of Chicago none - of which lasted more than a week or two. Between times he - loafs on West Madison Street. He does not drink. He is well - behaved. Seldom dresses up. When last heard of he was in - Kansas City, Missouri, where he thought he would spend the - winter. - - 42. Jack M. works on the lake boats during the sailing - season. When the boats tie up for the winter he tries to - get into the factories, or he goes to the woods. Sometimes - during the tie-up he takes a notion to travel and goes West - or South to while away the time. He has just returned from - a trip East and South where he has been “seeking work” and - “killing time” a week or so before the season opened. He - has already signed up for the summer. He is loafing and - lodging in the meanwhile on West Madison and South State - streets. - -The seasonal worker has a particular kind of work that he follows -somewhere at least part of the year. The hotels of Hobohemia are a -winter resort for many of these seasonal workers whose schedule is -relatively fixed and habitudinal. Some of these who return to the -city regularly every winter come with money. In that case, they -do not work until next season. Others return without money. They -have some kind of work which they follow in the winter. The hobo, -proper, is a transient worker without a program. - - -THE HOBO - -A hobo is a migratory worker in the strict sense of the word. He -works at whatever is convenient in the mills, the shops, the mines, -the harvests, or any of the numerous jobs that come his way without -regard for the times or the seasons. The range of his activities is -nation wide and with many hobos it is international. He may cross -a continent between jobs. He may be able in one year to function -in several industries. He may have a trade or even a profession. -He may even be reduced to begging between jobs, but his living is -primarily gained by work and that puts him in the hobo class. - - 43. E. J. is a carpenter. He was at one time a good workman - but due to drink and dissipation he has lost his ability to - do fine work and has been reduced to the status of a rough - carpenter. At present he follows bridge work and concrete - form work. Sometimes he tries his hand at plain house - carpentry but due to the fact that he moves about so much, - he has lost or disposed of many of his tools. A spree lasts - about three weeks and he has about three or four a year. - Sometimes he travels without his kit and does not work - at his trade. He never drinks while working. It is only - when he goes to town to spend his vacations that he gets - drunk. He is restless and uncomfortable and does not know - how to occupy his mind when he is in town and sober. He is - fifty-six years old. He never married and never has had a - home since he was a boy. - - 44. M. P. is interesting because he has a trade but does - not follow it seasonally. He is a plasterer and he seems to - be a good one. In his youth he learned the trade of stone - mason. He came to this country from England in his twenties - and he is past fifty now. He married in Pennsylvania where - his wife died and where a daughter still lives. He became - a wanderer and for many years did not work at his trade. - He did various kinds of work as the notion came to him. As - he is getting older he is less inclined to wander and he - makes fewer excursions into other lines of work outside his - trade. During the past year he has not left Chicago and - he has done little other than to work as a plasterer. He - lives in the Hobohemian areas and is able to get along two - or three weeks on a few days’ work. He seldom works more - than a week at a time. He takes a lively interest in the - hobo movement of the city and has been actively engaged in - the “Hobo College.” Recently he won a lot in a raffle. It - is located in the suburbs of the city. During the summer - (1922) he had a camp out there and he and his friends from - Madison Street spent considerable time in his private - “jungle.” - -The hobo group comprises the bulk of the migratory workers, in -fact, nearly all migrants in transit are hobos of one sort or -other. Hobos have a romantic place in our history. From the -beginning they have been numbered among the pioneers. They have -played an important rôle in reclaiming the desert and in subduing -the trackless forests. They have contributed more to the open, -frank, and adventurous spirit of the Old West than we are always -willing to admit. They are, as it were, belated frontiersmen. -Their presence in the migrant group has been the chief factor in -making the American vagabond class different from that of any other -country. - -It is difficult to classify the numerous types of hobos. The -habits, type of work, the routes of travel, etc., seem to differ -with each individual. Some live more parasitic lives than others. -Some never beg or get drunk, while others never come to town -without getting intoxicated and being robbed or arrested, and -perhaps beaten. One common characteristic of the hobo, however, is -that he works. He usually has horny hands and a worker’s mien. He -aims to live by his labor. - -As there are different types of homeless men, so different varieties -of this particular brand, the hobo, may be differentiated. A part -of the hobo group known as “harvest hands” follows the harvest and -other agricultural occupations of seasonal nature. Another segment of -the group works in the lumber woods and are known as “lumber jacks” -or “timber beasts.” A third group is employed in construction and -maintenance work. A “gandy dancer” is a man who works on the railroad -track tamping ties. If he works on the section he may be called a -“snipe” or a “jerry.” - - A “skinner” is a man who drives horses or mules. - - A “mucker” or a “shovel stiff” is a man who does manual - labor on construction jobs. - - A “rust eater” usually works on extra-gangs or track-laying - jobs; handles steel. - - A “dino” is a man who works with and handles dynamite. - - A “splinter-belly” is a man who does rough carpenter work - or bridge work. - - A “cotton glaumer” picks cotton, an “apple knocker” picks - apples and other fruit. - - A “beach comber” is a plain sailor, of all men the most - transient. - -For every vocation that is open to the migratory worker there is -some such characteristic name. In the West the hobo usually carries -a bundle in which he has a bed, some extra clothes, and a little -food. The man who carries such a bundle is usually known as a -“bundle stiff” or “bundle bum.” The modern hobo does not carry a -bundle because it hinders him when he wishes to travel fast. It is -the old man who went West “to grow up with the country” who still -clings to his blanket roll. - - -THE TRAMP - -While the word “tramp” is often used as a blanket term applied -to all classes of homeless and potentially vagrant or transient -types, it is here used in a stricter sense to designate a smaller -group. He is usually thought of, by those familiar with his natural -history, as an able-bodied individual who has the romantic passion -to see the country and to gain new experience without work. He is -a specialist at “getting by.” He is the type that Josiah Flynt -had in mind when he wrote his book, _Tramping with Tramps_. He -is typically neither a drunkard nor a bum, but an easy-going -individual who lives from hand to mouth for the mere joy of living. - - 45. X. began life as a half orphan. Later he was adopted - and taken from Ohio to South Dakota. In his early teens he - grew restive at home and left. But for brief seasons he has - been away ever since and he is now past forty-five. He has - traveled far and wide since but has worked little. He makes - his living by selling joke books and song books. Sometimes - he tries his hand at selling little articles from door to - door. A few years ago he wrote a booklet on an economic - subject and sold several thousand copies. During the winter - of 1921-22 he sold the _Hobo News_ each month. He is able - to make a living this way. Any extra money he has he - loses at the gambling tables. He spends his leisure time - attempting to write songs or poetry. He knows a great deal - about publishers but it is all information that has come in - his efforts to sell his songs. He claims that he has been - working for several years on a novel. He offered his work - for inspection. He tries to lead the hero through all the - places that he has visited and the hero comes in contact - with many of the things he has seen or experienced in many - cities but nowhere does his hero work. He enjoys life just - as X. endeavors to do now. During the summer (1922) he has - taken several “vacations” in the country for a week or more - at the time. - - 46. C. is twenty-five years old. His home is in New York - but he has not been home for more than ten years. He - introduced himself to the “Hobo College” early in the - spring of 1922 as “B-2.” This name he assumed upon the - conviction that he is the successor of “A-1,” the famous - tramp. He said that he had read “A-1’s” books and although - he did not agree in every respect, yet he thought that - “A-1” was the greatest of tramp writers. “B-2” claimed - that he had ridden on every railroad in the United States. - His evidence of travel was a book of postoffice stamps. - When he comes to a town he goes to the postoffice and - requests the postmaster to stamp his book much as letters - are stamped. Another hobby he has is to go to the leading - newspapers and endeavor to sell a write-up. He carries an - accumulation of clippings. He has an assortment of flashy - stories that take well with newspaper men. He claims that - he has been pursued by bloodhounds in the South, that he - has been arrested many times for vagrancy, that he is the - only man who has beat his way on the Pikes Peak Railroad. - He always carries a blanket and many other things that - class him among wanderers as an individualist. He has been - in the Army, saw action and was in the Army of Occupation. - He does not seek work. He says his leisure time can be - better spent. He carries a vest pocket kodak. He says that - the pictures and notes he takes will some day be published. - -The distinctions between the seasonal worker, the hobo, and the -tramp, while important, are not hard and fast. The seasonal worker -may descend into the ranks of the hobos, and a hobo may sink to the -level of the tramp. But the knowledge of this tendency to pass from -one migratory group to another is significant for any program that -attempts to deal with the homeless man. Significant, also, but not -sufficiently recognized, is the difference between these migratory -types and the stationary types of homeless men, the “home guard” -and the “bum.” - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[25] _One Thousand Homeless Men_, p. 209. - -[26] _Dearborn Independent_, March 18, 1922. - -[27] The seasonal worker may be regarded also as the upper-class -hobo. - -[28] The first three types of homeless men are described in this -chapter; the last two types are considered in chapter vii. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE HOME GUARD AND THE BUM - - -The seasonal worker, the hobo, and the tramp are migratory types; -the home guard and the bum are relatively stationary. The home -guard, like the hobo, is a casual laborer, but he works, often only -by the day, now at one and again at another of the multitude of -unskilled jobs in the city. The bum, like the tramp, is unwilling -to work and lives by begging and petty thieving. - - -THE HOME GUARD - -Nearly if not quite one-half of the homeless men in Hobohemia are -stationary casual laborers. These men, contemptuously termed “home -guards” by the hobo and the tramp, work regularly or irregularly -at unskilled work, day labor, and odd jobs. They live or at least -spend their leisure time on the “main stem,” but seldom come to -the attention of the charities or the police, or ask alms on the -street. Many of them have lived in Chicago for years. Others after -a migratory career as hobos or tramps “settle down” to a stationary -existence. This group includes remittance men, often the “black -sheep” of families of standing in far-off communities who send them -a small regular allowance to remain away from home. - - 47. L. E. was born on the West Side and at present his - family lives in Logan Square. He is twenty-three years old - and has been away from home a year. He claims that after - his mother’s death he and his father could not agree. He - immediately found his way to West Madison Street where - he has lived since. During the winter (1921-22) he was - converted in the Bible Rescue Mission but later he got - drunk and would not try again. However, he used to visit - the mission after that when he had no bed and was hungry. - He is a teamster and works regularly though he saves no - money. He has no decent clothing and cares for none. He - cares only to spend his Sundays and leisure time on West - Madison Street, where he has a few acquaintances. He - usually returns to work Monday morning after such visits, - sick from the moonshine whisky. His health is not good. - Most of his teeth are decayed but he will not save money to - get dental work done. If he has any money to spend aside - from that wanted for booze he goes to the movies and loafs - the time away. He also attends the Haymarket or the Star - and Garter theaters. He left his job two or three times - during the summer. While he was not working he slept in - stables. He doesn’t go home nor communicate with his people. - -The tendency for the casual worker to sink to the level of the bum -is illustrated by the case of “Shorty”: - - 48. “Shorty” claims that he has lived in the Hobohemian - areas on South State and West Madison streets for - thirty-nine years. He has never lived anywhere else. He - doesn’t care to go anywhere else. He tried married life - a while but failed because of drink and returned to the - “street.” Drink is still getting him into trouble. He has - dropped down the economic scale from an occasional worker - to the status of a bum. This summer (1922) he has been - arrested several times, and he has served two terms at the - House of Correction. All the arrests were for drunkenness - and disorder. He is developing into a professional - panhandler or beggar. During the summer he has had two or - three jobs. Once he was at the stockyards where he claims - to have worked steadily in the early days. Being well known - on the “streets” he is able to get odd jobs now and then - that give him money enough to “get by.” He has not been - divorced from his wife. She won’t live with him and he does - not care. He has a child twelve or thirteen years old but - he has not seen her for several years. He does not know - where she is. He is not interested. He spends his leisure - time on Madison Street near Desplaines where he may be - found almost every day standing on the corner or sitting on - the curb talking to some other “bo.” - - -THE BUM - -In every city there are ne’er-do-wells--men who are wholly or -partially dependent and frequently delinquent as well. The most -hopeless and the most helpless of all the homeless men is the bum, -including in this type the inveterate drunkard and drug addicts. -Old, helpless, and unemployable, these are the most pitiable and -the most repulsive types of the down-and-outs. From this class are -recruited the so-called “mission stiffs” who are so unpopular among -the Hobohemian population. - - 49. L. D., forty-five years old, is a typical so-called - “mission bum.” He has not been known to work for eight - months. During winter he is always present in some mission. - Once he permitted himself to be led forward and knelt - in prayer but was put out of the same mission later for - being drunk. He claims that he was a prize fighter in his - youth. He has traveled a great deal but he has always been - a drinking man. When he is sober he is morose and quiet. - As soon as spring permitted him to sleep out he ceased to - visit the missions. - - He has spent most of the summer on the docks along the - river where he sleeps nights and where he has been getting - work now and then unloading the fruit boats that ply - between Chicago and Michigan. During the eight months he - has been observed he has bought no new clothes. Not once - during the summer has he left the city. He says that he - has been in town for three years. The future seems to mean - nothing to him. He does not worry about the coming winter. - - 50. A. B. is an habitual drunkard. He migrates a great - deal but it seems that his migrations are to escape - tedium and monotony rather than to work. He is a little, - hollow-chested, undersized man and he claims to be - thirty-two. He says that his health has not been good. He - has a work history, it seems, but it is a record of light - jobs. He picked berries, washed dishes, peddled, but he was - also a successful beggar. His success in begging seems to - lie in the ability to look pitiful. He has been in but four - or five states of the Middle West but has been in most - of the large cities. He does not patronize the missions - because he says he can do better begging. - - -OTHER TYPES OF HOMELESS MEN - -Many of the terms which are epithets picturesquely describe special -types of homeless men. The popular names for the various types of -tramps and hobos are current terms that have been picked up on the -street as they pass from mouth to mouth. Some of them are new, -others are old, while all of them are in flux. Names of types are -coined by the men themselves. They serve a while and then pass out, -giving place to new and more catchy terms. Change is characteristic -of tramp terminology and tramp jargon. Words assume a different -meaning as they are extensively used, or they become too general in -their use and newer terms are invented. Many of the names by which -types are designated were at first terms of derision, but terms -seem to lose their stigma by continued use.[29] - -Among tramps who seldom if ever work are those who peddle some kind -of wares or sell some kind of service. - - The Mushfaker is a man who sells his services. He may be - a tinker, a glazier, an umbrella mender, or he may repair - sewing machines or typewriters. Some mushfakers even - pose as piano tuners. The mushfaker usually follows some - occupation which permits him to sit in the shade while he - works. Often the trade or art he plies is one that he has - learned in a penal institution. - - The Scissor Bill is a man who carries with him tools to - sharpen saws, knives, razors, etc. Often he pushes a - grindstone along the street. - - Beggars among tramps are usually named with reference to - the methods they employ. - -The following classification is taken from a narrative work by -“A No. 1, The Famous Tramp,” who claims to have traveled 500,000 -miles for $7.61. His books are more or less sensational and are -not popular among many tramps, because they say the incidents he -relates are overdrawn.[30] - - -THE RATING OF THE TRAMPS BY “A NO. 1” - - 1. Pillinger Solicited alms at stores, offices, and - residences - - 2. Moocher Accosted passers-by in the street - - 3. Flopper Squatted on sidewalk in business - thoroughfares - - 4. Stiffy Simulated paralysis - - 5. Dummy Pretends to be deaf and dumb - - 6. Wires Peddling articles made of stolen telegraph - wires - - 7. Mush Faker } - } Umbrella mender who learned trade in penal - } institution - 8. Mush Rigger} - - 9. Wangy Disguised begging by selling shoestrings - - 10. Stickers Disguised begging by selling court plaster - - 11. Timbers Disguised begging by selling lead pencils - - 12. Sticks Train rider who lost a leg - - 13. Peg Train rider who lost a foot - - 14. Fingy or Fingers Train rider who lost one or more fingers - - 15. Blinky Train rider who lost one or both eyes - - 16. Wingy Train rider who lost one or both arms - - 17. Mitts Train rider who lost one or both hands - - 18. Righty Train rider who lost right arm and leg - - 19. Lefty Train rider who lost left arm and leg - - 20. Halfy Train rider who lost both legs below knee - - 21. Straight Crip Actually crippled or otherwise afflicted - - 22. Phoney Crip Self-mutilated or simulating a deformity - - 23. Pokey Stiff Subsisting on handouts solely - - 24. Phoney Stiff Disposing of fraudulent jewelry - - 25. Proper Stiff Considered manual toil the acme of - disgrace - - 26. Gink or Gandy Stiff Occasionally labored, a day or two at the - most - - 27. Alkee Stiff } - } Confirmed consumers of alcohol - 28. White Line Stiff} - - 29. Rummy Stiff Deranged intellect by habitual use of raw - rum - - 30. Bundle Stiff } - } Carried bedding - 31. Blanket Stiff} - - 32. Chronicker Hoboed with cooking utensils - - 33. Stew Bum } - } - 34. Ding Bat } - } - 35. Fuzzy Tail } The dregs of vagrantdom - } - 36. Grease Tail } - } - 37. Jungle Buzzard} - - 38. Shine or Dingy Colored vagabond - - 39. Gay Cat Employed as scout by criminal tramps - - 40. Dino or Dynamiter Sponged food of fellow hobos - - 41. Yegg Roving desperado - - 42. Gun Moll A dangerous woman tramp - - 43. Hay Bag A female stew bum - - 44. Jocker Taught minors to beg and crook - - 45. Road Kid or Preshun Boy held in bondage by jocker - - 46. Punk Boy discarded by jocker - - 47. Gonsil Youth not yet adopted by jocker - -The beggar is one who stands in one place. He supplicates help -by appealing to the pity of the passers-by. The moocher is an -individual who is somewhat more mobile than the beggar. He moves -about, going to the houses and asking for food, clothing, and -even money, if he can get it. The panhandler is a beggar of a more -courageous type. He hails men on the street and asks for money. -He does not fawn nor whine nor strive to arouse pity. Dr. Reitman -says: “The only difference between a moocher and a panhandler is -that the moocher goes to the back door while the panhandler goes to -the front door.” - -The beggar types may also be divided into the able-bodied and the -non-able-bodied. The non-able-bodied beggars are more numerous in -the cities. They are forced, because of their handicaps, to remain -where the greatest number of people are. Some handicapped beggars, -however, are able to travel with marvelous speed over the country. -These non-able-bodied types go by different names according to -their afflictions. - - Peggy is a one-legged man. Stumpy is a legless man. Wingy - is a man with one or both arms off. Blinky is a man with - one or both eyes defected. A Dummy is a man who is dumb or - deaf and dumb. Some of these types do not beg. They make a - livelihood by peddling or working at odd jobs. A Nut is a - man who is apparently mentally deranged. - -The Hop Head is an interesting type. He is usually in a pitiful -condition, for he has small chance, living as he does, in the tramp -class, to get money to buy “dope.” Frequently he resorts to clever -and even desperate means to secure it. One type of dope fiend is -the Junkie. He uses a “gun” or needle to inject morphine or heroin. -A Sniffer is one who sniffs cocaine. More frequent than the drug -habit is the drink habit. - -The tramp class has different types of predatory individuals and -petty or even major offenders: - - The Gun is a man who might be termed a first-class crook. - He is usually a man who is living in the tramp class to - avoid apprehension. He may be a robber or a burglar. - - The Jack Roller is a tramp who robs a fellow-tramp while he - is drunk or asleep. There is a type of “Jack” who operates - among the men going to and from the harvests. He may hold - them up in a box car with a gun or in some dark alley. He - is usually called a Hi-Jack. - -Among other types of tramps are: - - The Mission Stiff who preys upon the missions. He will - often submit to being converted for his bed and board. - - The Grafter is frequently a man who is able to exploit the - private and public charity organizations, or the fraternal - organizations. - - The Bad Actor is a man who has become a nuisance to his - people and they pay him money provided he does not show - himself in his home town. - - The Jungle Buzzard is a tramp who lives in the jungles from - what he can beg. He will wash the pots and kettles for the - privilege of eating what is left in them. - -From the point of view of abnormal sex relations there are several -types of tramps: - - A Punk is a boy who travels about the country with a man - known as a jocker. - - A jocker is a man who exploits boys; that is, he either - exploits their sex or he has them steal or beg for him - or both. The term “wolf” is often used synonymously with - jocker. - - Fairies or Fags are men or boys who exploit sex for profit. - -From the economic standpoint, migratory workers are employables and -unemployables. Between the extremes there are individuals of every -shade of employability. The ability of a man to support himself -is presumed to be related to his ability and to his opportunity -to work. The tramp problem has been interpreted first of all as -an unemployment problem, but this does not take account of the -unemployables. - -First of all, there are the physically handicapped, the crippled, -the blind, the deaf, and the aged, and many who are too fat or too -puny or too sickly to do heavy manual work. Perhaps a half of the -whole group in a city like Chicago are physically handicapped to a -greater or less extent. - -Second, the psychopathic types include many irresponsible and -undependable persons found in the population of Hobohemia. These -either cannot hold a job, or do not care to; they have other -ideals. They could, no doubt, do some sort of work but most of them -would have to be supervised. - -To what degree homeless men are employable, to what degree some of -them are partially employable, and to what extent the whole group -is unemployable is a question that cannot be finally answered.[31] - -The problem of the homeless men is variously interpreted. The -courts and the police are interested in them as offenders. As -offenders, they are generally recidivists; to the social worker and -the missionary they represent a body of men who have no purpose or -direction. - -One mission worker says: - - A few of them can hold their own. They manage to work most - of the time and pay their way, but most of them are “broke” - some of the time and some of them are without money all the - time. They are always making resolutions and never keeping - them. They don’t seem to have any stiffening in their - backbone. - -However we may classify this group, the fact remains that we have -here a great body of persons, probably more than a million in the -United States,[32] and that they furnish a problem that seems to be -ever present. It is, as we shall see later, a great heterogeneous -group, unorganized and incapable of being organized. They have -been gathered from every walk of life and for a thousand different -reasons find themselves in this class. There are restless and -normal boys and young men who are out in the world for adventure -and whose stay in the class is more or less temporary; there -are able-bodied men of more mature age who are either wholly -self-supporting or are self-supporting most of the time; and there -are old men who are too aged and infirm to work and too proud to -surrender themselves to an institution. There are the physically -incapacitated and the mentally inadequate who are more or less -dependent and are likely to continue so, and there are many types -of persons who are the victims of lingering diseases or who are -addicted to drink or drugs and are not able to hold their own. All -these are making the best struggle that their wits, their strength, -and their opportunities permit to get a living. Some of them are in -the group by choice and have their minds clearly made up to climb -out, others hope to get out and strive to but never will, and yet -others never have any such visions. - - -RELATIVE NUMBERS OF DIFFERENT TYPES - -An estimate has already been made that the number of homeless -men in Chicago range from 30,000 in the summer to 60,000 in the -winter, reaching 75,000 in periods of unemployment. Any attempt -to state the numbers of the different types of homeless men can be -little more than a guess. The difficulty is the greater because -individuals are continually passing from one group into another -group. One man in his lifetime may perchance have been, in turn, -seasonal laborer, hobo, tramp, home guard, and bum. - -The public generally fails to distinguish between these types. -The group of bums, beggars, and petty thieves, often mistakenly -thought of as representative of the homeless men’s group, probably -does not exceed in Chicago a total number of 2,500. The number of -the home-guard type, the stationary casual worker, has been placed -at 30,000, the summer population of Hobohemia on the basis of the -number of permanent guests at lodging-house and hotel, and the -number of registered voters among the homeless men.[33] The number -of tramps who visit Chicago each year can only be roughly estimated -at 150,000,[34] or an average of perhaps 5,000 at any given time. -The migratory worker, including both the seasonal laborer and the -hobo, number on the average around 10,000 and reach a total of -300,000 or more persons who come to Chicago for the winter or to -secure a shipment to work outside the city. In periods of economic -depression the numbers of homeless men in Hobohemia are swollen -with men out of work, the majority of whom for the first time have -been turned adrift on the “main stem.” - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[29] The term “punk” is an instance; it had a special meaning at -one time but is beginning to have a milder and more general use and -the term “lamb” is taking its place. - -[30] _Mother Delcassee of the Hobos_, pp. 43-44. - -[31] The unemployables are a more or less permanent class and do -not come and go with the seasons as do the employables. Able-bodied -employables are an effect of economic depression. - -[32] Estimates vary; Lescohier (Commons, _Trade Unionism and Labor -Problems_, 133) gives the number as “more than half a million men,” -while Speek (_Annals of the American Academy_, 1917) refers to -estimates that go as high as five million. - -[33] See p. 14 n. - -[34] These numbers indicate the number of visits rather than the -number of separate individuals since a certain proportion of men -visit Chicago two or more times during the year. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -WORK - - -The occupations that select out of the foot-loose males in our -population the most restless types are: - -1. _Agriculture or crop moving._--When the crops are ready to be -garnered labor must be imported at any cost. The leading crops -in these seasonal demands are grain harvesting, corn shucking, -fruit picking, potato digging, beet topping, cotton picking, -hop picking, etc. If a man follows the wheat harvest, he may be -occupied from the middle of June when the crop is ready in Oklahoma -until November or December when the season ends with threshing in -North Dakota and Canada. Workers who pick fruit may remain in one -locality and have some kind of fruit always coming on. - -2. _Building and construction work._--Next to crop moving the -building trades and construction jobs make the heaviest seasonal -demands upon the labor market. Railroad construction, ditch -digging, and similar occupations are generally discontinued during -the winter. Carpentry, masonry, brick and concrete work are only -carried on with reduced numbers of men through the cold months. - -3. _Fishing._--Salmon fishing on the Pacific Coast and oyster -fishing on the Atlantic Coast are also seasonal industries. In the -fishing industry, as in other seasonal occupations, there is a -demand for experienced workers that cannot always be had when most -needed. - -4. _Sheep shearing._--Sheep shearing is a skilled trade. Thousands -of men are needed to harvest the wool crop each year and these -men are forced to become migratory. The shearing season, like the -harvest, moves from border to border during a period of three or -four months. In the Southwest the sheep are sometimes clipped twice -a year. The shearing jobs are usually short but lucrative. - -5. _Ice harvesting._--Formerly the ice harvest furnished employment -to an army of men for two months or more during the winter. -Ice-manufacturing plants have diminished the demand for natural -ice, though ice cutting still furnishes winter jobs for many men. - -6. _Lumbering._--Working in the lumber woods and in the saw mills -is not now so much of a seasonal job as it was when the industry -centered around the Great Lakes. The industry has gone West or -over the border into Canada, where, with the longer winter season -and improved facilities, it operates almost all year. It is not -necessary in Washington, Oregon, and California to wait for the -snow to begin work in the woods as in Michigan and Wisconsin in the -early days. - -Certain occupations not essentially seasonal have a tendency to -contribute to migrancy. In many metal mines a man’s health will not -permit him to work long. He leaves and goes into some other mine in -the same or a different district where the danger is not present. A -miner tends to become a migrant for the sake of his health. There -are other industries in which hazards exist that force workers to -become transient. - -The American hobo has been a great pioneer. New mining camps, oil -booms, the building of a town in a few weeks, or any mushroom -development utilizes a great many transient workers. After a -flood, a fire, or an earthquake, there is a great demand for labor. -The migratory worker is always ready to respond. It is his life, -in which he finds variety and experience and, last but not least, -something to talk about. - - -JOB HUNTING AMONG THE CASUAL WORKERS - -In seasonal and casual work, as in all types of industry, a process -of selection takes place. Great numbers of men are attracted into -seasonal occupations because of the good wages offered. But only -those remain who are content to migrate from one locality to -another in response to the demands for labor. The average man soon -realizes that in the course of a year seasonal work does not pay -even if fabulous wages are received for short-lived jobs. The man -who continues as a migratory worker is likely, therefore, to be a -person who is either unable to find or unable to hold a permanent -job. Some workers become restless after a few weeks or months in -one place. Seasonal and casual work seems to have selected out -these restless types and made hobos of them. - -Migratory workers have a certain body of traditions: they know -how to get work; what kind of work to look for; when to look for -certain kinds of work, and where certain work may be found. They -fall in with the seasonal migration of workers and drift into -certain localities to do certain jobs; to the potato fields, the -fruit picking, the wheat harvest. - -The hobo worker finds his way to out-of-town jobs more often than -to city work. Upon leaving an out-of-town job he is likely to -return to the city in order to locate another job out of the city -or even out of the state. This tendency of the foot-loose worker -to drift into the city has turned the attention of the employer to -the city whenever he needed help. Both the worker and the employer -have been attracted to the city in an effort to solve their labor -difficulties. Intermediate agencies spring up to bring together -the jobless man and the man with jobs to offer. Employment agents, -congregating in the Hobohemian sections of the city, convert those -areas into labor markets. - -Chicago is probably the greatest labor exchange for the migratory -worker in the United States, if not in the world. Probably no other -city furnishes more men for railroad work. In days past, when so -many new railroads were being built, there were great demands -for men in the West, and it was not uncommon to get a 1,000-mile -shipment any time in the year. One is still able to secure free -shipments of from 400 to 600 miles. - -There are more than 200 private employment agencies in Chicago. -There were, on August 14, 1922, 39 licensed private agencies of -the type patronized by the homeless man. Eighteen of these were on -Canal Street, thirteen were on West Madison Street, and the rest in -close proximity to that area. In addition to these there are many -agencies not operating on a commission basis which hire men for a -private corporation and are maintained by that corporation. As such -they are not licensed nor does the law affect them. - -No figures are at hand to show how many men these private agencies -place during the year. Their records are not merely inadequate; -they are a joke. In fact, few of them keep records that list all -applicants, all men placed, jobs registered, etc., though the state -law definitely declares that this must be done. - -The inclusion of the non-fee-collecting agencies will raise the -number from 39 to over 50. If each agency sends out, at a low -estimate, 10 men a day, and if each operates 300 days a year, a -total of 150,000 men are placed in jobs annually. Over 57,000 -men in 1921-22 were placed by the free employment agency. Many -of these homeless men have access to other private agencies than -those situated on the “stem,” and often they prefer to go to such -agencies. If 100 of these agencies furnished jobs to 2 homeless -men a day for 300 days a year, we would have an additional 60,000. -About 250,000 homeless men pass through the Chicago employment -agencies every year. - -Employment agencies fall into two classes--the public, or those -operated by the federal government, the state, or the municipality -and those conducted under private management. The private agency is -the pioneer. It was not only the outgrowth of a certain condition -in the labor market but it was the reason for the creation of the -public employment bureau. - - -PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT AGENCIES - -The idea is becoming general that employment offices have a -social responsibility. They have duties to the applicants, to the -employers, and to the public that are more than economic; more than -a business of selling jobs to jobless men. It is a responsibility -that is not imposed upon the ordinary business man and that has no -prominent place in the code of business ethics. - -The private employment agencies that cater to the homeless men -are chiefly located on the West Side. The 1919-20 _Report of the -Illinois Department of Labor_[35] shows that during that period -there were 295 licensed private employment agencies in Chicago. As -we noted above, about fifty of these serve the homeless men. Most -of these fifty agencies are located along Canal Street opposite the -Union Depot, or along Madison Street between the Chicago River and -Halsted Street. Some of these operate the year round, while others -come and go with the seasons, opening up in prosperous times and -going out of existence when the demand for labor falls. - -A few of the private agencies are fairly well equipped; that is, -they have desks, counters, telephone, chairs or benches, and a -waiting-room which in cold weather is kept warm for the patrons. -Others, the majority, have very little equipment, perhaps a chair -and a table in a single, bare room. They keep no books other than -what they carry in their pockets. For the average small labor agent -an office is only used as a place to hang the license. He gets his -patrons by standing on the street and soliciting. The other private -agents are playing the rôle of man catcher, and he must do the same -if he would succeed. - -There are two types of private labor agencies--the commission -agencies, and the boarding or commissary agencies. The commission -agency is the pioneer job-selling institution which survives by -charging a fee to the employer who seeks workers, or by charging -a fee to the applicants, or by charging both. Usually they charge -both the applicant and the employer, and formerly their prices -were governed by the demand for jobs, on the one hand, and for -workers, on the other. (If the competition is for workers they can -raise the price charged the employer. If jobs are scarce they can -raise the price charged the applicant.) The boarding and commissary -agency charge no fee for the job. Their profit is made in keeping -the boarding-house for the men they hire. - -In the past it was proverbial that better shipments could be had -from the private agencies in Chicago than from any other city. A -few years ago the Chicago agencies were shipping men to all the -big jobs within a radius of from 500 to 1,000 miles, and men would -come to Chicago from 500 to 1,000 miles in one direction to be -sent by the agencies to work on some job equally as far in another -direction. These long-distance interstate shipments have been the -chief factor in the prosperity of the private agencies. High prices -were charged for the long shipments but the men were willing to -pay them whether the job was good or not in order to secure free -transportation west or south or east. The long shipments are not so -numerous at present and the high fees are no longer permitted. - - The charge sometimes made that the private agencies are - gruff and discourteous would seem well founded if one - failed to consider the behavior of homeless men on the - street. These men would not pass the same judgment. They - are used to speaking roughly to each other. They take and - give hard blows in their dealings with the “labor shark.” - Many men can get along much better with the blunt and - unceremonious private agent than with the sleek, precise, - courteous, and business-like officials in the public - agencies. Their preference for the private agent is not for - his gruffness or the ease with which they may approach - him. It is mainly because he serves them better. They hate - him for his fees but he gets the jobs they want. - -The migratory worker resents the idea of being obliged to pay for -the privilege of securing work. In every program that the hobo has -advocated to change society he has made reference to the “labor -shark.” The hobo worker is never disappointed to find that the job -has been misrepresented by the agency. Nor is the agency surprised -if the applicant does not go to work when he arrives on the job. - - -PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT AGENCIES - -The state has been forced into the employment business because of -the problems presented by private agencies. The public employment -agency in Chicago has not displaced or even seriously affected the -private employment agency. It is still only in the experimental -stage, a laboratory in which the employment problem may be studied. - -There are three public free employment offices in Chicago: one at -116 North Dearborn for skilled workers, one at 105 South Jefferson -Street for unskilled workers, and one at 344 East Thirty-fifth -Street, chiefly for Negro workers. The homeless man is chiefly -interested in the Federal and State Labor Exchange located at 105 -South Jefferson Street. However, the central office on Dearborn -Street, which specializes in skilled and permanent employment, -attracts two or three hundred homeless men a day, mainly from South -State Street. This office is careful not to send out on jobs “dead -line men.” - - By “dead line men” are meant men who live on Madison west - of Canal Street. Men “living” on Clark, State, and Dearborn - streets are more reliable and stand a better chance than - the “dead line men” to get jobs. The firms that place - their demand for help with the Dearborn Street bureau - generally want references, showing place of residence and - name of former employer. Such firms will not consider a - West Madison Street man. The clerks sometimes advise an - applicant to change his address to that of some relative - in case the applicant makes a favorable impression with - the clerk. If a man looks and speaks intelligently but is - too ragged and dirty to send out on a job, the suggestion - is sometimes made to clean up and spruce up a bit. The - transformation in some cases is astonishing.[36] - -Probably four or five times as many men are placed by the private -as by the public employment agencies. It seems paradoxical that -the migratory worker should patronize the private labor agent whom -he regards as an exploiter and a parasite rather than the free -employment office, yet there are good reasons for his behavior. - -In the first place, the office of the public agency, although -little more than a block away, is not on the “main stem.” Strangers -in the city find their way to the “slave market” without difficulty -but may never become aware of the existence of the free employment -office. A migratory worker likes to do a little “window shopping” -before he takes a job. He likes to go along the streets reading -the red or blue or yellow placards announcing jobs and shipments -until he has made up his mind. The signs and scribbled windows of -the private agency are maneuvers of salesmanship. The public agency -has no such signs on the outside. The men must go inside to see the -blackboard upon which the jobs are written. - -Further, the public agency is in duty bound, as the private agency -is not, to keep records and to get certain information from the -workers who apply for jobs, and from the employers as well. The -men who patronize these agencies dislike the “red tape” of the -public agency; they are often unwilling to be catalogued and -given a number, or go through the other formalities so necessary -for efficiency. The decisive reason why the migratory worker -patronizes the private agency is because it carries a better class -of jobs. Jobs involving interstate shipments are usually given to -the private agencies, partly because it is customary, and partly -because they know how to solicit such contracts for labor. It is -difficult for a man to get an out-of-state job in the public agency -since it is more or less local in its jurisdiction. The private -agencies attract the hobos also because they make no effort to see -that he goes to work after he has been sent. Indeed, it is to their -advantage if he does not go to work, for then they have the chance -to send another man. The public agency makes an effort to “follow -up” the applicants and to “keep tab” on them. The hobo worker shies -from such solicitous treatment. - -Mr. J. J. Kenna, chief inspector of private employment agencies, -believes that the private agencies should be obliged to do -likewise. He wrote in his report to the State Department of Labor -in 1920: - - Another question that might be given consideration is the - subject of public information pertaining to the business of - private employment agencies for the instruction of those - interested in labor problems and legislation, namely: - - A law compelling the agencies to furnish the State - Department of Labor with a monthly report of the number of - all applicants applying for positions, their ages, etc., - and also the number of persons brought into the State - and sent out of the State and to where sent, the kind of - employment for which they were engaged, etc.[37] - -Nothing would do more for efficiency in the employment office -business than to compel the private agencies to keep as efficient -records as the public bureau. The spirit of competition so -prevalent in the private agencies is not present in the public -labor bureau. The public agency stands complacently on the side, -never entering the struggle to get jobs and men together. It is too -much of an office and too little of an agency. - -The public and private agencies operate upon diametrically opposing -assumptions. The assumption of the public agency is that the man -once placed will remain so long as the job lasts, and a large -proportion of their jobs, especially in the Dearborn Street office, -are for “long stake” men. A man’s record, his qualifications, are -taken and he is sent out to the job with the notion that he will -work steady. The private agencies, on the contrary, assume that few -of these men will remain long on the job; that they may stay ten -days or two weeks and seldom longer than three months. The public -agency with an eye to permanency may be expected to move slowly in -placing men on jobs, whereas the private agency will send anyone to -any job that he says he can do and that he is willing to pay for. - - -THE CASUALIZATION OF LABOR - -The casualization of labor, in spite of its concern to place men -permanently, has a tendency to attract “home guards,” i.e., men who -do not care to leave the city and yet do not want steady work. They -may work from a day to a week, then they return for another job. - -The following are a few of the names taken at random from a list of -men who had been given ten or more jobs by the Federal and State -Labor Exchange between March 1, 1922, and August 15, 1922 (five and -one-half months): - - Number Jobs - Wm. Mitchell 1,735 20 - Jas. Perry 5,878 10 - Tony Felk 1,195 10 - Jas. Griffin 5,811 12 - F. Mullen 5,069 21 - Ed. Moorhead 635 20 - Fred Wagoner 5,334 15 - Jas. Purl 682 16 - F. A. Murlin 5,390 13 - W. Galvin 628 18 - A. Myers 3,700 17 - W. Slavis 2,202 19 - P. Myshowi 2,408 15 - C. Carroll 4,742 16 - Jas. Lewis 3,872 16 - -The records show hundreds of similar instances. Some men have been -sent to as many as forty or fifty jobs during a period of six -months and few stayed with a job more than a month or two. - - John M. secured 26 jobs from the Free Employment Bureau - in less than three months between May 4 and July 26. The - following is the list of employers with the dates of - employment:[38] - - 1. Morris and Co. May 4 - 2. Ravina Nursery May 6 - 3. Edison Co. May 10 - 4. Ed Katzinger May 18 - 5. New Era Coal Co. May 24 - 6. Ravina Nursery May 26 - 7. Home Fuel Co. May 27 - 8. Morris and Co. May 31 - 9. Ill. Bell Telephone Co. June 8 - 10. Flazman Iron Co. June 12 - 11. Greenpoint Beef Co. June 13 - 12. Astrid Rosing Co. June 14 - 13. Armstrong Paint Co. June 21 - 14. Const. Mattress Co. June 22 - 15. Armour Co. June 26 - 16. Oxweld Acetylene Co. June 27 - 17. Oxweld Acetylene Co. June 29 - 18. Wisconsin Lime Co. June 30 - 19. American Express Co. July 1 - 20. Wisconsin Lime Co. July 5 - 21. Oxweld Acetylene Co. July 10 - 22. Oxweld Acetylene Co. July 11 - 23. Edison Co. July 15 - 24. Low Pipe Co. July 24 - 25. International Har. Co. July 25 - 26. J. A. Ross July 26 - -John M. is a casual laborer. He is one of a type that works by the -day, is paid by the day, and lives by the day. Don. D. Lescohier -has described the characteristics of the casual workers: - - A man becomes a casual when he acquires the casual state - of mind. The extreme type of casual never seeks more than - a day’s work. He lives strictly to the rule, one day at a - time. If you ask him why he does not take a steady job, he - will tell you that he would like to, but that he hasn’t - money enough to enable him to live until pay-day, and no - one will give him credit. If you offer to advance his board - until pay-day, he will accept your offer and accept the - job you offer him, but he will not show up on the job, or - else will quit at the end of the first day. He has acquired - a standard or scale of work and life that makes it almost - impossible for him to restore himself to steady employment. - He lacks the desire, the will-power, self-control, - ambition, and habits of industry which are essential to - it.[39] - -The demoralizing effect of a period of unemployment upon the -migratory and casual worker is indicated in an interview given to -the investigator by Mr. Charles J. Boyd, general superintendent of -the Illinois Free Employment Offices in Chicago. - - Depending on one’s point of view, the homeless man, owing - to the serious industrial depression during the winter of - 1921-1922 had remarkable success in begging or panhandling. - The spirit of the public during the depression was to help - the unemployed man and advantage of this situation was - not lost sight of by the hobo who worked on the sympathy - of the public. With the approach of summer and improved - industrial conditions, the hobo continued to make a living - in other ways than by working for it. There seems to be - an understanding among this class of men not to work for - less than 50c an hour, and they are loath to accept steady - employment at 35c to 37½c hour when they can do temporary - work, and work at a different job every day, or any day - one pleases, at 45c to 50c an hour. The hobo is reluctant - to work in foundries or steel mills. He likes the open and - when winter is past, the hobo, with few exceptions, refuses - inside work. - - The hobos of today are made up of young men, ranging in - ages from 18 to 35 years. They form in groups of six or - seven, camp in the “brush” and send a different one of - their group out each day to panhandle in the town or - village near which they may be camping. Then too, these men - have very decided views on the Volstead law, before the - enactment of which the hobo felt he had some inducement to - work, for he liked his beer, if it was only 1½ per cent, - and he did not know it. But since prohibition, his attitude - seems to be “Why should I work any more than I really have - to?” or in other words, more than to get enough for food - and a place to sleep.[40] - -The hobo is not unfamiliar with strike jobs. Corporations, when -forced to the wall in a labor crisis, often come to the “stem” -for their strike-breakers. By offering alluring wages and the -assurance of security, they are able to attract from ranks of -even the casual workers enough men to keep the plants running. -Labor agencies of this kind are not popular on the “stem”; neither -are the men who hire out as strike-breakers. But in spite of this -stigma they survive as during the railroad strike in the summer -of 1922. These railroad agencies crowded even to the heart of the -Madison Street mart and eventually forced the private agencies to -deal in strike jobs. - -Strike-breakers or “scabs” are of four varieties: (1) men who are -innocently attracted to the job (it is generally charged that this -was the case in the Herrin affair); (2) men who are “too proud to -beg and too honest to steal”; (3) men who have a grudge against -some striking union, or against organized labor in general; and (4) -men who hire out as bona fide workers but really “bore from within” -and in the language of the radical “work sabotage.” - - -A NATIONAL PROBLEM - -All the problems of the homeless man go back in one way or another -to the conditions of his work. The irregularity of his employment -is reflected in the irregularity of all phases of his existence. -To deal with him even as an individual, society must deal also -with the economic forces which have formed his behavior, with the -seasonal and cyclical fluctuations in industry. This means that the -problem of the homeless man is not local but national. - -The establishment during the war of the United States Employment -Service gave promise of an attempt to cope with the problem -nationally. The curtailment of this service since 1919 through -inadequate appropriations has prevented its functioning on a scale -which the situation demands. - -The emphasis upon the development of a national program means no -lack of recognition of the service of local employment agencies. -They are indispensable units in any effective plan of nation-wide -organization. The bureaus and branches, in Chicago, of the Illinois -Free Employment offices are now co-operating with the United States -Employment Service. - - -A CLEARING HOUSE FOR HOMELESS MEN - -The accumulated experience of the local employment agencies will -be valuable not only in the future expansion of the national -employment service, but in pointing the way to the next steps to -be taken locally in dealing with the homeless man as a worker. -The officials of these agencies have learned that the problem -of adjusting the migratory casual worker in industry involves -human nature as well as economics. A conviction is growing that -in connection with, or in addition to, the public employment -agency designed to bring together the man and the job, there is -need of a clearing house which offers medical, psychological, -and sociological diagnosis as a basis for vocational guidance, -after-care service, and industrial rehabilitation. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[35] P. 51. - -[36] Koster, unpublished manuscript, pp. 17-18. - -[37] _Third Annual Report of the Department of Labor_ (1920), p. 50. - -[38] E. H. Koster, unpublished notes, pp. 42-43. - -[39] Lescohier, _The Labor Market_, p. 264. - -[40] From the unpublished notes of an interview by E. H. Koster. - - - - - PART III - - THE HOBO PROBLEM - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -HEALTH - - -No extended study has ever been made that would afford an adequate -index for the physical fitness of homeless men. Municipal -lodging-houses, jails, hospitals, and other institutions have -collected certain data. But such information is indicative of -the physical and mental condition of those only who have become -problems of charity or correction. They do not represent the -whole group of homeless men. However, it is evident from these -studies that a large proportion of the entire group is below par -physically. They indicate at least that defective individuals are -comparatively numerous among hobos and tramps. - - -THE PHYSICALLY DEFECTIVE - -Mrs. Alice W. Solenberger found that two-thirds of her 1,000 cases -were either physically or mentally defective. Of these, 627 men -and boys were suffering from a total of 722 physical and mental -deficiencies.[41] - - Condition Instances - - Insanity 52 - Feeble-mindedness 19 - Epilepsy 18 - Paralysis 40 - Other nervous disorders 21 - Tuberculosis 93 - Rheumatism 37 - Venereal diseases 21 - Other infectious diseases 15 - Heart disease 14 - Disorders of organs other than heart 19 - Crippled, maimed, or deformed; from birth or accident 168 - Rupture 11 - Cancer 6 - Blind, including partly blind 43 - Deaf, including partly deaf 14 - Defective health through use of drugs and drink 16 - Defective health from lack of nourishment and other - causes 24 - Convalescent 33 - Aged 35 - All other diseases and defects 7 - Doubtful 16 - --- - Total instances 722 - Total number of different men in defective health or - condition 627 - -She tells us that of the 222 more or less permanently handicapped, -106 men had been entirely self-supporting before their injuries -while 127 were entirely dependent after injury. - -A careful study of 100 homeless men made in the Municipal Lodging -House of New York City by F. C. Laubach showed the following -defects:[42] - - Tubercular 7 - Venereal 26 - Bronchial 4 - Feeble 14 - Senile 16 - Deformed 4 - Maimed 14 - Malnutrition 13 - Poor sight 9 - Poor hearing 1 - Impediment of speech 2 - Physically sound 28 - -Laubach’s 100 cases were selected from more than 400 men. They -represented the 100 who remained longest to be examined (perhaps -the 100 the least able to get away). He found 28 per cent -able-bodied while Mrs. Solenberger reported 37.3 per cent without -observable defects. That this per cent of defectives is high for -more unselected groups will be shown by the following extract from -the report of the Municipal Lodging House of New York City for 1915. - - ... Fifteen hundred men were studied by a staff of fifteen - investigators. At the same time a medical examination - of two thousand men was conducted by fifteen medical - examiners. This investigation represented the first large - attempt in America to find out about the men who take - refuge in a municipal lodging house.... - - Of the 2,000 men who were given a medical examination, - 1,774, approximately 9 out of every 10, were, according to - the adjudgments of the examining physicians, physically - able to work. Twelve hundred and forty-seven, or 62 per - cent of the total, were considered physically able to do - regular hard manual labor; 254, or 18 per cent, to do - medium hard work; and 173, or 9 per cent, to do light work - only. Two hundred and twenty-six, 1 out of every 10, were - adjudged physically unable to work.[43] - -This investigation showed that in a lean year, when many men were -out of work, a large proportion of the lodging-house population is -composed of handicapped men. The physical condition of 400 tramps -interviewed by the writer is not so much in contradiction as in -supplement to the foregoing studies.[44] Only men in transit were -tabulated. Nearly all of them were the typical migratory workers -or hobos. Observation was limited to apparent defects that would -hinder in a noticeable manner the working capacity of the men. - - Senile 6 - Maimed 8 - Eye lost or partly blind 5 - Eye trouble 5 - Venereal disease 1 - Partly paralyzed 2 - Tuberculosis 2 - Feeble-minded 7 - Chronic poor health 4 - Impediment of speech 2 - Temporarily injured 4 - Oversized or undersized 4 - - These 50 defects were distributed among 48 persons - -Subtracting those who could be classed mentally defective, we have -but forty-one persons who were apparently physically handicapped. -It will be noted that the percentage of the aged is considerably -lower than the previous tables show. The same is true of the maimed -and injured. They were all men who were able to “get over the -road.” One of the maimed men had lost an arm while the two others -had each lost a foot. - -Eye trouble was listed separately because these were ailments that -were passing. Three of the men had weak eyes and this condition had -been aggravated by train riding and loss of sleep. One man had been -gassed in the army and his eyes suffered from the wind and bright -light. Only one man admitted that he was suffering from a venereal -disease. - -Both men suffering from tuberculosis were miners. Both had been in -hospitals for treatment. One of them was in a precarious condition. -The men listed as oversized and undersized might be properly -considered physically handicapped. Two of them were uncomfortably -fat while the other two were conspicuously under weight and height. - - -THE HOBO’S HEALTH ON THE JOB - -Often the seasonal work sought by the migratory worker is located -in out-of-the-way places or with little or no medical or sanitary -supervision. Sometimes there are not even tents for the men to -sleep in. Life and work in the open, so conducive to health on -bright, warm days, involves exposure in cold and stormy weather. -In the northwest, where rain is so abundant that workers suffer -considerably from exposure, strikes have even been called to -enforce demands for warm, dry bunkhouses. - -In addition to the exposure to the elements there are other hazards -the migratory and casual workers run. On most of his jobs, whether -in the woods, the swamps, in the sawmills, or the mines and -quarries, in the harvest, on bridges or on the highways, the hobo -faces danger. Since he is in the habit of working only a few days -at the time, a well-paying, hazardous job appeals to him. The not -infrequent accidents are serious since few of these foot-loose men -carry insurance. - -Seasonal labor generally consists of hard work like shoveling or -lifting and carrying heavy loads. Only men who can do hard work -are wanted. Not much so-called “light work” aside from a few jobs -in kitchens, in stables, or about camps is open to the transient. -Many homeless men are not physically able to do eight or ten hours’ -hard labor without suffering. They are often weak from eating poor -food or from dissipation. Even if they go on a job with their minds -made up to remain one or two months they are often obliged to leave -after a few days. Often the hobo works on jobs where there is no -medical attention. Sometimes, where the job includes large numbers -of men, a physician is hired to go from camp to camp. He is usually -known as a “pill peddler” and all he pretends to do is give first -aid to the injured and treat passing ailments. Serious cases he -sends to the hospital. - -Big industrial organizations usually carry some sort of medical -insurance and in some cases accident insurance. This system of -workingmen’s compensation for industrial accidents is maintained -sometimes by fees taken from the pay of the men, sometimes entirely -by the employer. The accident compensation, the hospital, and -medical privileges apply only to ailments and injuries caused by -his work. - -The food the hobo receives on the job is not always palatable, nor -does it always come up to the requirements of a balanced diet or -the caloric needs of a workingman. In the business of feeding the -men, considerable exploitation enters which the men are powerless -to prevent. The boarding contracts are often left to boarding -companies that agree to feed the men and furnish bunks for prices -ranging (since the war) from five to eight dollars a week. For the -privilege of boarding the workers, they agree to keep the gangs -filled. Often in the West the men furnish their own beds, but -private “bundle beds” are passing. Some companies furnish good -beds, but the general rule is to supply a tick that may be filled -with straw and a couple of quilts which are charged to the worker -until he returns them. These quilts and blankets are often used -again and again by different men without being cleaned during a -whole season. - -Several boarding companies maintain free employment agencies in -Chicago, well known to the hobo and generally disliked. The -chief complaint against them is that in hard times, when men are -plentiful, there is a tendency to drop on the quality and the -quantity of the food. In such an event the monotony of the menu -and the unsavory manner in which food is prepared is a scandal -in Hoboland. However, all complaints against boarding companies -are not due to bad food. Poor cooking is another ground for much -dissatisfaction. Efficient camp cooks are rare and too high priced -for the average boarding company. - - -THE HEALTH OF THE MAN ON THE “STEM” - -The hazards the homeless man takes while at work in the city are -far less than on the seasonal out-of-town work. The health problem -of the transient “on the stem” is nevertheless serious. It is not -so much a problem of work conditions as of hotels and lodging -accommodations and restaurants. - -The cheap lodging-houses and hotels in Chicago are under the -surveillance of the Chicago Department of Health. The department -has done much to keep down contagion and to raise the standards -of these places. Infectious diseases have been more rare here -than in hotels in the Loop. These hotels survived the influenza -epidemics as well as any in the city. There has been a gradual -rise in the standards of health and sanitation of the hotels and -lodging-houses, but just how much this is due to the watchful -care of the Department of Health cannot be said. Other factors, -such as business competition, may also have entered in to improve -conditions. - -In many respects the cheap workingmen’s hotels still fall far -below the standards set by law. Indeed, if all of them lived up -to the letter of the law in every respect, many would find it -unprofitable to operate. These hotels are in buildings that were -erected for other purposes, buildings that cannot be adequately -made over to accommodate comfortably hundreds of men. - -The problem of ventilation is present in the older hotels for men. -In some corners, in hallways and isolated rooms, there is never any -circulation of air. The smells accumulate from day to day so that -the guest on entering a room is greeted by a variety of odors to -which each of his predecessors has contributed. - -The following statement of an investigator indicates what is one of -the most objectionable features of the cheap hotel. - - The lack of adequate toilet facilities is deplorable. In - one hotel I found two toilets for one hundred and eighty - men and in another seven for three hundred and eighty. Some - of the toilets have absolutely no outside ventilation, - opening on sleeping rooms. Some of them are located in - halls with no partition separating them from sleeping rooms - and are a source of foul and nauseating odors.[45] - -With respect to wash basins and bath facilities the condition is no -better. Many do not even have hot water. In some places from twenty -to forty men use the same wash bowl. - -The Department of Health has taken an active part in the campaign -against vermin, and co-operates whenever a complaint is made. -Their task seems hopeless since the patrons are so transient and -so frequently carry vermin from one place to another. The very -buildings are often breeding places for bedbugs, lice, and roaches. - - -SICKNESS AND DISEASE - -If the homeless man becomes sick or injured while at work he likely -will be cared for by the hospital maintained by the industry. -But he is in dire distress when he has no job and is in need of -medical attention. Occasionally men without funds go to private -physicians and not infrequently they get free treatment, but the -traditional and easier method of meeting such situations is to -go to an institution. Chicago, with its numerous hospitals and -medical colleges, is a Mecca for the sick and the afflicted of the -“floating fraternity.” Homeless men come sometimes several hundred -miles for treatment to this great healing center of trampdom. They -have no scruples against entering an institution as a charity -patient. To them it is not charity, but something due to the sick. - - -VENEREAL DISEASE - -Venereal disease and ailments growing out of venereal disease play -a considerable rôle among the tramp population. The Chicago Health -Department on the basis of the medical examination of inmates of -the House of Correction estimates that 10 per cent of the homeless -men are venereally infected.[46] This is double the rate of -infection found in drafted men.[47] - -The transient does not take venereal disease seriously. He takes no -precautions to protect himself after exposure. Necessity forces him -out on some job where he must work, sometimes even in an active -stage of infection. Often he tries to treat himself with remedies -recommended by druggists or friends. Once the transient submits to -treatment in a hospital or by a physician he will seldom continue -it after the active stage of his case has been passed. - -Along the “stem,” sex perversion is not infrequent and occasionally -from such contacts infections occur. Embarrassing as it is for the -homeless man to apply to a hospital or clinic for treatment for -social disease, it is doubly so when thus infected. That such cases -are not numerous is true, but they do exist, and they provide an -answer to the pervert who holds that homosexuality is safe from -disease.[48] - - -ALCOHOLISM AND HEALTH - -Practically all homeless men drink when liquor is available. The -only sober moments for many hobos and tramps are when they are -without funds.[49] The majority, however, are periodic drinkers -who have sober periods of a week, a month or two, or even a year. -These are the men who often work all summer with the avowed purpose -of going to some lodging-house and living quietly during the -winter, but usually they find themselves in the midst of a drunken -debauch before they have been in town more than a day or two. -Rarely does one meet a man among migratory workers who does not -indulge in an occasional “spree”; the teetotalers are few indeed. - -The homeless man on a spree usually drinks as long as his money -lasts, and then he usually employs all the devices at his command -to get money to prolong the debauch. For the time being he will -disregard all other wants. After he sobers up and finds himself -sick, weak, and nervous, his plight is a sad one. He has no -appetite for the only food he is able to buy and the food he -craves he cannot afford. He is too weak and shaky to work, and -too disheartened to beg. In summer he can go to the parks or the -docks and sleep it off. Getting drunk in winter means more or less -exposure for these men, and their sobering up not infrequently -takes place in the hospital--or in jail. In view of these -after-effects, drinking is more serious for the homeless man than -for any other. - -Chronic or periodic drunkenness with its accompanying exposure -leaves a stamp on the constitution of the homeless man that is not -easily erased. It aggravates any latent weaknesses that he may -have, and if he does not go to the hospital after a debauch with -lung trouble, nervous diseases, heart trouble, or rheumatism, he -is at least lowering his resistance to these and other diseases. -The man who survives best spends long periods on the job and only -occasionally visits the city. - -When the amount of exposure, the extent of dissipation, and the -malnutrition that falls to the lot of the homeless man are taken -into consideration, it is remarkable that he is as free from -sickness as he is. The fact that he is outdoors much of the time -may have something to do with this. - - -THE PROBLEM OF HEALTH - -Disease, physical disability, and insanitary living conditions seem -to be, as things are, the natural and inevitable consequences of -the migratory risk-taking and irregular life of the homeless man. -These effects of his work and life upon his physical constitution -will be considered by many the most appalling of all the problems -affecting the hobo and the tramp. Municipal provision and -philanthropic effort have been and will continue to be directed to -the treatment of his diseases and defects and to the improvement -of his living conditions. The efficiency of the homeless man as a -worker and his chance of regaining his lost economic and social -status depend upon his physical rehabilitation. A clearing house -for the homeless man when established should, therefore, include -as one of its activities facilities for diagnosis of the needs, -medical, vocational, social, of each individual. - -The living conditions of the homeless man, although revolting to -the public, are intolerable to him, chiefly as a symbol of his -degradation. Lodging-house sanitation and personal hygiene are of -minor import, in his thinking, as compared with working conditions, -or, for that matter, with the problems of his social and political -status, to be discussed in the next two chapters. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[41] Alice W. Solenberger, _One Thousand Homeless Men_, p. 36. - -[42] F. C. Laubach, _Why There Are Vagrants_, p. 21 - -[43] _Report of the Advisory Social Service Committee of the -Municipal Lodging House_, pp. 9-11. New York City: September, 1915. - -[44] This unpublished study of 400 tramps was made while riding -freight trains from Salt Lake City, Utah, to Chicago in the summer -of 1921. All the cases tabulated were cases in transit. A large -part of them were men who regularly beat their way about the -country. Document 115. - -[45] George S. Sobel, _Report to Committee_, summer, 1922. - -[46] Letter from Chicago Health Department to Committee on Homeless -Men. - -[47] U.S. Surgeon General’s Office, _Defects Found in Drafted Men_. - -[48] Unpublished Document 87 is a statement from Dr. Ben L. -Reitman, based upon cases in his practice of venereal infection -caused by homosexual relations. - -[49] It is of interest to note the findings of the study of 2,000 -men in connection with the Municipal Lodging House of New York -City, 1914: - -“Of 1,482 men who made statements regarding their habits, -1,292--approximately 9 out of every 10--said they drank alcoholic -liquors. Six hundred and fifty-seven or 44 per cent said that -they drank excessively; 635, or 43 per cent, said that they drank -moderately; and 190, or 13 per cent, claimed to be total abstainers. - -“Of the 2,000 who were given a medical examination, 775, or 39 per -cent, were diagnosed as suffering from alcoholism. According to Dr. -James Alexander Miller, these ‘figures probably do not represent -by any means the number of individuals who were alcoholic ... but -rather indicate only the number who manifested acute evidence at -the time of investigation.’”--From the _Report of the Advisory -Social Service Committee of the Municipal Lodging House_, pp. 9-22. -New York: September, 1915. - -Here we have in a few words a cross-section of the drinking -population among the homeless men in New York where conditions are -not materially different and where the population is essentially -the same as in Hobohemia. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -SEX LIFE OF THE HOMELESS MAN - - -Tramping is a man’s game. Few women are ever found on the road. The -inconveniences and hazards of tramping prevent it. Women do wander -from city to city but convention forbids them to ride the roads and -move about as men do. One tramp who had traveled 8,000 miles in six -months said: “I even saw two women on the road, and last summer I -saw a woman beating her way in a box car.” - -Tramping is a man’s game. Few pre-adolescent boys are tramps. They -do not break away permanently until later in their teens. How does -the absence of women and children affect the life of the migratory -worker? What difference would it make if tramps traveled like -gypsies, taking their women and children with them? How does the -absence of women and children affect the fantasy and the reveries -and eventually the behavior of the homeless man? - -The majority of homeless men are unmarried. Those who are married -are separated, at least temporarily, from their families.[50] Most -homeless men in the city are older than the average man on the road -and would be expected, therefore, to have had marital experience. -They are content to live in town while the younger men are eager to -move in the restless search for adventure and new experience. - - -THE TRAMP AND HIS ASSOCIATIONS WITH WOMEN - -The homeless man has not always been homeless. Like most of us, -he was reared in a home and is so far a product of home life. -He enters upon the life of the road in his late teens or early -twenties. He brings with him, as a rule, the habits and memories -gained in the more stable existence in the family and community. -Frequently it has been his conflict with, and rebellion against, -that more stable existence that set him on the road. - -Most of these men have mothers living. If their mothers are dead, -they speak of them reverently. The mission workers often direct -their appeals to these early memories, “the religion of our -mothers.” The only correspondence that some homeless men carry on -is with their mothers. Some of them only write one or two letters a -year but these are letters home. In most of the missions there is a -sign with the inscription, “When Did You Write to Mother Last?” - -Other women may, and sometimes do, exert a wholesome influence upon -him. He is often profoundly touched by the women of the missions -who stand on the street corner and plead with him for his soul’s -sake. Young and attractive women invite more attention because -of their sex than their message. Though he may have little or -no interest in the religious appeal, feeling for these women is -generally idealized and wholesome. The missions have learned the -value of young and attractive women and employ them extensively as -evangelists. - -Women in places where the hobo has worked or boarded, generally -older women, frequently take a mother’s interest in him. “Mother” -Greenstein, who keeps a restaurant on South State Street, is the -idol of a great many “bos.” She never turns a hungry man away. She -is known far and near by tramps and hobos. Many men know her by -reputation who have never seen her. - -Another woman who has become well known to many homeless men is -“Aunt” Nina S. She kept a rooming-house for years and always gave -any man who came to her in winter some place to sleep. She could -always find room. Her only compensation was the good will of the -homeless man. - - 51. Another woman who has won a place in the hearts of men - of West Madison Street is an old lady whom the “bos” call - “Mother.” She does not give them anything; on the contrary - she begs from them but she takes a motherly interest in all - the “boys.” She is against anyone who makes life hard for - them and hates the bootleggers, the gypsies, the gamblers, - and all who exploit them. She will denounce and curse - anyone who dares to call them “bums” in her presence. Her - hobby is cats. She spends several hours a day going up and - down the street feeding cats. All the “boys” are tolerant - of all cats on the street because they belong to “Mother.” - He is a poor “bo,” indeed, who will not spare “Mother” a - dime now and then for milk for her “kitties.” - -When the tramp works he usually goes out on some job where there -are no women. He may spend six months in a lumber camp and not -see a woman during all that time. He may work for a whole summer, -along with hundreds like himself, and never meet a woman. Sometimes -there are women on such jobs, but they are generally the wives of -the bosses and have no interest in the common workers. Children in -such families frequently strike up a more intimate acquaintance -with them. The only company for such a man is men, and men who are -living the same unnatural life as himself. - -There are jobs open to the homeless man that are more wholesome. -Sometimes he finds himself in communities where he is neither -isolated nor an outcast. The tramp is not often interested in -small-town or country associations, because they generally tend to -terminate seriously and he does not want to be taken seriously. If -he has the money to spend, and he usually has while he is working, -he can meet women, but he meets them in town when he has leisure. -He may have a hundred reasons for going to town, but the major -reason, whether he admits it or not, is to meet women. The types -of women he meets depends upon his personality, his taste, and his -purse. In this he is like the soldier or the sailor. - -The younger hobos, especially those who are on the road and off -again by turns, are able at times to save money and put on a -“front.” These younger men are frequently able, therefore, to -get into the social life of the communities in which they find -themselves. When they are in town with money to spend they “go -the limit” while it lasts, and then they go out to work and save -up another “stake.” Usually they have a number of women on their -correspondence lists. As they go from one city to another they make -new acquaintances and forget the old friends. Usually they are as -transient in their attachments to women as to their jobs. - -Many of these younger men ultimately settle down, but they do not -always have the ability to make permanent attachments though they -may try again and again. They invariably seek greener pastures. -Wherever they are, they will be found “burning the candles at both -ends.” As long as they are young and attractive they have little -difficulty in finding girls who are willing to assist them in -scattering their cash. - -Among these are the show girls who sing or dance in the cheap -burlesque theaters on South State and West Madison streets. -Thousands of hobos, who never can hope to come in personal contact -with chorus girls, throng the cheap playhouses of Hobohemia. -The titillations of a State Street vaudeville are vulgar and -inexpensive. The men, many of them, at least, would not and could -not appreciate a higher grade of entertainment. - -The hobo has few ideal associations with women. Since most of -them are unmarried, or living apart from their wives, their sex -relations are naturally illicit. The tramp is not a marrying man, -though he does enter into transient free unions with women when the -occasion offers. There are many women in the larger cities who have -no scruples against living with a man during the winter, or for -even a year or two, without insisting upon the marriage rite. They -are not prostitutes, not even “kept women.” - - 52. M. lived with Mrs. S. N. for four or five years, off - and on, whenever he was in town. What little money he - earned he brought home, though he took money from Mrs. N. - more frequently. She worked and usually when she came home - very tired he would have the house work done and a meal - ready. When she was sick he waited on her. He listened to - her troubles and was patient and good natured. In winter he - always got up and made the fires. She was always jealous - of him and when he would leave town for a month or two she - fancied that it was to get away from her and to live with - some other woman. Finally they separated, but they are - still good friends. He is living with another woman and she - with another man. Of late he is only in Chicago in winter. - -The tramp who succeeds in living in idleness with a woman in such -a companionship considers himself fortunate. The woman who can -find a man like M. is often content, provided he is faithful to -her, although she prefers a man who can be depended upon to earn a -little money. The women who enter these free unions have the least -to gain and the most to lose. The general experience of women who -keep their “men” is that when they are in the direst need the men -will desert them; on the other hand, when the men are in need they -will return. - -A certain class of detached men makes a practice of getting into -the good graces of some prostitute for the winter. The panderer is -not a characteristic tramp type, but certain homeless men are not -averse to becoming pimps for a season. These attachments between -homeless men and prostitutes are often quite real. Some of them -even become permanent, others last a year or two, but most of them -are only of a few months’ duration. While they do persist they are -often more or less sentimental. - - -THE HOBO AND PROSTITUTION - -Most hobos and tramps because of drink, unpresentable appearance, -or unattractive personality, do not succeed in establishing -permanent, or even quasi-permanent, relationships with women. For -them the only accessible women are prostitutes and the prostitutes -who solicit the patronage of the homeless man are usually forlorn -and bedraggled creatures who have not been able to hold out in the -fierce competition in higher circles. - -These women, otherwise so isolated and so hard pressed by their -exigent wants, do not live on the “main stem,” but adjacent to -it. They are conveniently located so that even the “floater,” who -comes to town with a few months’ savings, has no trouble in finding -them. The upper-class prostitutes keep men on the street getting -the business for them. Pandering is an art, and many of these -pimps have become adept in catching the men who come to town with -“rolls.” Only a small part of the commerce of the homeless man is -with the “live ones.” He usually has so little money that he is -forced to bargain for the attention of the lowest women that walk -the streets. - -Men with “rolls” are scarce in Hobohemia. One man met on West -Madison Street said: “I came in last night with $380 and now I’m -flatter’n a pancake. I didn’t even get a pair of sox. Hallelujah! -I’m a bum.” He was still too drunk to realize the situation, but -next day he was uncertain whether he had been robbed by a woman or -by a “jack roller.” He did not even know whether he had been robbed -or had lost his money. He had worked all winter and spring on a -ranch near Casper, Wyoming, and had come to town with a trainload -of cattle.[51] It is seldom that the second-rate prostitute gets -hold of so much money. - -From these “second raters” the tramp is doubly liable to infection. -Most of them have been diseased at some time while some of them -are infected all the time. More than one-third of them, according -to Dr. Ben L. Reitman, of the Chicago Health Department, are -constantly spreading infection. The homeless man is well aware of -the risk he runs when he patronizes the prostitute, but he does not -realize the gravity of the danger. - - -PERVERSION AMONG THE TRAMPS - -All studies indicate that homosexual practices among homeless -men are widespread. They are especially prevalent among men on -the road among whom there is a tendency to idealize and justify -the practice. Homosexuality is not more common among tramps than -among other one-sex groups. In the prison and jail population, the -authorities are forced to wage a constant warfare against it. The -same condition prevails also in the navy or merchant marine, and, -to a lesser extent, in the army.[52] - -Among tramps there are, it seems, two types of perverts. There -are those who are subjects, in the words of Havelock Ellis, “of a -congenital predisposition, or complexus of abnormalities.” Ellis -contends that certain individuals, different temperamentally and -physically from the rest of us, are not attracted by the opposite -sex but are easily attracted by their own sex. Most of them are men -who have developed from childhood feminine traits and tastes, and -they may be regarded as predisposed to homosexuality. The second -group is composed of individuals who have temporarily substituted -homosexual for heterosexual behavior. Most of these perverts by -conversion are men who, under the pressure of sex isolation, have -substituted boy for woman as the object of their desires. This is -chiefly because boys are accessible while women are not. - - -THE BOY TRAMP AND PERVERSION - -The boy does not need to remain long in hobo society to learn of -homosexual practices. The average boy on the road is invariably -approached by men who get into his good graces. Some “homos” claim -that every boy is a potential homosexual. This is without doubt an -exaggeration as well as a defense, for not all boys are subject to -persuasion. Sometimes boys will travel alone or with other boys to -avoid the approaches of older men. Often boys will refrain from -traveling with adults, even well-behaved adults, because they -realize that they will be under suspicion. It is not uncommon to -hear a boy who is seen traveling with an older man spoken of as the -“wife” or “woman.” It is only natural that many boys fear to be -alone with adult tramps. - - 53. The case of M. is typical. He is a sixteen year old boy - who travels alone. He is a handsome lad; small for his age - and neat in appearance. He is just the type of boy that - would attract the average “wolf” who idealizes pink cheeks - and an innocent appearance. He travels alone because of - his fear of “wolves.” He had not been away from home three - weeks and he says that he has been accosted several times. - Although he had been in Chicago but a day he had received - advances from two men who tried to persuade him to go to a - room. - -Many devices are employed by them to place the lad in their debt -or under their protection. If methods of persuasion do not work, -force is sometimes used. One man gave a brakeman a dollar to put -a boy off the train at a lonely siding. Another man learned which -direction a certain boy was traveling and followed him from town -to town, “accidentally” meeting him at each place. The lad was -without funds, and so was the man, but the latter was able to beg -and usually had a “lump” when he met the boy and he always divided. -Another man led a boy a mile or so out in the country to a place -where he claimed he had worked during the previous year and where -he knew they could both get something to eat. - -Another common ruse is to take a boy to a room or a box car to -sleep. The man suggests that he knows a clean car in a safe place -with plenty of straw or paper on the floor. In a big city the boy -is often enticed to a room for the same purpose. There are many -cases on record in the Chicago courts.[53] - - 54. A. F., a boy sixteen years old, was being held in a - room on West Ohio Street to which he had been enticed for - immoral purposes by John M. J. M. was arrested on complaint - of one F. He was found in company with another boy in a - room in the E. Hotel on South State Street. John was held - for trial on $3,000 bonds which he could not furnish. He - died in jail waiting for trial. - - 55. C. J. This man worked on a boat plying between Michigan - ports and Chicago. He persuaded a Michigan boy whose home - was near Lansing but who had run away and was loafing about - the docks on the lake front, to come with him to Chicago. - He promised to help the boy get a job, etc. He took him to - a room on South State Street where he held him for three - days and had improper relations with him. Prior to his - apprehension he had turned the boy over to another man for - the same purpose. - -Josiah Flynt, who was familiar with tramp life, seems to be of the -opinion that most boys are forced into the practice. However, it -does not seem probable that force is so extensively employed as is -sometimes believed. These accounts serve as a defense reaction on -their part, yet we cannot say that such forced initiations do not -occur. But even those who at the outset were the victims of “strong -arm” methods often become reconciled to the practice and continue -it. Often they become promiscuous in their relations and many of -them even commercialize themselves. - -Writers on the sex behavior of men and boys often refer to the -relationship as it exists among tramps as a sort of slavery. By -slavery is meant that boys are held in bondage to men and forced -to steal and beg for them. This condition may exist in isolated -instances but it is not general. It is even suggested by some -authorities that there exists some sort of organization among -tramps through which boys have been “caught” and kept in servitude. -The best evidence that such an organization does not exist is the -fact that perverted sex practices are frowned upon by the tramps -themselves. - -The court records show, however, that not infrequently boys are -held in rooms, or taken to lonely buildings, or out on the lake -front, or in the parks, but the case that gets into court is seldom -one in which both parties were free agents. If there is slavery in -these latter cases it is slavery to their passions, or to a state -of mind growing out of their habits and their isolation. - -The duration of an intimacy of this kind in the city is seldom more -than a few days. On the road, however, the “partnership” may last -for weeks. Whereas, out of town the pair can travel as companions -aiding each other, in the city they can get along better alone. -It is difficult for partners to remain together long in the city, -especially if one has money and the other none, or if one drinks -and the other does not. Living in a metropolis is a problem the -tramp can solve better alone. - - -ATTITUDES OF THE PERVERT - -Tramp perverts argue that homosexual intercourse is “clean” and -that homosexuals are less liable to become infected with venereal -disease. The Vice Commission of Chicago, in its report for 1911, -states that homosexual individuals “are not known in their true -character to any extent by the physicians because of the fact that -their habits do not, as a rule, produce bodily disease.”[54] - -It is also urged by perverts that in the homosexual relation there -is the absence of the eternal complications in which one becomes -involved with women. They want to avoid intimacies that complicate -the free life to which they are by temperament and habit committed. -Homosexual attachments are generally short lived, but they are -real while they last. Sometimes a man will assume a priority over -a boy and will even fight to maintain it. The investigator during -his study of this phase of the tramp problem made two unsuccessful -attempts to step between men and their boys, or “lambs.” In one -case his interference was resented by both the man and the boy, but -in the other it was rather enjoyed by the boy, though he would not -be separated from his “wolf.” - -The investigator met S., a veteran “wolf” on Madison Street. -When he was asked why his face was so badly bruised he said that -he and another man had fought over a boy. “He was trying to get -my kid into a room with him.” He claimed that he hit the man -and ran but that he was arrested. He was held over night in the -Desplaines Street Station on a charge of disorderly conduct, but -was discharged the next morning. What hurt him most was not the -night in jail or his bruised face but the fact that the other man -had left town with the boy. - -In his sex life, as in his whole existence, the homeless man moves -in a vicious circle. Industrially inadequate, his migratory habits -render him the more economically inefficient. A social outcast, he -still wants the companionship which his mode of life denies him. -Debarred from family life, he hungers for intimate associations -and affection. The women that he knows, with few exceptions, are -repulsive to him. Attractive women live in social worlds infinitely -remote from his. With him the fundamental wishes of the person for -response and status have been denied expression. The prevalence -of sexual perversion among the homeless men is, therefore, but -the extreme expression of their unnatural sex life. Homosexual -practices arise almost inevitably in similar situations of sex -isolation. A constructive solution for the problems of the sex life -of the homeless man strikes deeper into our social life than this -study can carry us. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[50] Of the 1,000 men studied by Mrs. Solenberger, 74 per cent -gave their marital status as single. Of the 400 interviewed by the -writer 86 per cent stated that they were unmarried. Only 8 per cent -of the former and 5 per cent of the latter survey claimed they were -married. The others claimed to be widowed, divorced, or separated -from their wives. Unpublished Document 142. - -[51] Unpublished Document 114. - -[52] Iwan Bloch, _Sexual Life of Our Times_, p. 540. - -[53] Unpublished Document 32. - -[54] _The Social Evil in Chicago_, pp. 296-97. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -THE HOBO AS A CITIZEN - - -Where are we to place the hobo as a citizen? What is his actual -status as a member of society or as a functioning unit in the -state? Where does he stand in relation to organized society and its -laws and its mores? - -The public dismisses these questions by assigning the hobo and the -tramp to the class of “undesirables.” This reaction of the public -is, of course, emotional and superficial, based partly on the -shabby and unkempt appearance of the men of the road and partly -on their reputation as beggars, vagrants, drunkards, and petty -thieves. Any study of the homeless man as a citizen must go farther -and take into account such factors as nativity, naturalization, and -patriotism; legal residence and the right and opportunity to vote; -obedience to law; and his political aspirations. - - -NATIVITY, NATURALIZATION, AND PATRIOTISM - -Students of hobos and tramps have been struck by the fact that the -great majority of homeless men are native-born Americans. Mrs. -Solenberger found that of 1,000, 623 were native born. Of the 400 -tramps interviewed by the writer during the summer of 1921, only -61 were foreign-born and 23 of these had taken out naturalization -papers. From these and other studies it appears that from 60 to 90 -per cent of hobos and tramps are native born. - -The tramp is an American product. The foreign-born in this group -are chiefly of the older immigration. Among these, Englishmen, -proverbial as “globe-trotters,” are conspicuous. The number -of homeless men from the newer immigration is small, and the -individuals who are found in the tramp and hobo group seem often -out of place. - -One test of patriotism is military service. The writer found that -of the 400 he interviewed, 92 had seen military service. This -figure is high, since there were only 183 men of the whole group -between the ages of twenty and thirty-four. These men were listed -in 1921 and would include many who were not in the draft age when -the allotments were drawn in 1918. There were of the 400, 58 who -were probably under the draft age in 1918. When we consider the -proportion of physically and mentally unfit, it seems that this -figure is high.[55] - - -THE HOBO AND HIS VOTE - -What is the status of the hobo as a voter? He seldom remains in one -place long enough to acquire legal residence. His work, because -of its seasonal character, often takes him away from his legal -residence just at the time when he should be there to register or -vote. Whether he has a desire to cast his ballot or not, he is -seldom able to do so. - -A canvass of thirty-five Hobohemian hotels in Chicago has shown -that about a third of the guests are voters. In March, 1923, there -were 3,029 registered voters from these hotels, which have a total -capacity of 9,480. Many of these, though they are in the city -only in winter or for a few weeks at a time, manage to maintain -a residence here and, if they are in the city during an election, -they vote. - -Charges are even made that tramps and hobos sell their votes, that -they often engage in “repeating.” There is not as much ground for -such charges as one would expect. The average tramp does not have -the courage to take the chances that the “repeater” must expect -to run. He realizes also that he is always under more or less -suspicion even when he is going straight, and this serves as a -brake. - -Homeless men as a group make much of the fact that they are -excluded from the ballot, and they remind all who have the patience -to listen that the exclusion is unjust because they perform an -important and legitimate function in the labor world. They seem to -protest against their exclusion more than to demand the ballot. One -man said that he did not know if he would vote if he had a chance, -“but it’s the principle of the thing.” - -The International Brotherhood Welfare Association has repeatedly -stood for some form of universal suffrage that would permit -migratory workers to vote, regardless of the length of their -residence in a community. - - During the latter part of May, 1922, a convention of the - Farmer-Labor Party was held in Chicago. Certain members of - the hobo group failed in the attempt to get a resolution - through the convention in favor of giving the vote to - migratory workers. Certain delegates feared that the - hobo was too irresponsible to use the ballot. The farmer - element in the Farmer-Labor Party resented the idea of - giving support to the tramp group by whom they had been - harassed so much in the harvest fields. Nor is the I.W.W. - particularly interested in “votes for the hobos,” because - in their opinion the ballot is at best an indirect method - of accomplishing what can be easier secured by direct - action. - -Forty-eight of the 400 homeless men studied by the writer claimed -to have voted in the presidential election of 1920. - - 56. One of the men interviewed in this study said: “I - happened to drop into Salt Lake the last day of the - registration so I got my name on the dotted line. I swore I - had been in the state a year. They couldn’t prove I wasn’t, - so it passed. I’d been in ten or fifteen states that year. - Well, when election came I was working in Bingham. My boss - was short of help and didn’t want me to lay off to vote, - so I quit and went to Salt Lake. Got there just before the - polls closed.” - -One man said that he beat his way 1,000 miles to cast his ballot. -Most of the 48, however, had voted because at election time they -were living in or near their legal residence. What was the attitude -of the 352 who did not vote? The following are the reasons given -(with reference to 1920 election):[56] - - No desire to vote and no legal residence 28 - Having legal residence but no desire to vote 54 - No legal residence but desire to vote 129 - Under twenty-one 88 - Aliens 38* - In military service 9 - Disfranchised 2 - Not known 4 - --- - Total 352 - - * Sixty-one foreign-born in 400; 23 naturalized. - -There were 28 men both ineligible to vote and indifferent to the -ballot. The group of 54 who had no desire to vote included men -who were at home, or near their legal residence, and could have -voted had they been interested. The two listed as disfranchised -were both men who had been dishonorably discharged from the navy. -Both were under twenty-one and had enlisted under the pressure of -wartime enthusiasm. One of these was not interested in voting and -the other said that the vote was a joke anyway. - - -THE HOMELESS MAN AND THE LAW - -The migratory worker is not saddled with responsibility for law and -order. As he makes his way about the country, he is unincumbered. -He has nothing to lose and nothing to protect but his person, -and that he protects best by constantly moving. The homeless man -has no interest in common with the settled man of the community -who has attachments and property, and at whose expense he often -lives. The migratory worker, for a time, may be physically a part -of a community, but he actually does not become absorbed into its -social life. The wanderer who fails to win a place in the life of a -community often takes his own course. This course is sometimes in -harmony with the interests of the community, but more often counter -to them, and he fails under the surveillance of the law. - -To the tramp and the hobo the police are the guardian angels -of organized society, created to protect the community against -criminals and migrants. To him there are two varieties of -police--civil and private. The uniformed upholder of the law, -the civil police, is given the uncomplimentary epithet, “harness -bull.” The plain-clothes men are called “dicks,” “fly cops,” and -“stool pigeons.” The private police who protect the property of the -railroad are held in even lower contempt. - - -THE PRIVATE POLICE - -The chief job of the “dicks” is to keep the “bos” off the trains. -The private police are unpopular, not only among homeless men, but -also among the employees of the railroads. Brakemen and switchmen -will often aid tramps in their effort to avoid the police. Railroad -police must often contend with a lack of co-operation by the civil -police. The town police, or “town clown” as he is called, may order -the tramps to leave on the “next train,” while the railroad police -may be making every effort to prevent their riding the trains. The -town police are not anxious to fill the jail; they prefer that the -transients move on; they reason that the railroad should take away -what the railroad brought. - -The railroad policeman shows results, not by the number of -convictions as the civil police, but by his ability to keep at -a minimum the number of offenses against railroad property. His -endeavor is to put fear into the hearts of all trespassers on the -right-of-way. He becomes a hunter of men, not to seize and detain -them, but to pursue and terrorize them. He is to the railroad -property what the scarecrow is to the cornfield. - -Railroad police sometimes drive men off fast-moving trains by -throwing stones or shooting at them. Not infrequently they catch -and maltreat a tramp; however, they are seldom able to get hold of -a veteran tramp. The inexperienced man or the boy is more likely -to be caught. These means of putting fear into men do not stop -tramping. As they become fearful of the railroad “bull,” they -become more cautious, and the “bull’s” problem is increasingly -difficult. - - -WHAT THE TRAMP THINKS OF THE PRIVATE POLICE - -To migrants the railroad is “the tramp’s traditional highway.” The -tramp, however, expects opposition from the railroad police and -even from the train crews; nevertheless he measures his success as -a “boomer” by his ability to outwit this opposition. Encounters -with the railroad police are a favorite theme of conversation in -the “jungles” and along the “stem.” - -One man tells of being held in Hutchinson, Kansas, on suspicion: - - 57. A bunch of us came in on a freight and started up town. - It was about midnight and the moon was shining. We were - sneaking along the shade of a row of box cars. A couple of - men halted us and ordered us to come out into the light. I - had a notion to run but one of the other fellows said they - had “gats” and we’d better take no chances. It was a good - thing we didn’t run because we found out that a couple of - men had escaped from the jail. All the police and a lot of - the citizens had been drafted to find them. Most of them - carried guns and nothing would have suited them better than - to have had some one to shoot at. - - They rounded up about ten “bos” out of the yards and took - us to a room in the depot where they held us for about an - hour till one of the guards came from the jail. He did - not see the escaped men in the crowd so we were turned - loose. The railroad “bull” ordered us to walk out of town. - We walked out a ways and then sneaked back and caught a - freight. - - I think we got off easy. I had a buddy once who was held a - week until the police could get a picture. He was caught by - the railroad “bull” and turned over to the “town clown.” - They are always sorry if they can’t get something on a “bo” - they hold. - -Youths in their first adventures on the road accept with zest the -conflict with the private police. A student who made a practice of -“working the harvest” each summer gives the following statement: - - 58. My first experience with a bull was at Marshalltown, - Iowa. I had been selling books up near Mason City, Iowa, - and after three weeks of that loathsome occupation, I threw - my prospectus into the ditch and started for home. Late - one night I caught an express train on the Northwestern - from Ames, Iowa, bound for Chicago, and rode from there - to Marshalltown; unfortunately the train pulled into the - station very slowly and the long string of lights on the - station platform shed a great deal of light on the train. I - started to get off when a rough voice cursing loudly told - me to get off on that side. He took me by the shoulder and - asked me what in hell I was doing riding on that train. - “Don’t you know,” he said, “what we do with fellows who - ride the front ends of these trains?” He gave me a kick and - told me to get out of the yards. It was my first encounter - with the “bulls” and I have since learned that “bull” - tactics are very much the same. - - Another time I crawled off the train into the waiting arms - of a Rock Island “bull” in Council Bluffs, Iowa. He showed - me his star and searched me over carefully, feeling every - lump in my clothing. During the search he said, “Will you - give me all I find on you?” The question rather startled me - but I quickly replied, “Yes.” Finding nothing, he seemed - disappointed and said, “I can’t understand why you haven’t - more money on you! What are you, anyway?” I told him I was - a college student looking for work. “The hell you are!” - he sneered, “you’re a Weary Willie, now get out of here, - quick.” - - At Grand Island some fifty of us tried to ride a - merchandise freight out of the yards, when an energetic - “bull” pulled himself out of a car and waved a revolver - wildly warning all not to get on. It was a long freight and - the men strung themselves up and down the track the full - length of it. In spite of his efforts, several got aboard. - My companion and I were quite close to him and made no - effort to get on. - - My next encounter occurred at Bureau, Illinois, a division - point on the Rock Island. There were four of us on the - tender (behind the engine), my room mate and I and two lads - who had jumped on some miles down the line. They had been - jumping on and off and having a good time generally. Both - of them had on white shirts and could be easily recognized - by the train men. At Bureau a rough looking “bull” poked - his head over the tender, waved a gun, cursed madly and - told us to get down from there. We were lying flat on one - corner and I did not believe he had seen us. The two boys - did as they were told while I held my room mate down and - told him not to move. I heard him swearing at the boys as - the train pulled out. - - With a companion I left a Rock Island freight one afternoon - to get a drink of water. We came back to see our train - far up the track toward Des Moines. I noticed by my table - that an express train would soon be in. My companion was a - long, lean individual, a bluffing, blustering type probably - weighing about 175 pounds. A “bull” was waiting for us at - Valley Junction, just outside of Des Moines. He pulled us - off and marched us out in front of all the passengers and - into the station. We both noticed that we had climbed a - mail train and that our future was not very bright. The - station agent was not in and I sized Mr. “Bull” up as he - searched us. He was a young fellow, not over twenty-five - and did not look nearly as hard as he talked. My companion - was as pale as a sheet and would say nothing. I talked to - him as best I could, and after scaring us to the best of - his ability he finally turned us loose, actually buying us - a ticket on the auto bus to Des Moines. He acted almost - human toward us. - -A man, prominent in Hobohemia as a soap-boxer, recites this -experience out of a great number that he has had with railroad and -other private police. - - 59. I was traveling in Indiana with a man by the name of - Sullivan, known around the country as “Sully.” We got off - at Flora, a railroad town in Indiana. It was cold and the - town was “hostile” because so many “bos” had been there - that the people were hardened to them. We knew better than - to hang around the railroad yards so we decided to go out - of town a ways and build a fire to keep warm while we - waited for a train. We started out but Sully decided to - return and learn from the switchman when a train would be - leaving. I said that I would go out along the track and - build a wind break with some old ties and make a fire. - - I dragged some ties together and had the wind break up by - the time Sully returned. I had the fire going too and was - taking off my shoes. I had stepped in some water while - dragging ties and my feet were wet and cold. - - Everything went fine for about half an hour. I was drying - my shoes and socks and Sully and I were talking about where - we were going and what to do. It was at the time of the - Steel Strike, and Sully was planning on going up there to - get a job as a “scab herder.” He said that by that means he - would get in with the company and that he could work some - “sabotage” in the interest of the workers. At that time I - was traveling and selling literature, and holding street - meetings in the interests of the I.B.W.A. - - All of a sudden something hit me in the back between the - shoulder blades. I looked around quickly and there were two - “bulls.” We were on railroad property and I knew we were - in for it. Sully ducked and went over the fence. I had my - shoes off and couldn’t run. One of them gave me another tap - on the back with a black jack. “What are you here for?” “I - am drying my shoes,” was the only answer I could think of. - As I hurried to get my shoes on one of them slapped me on - the side of the head. I jumped and ran while they cursed me - and told me never to let them catch me again. I met Sully - an hour later and together we cursed all railroad “bulls” - as cowards and sneaks. - - Sometime after that I was told by a friend that Sully was - an employee of the Pinkerton agency. I did not believe it - but before a year was out I heard it from two or three - sources. I made an effort to find out and I learned it - was true; that he was in their employ at the time we got - chased. Then it came to me why he went back to talk to the - switchmen and how he got away without being hit. He was - traveling with me because he was trying to get a line on me - as an agitator. - -These stories are typical of those that any experienced tramp can -tell. - -The private police “talks by hand” because it is the most practical -method at his command. The argument of the club coincides most -admirably with the mood he is in when on duty searching trains and -keeping trespassers off railroad property. He is a hunter and the -tramp is his prey. If it is a game to the police, it is no less so -to the tramp. One lad who had been caught a time or two said: “I -get a lot of ‘kick’ out of riding trains out of a place when I know -the ‘dicks’ are trying to keep me off.” - -When a town has a railroad policeman who is “hard,” the fact is -soon noised about. A few years ago, Galesburg, Illinois, was known -throughout the country for the “bad” colored policeman who guarded -the yards. The hobo who could tell a story of an encounter with -the big “nigger bull” had an exploit to be proud of. For some time -Green River, Wyoming, boasted a “hard bull” known to the “floating -fraternity” as “Green River Slim.” As the reputation of a “bad” -policeman travels ahead, so the information about his tactics and -methods. Where he may be found, how avoided, how he watches the -trains, are usually common knowledge to the average “bo” before he -reaches a town. - - -ATTITUDE OF THE PRIVATE POLICE - -The _Hobo News_ for April, 1922, reprinted an article “The Hobo; -a Real Problem to the Railroad,” by T. T. Kelihor, chief special -agent of the Illinois Central Railroad. The article was given space -in the _News_ in order that the hobos might see how the “bulls” -regarded them. It was followed by a caustic criticism from the -editor who charged that the writer “like the rest of his fraternity -cannot distinguish between Hobos and Bums and Tramps and Yeggs.” - - The railroads of this country are the chief sufferers from - this cancerous social growth. There is no property right or - other rights of the railroad that the modern hobo feels - called upon to consider or respect. Millions of dollars’ - worth of railway property and merchandise in transit are - destroyed and stolen annually by this class. The actual - value of merchandise stolen is only a small part of the - loss of merchandise in trains. - - The average hobo realizes that he is not provided with - means of carrying away a large amount of bulky goods. - Consequently when hobos enter a merchandise car, they - break open a great many cases and dump or throw out the - contents on the floor in searching for small, compact, - valuable goods that they can carry off concealed about - their persons. It often happens that they will not take - more than $50.00 value in valuable articles, but they will - destroy and damage $500.00 worth of goods by destroying the - original containers and soiling the contents by trampling - on them on the dirty floor of the car and otherwise - damaging them. - -The amount of property the tramp actually steals and destroys is -not known. He probably is blamed for more damage than he does. -Those who speak for the hobo class claim that most of the goods -stolen from cars is taken by train crews who shield themselves -by pointing to the tramp, who is already an outlaw as far as the -railroad is concerned, because he steals rides. Aside from the loss -of property, Mr. Kelihor calls attention to the great loss of life -attributed to tramping. - -The loss of life and limb on account of hobos riding trains and -trespassing on the right-of-way, and the consequent financial and -economic loss to the country and the railroads, is appalling. The -reports for all railroads during 1919 show: - - Trespassers killed 2,553 - Trespassers injured 2,658 - ----- - Total 5,211 - -And during 1920: - - Trespassers killed 2,166 - Trespassers injured 2,362 - ----- - Total 4,528 - - During 1921, on the Illinois Central and the Yazoo and - Mississippi railroads, 98 trespassers were killed and 221 - injured. - -How many of these persons killed were actually hobos, perhaps even -the railroads could not say. To the railroad officials anyone is a -trespasser on railroad property who is not a patron or an employee. -On the other hand, all the instances of tramps killed or injured on -the railroad are not recorded. - -In a communication of August 2, 1922, to the Homeless Man -Committee, W. P. Riggs, chief special agent of the American Express -Company, says in part: - - On our more important exclusive trains we have inspectors - employed to ride them for the purpose of keeping tramps and - other unauthorized persons off such trains. As in the past - we have suffered serious loss through such parties breaking - into our sealed cars and robbing them. There have also been - instances where parties under the guise of tramps beating - their way around the country turned out to be real bandits, - who would at the opportune time hold up the mail clerks and - messengers. - - The tramp situation is the worst in this section during the - spring, summer, and fall; yet we also have more or less - trouble with them in winter months. - - Generally speaking, we do not receive much assistance from - civil authorities in combatting tramps. - -J. H. Hustin, Jr., superintendent of property protection for the -New York Central Railroad, writes the committee as follows: - - It is the endeavor of our police officers to keep the tramp - off our right-of-way. Many of our freight trains on the - Western territory are protected by police officers enroute - between terminals, and it is part of their duty to keep - such train riders off our trains. Usually the tramp is - placed under arrest and taken before the local authorities - for disposition. - - During the spring and fall we experience most of our - difficulties with train riders, especially in connection - with the opening and closing of navigation. - - In general, we receive the co-operation of the city - authorities. When business is quiet and a large number of - men are out of work, we obtain little direct assistance - from the local police and courts; while, when business is - good and there is little unemployment, such co-operation is - very satisfactory. - - -THE CIVIL AUTHORITIES AND THE TRAMP - -The average man on the street, or the average housewife, sees in -the tramp either a parasite or a predacious individual. The average -man may admit that there are many migratory men who would work, but -he feels that most of them will not, and that they have neither -permanent habits nor good intentions; they need to be watched. If -the public opinion decrees that the town needs to be protected -against tramps, it is the duty of the police to do it. There seems -to be a relation between the pressure that the police bring to -bear on the tramp and the pressure that the tramps impose upon the -community which is reflected in the pressure the residents place -on the police. In towns where vagrancy has become a problem, the -police are very energetic in keeping down the number of apparently -idle men. - -In small towns, especially railroad towns, through which many -tramps move, the police are “hostile.” A policeman in a Wyoming -town on the Union Pacific Railroad asserts: “We’ve got to be hard -on these fellows or they will eat us out of house and home in -a week.” In the larger towns the police are sporadic in their -harshness. Men of the road will ask one another about the attitude -of the police in certain cities. “Omaha was good the first part -of the winter,” reported a man in a circle about a camp fire, “I -think I’ll go to Chi this winter if I don’t go to the Coast. I -heard they were pretty easy on them there last winter.” Again, “I -was in Chicago the most of the winter. They are all right there if -you stay on the ‘stem.’” “How has K. C. been lately? I haven’t been -there for five years.” - -The average hobo will often avoid certain towns because he has -heard that the “bo” will not be well received. He will sometimes go -to a town even when he has heard of its drastic method of treating -the transients. A “hard” police force and a drastic policy of -repression do not keep tramps away. It selects out those who are -willing to run the risk. Timid and inexperienced men are kept away, -but the daring and veteran tramps who cause the police the most -trouble are not so readily frightened off. - -The police do not regard the tramp as a serious offender. If he -steals, it is generally for something to eat or to wear. Every man -on the road steals potatoes or green corn from the nearby fields, -or fruit from the neighboring orchard, or chickens that stray -within reach of the jungle. - -Tramps will boast about what they will do when times get hard and -cold weather crowds them. “I won’t starve. I worked all summer, and -I won’t go hungry this winter.” This man was “broke” in spite of -a summer’s hard labor in the harvest fields. His earnings quickly -went for drink. He did get hungry, and his clothes were torn to -tatters before spring, but he did not break in any windows as he -had threatened. There are “crooks” among the tramps, but not so -many as might be supposed. The average tramp does not possess the -courage to be a first-class crook. - -Warden Wesley Westbrook, of the Cook County jail, supports this -estimate of the tramp as an offender: - - I am convinced that the tramp does not have the courage to - be a criminal. He will steal something to eat or wear, and - he may steal a door mat or some article he may sell for a - quarter to get a coffee-an’; or, if he is drinking, to get - the price of a pint of whiskey. But tramps do not become - criminal in the serious sense. They make noise and threats - sometimes but I have found them an easy group to get along - with. It takes considerable courage to break into a house - or to hold a person up and the tramp will not do this. He - seems to think that he can get a living easier and with - less risk. - -But whether a major offender or not, the fact is that the homeless -man is almost always liable to arrest as a vagrant. He is marked -as a potential offender. He always faces the possibility of being -arrested on suspicion. Where the ex-convict is harassed by the -authorities because they have his record, the tramp is often held -because they do not have his record. Often migrants are taken from -freight trains and transported many miles to the scenes of some -offense only to be turned loose. Often they are held for days in -local jails until they can prove an alibi or their identity can be -established. For them there is no redress. - -The status of the homeless man in the courts is not high. Again and -again men are arraigned before the judge for vagrancy, fighting, -drunkenness, begging, petty stealing, and other minor offenses. -Any policeman can walk along West Madison Street any day and -see some man or perhaps a dozen who could be arrested on some -charge. If all policemen did this the jails would be full and the -police courts in which these cases are tried would be continually -overflowing. Only the most conspicuous cases are arrested. Those -are numerous enough to keep an average judge busy in an average -police court. - -The judge who sits in the Desplaines Street police court, where -more tramps are arraigned than in any other court in Chicago, faces -sometimes as many as 100 men whose cases must be disposed of within -a few hours. One morning the investigator visited Judge LaBuy’s -court in the Desplaines Street station and saw more than fifty -cases of vagrancy, disorderly conduct, drunkenness, etc., disposed -of in less than half an hour. There was little material at hand by -which the judge could arrive at a just decision, consequently he -disposed of the cases with only that evidence that was apparent. -Apparently neither the needs of the individual were being met nor -the demands of justice satisfied.[57] - -The experiences of the tramp or hobo in the police court do not -increase his respect for the law and the administration of justice. -He finds the administration of justice a mechanical process. At -the points where the law touches his life it has lost every trace -of the human touch unless it be the brutal “third degree” or the -traditional “sixty days.” The courts sometimes put fear into his -heart but they do not reform him. - -What status as a citizen does the hobo wish? His attitude toward -the police and his reaction toward the civil authorities that -represent organized society seem to be tempered with antipathy. -Most of the songs he sings are songs of protest. The organizations -to which he allies himself are antagonistic to things as they are. - -In many ways, the migratory worker is “a man without a country.” -By the very nature of his occupation he is deprived of the ballot, -and liable when not at work to arrest for vagrancy and trespassing. -The public ignores him generally, but now and again pities or is -hostile to him. With no status in organized society, he longs for -a classless society where all inequalities shall be abolished. In -the I.W.W. and other radical organizations, he finds in association -with restless men of his own kind the recognition everywhere else -denied him. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[55] It must be remembered that the 400 include tramps in transit -who are, perhaps, the better and most fit of all the types. -At least there would be in such a group a greater number of -able-bodied men than in any 400 selected at random in the “stem” of -one of our cities. Again, 400 is not a sufficient number to permit -more than a tentative conclusion. - -[56] From an unpublished study by the author of 400 tramps, -Document 115. - -[57] Unpublished Document 80. - - - - - PART IV - - HOW THE HOBO MEETS HIS PROBLEM - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -PERSONALITIES OF HOBOHEMIA - - -Like other communities, Hobohemia has its eminent persons. In the -flux and flow of the life on the “main stem” certain individuals -are conspicuous. They are for the most part the soap-box orators, -the organizers and promoters of utopias. These men are the most -loved or the most hated of all the Hobohemian celebrities. They -are either overwhelmingly approved or are unsparingly condemned as -grafters and parasites. But whether exploiters or benefactors they -are centers of interest. They are powers. Among the many men of -this group are: James Eads How, Dr. Ben L. Reitman, John X. Kelly, -Michael C. Walsh, Daniel Horsley, and A. W. Dragstedt. - -Outside of these leaders of the migratory workers are mission -workers, like Charles W. Langsman, of the Bible Rescue Mission; and -John Van de Water, of the Helping Hand Mission; and Brigadier J. -E. Atkins, of the Salvation Army, which is neither a mission nor a -church. - -It has been the policy of the Baptist Church on North LaSalle -Street and the Immanuel Baptist Church on South Michigan Avenue -more than other churches to feed homeless men. Dr. Johnston Myers -is pastor of the latter church, and probably the most talked-of -minister in Hobohemia when times are hard. Dr. Myers is contrasted -by homeless men with the Greensteins on South State Street. -“Mother” Greenstein’s “bread line” is known the country over. - -These or their counterparts may be found in any city where hobos -gather. - - -DR. JAMES EADS HOW, “THE MILLIONAIRE HOBO” - -How, a man of wealth and education, renounced all to share the -lot of the hobos. He is not an imposing personality, but he is a -kindly, ingratiating, almost saintly man. He is a dreamer and a -visionary with a program for reforming the world. Every cent that -he does not spend for doughnuts and twenty-five-cent flops goes to -the “cause.” He hopes that other millionaires will see his good -works and imitate him. - -How is a bachelor in his late forties. According to rumor, which -he neither affirms nor denies, he has two college degrees, one -of them in medicine. He plans soon to enter a college for a year -to study law, so as to be the better prepared to promote the -interests of the International Brotherhood Welfare Association and -the “Hobo College.” The I.W.W. believes the world will be reformed -by organization and direct action first, and education second. -How puts education first. He hopes to establish a central hobo -university to which the numerous hobo colleges in the large cities -will be feeders. - -To How the hobos are a “chosen people” who have been denied their -own. They will come into their own in time. All his repeated -failures to build up a strong organization of migratory workers -have not shaken his faith in his vision. How still believes that -hobos and millionaires will sooner or later work together in -harmony to construct the House of Happiness for humanity. - - -DR. BEN L. REITMAN, “THE KING OF THE HOBOS” - -With the exception of James Eads How, “the millionaire hobo,” -Reitman is known to more migratory workers than any other man in -the country. Several years ago, while he was roaming casually -over the United States, Reitman was dubbed by the papers the “King -of the Hobos.” This title was well earned by more than twenty years -on the road, including two or three tramps around the world. - -[Illustration: DR. BEN L. REITMAN] - -His own description of himself given to the papers several years -ago still holds: - - I am an American by birth, a Jew by parentage, a Baptist - by adoption, a physician and teacher by profession, - cosmopolitan by choice, a Socialist by inclination, a - celebrity by accident, a tramp by twenty years’ experience, - and a reformer by inspiration. - -The only modification that he would make today is that he has -settled into the routine of his profession. He still lectures at -the “Hobo College.” He still intercedes for hobos and guarantees -their bills in case they do not make good. He is still a refuge -for the sick and afflicted and not a day passes that he does not -treat some down-and-outer free. He is still a reformer but he has -lost that “lean, hungry look” of his hobo days, and since he owns a -Ford, the hobos charge him with being an aristocrat. - - -JOHN X. KELLY, SOAP-BOXER AND ORGANIZER - -John Kelly has been associated with James Eads How for more than -fifteen years. Before he met How he was a curbstone orator. Beating -his way from city to city, he has talked in the “slave markets” of -every metropolitan city in the United States. He has been jailed -many times for his “soap-boxing,” and has often been forced to -leave town between the suns because of free-speech fights. He has -often beaten his way 1,000 miles to be present at a hobo convention -and to participate in the demonstrations of the hobo against the -upper strata of society. - -Kelly is still an organizer, though he is not an enthusiastic or -hopeful one. He still has faith, but he is no longer the staunch -advocate of democratic hobo organizations he formerly was. Years of -bitter experience have taught him that the average hobo will not -stand up under any responsibility. At one time he was an I.W.W. -soap-boxer, but he no longer believes that the “Wobblies” are doing -anything for the hobo, and he frankly tells them so. - -From a champion of democracy, he has swung over to an advocate of -benevolent autocracy. He is still active in the “Hobo College,” -but is often at variance with How and opposes him bitterly on some -issues. - -How, an idealist, has never learned that the ordinary hobo -organization is almost sure to fail if left to manage itself. -“But,” says Kelly, the organizer, “they’ll never succeed. They will -never be cured of quarreling over trifles. They have got to be -saved by some other method than their own power.” - - -MICHAEL C. WALSH, ORGANIZER AND PROMOTER - -Walsh has long been a factor in the hobo life of Chicago. At -present he is the head of a struggling organization of workers -known as the United Brotherhood of American Laborers, which seeks -to organize workers around an insurance program. Walsh designates -himself “Journalist and Lecturer, Founder of the Famous Hobo -College,” “The Society of Vagabonds,” and “The Mary Garden Forum.” -He further styles himself, not without reason, a graduate of the -“University of Adversity.” - -Left an orphan at an early age, he began wandering, working -casually at his trade as an iron-worker. He traveled extensively -over the United States and went abroad as a tramp worker and a -beach-comber. In 1906-7, becoming interested in the problem of -the down-and-outs, he conducted the Liberty Hotel in Seattle for -the unemployed. Later in San Francisco he was again active in the -interest of the unemployed. Still later he joined James Eads How -in St. Louis and aided in organizing the “penniless men of his own -city.” In 1915 he came to Chicago and organized the “Hobo College.” -Other hobos say that the “college” had been in existence years -before Walsh arrived on the scene, but that he did play a part in -making it popular. - -Walsh, as president of the “college,” was able to attract the -assistance of many leading citizens. He won the services of Mary -Garden, who took special pride in singing there occasionally. He -has been active among the unemployed, and at one time attracted -considerable public notice which got him into disrepute with the -local police. - -Walsh has also sought the limelight as a lyceum and chautauqua -lecturer. His subjects dealt with the various aspect of the hobo -problem. Walsh, like many of the hobo celebrities, only sees in -the tramp problem one cause, and that is, unemployment. “Give the -boys plenty of jobs and there will be no tramps.” This is a popular -interpretation among the tramps themselves. - - -DANIEL HORSLEY, “PROFESSOR” AND BOOKDEALER - -Daniel Horsley is a bookseller. His establishment, at 1237 West -Madison Street, is called the hobo bookstore. The place is known -as the “Proletariat” to the men on the “stem.” Here many men who -have no other address receive their mail. Says one man, “Where is ----- lately, Dan?” “I don’t know, but I suppose he is on his way to -Chicago. I have had some mail for him for two weeks.” The men meet -their friends at the “Proletariat,” or they leave things there for -safekeeping. They all know Mr. Horsley, and he has the good will of -all the “bos.” - -Horsley has been somewhat of a hobo himself, as the following -excerpt will show: - - My occupation during the past 14 years has carried me - through many grades of labor. First, the coal mining - industry was for many years my sole occupation. The miner, - having more dangers to confront than most workers, does not - last long. The industry claimed two of my brothers. After - having received a dose of black damps (foul air), my health - was not of the best so I decided the open air would be the - most beneficial. - - I started with a picture machine to earn my living as I - recuperated. I traveled through Nebraska, Dakota, Wyoming, - Montana, and Alberta, Canada. In every small town we would - generally come across some of the boys (hobos). Returning - from the Northwest I came back East without the machine. - I stayed a while in Iowa and then went back to the West. - Previous to and during the war I was in the shipbuilding - industry. Leaving there I worked for a short while in the - woods but decided to come East again. Visiting the eastern - seaboard I saw great industries closing down so I finally - landed in Chicago. - -Dan’s work is selling books and periodicals but he gets his -recreation by mounting the soap box occasionally. He is a devout -student of Marxian economics, and he likes nothing better than to -talk economics to an audience of workers. At the “Hobo College” he -is known as “professor,” and he gives lectures there now and then -on economics, or his other favorite topic, current history. - -The _Hobo News_ has printed a number of his articles on economic -subjects. His writing, like his teaching and soap-boxing, is along -Marxian lines. He has little patience for anyone who sees things -differently. His hobby is education, and the book business gives -him a chance to get to the homeless man and all other workers the -kind of literature that he thinks will start them thinking. - - -A. W. DRAGSTEDT, “THE HOBO INTELLECTUAL” - -Mr. Dragstedt is one of the numerous ex-secretaries of the “Hobo -College” for the year 1922-23. As secretary of the “college,” it -was his business to attend to the finances of the institution and -to manage the programs. It is the secretary’s job to find speakers -for various occasions, and to advertise the meetings. In short, the -secretary must be a diplomat and an executive. Dragstedt has all -the earmarks of a good hobo secretary. - -Born in Sweden some forty years ago, he emigrated to this country -and settled in Montana before he was out of his teens. He did not -remain settled long, but went here and there in search of work -until he developed into a regular hobo. He has worked at nearly all -the migratory occupations and has seen nearly all the states of -the Union. He is now one of the seasoned veterans of the floating -fraternity. He is getting over his passion for travel, but he has -not yet learned to settle down. He still likes to feel that he is -free to go whenever the notion strikes him, although for a year or -so he has not gone very far from the city. - -Dragstedt is a man of wide and varied experience, but he seldom can -be persuaded to talk about himself. He did his bit in the late war -and went as far as France. Most hobos who have been across like -to tell about it, but not he. But Dragstedt talks. He has ideas -and he talks about them. He has a great many ideas, some of them -consistent and others not, but they keep him occupied and he is -generally keeping someone else interested. He is a type of the hobo -intellectual. - -As a high brow, Dragstedt is a poet of no mean ability. His poems -either protest against the “system” or idealize tramp life. He is -also an artist. The walls of the “Hobo College” are adorned with -samples of his workmanship such as cartoons and decorated placards. -He has an ambition to become a cartoonist, but he is a hobo, and -hobos are men who will not apply themselves. He has two or three -scenarios that might be developed into fair picture plays, but he -will not go back to them to polish them up. This calls for more -application than he cares to give. In this, again, he is a hobo, -but he does not grieve about that. - - -CHARLES W. LANGSMAN, EXPONENT OF LOVE - -Recently, Superintendent Langsman celebrated his twentieth -spiritual birthday. For twenty years he has been connected with the -Bible Rescue Mission. Before he became converted, to use his words, -he was an “ordinary bad man of the street.” He has lived the life -of the tramp. He knows hobos from the human side. He knows their -weaknesses, their temptations, and their trials. For twenty years -he has worked with them to aid them. Hundreds of men have been -lifted out of the quicksands of a transient and aimless life by -him, while he has inspired thousands to make an effort. - -In his official capacity he is the superintendent of the Bible -Rescue Mission. He is also vice-president of the midwest district -of the International Mission Union. To the men on the street he is -known as “Charley.” No mission man in Chicago is better known. - -The Bible Rescue Mission is the only one that feeds men the year -around. Mr. Langsman feels that hungry men need food just as much -in summer as in winter. To him feeding is an evidence of the spirit -of Christianity. Because of this policy of feeding, he has been -severely criticized by the homeless men themselves and by missions. -Many of the “bos” say that “Charley” has a “doughnut philosophy.” -They maintain that religion is not worth much if it can only get -into a man’s heart through his stomach. These criticisms come back -to Superintendent Langsman, but they have not changed his policy. - -One of Langsman’s hobbies is a homeless man’s picnic each year. -When “Charley” stages a picnic it is a gala day for West Madison -Street. All the “boys” come out for a ride to the country in trucks -furnished by various firms and to eat sandwiches provided by the -churches. - - -JOHN VAN DE WATER, THE FRIEND OF THE DESERVING - -The Helping Hand Mission at 850 West Madison Street is essentially -a family mission with Sunday-school, parents’ classes, and other -auxiliary activities. It does not, however, neglect the homeless -man. Superintendent John Van de Water, for the last eight years -superintendent of the Helping Hand Mission, is one of the few -practical men in the mission work. Throughout the winter his -organization feeds, upon an average, 100 men a day. However, no -one is fed who will not work. He operates a wood yard and any -able-bodied man who asks for aid is given a chance to work. His is -the only mission that has such a test. - -Mr. Van de Water does not care for converts that must be “bought” -with doughnuts and coffee, and he has little patience with the -missions imposed upon by men who become converted only for a -place to sleep or something to eat. He is in favor of concerted -action among missions, because where they work separately they lay -themselves open to exploitation. - -The homeless man is often an ungrateful individual, but Mr. Van -de Water feels that more than a fourth of the men aided really -appreciate the help they get. Many men prefer the mission floor -in cold weather to the floor in the “flophouse,” which is seldom -scrubbed. - - -BRIGADIER J. E. ATKINS AND THE SALVATION ARMY HOTELS - -Most exploited and least loved by the hobos is the Salvation Army. -But the Salvation Army does more for the hobo than any other -agency. In every city of the country it is the “good Samaritan” to -the down-and-outs. Not only is it interested in working upon the -hearts of men, but it seeks to help people to walk alone. One of -the pioneers in this program of practical salvation is Brigadier J. -E. Atkins. - -Brigadier Atkins, a native of Wales, enlisted with the Salvation -Army forty-three years ago. He was sent to this country in 1886 as -a worker at the time when the first split occurred in the ranks. At -that time he was a regular officer in the ranks, and later became -a division officer. Before the war he was placed in charge of the -Salvation Army industrial work in Denver, Kansas City, and Des -Moines. - -He entered the army as a chaplain, and was assigned to the -first division. He was attached to “Young Teddy” Roosevelt’s -organization, and as a consequence saw considerable action. In this -capacity he spent twenty-one months overseas, serving with his -organization in all its major offensives. Twice he was gassed, and, -as a result, his voice has been permanently impaired. - -Since his discharge from the army, Brigadier Atkins has been in -charge of the four Salvation Army hotels for men in Chicago which -cater to the superior class of homeless men. These hotels are -operated on the usual Salvation Army business-like basis. The -policy is to make them pay their way, if possible, but not to -charge prices greater than the commercial hotels. It is the Atkins -aim to give all the service that is consistent with the price: to -keep the price as low as possible, and to keep the places clean and -orderly. He is insistent on getting clean, sober guests in the Army -hotels, and no apparently clean, sober man without funds need go -away. The contrary is said to be true by many “bos,” but they are -generally men who have been “found out.” - - -DR. JOHNSTON MYERS AND THE IMMANUEL PLAN - - We have knocked out the heavy stone barrier which stood - between us and the people and placed in its stead a glass, - business, inviting front, bearing such announcements - as, “We worship, we heal, we clothe, we feed, we find - employment for those in need”; “Your friends are inside, - come in.” Between five hundred and one thousand people - accept this invitation daily. We are prepared to meet and - help them. - -This is what Dr. Myers has done with a typical, forbidding, -gray-stone church, the Immanuel Baptist Church, at 2320 Michigan -Avenue. For twenty-seven years he has been pastor of this church, -and all that time he has been adhering to the Immanuel plan -outlined above. For ten years previous to his coming to the -Immanuel Church, he was pastor of the Ninth Street Baptist Church -of Cincinnati, where he followed this scheme of serving humanity as -well as God. - -Dr. Myers is a practical religionist. He is bringing religion out -of the clouds, and has made it an everyday, functioning affair. -In his mind it does not hurt a church to have a kitchen in the -basement nor to operate a restaurant in the building. His church -serves an excellent meal for thirty cents. Many of the workers in -the automobile salesrooms and the students from the medical college -near by are in the habit of taking lunch at the church. - -Most of the churches in the business area have closed their -doors, but the Immanuel Baptist is more conspicuous today than -ever before. The business men on the street are proud of it. They -contributed recently to help rebuild it after the steeple had been -blown down by a gale. The church does not serve its members as it -used to, because most of the families have moved away and now most -of its congregation is composed of homeless men. - -Dr. Myers does not try to preach to the men, nor does he try to -use the material aid he gives as a means of coaxing men to become -converted. He does not believe in such conversions. He and his -staff have learned that the average homeless man cannot hold money. -The men who apply know this too. “Johnston Myers will feed anyone -but it is pretty hard to get any ‘jack’ from him.” - - -THE GREENSTEINS AND “MOTHER’S RESTAURANT” - -Few hobos enter Chicago who have not heard of “Mother” Greenstein. -For years Mother and Father Greenstein ran a saloon on South State -Street. It was a barrel-house and the “bos” flocked to it when they -had money. It was one of the few saloons in that area that was -on “the square.” Among the hobos it is asserted that “Mother” is -the richest woman in Chicago. But her wealth has not changed her -habits. She reared a family of seven children, and most of them -have gone through college and into business for themselves. The -Greensteins are proud of their family, but no less proud of their -work. With the coming of prohibition, they closed the saloon and -opened a restaurant on the corner of Ninth and State streets. - -The place is known as “Mother’s Restaurant,” and it is one of the -few places in Hobohemia that has the right to write “Home Cooking” -on the window. Day after day “Mother” is on the job, cooking steaks -and chops and French-fried potatoes, while “Father” waits table -and serves at the bar. Mother lives in her work. She is proud of -her kitchen, and she likes to serve hungry men. The hobos say no -chef in the Blackstone or Drake can prepare more savory dishes. The -Greensteins did not earn their reputation by serving hungry men who -could pay their way, but by serving the penniless and hungry at -times when it is hard for hungry men to get food. - -A sign is painted on the wall outside the restaurant: “Mother’s -Restaurant. Don’t Go Hungry. See Mother.” Last winter another sign -placed in the window read: “Attention! Starting Monday, Dec. 20 -[1921], ‘Mother’ Will Serve Hot Coffee and Rolls Free ... from 5 -A.M. to 7 A.M.” Some mornings the bread line at 901 South State -Street contained as many as 500 men who were out to get a bowl of -coffee and something to eat, but none were ever turned away. There -is always plenty of bread and plenty of coffee, and good coffee, -too. - -The hobos do appreciate “Mother.” The old-timers of South State -Street swear by her. - - -HOBO LEADERSHIP - -This rapid sketch of a few persons in the _Who’s Who_ of Hobohemia -gives a picture of the local leadership among the homeless men. All -these persons, and many others who embody either the aspirations of -the hobos or the organized religious and philanthropic impulses of -the larger community toward the migrant, must be taken into account -in any fundamental policy and program for his welfare. All these -leaders are dealing with the homeless man as a human being, that -is, with his personal needs, his memories, and his hopes. Working -with these leaders, the social agencies may secure both insight -into his attitudes and wishes and his co-operation for his own -well-being. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE HOBO - - -The homeless man is an extensive reader. This is especially true -of the transients, the tramp, and the hobo. The tramp employs his -leisure to read everything that comes his way. If he is walking -along the railroad track, he picks up the papers that are thrown -from the trains; he reads the cast-off magazines. If he is in the -city, he hunts out some quiet corner where he may read. The tramp -is a man with considerable leisure, but few books. - -The libraries are open to them, but comparatively few use them. -Public libraries are generally imposing structures and, dressed as -he usually is, the tramp hesitates to enter them. Dan Horsley, who -is a newsdealer and runs a bookstore on West Madison, in an article -in the _Hobo News_ for October, 1922, writes: - - Just as a hobo would feel out of place in a Fifth Avenue - church, so he would feel in the average library. He does - not make general use of the libraries because of the - menacing fear of the law. He is always watching lest he - be caught as a vagrant, and this prevents him seeking - recreative study; so he gets his own literature to read and - seeks some quiet place. - -There are men in the hobo class who are not deterred by these -scruples. Some of the most persistent users of the library have -been initiated during the winter time when they were forced inside -for shelter. The newspaper reading-room of the Chicago Public -Library has become for them a favorite retreat during the cold -winter days. It is also a good resting place in the hot summer -months. - -Lodging-houses sometimes have reading-rooms in which guests may -find the local newspapers and current periodicals. Such reading -material is usually extensively read and much thumb-marked. Most -lodging-houses and rooming-houses do not provide reading matter for -their guests. Seldom does a tramp throw away a paper. He passes -it on to someone else, and after it has served its usefulness -as reading matter, he may use it at night for a bed either in a -“flophouse” or a park, along the docks, or in box cars. - -The hobo reads the daily papers but does not indorse them. He looks -with disapproval upon the so-called “capitalist” press. If he -belongs to the radicals he is sure that the press is against him. -But in spite of this he reads it. He reads it for the news. - -Radical papers, to be sure, are steadfast in their efforts to -promote his interests and champion his cause, but it is a cause -that is so well known to the homeless man that it has lost its -novelty. There are many radical papers. Among them are the _Weekly -People_, the _Truth_, the _Industrial Solidarity_, the _Worker_, -the _Hobo News_, the _Liberator_, the _Voice of Labor_. These -are not printed primarily for the homeless man, but have a wide -circulation among the so-called “slum proletariat.” - -The homeless man reads a certain amount of religious literature, -but little of it is perused in the spirit hoped for by the mission -worker or street evangelist. He reads it because it is handed to -him and it kills time. - -Short-story magazines are popular. Next to short-story magazines -would come railroad or engineering journals and other magazines -dealing with popular mechanics. - -[Illustration: MEMBERS OF THE JEFFERSON PARK INTELLIGENTSIA] - -[Illustration: THE HOBO READS PROGRESSIVE LITERATURE] - -Sex stories are, of course, popular. The tramp has a preference for -books of adventure and action. Jack London is the most widely read -of novelists among the “bos.” Books on mechanics, _How to Run an -Automobile_, _Uses of the Steel Square_, _Block Signal Systems_, -_Gas Engines_, have a wide sale. - -Works on phrenology, palmistry, Christian Science, hypnotism, and -the secrets of the stars, etc., are of perennial interest. Joke -books and books explaining tricks with cards or riddles, detective -stories, and books in the field of the social sciences are -surprisingly popular. Bookstores patronized by tramps keep in stock -special pocket-size editions of works on sociology, economics, -politics, and history. The radical periodicals recommend books to -the serious-minded hobo reader. Following is a list from the _Hobo -News_: - - _Easy Outlines on Economics_, by Noah Ablett - _A Worker Looks at History_, by Mark Starr - _Philosophical Essays; Positive Outlines of Philosophy_, by J. - Dietzgen - -Among the books recommended for the proletariat in the I.W.W. -literature list for April, 1922, are the following: - - _The Ancient Lowly_, C. Osborne Ward - _Ancient Society_, Lewis H. Morgan - _Capital_, Karl Marx - _Capital Today_, Herman Cahn - _The Economic Causes of War_, Achille Loria - _Essays on the Materialistic Conception of History_, Antonio - Labriola - _Evolution of Man_, Wilhelm Boelache - _Evolution of Property_, Paul Lafargue - _Social and Philosophical Studies_, Paul Lafargue - _Stories of the Great Railroads_, Charles Edward Russell - _The Universal Kinship_, J. Howard Moore - _History of Great American Fortunes_, Gustavus Myers - _History of the Supreme Courts_, Gustavus Myers - _Origin of the Family; Private Property and the State_, Frederick - Engels - _The History of the I.W.W._, Frederic Brissenden - -These books are kept in stock at the I.W.W. headquarters and -extensively sold and read by the intellectuals. Soap-box orators -get fuel for the fires they seek to kindle from books of this sort. -It is common knowledge on the “stem” that one can tell the books -a speaker reads by the opinions he expresses and the programs he -favors. - - -THE HOBO WRITER - -The hobo who reads sooner or later tries his hand at writing. A -surprisingly large number of them eventually realize their ambition -to get into print. It is not unusual to meet a man of the road with -a number of clippings in his pocket of articles he has contributed -to the daily press. Most of the great dailies have columns that are -accessible to the free-lance writer, and the pages of the radical -press are always open to productions of the hobo pen. Most of these -contributions are in the form of letters to editors. One man who -writes many such letters proudly exhibited an article recently -published in the _Chicago Daily Tribune_. It was signed “F. W. B.” -He explained that these letters stood for “Fellow Worker Block.” -That was his nom de plume. - -The hobo writer does not concern himself with letters alone. A -number of them are ambitious to become novelists, essayists, and -even dramatists. Some of these men have manuscripts that they have -carried about with them for years in search of a publisher. One -such author, an old man, said: “I have material enough together -to write a book. All I want is to get someone to help me organize -it. I want someone to go over it with me. You see, I never had -much schooling and my grammar is not very good.” Another man -carried about a great roll of manuscript which purported to be a -“society novel.” It was entitled _The Literary in Literature_. It -was written in lead pencil and represented the accumulated effort -of several years. When the mood struck him, he added a chapter or -a paragraph. Before the last page had been written, however, the -first was so badly dimmed from being carried around that it could -not be deciphered. - -Some hobo writers have visions of a financial success that will -put them on “easy street.” One man offered to share the proceeds -from the publications of a series of essays on economics if the -investigator would typewrite it. “Why, this will bring thousands of -dollars,” he said. “If I can only get a publisher interested, but,” -he added, “they don’t seem to care for live subjects.” - -Another hobo writes songs and has the same difficulty with -publishers. He still feels, after hundreds of failures, that he -will eventually get into the limelight. - -The hobo writer who plies the pen for the love of it is not -unusual. One man has been working on a play for several months. -He cannot get anyone interested, but that has not quenched -his enthusiasm. Another man spends most of his leisure on the -north side of Hobohemia, writing fantastic paragraphs. They are -interesting and amusing. He does not try to publish them. He writes -them because he enjoys it. Most numerous of the hobo writers are -the propagandists and dreamers. They are the chief contributors to -the rebel press. Many of them care to be identified with no other. -They are not artists nor do they write for gain. They have little -patience for the writer who lives for the so-called “filthy lucre.” - -But whatever their motive, most of these hobo writers, for the -want of a better medium, become contributors to the radical press. -Without them radical sheets like the I.W.W. publications and the -_Hobo News_ would not appeal to the homeless man. The radical press -in turn serves as a pattern by which hobo writers fashion and color -their literary productions. - - -THE “INDUSTRIAL SOLIDARITY” - -The _Industrial Solidarity_ is a typical I.W.W. paper. It comes -nearer than any other I.W.W. paper to reflecting the mind and the -spirit of the average hobo. It is a six- or eight-page weekly and -sells for five cents. It is published in Chicago from where it is -distributed to individual subscribers or in bundles to the peddlers -or newsdealers. - -The issue of July 1, 1922, contains the following articles: - - In bold headlines across the front page under the caption, - “Company Brought on Herrin Mine War” is a detailed - narrative of the whole affair written by George Williams - who is supposed to have been an eye-witness. This article - contains four full columns, two of them on the front page. - Another front-page article is devoted to the freeing of - political prisoners. It has special reference to the - fifty-two I.W.W. in Leavenworth who refused to ask the - President for pardon. The article is headed, “Hundreds of - Cities in Million Signature Petition Drive.” The slogan - was “Let Them Go Free.” Attorney-General Daugherty, who - at best is not popular with the floating population, is - shown in a cartoon on the front page marching in a parade - carrying a banner on which is inscribed, “Please, Let Morse - out of Prison.” Over the cartoon is written the ironical - legend, which harks back to some remark that had been used - against the “Wobblies,” “This is no Children’s Crusade.” - - Considerable space is devoted to the spring drive for - membership. At the time of the publication of this number - the drive was on in full blast in the harvest fields where - the so-called “slugging committees” were out enrolling - members. One long article was published telling of - “conditions” in Kansas and Oklahoma where the Ku Klux Klan - was offering active opposition to the I.W.W. The articles - had been sent in by some “bo” who told in detail how the - “Wobblies” outwitted the “town clowns,” or local police, - and the K.K.K. - -According to the I.W.W. literature list for April, 1922, the -following periodicals are issued regularly: - - ==================+===========+===========+==========+============= - Name | Issued | Where | No. Each | Language - | | Published | Issue | - ------------------+-----------+-----------+----------+------------- - _Industrial | | | | - Solidarity_ | Weekly | Chicago | 12,000 | English - _Industrial | | | | - Worker_ | Weekly | Seattle | 10,000 | English - _Industrial | | | | - Unionist_ | Bi-weekly | New York | (?) | English - _Golos Truzenika_ | Bi-weekly | Chicago | 3,000 | Russian - _A Felszabadulas_ | Weekly | Chicago | 5,000 | Hungarian - _Il Proletario_ | Weekly | Chicago | 6,000 | Italian - _Solidaridad_ | Weekly | Chicago | 5,500 | Spanish - _Rahotnicheska | | | | - Mysl_ | Weekly | Chicago | 2,800 | Bulgarian - _Muncitorul_ | Bi-weekly | Chicago | 4,200 | Roumanian - _Jedna Velka Unie_| Monthly | Chicago | 2,700 |Czecho-Slovak - _Tie Vapauteen_ | Monthly | Chicago | 7,000 | Finnish - _Industrialisti_ | Daily | Duluth | 16,000 | Finnish - _Snaga Radnika_ | Bi-weekly | Duluth | 3,500 | Croatian - ------------------+-----------+-----------+----------+------------- - -“Wobbly” papers are extensively used as lesson sheets. _Solidarity_ -has one long article of this character which is an analysis -and criticism of craft unionism. Finally, there are several -communications from members on the road and four or five -editorials on questions of the day. - -The _Solidarity_ is only one of a number of I.W.W. publications, -but the most important as far as the hobos are concerned. The -organization maintains a publishing company of its own, the Equity -Press, which is situated at the I.W.W. headquarters in Chicago. - - -THE “HOBO NEWS” - -The _Hobo News_, published in St. Louis, contains sixteen pages and -carries no advertising. It is published monthly and sells for ten -cents. It is distributed, like _Solidarity_, by bundle orders or -subscription. - -The July, 1922, issue of the _Hobo News_ has the following contents: - - An article by Laura Irwin entitled, “Half Dead (Unnecessary - Movement a Crime).” It laments the fact that more care - is given to machines and animals than to men by the big - interests. Another article is a reprint entitled, “Hobos - in Missouri.” It is a description of life on the road. - Daniel Horsley, a Chicagoan, has an article on “Hobo Life - and Death: Something to Think About.” It is a discussion - of the struggle for existence. There is also a short story - entitled “Callahans’s Castle” depicting jungle pastimes. - - Under the heading “Near Poetry” are several short poems - by different hobo contributors. Some of the titles are: - “History,” “Adrift,” “To a Hobo,” “Labor’s March,” “Our - Boss,” “The Hobo: of Course,” and “The Glory of Toil.” - Several letters to the editor deal with subjects of general - interest to the hobos. The editor writes on the prospects - for work the coming winter. There are two cartoons. One - shows the figure of a worker hewn out of stone at the top - of a mountain. He is being assailed by politicians and - capitalists. Over the cartoon is this legend, “These Shall - Not Prevail against Him.” Another cartoon shows a tramp - waiting at the water tank. A train is approaching in the - distance. It is entitled, “The Regular Stop.” - -No class of men are in a better position to know life than the -migratory population. These men have a large fund of experience, -but they do not seem to have developed any sense of the relative -values. With all this experience and with all these contacts with -life, they are not able to interpret it. The intellectuals are -obsessed by the class struggle, and instead of writing literature, -they prefer to repeat the formulas and play with the mental toys -which the doctrinaire reformers and revolutionists have fashioned -for them. - -We cannot say therefore that the radical press in monopolizing -the hobo pens has robbed art. Among all these contributors to the -radical publications, there are few who might produce literature. -Many of them do not have patience to write literature nor the -courage to formulate a new idea. They prefer to ride a hobby and -repeat familiar formulas. - -Writers who do find themselves do not remain in the hobo class. -Others have the ability to rise, but because of drink or drugs are -unable to do so. These men may find a place on the staff of one of -the radical papers. They may even aspire to an editorship. Such a -goal is not uncommon among the intellectuals. The _Hobo News_ is -one paper that the hobo writer likes to be identified with because -it is more than a doctrinaire propagandist sheet. It maintains some -literary features, and every issue has one or more articles or -poems that portray hobo life. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -HOBO SONGS AND BALLADS - - -Much so-called hobo verse which has found its way into print was -not written by tramps, but by men who knew enough of the life of -the road to enable them to interpret its spirit. The best hobo -poems have been written behind prison bars. Many of the songs of -the I.W.W. have been written in jail. - -The poetry most popular among the men on the road are ballads -describing some picturesque and tragic incident of the hobo’s -adventurous life. The following by an unknown author illustrates -the type. Here is an incident told in the language of the road in a -manner that every “bo” can understand and appreciate. - -THE GILA MONSTER ROUTE - - The lingering sunset across the plain - Kissed the rear end of an east-bound train, - And shone on the passing track close by - Where a dingbat sat on a rotten tie. - - He was ditched by the “shack,” and cruel fate, - The “con” highballed, and the manifest freight, - Pulled out on the stem behind the mail, - And beat it east on a sanded rail. - - As she pulled away in the fading night - He could see the gleam of her red tail lights. - Then the moon arose, and the stars came out; - He was ditched on the Gila Monster Route. - - There was nothing in sight but sand and space; - No chance for a bo to feed his face; - Not even a shack to beg for a lump. - Nor a hen house there to frisk for a gump. - - As he gazed far out on the solitude - He dropped his head and began to brood. - He thought of the time he lost his pal - In the hostile berg of Stockton, Cal. - - They had mooched the stem and threw their feet, - And speared four bits on which to eat; - But deprived themselves of their daily bread, - And sluffed the coin for dago-red. - - Then, down by the tracks, in the jungle’s glade, - On the cool, green grass in the tule’s shade, - They shed their coats, and ditched their shoes, - And tanked up full of that colored booze. - - Then, they took a flop with their hides plumb full, - And did not hear the harness bull, - Till he shook them out of their boozy nap, - With a husky voice and a loaded sap. - - They were charged with vag, for they had no kale, - And the judge said sixty days in jail; - But the john had a bundle, the worker’s plea, - So he gave him a floater and set him free. - - They had turned him out, but ditched his mate, - So he grabbed the guts of an east-bound freight; - He had held his form to the rusty rods - Till the brakeman hollered, “Hit the sod.” - - So the bo rolled off and in the ditch, - With two switch lights and a rusty switch, - A poor, old, seedy, half-starved bo - On a hostile pike without a show. - - Then all at once from out of the dark - Came the short, sharp notes of a coyote’s bark; - The bo looked up and quickly rose, - And shook the dust from his threadbare clothes. - - Far off in the west through the moonlight night - He saw the gleam of a big head light; - An east-bound stock run hummed the rail, - It was due at the switch to clear the mail. - - As she pulled up close the head-end “shack” - Threw the switch to the passing track, - The stock rolled in and off the main, - The line was clear for the west-bound train. - - As she hove in sight far up the track, - She was working steam with the brake shoes slack; - Whistling once at the whistling post, - She flittered by like a frightened ghost. - - You could hear the roar of the big six wheel, - As the drivers pounded the polished steel, - And the screech of the flanges on the rail, - As she beat it west o’er the desert trail. - - The john got busy and took a risk, - He climbed aboard and began to frisk, - He reached up high and began to feel - For an end-door pin, then he cracked a seal. - - ’Twas a double-deck stock loaded with sheep; - The john got in and went to sleep; - The “con” highballed, and she whistled out, - They were off--down the Gila Monster Route. - -The following ballad by Harry Kemp, the “tramp poet,” describes a -situation that is familiar to those who know Hobohemia. Many men -in the tramp class, to escape cold and hunger, have yielded to a -similar temptation. - -THE TRAMP CONFESSION - - We huddled in the mission - Fer it was cold outside - And listened to the preacher - Tell of the Crucified; - - Without a sleety drizzle - Cut deep each ragged form, - An’ so we stood the talkin’ - Fer shelter from the storm. - - They sang of Gods and Angels - An’ Heaven’s eternal joy - An’ things I stopped believin’ - When I was still a boy; - - They spoke of good an’ evil - An’ offered savin’ grace - An’ some showed love for mankind - Ashinin’ in their face. - - An’ some their graft was workin’ - The same as me and you; - But some was urgin’ on us - What they believed was true. - - We sang an’ dozed an’ listened, - But only feared, us men - The time when, service over, - We’d have to mooch again. - - An’ walk the icy pavements, - An’ breast the snow storm gray, - Till the saloons was opened, - An’ there was hints of day. - - So, when they called out, “Sinners, - Won’t you come?” I came.... - But in my face was pallor - An’ in my heart was shame.... - An’ so fergive me, Jesus, - Fer mockin’ of thy name. - - Fer I was cold an’ hungry; - They gave me food and bed - After I kneeled there with them, - An’ many prayers was said. - - An’ so fergive me, Jesus, - I didn’t mean no harm.... - Fer outside it was zero - An’ inside it was warm. - - Yes, I was cold an’ hungry - An’ Oh, Thou Crucified, - Thou Friend of all the Lowly, - Fergive the lie I lied.[58] - - -WANDERLUST - -Many men have seen charms in the life on the road; Walt Whitman -and Vachel Lindsay are or were tramp poets. For men who cannot -endure the security and the tyranny of convention, this care-free -existence has an irresistible appeal. The following swinging poem -by H. H. Knibbs vibrates with the call of the road. - -NOTHING TO DO BUT GO - - I’m the wandering son with the nervous feet, - That never were meant for a steady beat; - I’ve had many a job for a little while, - I’ve been on the bum and I’ve lived in style; - And there was the road, stretchin’ mile after mile, - And nothing to do but go. - - So, beat it, Bo, while your feet are mates; - Take a look at the whole United States; - There’s the little fire and the pipe at night; - And up again when the morning’s bright; - With nothin’ but road and sky in sight, - And nothin’ to do but go. - - So, beat it, Bo, while the goin’s good, - While the birds in the trees are sawin’ wood; - If today ain’t the finest for you and me, - Then there’s tomorrow that’s going to be, - And the day after that, that’s comin’, see, - And nothin’ to do but go. - - Then beat it, Bo, while you’re young and strong; - See all you can, for it won’t last long; - You can tarry for only a little spell, - On the long, gray road to Fare-Ye-Well, - That leads to Heaven or maybe Hell, - And nothin’ to do but go.[59] - -“Away from Town,” by Harry Kemp, is a vivid picture of the -springtime yearning that the hobo feels to be off to the country -after spending the winter in the city’s slums. Not all tramps who -feel, with the passing of winter, the urge to move, are enticed -from the “gaunt, gray city” in search of “country cheer,” but -a goodly number love the grass and shade and a season in the -“jungles.” It is the same call that makes truants of school boys -and fishermen of staid business men. - - High perched upon a box-car, I speed, I speed today; - I leave the gaunt, gray city some good, green miles away, - A terrible dream in granite, a riot of streets and brick - A frantic nightmare of people until the soul turns sick-- - Such is the high, gray city with the live green waters ’round - Oozing up from the Ocean, slipping in from the Sound. - I’d put up in the Bowery for nights in a ten-cent bed - Where the dinky “L” trains thunder and rattle overhead; - I’d traipsed the barren pavements with pain of frost in my - feet; - I’d sidled to hotel kitchens and asked for something to eat. - But when the snow went dripping, and the young spring came as - one - Who weeps because of the winter, laughs because of the sun - I thought of a limpid brooklet that bickers through weeds all - day, - And I made a streak for the ferry, and rode across in a dray, - And dodged into the Erie where they bunt the box cars round. - I peeled my eye for detectives, and boarded an outward bound. - For you know when a man’s been cabined in walls for part of a - year, - He longs for a place to stretch in, he hankers for country - cheer.[60] - - -POEMS OF PROTEST - -In spite of its transient charms, the life of the tramp is a hard -one. It is fine to be free, but it is good to have a home. The -hobo likes freedom, but is not satisfied to be an Ishmaelite. His -speeches and his poetry are filled with protests against the social -order which refuses to make a place for him; against the system -that makes him an outcast. - -The following poem entitled “The Dishwasher” was written by Jim -Seymour, the “Hobo poet.” The second half, omitted here, is a -prophecy of the overthrow of the “system.” - - Alone in the kitchen, in grease laden steam, - I pause for a moment--a moment to dream: - For even a dishwasher thinks of a day, - Wherein there’ll be leisure for rest and for play. - And now that I pause, o’er the transom there floats, - A strain of the Traumerei’s soul stirring notes. - Engulfed in a blending of sorrow and glee, - I wonder that music can reach even me. - - But now I am thinking; my brain has been stirred. - The voice of a master, the lowly has heard. - The heart breaking sobs of the sad violin, - Arouse the thoughts of the sweet might have been. - Had men been born equal, the use of their brain, - Would shield them from poverty: free them from pain, - Nor would I have sunk into the black social mire, - Because of poor judgment in choosing a sire. - - But now I am only a slave of the mill, - That plies and remodels me just as it will; - That makes me a dullard in brain burning heat; - That looks at rich viands not daring to eat; - That works with his red, blistered hands ever stuck, - Down deep in the foul indescribable muck; - Where dishes are plunged seventeen at a time; - And washed in a tubful of sickening slime. - - But on with your clatter; no more must I shirk. - The world is to me but a nightmare of work. - For me not the music, the laughter and song; - For no toiler is welcome amid the gay throng. - For me not the smiles of the ladies who dine; - Nor the sweet, clinging kisses, begotten of wine. - For me but the venting of low, sweated groans, - That twelve hours a night have instilled in my bones. - -Arturo Giovannitti won his reputation as a poet by a poem in blank -verse which pictures the monotony of prison life. “The Walker” was -written in jail, as was “The Bum,” the poem by which Giovannitti -is best known among the hobos. As an I.W.W. and a radical, his -writings breathe the spirit of protest. “The Bum,” the first three -verses of which follow, is an eloquent tirade against religion: - - The dust of a thousand roads, the grease - And grime of slums, were on his face; - The fangs of hunger and disease - Upon his throat had left their trace; - The smell of death was in his breath, - But in his eye no resting place. - - Along the gutters, shapeless, fagged, - With drooping head and bleeding feet, - Throughout the Christmas night he dragged, - His care, his woe, and his defeat; - Till, gasping hard, with face downward - He fell upon the trafficked street. - - The midnight revelry aloud - Cried out its glut of wine and lust - The happy, clean, indifferent crowd - Passed him in anger and disgust: - For--fit or rum--he was a bum, - And if he died ’twas nothing lost.[61] - -In the following poem, by an unknown writer, “The Bum on the Rods -and the Bum on the Plush” states the case of labor against capital -in the language and accents of the hobo: - - The bum on the rods is hunted down - As the enemy of mankind, - The other is driven around to his club - Is feted, wined, and dined. - And they who curse the bum on the rods - As the essence of all that is bad, - Will greet the other with a winning smile, - And extend the hand so glad. - - The bum on the rods is a social flea - Who gets an occasional bite, - The bum on the plush is a social leech, - Blood-sucking day and night. - The bum on the rod is a load so light - That his weight we scarcely feel, - But it takes the labor of dozens of men - To furnish the other a meal. - - As long as you sanction the bum on the plush - The other will always be there, - But rid yourself of the bum on the plush - And the other will disappear. - Then make an intelligent, organized kick, - Get rid of the weights that crush. - Don’t worry about the bum on the rods, - Get rid of the bum on the plush. - -The following verses are taken from a selection written by Henry A. -White, who is a veteran of the road and for many years connected -with the publication of the _Hobo News_. It is entitled “The Hobo -Knows.” In it one can detect an unfamiliar note of resignation, the -resignation of an old man who has hoped and struggled, and learned. - - He knows the whirr of the rolling wheels, - And their click on the time-worn joints; - His ear is attuned to the snap and snarl - Of the train, at the rickety points. - - He knows the camp by the side of the road, - And the “java” and “mulligan” too; - The siding long, and the water tank - Are as home to me and you. - - He knows the fright of hunger and thirst, - And of cold and of rain as well; - Of raggedy clothes and out-worn shoes, - An awful tale he can tell. - - He knows what it means to slave all day, - And at night eat the vilest of fare; - What a tale he can tell of loathsome bunks, - Cramped quarters, and noisome air. - - He knows what the end of it all will be - When he crosses the line at the goal; - A rough, pine box, and a pauper’s grave - And he has paid his toll. - - -THE HOBO’S OBSERVATIONS AND REFLECTIONS ON LIFE - -The poets who have written best about the tramp are those who -have recorded their reflections on their own life and his. Robert -W. Service sees in “The Men That Don’t Fit In” a great group of -wanderers who move here and there in response to an imperious -wanderlust. - - There’s a race of men that don’t fit in, - A race that can’t stay still; - So they break the hearts of kith and kin, - And roam the world at will. - They range the field and they rove the flood, - And they climb the mountain crest, - Theirs is the curse of the gypsy blood, - And they don’t know how to rest. - - If they just went straight they might go far; - They are strong and brave and true; - But they’re always tired of the things that are - And they want the strange and new. - They say, “Could I find my proper groove - What a deep mark I would make!” - So they chop and change, and each fresh move - Is only a fresh mistake. - - And each forgets as he strips and runs - With a brilliant, fitful pace, - It’s the steady, quiet, plodding ones - Who win the lifelong race. - And each forgets that his youth has fled, - Forgets that his prime is past, - Till he stands one day with a hope that’s dead, - In the glare of the truth at last.[62] - -There are men in the tramp class who are always chasing rainbows, -always expecting to “strike it rich” sometime and somewhere. Bill -Quirke, for many years contributor to the _Hobo News_, gives -expression to this sentiment in the poem, “One Day; Some Way, I’ll -Make a Stake.” This poem was written a few months before Bill was -killed by an automobile in California. From the heart of it we -quote: - - For years I’ve drilled the rough pathway, - And weathered many a wintry blast, - I’ll make another stake some day - For luck must turn my way at last. - I’m far too old for working, too - They say my work is almost through; - My ore assesses never a flake - But still I hope to make a stake. - -In the _Hobo News_ of August, 1921, Charles Thornburn records his -reflections while he contemplates the empty, beaten faces of the -men of the “stem”: - - With ever restless tread, they come and go, - Or lean intent against the grimy wall, - These men whom fate has battered to and fro, - In the grim game of life, from which they all - Have found so much of that which is unkind, - Still hoping on, that fortune yet may mend, - With sullen stare, and features hard and lined, - They wander off to nowhere, and the end. - - Their thoughts we may not fathom, in their eyes - One seems to sense a vision, as though fate - Had let one little glimpse of fairer skies - Brighten their souls before she closed the gate. - Yet have they hopes and dreams which bring them peace, - Adding to life’s flat liquor just the blend - Called courage, that their efforts may not cease - To seek the gold, hid at the rainbow’s end. - -“The Wanderer” is from the pen of Charles Ashleigh. It is said to -have been written in jail. It is a justification, not complete, -of the hobo principle of living for the day and by the day, of -enjoying the sweets of life, if they can be secured, and of -avoiding its problems. - - Is there no voice to speak for these, our kin; - The strange, wild sorrows for the wanderer’s soul; - The shining comradeship we sometimes win - When on our wilful way to visioned goals? - - We are the ones to whom the forests speak, - For whom the little by-streets run awry; - Ships are our mistresses, and vaulted peaks - Draw us unconquered to the tyrant sky. - - And what if we in sordid corners sink, - Or perish in the crash of lawless fight; - Our souls have had the wine of life to drink, - We’ve had our blazing day. Let come the night. - -The hobo characterizes the district where the employment agencies -are located as the “slave market.” Louis Melis, prominent in -Hobohemia as a soap-boxer, has written a poem entitled “The Slave -Market” from which the following verses have been taken: - -THE SLAVE MARKET - - This is the city of lost dreams and defeated hopes; - Always you are the mecca of the Jobless, - The seekers after life and the sweet illusions of happiness. - Within your walls there are the consuming - Fires of pain, sorrow and eternal regrets. - Roses never bloom here; silken petals - Cannot be defiled. - - Streets in ragged attire, sang-froid in their violence; - Years come and go; still your hideousness goes on - And mute outcasts garnish - Your every rendezvous. - Blind pigs, reeking with a nauseous smell everywhere; - The so-called “flops,” the lousy beds - Where slaves of mill and mine and rail and shop - Curl up and drop away unconscious, - In fair pretense of sleep. - Employment sharks entrapping men, - Human vultures in benign disguise, - Auctioning labor at a pittance per day. - And it’s always “What will you give?” - “What will you take?” - The pocketing of fat commissions; - Old men, young men, tramps, bums, hobos, - Laborers seeking jobs or charity - Each visioning happiness from afar. - - They swarm the city streets, these slaves, - For all must live and strive, - And always the elusive job sign - Greets their contemplative glance. - A job--food, clothing, shelter; - Wage slaves selling their power; - Oh, you Slave Market, I know you! - - From timbered lands, North, East, South and West - From distant golden grain belts, - From endless miles of rail, - These workers float to the city. - Timber beasts, harvesters, gandy dancers-- - Adventurers all. From every clime and zone, - Each comes with hope of work or - Else to blow his pile. - - -BATTLE SONGS OF THE HOBOS - -There are many types of tramp songs but most conspicuous are the -songs of protest. The I.W.W. have done much to stimulate song -writing, mostly songs of the struggle between the masses and the -classes. - -Most hobo songs are parodies on certain popular airs or on hymns. -One can easily determine when certain songs were written if he -knows when certain popular airs, to which they are fitted, were -the rage. The tunes most used by the tramp song writers are those -that are so well known that the song may be sung by any group of -transients. When the songs are parodies on hymns there is usually -a note of irony running through them. The following is called the -hobo’s “Harvest War Song.” It was written by Pat Brennan and is -sung to the tune of “Tipperary.” - - We are coming home, John Farmer; We are coming back to stay. - For nigh on fifty years or more, we’ve gathered up your hay. - We have slept out in your hayfields; we have heard your morning - shout; - We’ve heard you wondering where in hell’s them pesky go-abouts? - - _Chorus_ - - It’s a long way, now understand me; it’s a long way to town; - It’s a long way across the prairies, and to hell with Farmer - Brown. - Here goes for better wages, and the hours must come down, - For we’re out for a winter’s stake this summer, and we want no - scabs around. - - You’ve paid the going wages, that’s what kept us on the bum, - You say you’ve done your duty, you chin-whiskered son-of-a-gun. - We have sent your kids to college, but still you rave and shout - And call us tramps and hobos, and pesky go-abouts. - - But now the long wintry breezes are a-shaking our poor frames, - And the long drawn days of hunger try to drive us bos insane, - It is driving us to action; we are organized today; - Us pesky tramps and hobos are coming back to stay. - -Joe Hill, whose real name was Joseph Hilstrom, holds the place of -honor among the I.W.W.’s as a song writer. Before his death he -was one of the most enthusiastic of the I.W.W. organizers. His -execution in Utah in 1915 has not lessened his popularity among -the “Wobblies.” Most of his songs are parodies. “The Tramp” is -a parody on the old tune: “Tramp, Tramp, Tramp; the Boys Are -Marching.” - - If you will shut your trap, - I will tell you ’bout a chap, - That was broke and up aginst it too for fair; - He was not the kind to shirk, - He was looking hard for work, - But he heard the same old story everywhere. - - _Chorus_ - - Tramp, tramp, tramp, keep on a-tramping, - Nothing doing here for you; - If I catch you ’round again; - You will wear the ball and chain, - Keep on tramping, that’s the best thing you can do. - - He walked up and down the street, - ’Till the shoes fell off his feet; - In a house he spied a lady cooking stew, - And he said, “How do you do, - May I chop some wood for you?” - What the lady told him made him feel so blue. - - ’Cross the street a sign he read, - “Work for Jesus,” so it said, - And he said, “Here is my chance, I’ll surely try,” - And he kneeled upon the floor, - Till his knees got rather sore, - But at eating time he heard the preacher say: - - Down the street he met a cop, - And the copper made him stop, - And he asked him, “When did you blow into town?” - “Come with me to the judge.” - But the judge he said, “Oh fudge! - Bums that have no money needn’t come around.” - -“The Preacher and the Slave,” also written by Joe Hill and sung to -the tune of “Sweet Bye and Bye,” is especially popular among the -malcontents because of its attack upon religion: - - Long haired preachers come out every night, - Try to tell you what’s wrong and what’s right; - But when asked how ’bout something to eat - They will answer in voices so sweet: - - _Chorus_ - - You will eat bye and bye - In that glorious land above the sky; - Work and pray, live on hay, - You’ll get pie in the sky when you die. - - And the starvation army, they play, - And they sing and they clap and they pray, - Till they get all your coin on the drum, - Then they’ll tell you when you’re on the bum: - - Workingmen of all countries, unite, - Side by side we for freedom will fight; - When the world and its wealth we have gained - To the grafters we’ll sing this refrain: - - _Last Chorus_ - - You will eat bye and bye - When you’ve learned how to cook and to fry; - Chop some wood, ’twill do you good, - And you will eat in the sweet bye and bye. - -The “Portland County Jail” is one of the few songs of the road that -does not wear out. - - I’m a stranger in your city, - My name is Paddy Flynn; - I got drunk the other evening, - And the coppers run me in. - I had no money to pay my fine, - No friends to go my bail, - So I got soaked for ninety days - In the Portland County Jail. - - _Chorus_ - - Oh, such a lot of devils, - The like I never saw; - Robbers, thieves, and highwaymen, - And breakers of the law. - They sang a song the whole night long, - And the curses fell like hail, - I’ll bless the day they take me away - From the Portland County Jail. - - The only friend that I had left, - Was Happy Sailor Jack; - He told me all the lies he knew, - And all the safes he’s cracked. - He cracked them in Seattle; - He’d robbed the Western Mail; - It would freeze the blood of an honest man, - In the Portland County Jail. - - -HOBO VERSE IN A LIGHTER VEIN - -The characteristic hobo is an optimist who sees the humorous side -of many an unpleasant or dangerous situation. The average seasoned -“bo” with full stomach and money in his pocket can enjoy to the -full the never-ending series of happenings on West Madison Street. -If there is nothing else, he can be amused at the other man’s -predicament. Many of these humorous experiences have found their -way into poetry. - -The hobo is ironic even in the face of death. The following -poem, by an unknown writer, caricatures the contrast between the -sentiment and the reality of the hobo’s existence. - -THE HOBO’S LAST LAMENT - - Beside a Western water-tank - One cold November day, - Inside an empty box-car, - A dying hobo lay; - His old pal stood beside him, - With low and drooping head, - Listening to the last words, - As the dying hobo said: - - “I am going to a better land, - Where everything is bright, - Where beef-stews grow on bushes - And you sleep out every night; - And you do not have to work at all, - And never change your socks, - And streams of goodly whiskey - Come trickling down the rocks. - - “Tell the bunch around Market street, - That my face, no more, they’ll view; - Tell them I’ve caught a fast freight, - And that I’m going straight on through. - Tell them not to weep for me, - No tears in their eyes must lurk; - For I’m going to a better land, - Where they hate the word called work. - - “Hark! I hear her whistling, - I must catch her on the fly; - I would like one scoop of beer - Once more before I die.” - The hobo stopped, his head fell back, - He’d sung his last refrain; - His old pal stole his coat and hat - And caught an East-bound train.[63] - -A. W. Dragstedt, a prominent personality in Chicago’s Hobohemia, -is a man who goes and comes when he pleases. According to hobo -custom, he goes to the country each summer, but he usually spends -his leisure in town. He is an optimist. The following two verses -were written at a time when he was down but not downhearted. - - It takes a very little for me to be happy; - The world has a smile for each day that goes by; - My diet of coffee and doughnuts so snappy, - Makes me very clever and mentally spry. - - My shoes are but uppers, pants full of patches; - My stomach feels pleased when I fill it with soup; - When sleepy and tired my slumber I snatches, - In haystacks and hallways; sometimes in the coop. - -“No Matter Where You Go” is a humorous presentation of the futility -of wandering. Where to go next when the hobo wants to move is -always a problem. Usually the “bo” gives an unfavorable report of -the district he has just left. - - Things are dull in San Francisco, - “On the bum” in New Orleans; - “Rawther punk” in cultured Boston, - Famed for codfish, pork, and beans. - “On the hog” in Kansas City; - Out in Denver things are jarred; - And they’re “beefing” in Chicago - That the times are rather hard. - - Not much doing in St. Louis; - It’s the same in Baltimore; - Coin don’t rattle in Seattle - As it did in days of yore. - Jobs are scarce around Atlanta - All through Texas it is still. - And there’s very little stirring - In the town of Louisville. - - There’s a howl from Cincinnati, - New York City, Brooklyn too; - In Milwaukee’s foamy limits - There is little work to do. - In the face of all such rumors, - It seems not amiss to say - That no matter where you’re going - You had better stay away. - - -POETRY AND HOBO SOLIDARITY - -In song and ballad the hobo expresses life as he feels and sees it. -Through poetry he creates a background of tradition and culture -which unifies and gives significance to all his experiences. His -ballads of the road and his battle songs of protest induce a -unanimity of sentiment and attitudes, the strongest form of group -solidarity in the hobo world. - -Through the universal language of poetry the homeless man bridges -the chasm of isolation that separates him from his fellows. In -song and ballad he communicates his memories and his hopes to men -everywhere who, fascinated by his experiences, perceive in them -only a different expression of the human wishes of every person. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[58] H. Kemp, _The Cry of Youth_, p. 60. By special permission of -the publisher, Mitchell Kennerley. - -[59] H. H. Knibbs, _Songs of the Outlands_, p. 50. By permission, -and special arrangement with, Houghton, Mifflin Company, the -authorized publishers. - -[60] H. Kemp, _The Cry of Youth_, p. 78. By permission of the -publisher, Mitchell Kennerley. - -[61] Arturo Giovannitti, _Arrows in the Gale_, p. 40. - -[62] From _The Spell of the Yukon_, p. 15, by Robert W. Service, -author of _Ballads of a Cheechako, Rhymes of a Red Cross Man_, and -_Ballads of a Bohemian_, published by Barse & Hopkins, Newark, N.J. - -[63] _Hobo News_, June, 1917. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -THE SOAP BOX AND THE OPEN FORUM - - -“Killing time” is a problem with the homeless man. The movie and -the burlesque are the only forms of commercialized amusements -within the range of his purse. Even these are only patronized -infrequently and by a few. For the vast majority there is no -pastime save the passing show of the crowded thoroughfare. Most of -them spend their leisure time shuffling along the street reading -the menu cards in the cheap restaurants, or in other forms of -“window shopping.” Sometimes they stray out of the “stem” into the -Loop. Perhaps they will go to the parks and lie on the grass, or to -the lake front where they may sit down and look out on the water. - -The homeless man, as he meanders along the street, is looking -for something to break the monotony. He will stand on the curb -for hours, watching people pass. He notices every conspicuous -person and follows with interest, perhaps sometimes with envy, the -wavering movements of every passing drunk. If a policeman stops -anyone on the street, he also stops and listens in. If he notices -a man running into an alley his curiosity is aroused. Wherever he -sees a group gathered, he lingers. He will stop to listen if two -men are arguing. He will spend hours sitting on the curb talking -with a congenial companion. - -During the summer, time hangs heavier on the hobo’s hands than in -winter. In cold weather, he is usually hard pressed to find food -and shelter. If the inclement weather overtakes him without funds -and jobless, and this is generally the case, he is absorbed with -the problem of “getting by.” He is driven to his wits’ end to find -a warm place to sleep at night and a comfortable place to loaf -during the day. It often takes a whole day’s scouting to find a -place to sleep at night and food enough to appease his gnawing and -growling stomach. - -There are homeless men who have time on their hands even in winter. -They are those who have the rare ability to save enough in summer -to live in winter. The parks are no longer inviting. The soap-box -orators have either gone out of business or are forced indoors. The -hobo follows them and, where he can afford it, helps to support -them inside much as he did in the open. He spends more time in the -movies and burlesques and will sit for half a day at times watching -one show. - -Listening to speeches is a popular pastime in Hobohemia. Nothing, -unless it is reading, occupies so much of the homeless man’s -leisure time. - - -STREET SPEAKING IN HOBOHEMIA - -Hobohemia knows but two types of speakers--the soap-box orator -and the evangelist. The evangelist has been longer on the job. -Religious speakers are usually associated with established -organizations, or they represent mission groups of which there are -many varieties on the “stem.” There are evangelists who adhere to -no faith or creed. They are “free lances,” as most hobo speakers -are, only their message is a religious one. Few of these latter -take contributions, and seldom do they essay to make converts in -the sense of having a following. They are enthusiasts driven into -the streets with the irresistible urgency of their message. In -Hobohemia, where time hangs heavy on the hobo’s hands, there is an -audience for every message. - -[Illustration: THE SOAP-BOX ORATOR--THE ECONOMIC ARGUMENT] - -[Illustration: AN OUTDOOR MISSION MEETING--THE RELIGIOUS PLEA] - -In a later chapter[64] the rôle of the evangelist in the life of -Hobohemia is considered; here we are interested in the soap-box -orators whose message is secular rather than other-worldly. The man -on the soap box is a reformer or a revolutionist, seeking to change -conditions. The missionary, on the other hand, is seeking less to -change conditions than to change mankind. This is the basis of the -conflict between their rival doctrines. The soap-boxers may contend -with each other concerning what is best for the down-and-out in the -here and now, but they are unanimous in their opposition to the -“sky pilots” and the “mission squawkers.” They maintain that it is -more important to enjoy life here than to live on the prospect of -joy hereafter. They have lost patience with the preacher because he -only promises “pie in the sky when you die,” and they want the pie -now. - -The men and women who bring religion to the tramp in Hobohemia -have taken root in the life of the “stem.” Their street singing, -their preaching and praying, although little heeded by the hobo, -would be greatly missed if absent. But the missionary, transplanted -from another area of life, remains more or less of an alien. -The soap-box reformer is no less of an institution and he is, -moreover, native to the soil. He is closer to the actual life and -mundane interests of the homeless man. He stands on the curbstone -and publishes his opinions on the great questions of the day in -a positive and convincing manner, and his ideas are generally -couched in language that the man on the street can understand. The -hobo’s intellectual interests revolve about the problem of labor. -The soap-box orator is the hobo’s principal source of information -on this topic. - -Soap-boxers are “free lances” most of the time. Either they are -out of harmony with all organizations or no organization has been -willing to adopt them. Those who make street speaking a profession -are a great deal like the ancient sophists. They are able to plead -one cause today and a different cause tomorrow. Their allegiance -is to be had by any group that can make the proper bid. With some -of them the inducement must be a financial one, while others are -interested only in ideas. If the idea attracts them they will take -up the new angle of the subject with the same enthusiasm that they -did the old. In this respect they are influenced by public opinion. -They love to harangue the crowds but they like to have the crowd on -their side. - - -EDUCATING THE PROLETARIAT - -Soap-boxers usually take themselves seriously, though their -audiences do not always do so. They take themselves seriously in -spite of their frequent and often abrupt changes in positions on -the issues they discuss. They are usually made to explain these -changes, and these explanations, if not always logical, are usually -sincere. They invariably give their best thoughts on the subject -they discuss. Whatever they have gleaned from the available -sources they are striving to express in language that is live and -understandable to the man on the street. These efforts to clear -the issues, to spread propaganda or whatever it may be called, is -termed by the soap-boxers, “education.” - -Not all the “stem” intellectuals who assume the burden of educating -the proletariat use the soap box. Many of them wield the pen. The -latter are, in the main, free-lance writers, and most of their -productions are tinctured with “red.” But they are generally able -to catch the ear of the down-and-out, whether he is a hobo or not. -The writings of these cloistered radicals, who are striving to -bring the chaotic proletariat to a unity of the faith, provide the -soap-box pulpiteer with facts and ideas which he interprets and -passes on to his curbstone audience in the shape of poems, songs, -articles, and essays. The writers provide, for them, an abundance -of material out of which the orators build their castles. Most of -these literary radicals are optimistic about the success of their -efforts to “get the worker’s mind right,” and thus prepare him for -the new order. The masses must be educated, but the soap-boxer, -whose burden it is, must himself be educated, and that is the job -of the writer who works behind the scenes. - -Just how much education the Hobohemian proletariat gets from this -speaking and reading is not easily estimated. They learn something -about the class struggle, industrial organization, and politics. -Sometimes an observation on science or literature or art will -fall from a speaker’s lips, but most of these observations are -new only to the stranger in the class. The old-timer, however, -hears only old ideas restated; or, at best, new facts and figures -interpreted to support old ideas. It is like a game with a limited -number of pieces and a limited number of moves. Sometimes, to -be sure, a speaker endeavors to serve “science” to the “floating -fraternity.” Lectures on biology, psychology, sociology, or -economics may be heard any evening or holiday during the summer. -Most of these lectures go over the heads of the audience, and it -is questionable whether the speakers have sufficient background to -speak intelligently of the sciences they are attempting to expound. - -This effort to educate the proletariat is, nevertheless, not -altogether without results. It gives men something to occupy their -minds. It gives them some understanding of their common interests; -creates a certain amount of solidarity and, perhaps, best of all, -“kills time.” Some speakers realize this and declare that the soap -box is primarily a kind of entertainment. One man makes it a point -to try to amuse his crowd as well as to “instruct” them. “You’ve -got to keep ’em interested. You have to amuse them and make ’em -laugh before you can get any ideas into their heads. Whenever -things get dry, I leave an opening for a drunk or someone to ask me -a question or crack a joke, and interest picks up again.” - - AN AFTERNOON SERIES OF SOAP-BOX ORATIONS - - 60. During a Sunday in July, 1922, no less than twenty men - spoke on the box at the corner of Jefferson and Madison - streets; and as many topics were treated. In the afternoon - the following speakers shared the time: - - 1. The meeting was opened by a man who borrowed a box from - a nearby fruit stand. He tried to get another man to speak - first so that he would not have to hurt his voice gathering - the crowd, but no one cared to start. He talked for twenty - minutes about graft in the patent-medicine trade. He had - a very catchy speech well tempered with humor and he - gathered a big crowd. Evidently he had made a study of the - patent-medicine business and his speech was an “exposure” - of the game. He finished by selling some pamphlets dealing - with the subject. - - 2. The second speaker was an I.W.W. who talked for fifteen - minutes on education. He was a good talker and held the - crowd. He wound up by selling some I.W.W. literature - and periodicals in which the thoughts of economists had - been reduced from the difficult academic language to the - understanding of the man on the street. He also passed out - some literature, i.e., old issues of the _Solidarity_, and - I.W.W. papers. - - 3. Another I.W.W. talked twenty minutes on organization. - He argued that the rich man organizes and for that reason - is successful. He does not want the poor man at the bottom - to organize because he fears that he will not be able to - keep him at the bottom. He didn’t blame the rich man for - organizing; he blamed the poor man for not organizing. He - gave some literature away and sold some. - - 4. A speech on superstition followed. It lasted twenty - minutes and was aimed at a mission group that was holding - a meeting across the street. The argument was that the - Bible and the church were the most powerful instruments in - the hands of rich men for keeping the poor man down. No - collection was taken. - - 5. A twenty-minute speech on the economic organization of - industry was given by a man who took great pains to remind - the crowd that he had spent seven years to learn all about - it. He made a plea for the co-operation of labor to combat - the organization of capital. No collection was taken. - - 6. The next man argued that the unemployment problem is - caused by two things; the overcrowding of population and - the concentration of wealth into the hands of a few. - Eighty-five per cent of the people had but 15 per cent of - the wealth and 15 per cent of the people had 85 per cent of - the wealth or more than they could possibly consume. This - man usually takes up a collection on the ground that he is - handicapped physically, but he did not on this occasion. He - spoke for twenty minutes. - - 7. No more speakers wanted the box so a drunk got on - the stand and asked for the attention of the crowd. He - furnished amusement for fifteen minutes. He was witty but - easily led from subject to subject. - - No speaker talked long enough to bore the crowd. Each - speaker, when he had finished, yielded the box to his - successor. The crowd was a characteristic Hobohemian - gathering, willing to stand so long as they could be - interested. Like most such gatherings, it kept diminishing - and increasing in size. Some would stand in front and - listen for an hour while others would only stop a few - minutes on the outer edge of the gathering. The reaction - to the speakers was for the most part sympathetic. - Occasionally a man on the sidelines would be seen to frown - disapproval but it is the habit of those who are not - interested to worm their way out of the group and go their - way. - - While the sixth speaker of the above list was talking the - crowd was attracted to the side by a discussion between - one of the previous speakers and another man. The argument - attracted so many listeners that the speaker was irritated - and he called to one of the men engaged in the discussion, - “Say B--, do you think that’s a square deal?” “Sorry C--, I - didn’t know we were disturbing you.” The crowd on the side - dispersed and gathered around the speaker on the box. - - -SOAP-BOX ETHICS AND TACTICS - -Just as there are certain unwritten laws that are found in the -jungle camps, so there are unwritten laws that the soap-boxer -observes. Regardless of how much they differ in their schemes, they -are seldom personal in their opposition to one another. Soap-boxers -behave toward one another when not on the box much as lawyers do -when they are out of the courtroom, and even while on the box -they consider one another’s interests. For example, a speaker in -resigning the rostrum to his successor will frequently close with -some such statement as this: “I’d like to talk longer on this -subject but there are other speakers here and they have something -to say that you might like to hear.” - -The practice of taking up personal collections is looked down upon -by most curbstone speakers. They feel that the soap box should -not be exploited. Collections are not always approved by the -audiences. Some men label their speeches “lectures” and “pass -the hat” on the ground that they have spent years in getting the -information. When they “perform the hat trick on the ‘simpoleons’ -[simpletons]” they regard it as a compensation for the rôle -they play as educators. They chew fine the complex intellectual -food so that it may be taken up by the untrained and unlearned. -But unpopular as is the practice of collecting money, it is -not a barrier. The audience is exceedingly tolerant toward the -hat-passer and more so if he has a good “line” of talk, or if he is -handicapped. - -Most men who talk to Hobohemian crowds make their living by selling -some kind of literature. Sometimes they sell pamphlets they have -written themselves, or they sell pamphlets or periodicals on a -commission. Getting money in this way is not unpopular among the -soap-boxers. It is a practice that is rather favored, for it is -the best way of getting the down-and-out to thinking, and if the -soap-box orators are united on any one thing it is this: that the -proletariat must be educated. - -One of the favorite methods of distributing literature is to sell -it from the box. Enthusiastic persons in the crowd often buy a -paper and pay for several others to be distributed from the box. -Sometimes a man will take the stand and dispose of a hundred papers -or pamphlets in a few moments by persuading those who have money to -buy for those who have none. - -A man who entertains the “slum proletariat” need not be without -status because he lives by street speaking. Most of them either -directly or indirectly earn their living in this way, though many -of them would not admit it. If a man can plead the cause of the -under dog to the satisfaction of the man on the street, if he has a -philosophy that pleases the crowd, and if he can present it in an -attractive manner, very few resent his passing the hat. - -So with all their contentiousness the soap-box orators manage -to keep on speaking terms, and rather informally turn favors to -one another. Seldom do they “knock” one another, and seldom do -they crowd one another away from a corner or place one another -in embarrassing positions. In this they have gone farther toward -reaching a unity of purpose than the various mission groups who -compete on opposite corners for the same crowds. - -It must not be thought that soap-boxing is a game that is without -its tricks. There are tricks for getting the crowds, tricks for -holding the crowds, and tricks for exploiting the crowds. Speakers -do not like to be the first one up on the box, nor do they like to -be the last one up when the crowd has become tired. If a man wants -to pass the hat, it is to his advantage to get the first chance at -the crowd. Men will do considerable jockeying to get on the box -just when they think it will be to their advantage. - - -FREE-LANCE VERSATILITY - -Street speakers who stand before the same audiences one or more -times a week throughout the year tend to wear out. Some of them are -resourceful enough to find something new to say, but others find -it difficult to say old things in a new way, so they are likely to -fall into the habit of repeating themselves. Sometimes they try to -keep from growing stale by speaking in as many places as possible, -but since their audiences are limited to the Hobohemian population -they are always talking to a number who have heard them say the -same things before. After a speaker has made the rounds of all the -corners he is forced to get a new “line.” - -Some men, however, persist in delivering old thread-bare messages -in their old, well-worn way. The speeches of some men are so well -known that the only interest is one of curiosity. The crowd listens -to see if anything was left out. The hobby of one free-lance -speaker is Henry George and the Single Tax. To the crowd he is the -“P and P” man, because he usually ends his speeches by selling -copies of _Progress and Poverty_ at “cost.” Everyone who has -been in town long enough to become acquainted with the principal -soap-boxers is familiar with this man’s “line,” but usually he -hears him again, partly, perhaps, because of his apparent sincerity. - -Most soap-boxers, when they find themselves growing stale, are -able to change. B’s hobby for a long time has been a speech on -birth control, which he followed by selling some books on sex, -but he wore this subject out and recently changed to a speech -on superstition at the close of which he sells literature of an -anti-religious nature. Another speaker whose speech on patent -medicine and quack doctors finally lost its novelty is now talking -on birth control. Another has gone from trade unionism to the -Ku Klux Klan. An old-timer on Madison Street said of a certain -speaker: “That man used to be with the I.W.W.; then he went over to -How’s organization and now he’s free lancing.” “What is his line -now?” is a question that is commonly asked in regard to a soap-box -pulpiteer. They are expected to change. - -In search of variety and for financial reasons, free lancers -of ability hire out as campaigners for the political parties. -“Where is John L. now?” asks one man. “Oh, he’s up in Wisconsin -campaigning for Senator LaFollette. Last month he was in Missouri -stumping for Senator Reed.” John carried credentials from both the -Democrats and Republicans and he can plead the cause of either. - -The rôle of the soap-boxer, like that of the ancient sophist, -is that of instructor or entertainer. Men go in search of these -curbstone gatherings. On Sundays and holidays the crowd expects -them. Homeless men who have a job in the city during the week spend -the Sunday on the “stem” partly in order to hear the evangelists -and soap-boxers. It is their life. They like to see old friends on -the street, but they like especially to see familiar faces on the -box. - - -THE OPEN FORUM - -The open forum is a place, usually indoors, where persons may -gather in formal meeting to discuss topics of interest. It is -usually a winter retreat for the soap-boxers and their followers. -In order to maintain a forum it is necessary to hire a hall and -govern themselves by some sort of organization. The “Hobo College” -is probably the most conspicuous open forum in Chicago. It is -but a branch of a chain of “colleges” that are maintained in the -larger cities of the country by the wealth of James Eads How, the -“millionaire hobo.” It has operated in Chicago nearly every winter -since 1907. Scarcely a soap-boxer in Chicago has not at some time -been associated with this institution. Many of them at some time -have either been officers or leading lights of the “college.” The -I.W.W. generally maintains a hall where a forum is conducted during -the winter, though it does not offer the variety of discussion and -subjects that the “college” does. - -The forum is far from being a harmonious nestling ground for -hibernating soap-boxers. It is rather a veritable battle ground of -contending factions. These advocates of the “new society” who agree -and disagree so smilingly in the open often become caustic and -bitter in their attacks when forced to share the same hall. There -close association generates factions and cliques. There are always -the “ins” and the “outs.” New leaders are ever getting the chair, -and old policies are constantly replaced. The “Hobo College” for -the winter of 1922-23 had no less than six secretaries in as many -months and three complete “house cleanings.” - -The order of procedure at the “Hobo College” is practically the -same as in most of the open forums. Meetings are held on the -afternoons or evenings at set dates, or there is a regular program -of a certain number of meetings a week. On Sunday two meetings are -often held. Meetings and programs are advertised in conspicuous -places. The meetings are so arranged that there is time at the end -of the principal speech for criticism, remarks, or questions from -the floor, after which the speaker has an opportunity to defend -himself. If distinguished visitors are present, they are usually -called upon. Meetings at the “Hobo College” are different from most -forums in that they usually terminate with a lunch. - -The open forum has some advantages over the street meetings. The -group is more select and less transient. A subject for discussion -is viewed from various angles by different speakers who have -come at least partially prepared. On the soap box the problem of -disciplining the crowd is left entirely to the speaker. Once he -loses their interest they either harass him or desert him. In the -forum the audience is honor bound to remain until the speaker -has finished. In the open forum speakers may be invited who are -supposed to lend a certain distinction to the occasion. No one -can lend distinction to a soap box. Not the least advantage of -the forum over the soap box is that most of the audience can -participate in the meeting. The disadvantage is that it is not so -accessible and hence becomes exclusive. - -The question is often asked, “How do soap-boxers get initiated into -the game of outdoor speaking?” For most of them the answer is, “In -the open forum.” In the open forum the beginners, the aspirants, -learn to take part in the discussions. They learn here to find -words to express themselves. In the forum they take sides and learn -to defend or oppose propositions, and they learn to order and -present their thoughts. - -The forum has been described as a refuge for the hibernating -soap-boxer. It is more than a refuge; it is a study center. It is -to the free-lance speaker what a summer school is to the teacher; -an opportunity to relax and “polish up.” - - -THE SOAP BOX AND HOBO OPINION - -Soap-boxers all say that they have enjoyed more liberty in Chicago -than in most cities. Chicago police have always taken a generous -and liberal attitude toward the curbstone forum. A man who has been -prominent in several free-speech fights says: - - The free-lance speaker is a great help to the police in - this town. It’s easier to handle these crowds when they - have someone to listen to. When a man gets restless, it - gives him something to think about. If you don’t believe it - just go into a town where the soap-boxer is suppressed and - see how bitter the “bos” are. - -The rôle of the soap-boxer is to make hobos think. He succeeds to a -greater extent in this than we realize. In his efforts to hold his -audience for half an hour he throws off a great many ideas. Much -of this ammunition is fired in the air, but not all of it. What -he actually does is to keep the minds of his hearers on objective -things. Otherwise their thoughts would turn inward, and for the -homeless man introspection is not a pleasant pastime. - -It is probably true that the soap-box orator makes no permanent -impression on his audience. He does, to be sure, give voice to some -ill-defined sentiments in which all are agreed. But no practical -unanimity is ever achieved. This agitation starts no mass movement. -There has never been an effective permanent organization among -hobos. The very nature of the hobo mind resents every kind of -discipline that any form of organization would impose. He is by -circumstance, tradition, and temperament an individualist. - -What of the soap-box reformer and revolutionist? Is he a menace -or merely a joke? The curbstone orator is not an agitator in the -ordinary sense of that word. He is merely a thinking hobo. In him -the homeless man becomes articulate. It is something to these -outcast men to hear in these curbstone forums the reverberations of -their own unuttered thoughts. It is something to the homeless man -merely to have a voice. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[64] Chapter xvii, “Missions and Welfare Organizations.” - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -SOCIAL AND POLITICAL HOBO ORGANIZATION - - -The hobo is an individualistic person. Not even the actors and -artists can boast a higher proportion of egocentrics. They are the -modern Ishmaels who refuse to fit into the routine of conventional -social life. Resenting every sort of social discipline, they have -“cut loose” from organized society. - -For them there is only the open road which offers an existence -without discipline, without organization, without control. To the -restless and dissatisfied the life of a vagabondage is a challenge, -the most elementary way by which men seek to escape from reality. - -Out of this unrest, efforts have arisen through which the hobo -has striven to materialize his dreams. Among the organizations -initiated or promoted by migrants are the Industrial Workers of the -World (I.W.W.), the International Brotherhood Welfare Association -(I.B.W.A.), the Migratory Workers’ Union (M.W.U.), the United -Brotherhood of American Laborers, and the Ramblers. - - -INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD - -The I.W.W. was formed in Chicago in July, 1905. Its headquarters -are here and its conventions have almost invariably been held here. -Chicago has been favored by the migratory radicals because it is a -transportation center, and because of its tolerant attitude toward -street speakers. - -Theoretically, the I.W.W. is an organization of all industrial -workers, but it has been most enthusiastically supported, however, -by the hobos. It was conceived in the “stem,” and cradled and -nurtured by the floating workers. The hobo has always been -identified with it and, in the West, has played a militant rôle in -fighting its battles. - -“The backwardness and unprogressiveness of trade unions as -organized in the American Federation of Labor, and the impotency of -trade union as organized in the American Federation of Labor, and -the impotency of political socialism to safeguard the ballot and -provide the organs necessary to carry on production in the future -society,” are the reasons, on paper at least, for the existence of -the I.W.W. It is an effort to organize the workers along industrial -lines, that is, to substitute, for trade unions, industrial unions -for all the workers in one industry. All the industrial unions, -metal-workers, construction-workers, seamen, agricultural-workers, -it seeks to combine into one mammoth organization called the “One -Big Union.” - -The structure of the I.W.W. is simple. The unit is the industrial -local, which is composed of all the workers of an industry in -a locality. The various locals of an industry combine to form -an industrial department. The departments join together to form -the “One Big Union.” The organization is managed by a general -secretary who is virtually the executive head. The general -secretary-treasurer is assisted by an executive board elected by -the six unions having the largest membership. A seventh member is -elected by the other smaller unions. - -Some of the “wobbly” spokesmen boast of 100,000 members, but that -is an overestimate. The membership is fluctuating and rises and -falls with the seasons, but perhaps it has reached 100,000 at -times. The membership is “on the road” most of the time, and -even the locals are migratory, so that definite figures are not -always at hand. The dues are fifty cents a month, so that many -loyal members are not always in good standing. The members in good -standing represent probably but a third or a fourth of the men who -designate themselves I.W.W.’s.[65] - -When certain seasonal occupations begin, as the harvest fields, -the construction camps, and lumbering camps, the organizers set -to work enrolling members. Rumors circulate that no one will be -permitted to work on certain jobs unless he carries a red card; -that the “wobblies” will throw all non-members off freight trains; -that all the other workers are taking out membership cards; that -the employers of a certain district are going to cut the wages of -transient labor, or that in other localities the wages are good -because the I.W.W. will not permit anyone without a red card to -work. - -The I.W.W. as an organization does not officially sanction methods -of intimidation, and will take action against any cases brought to -its attention. However, force and fear get members. Men who are -seeking work in a community on jobs over which the “wobblies” have -assumed control will take out cards to avoid conflict. Men will -join the organization to facilitate “riding the rods.” Memberships -for convenience only are short lived, seldom enduring over the -summer. - - -APPEAL OF THE I.W.W. - -The I.W.W. does not depend wholly on fear to win its members. The -great appeal of the I.W.W., as of all other radical organizations, -is to the spirit of unrest that is a part of every hobo’s make-up. -The I.W.W. program offers a ray of hope to the man who is -down-and-out. Why the “wobbly” creed makes so stirring an appeal to -the hobo may be best understood by quoting the preamble of its -constitution: - - The working class and the employing class have nothing in - common. There can be no peace as long as hunger and want - are found among millions of the working people and the few, - who make up the employing class, have all the good things - of life. - - Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the - workers of the world organize as a class, take possession - of the earth and machinery of production, and abolish the - wage system. - - We find that the centering of the management of industries - into fewer and fewer hands makes the trade unions unable to - cope with the ever growing power of the employing class. - The trade unions foster a state of affairs which allows one - set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers - in the same industry, thereby helping to defeat one another - in wage wars. Moreover the trade unions aid the employing - class to mislead the workers into the belief that the - working class have interests in common with their employers. - - These conditions can be changed and the interest of the - working class upheld only by an organization formed in such - a way that all its members in any one industry, or in all - industries if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or - lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an - injury to one an injury to all. - - Instead of the conservative motto, “A fair day’s wage for - a fair day’s work,” we must inscribe on our banner the - revolutionary watchword, “Abolition of the wage system.” - - It is the historic mission of the working class to do away - with capitalism. The army of production must be organized, - not only for the everyday struggle with capitalists, but - also to carry on production when capitalism shall have been - overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the - structure of the new society within the shell of the old. - -The hobo, dissatisfied with things as they are, has no time to -wait for the slow-moving processes of evolution. The preamble -appeals to him because it is anti-evolutionary; it preaches the -gospel of struggle and revolt. It is opposed to compromise and -reconciliation, and affirms that the fight must go on as long as -there is an employing class. No man, down-and-out, can hear this -doctrine without a thrill. The declaration that no quarter shall be -given to the capitalist is music to his ears. - -Every member of the I.W.W. is expected to be an agitator. Wherever -he goes it is the mission of the “wobbly” to sow seeds of -discontent and to harass the employer. Certain members go from job -to job as “investigators.” They usually remain long enough to start -a disturbance among the regular employees, and to get discharged. -Agitators regard a long list of dismissals as evidence of their -success. - -Official agitators make no effort at organizing. They merely “fan -the flames of discontent” and pass on. They are followed by the -pioneer organizer, an aggressive individual who starts the work -of forming a local. He is of the militant type and often gets no -farther than to arouse the men to the need of organization. Sooner -or later he also gets discharged, which is to him evidence that he -has “put it over.” - -In the third stage of the offensive comes the real organizer. He -follows the militants and reaps what they have sown. He works -coolly and quietly in organizing the workers. He persuades and -argues, but not in the open. The employer only learns of his -presence when he has won over the men and is ready to make a -demand. - - -CHICAGO’S ATTITUDE TO I.W.W. - -The I.W.W. is little understood by society in general. The public -believes that it is an organization of “tramps who won’t work,” and -that the initials stand for “I Won’t Work,” or “I Want Whiskey.” It -is true that many “wobblies” do want whiskey and many do not want -work, but the organization is neither pro-whiskey nor anti-work. -During the war the opposition to the organization was intense, -and Chicago was a center of arrests and prosecutions. At present, -however, the I.W.W. in Chicago enjoys a freedom for its activities -not found in many other cities. - -There are two reasons for this tolerant attitude. In the first -place, West Madison Street, where the I.W.W. is most active, is -virtually isolated from other parts of the city. It is hemmed in -on the north and south by factories, and on the east by the river. -Then, too, Chicago is situated far from the battle grounds of the -organization. The “wobblies” wage a yearly war, but it is with the -farmers in the harvest belt, the lumber barons of the northwest, -the contractors, the mine operators; but all these are remote from -Chicago. If Chicago serves any part in this warfare it is the rôle -of a winter training camp where the tactics of the summer campaign -are worked out. - - -INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD WELFARE ASSOCIATION - -Next in importance to the I.W.W. is the hobo organization known as -the International Brotherhood Welfare Association, or the I.B.W.A. -Like the I.W.W. it started in 1905, but its membership at no -time has exceeded 5,000. The I.B.W.A., like the I.W.W., looks -forward to a new social order, a society in which there will be -no classes. But where the I.W.W. proposes to use force and direct -action or industrial organization to accomplish its purposes, the -I.B.W.A. would use education. The I.B.W.A. stresses welfare work, -brotherhood, and co-operation among the hobos. It aims to organize -and educate the unorganized and uneducated homeless and migratory -workers. - -The I.B.W.A. is largely the creation of James Eads How, a member -of a wealthy St. Louis family. How, dissatisfied with the ease -and comfort of a rich man’s life, left home and drifted into the -group of hobos and tramps. Becoming interested in their problems, -he set to work to better their condition. He conceived the idea -of a great international hobo organization and converted several -hobo “soap-boxers” to his cause. The program of the I.B.W.A. is set -forth in Article III of the constitution: - - A. To bring together the unorganized workers. - - B. To co-operate with persons and organizations who desire - to better social conditions. - - C. To utilize unused land and machinery in order to provide - work for the unemployed. - - D. To furnish medical, legal and other aid to its members. - - E. To organize the unorganized and assist them in obtaining - work at remunerative wages and transportation when required. - - F. To educate the public mind to the right of collective - ownership in production and distribution. - - G. To bring about the scientific, industrial, intellectual, - moral and spiritual development of the masses. - -Another section of the constitution states that the organization -aims to “unite the migratory workers, the _Disemployed_ and -the unorganized workers of both sexes for mutual betterment and -development, with the final object of abolishing poverty and -introducing a classless society.” - -[Illustration: JAMES EADS HOW] - - -“HOBO COLLEGE” - -The most important of the auxiliary institutions of the I.B.W.A. -is the “Hobo College.” This unique institution is How’s idea. How, -as a strong believer in progress through education, desires to -bring to the hobo worker the rudiments of the natural and social -sciences. The “Hobo College” affords the migrant an opportunity -to discuss topics of practical and vital interest to him, and -to attend lectures by professors, preachers, and free-lance -intellectuals. - -The “Hobo College” in Chicago[66] has received considerable -newspaper publicity. Like all the hobo colleges, the Chicago branch -only operates in winter. During the summer most of the “students” -are out of town at work on different migratory occupations. - - -HOLDING COMMITTEE - -How’s income, which he inherited, is at the disposal of the hobos, -but it is “fed out” by degrees, according to the terms of the -will. As the money comes into How’s hands it is distributed and -apportioned by the Holding Committee, which is composed of a member -of the How family, a member of the “Hobo College,” a member of the -Junior League (a non-functioning organization for boy tramps), and -the acting secretary and all previous secretaries of the I.B.W.A. -Most of this money goes to the support of the various organizations -of the I.B.W.A., including the _Hobo News_. - -The Holding Committee also may contribute at times to the purchase -of halls and other property, to transport delegates to and from -conventions, or rather to pay their fare back after they have -“beaten their way” to the meeting, and to promote propaganda. A -plan is now on foot to maintain a lobby at Washington to support -legislation in behalf of the hobo. One proposal is a federal labor -exchange. The Holding Committee may and often does contribute to -other causes. - - -CO-OPERATIVE “FLOPS” - -One of How’s ambitions is to establish hobo stopping places in all -the principal cities of the country. Already he has opened “Hotels -de Bum” in more than twenty cities. Some of them are owned by the -I.B.W.A., but most of them only rented for the winter months. The -“hotel” in Cincinnati is typical. It is a two-story frame building, -located in the Hobohemian section of the city. The second floor, -designed for “flopping,” is equipped with about forty cots. The -first floor is divided into a loafing- or reading-room and a -kitchen. In the kitchen there are a gas range and enough pots and -kettles to “boil up” clothes or cook a “mulligan.” At the rear of -the building is a small wood yard where ties and other wood are -cut for the heater. The management of these hotels is left to the -men who select a house committee from their number. The committee -looks after the building and insists that the men keep the place -clean. A small tax is imposed now and then to meet current expenses -and to pay one man a small fee for looking after the accounts. The -ordinary “mission stiff” cannot survive long in an I.B.W.A. hotel. -He usually leaves when asked to contribute his share toward the -upkeep. But a man without money is welcome, if he does his part. -Some of these hotels pay their way. Most of them, however, never -meet expenses, but the deficit generally is made good by How. - - -RÔLE PLAYED BY HOW - -Whatever the future of the I.B.W.A., at present it is almost a -one-man organization. Regardless of the ideals How entertains about -democracy, he really controls the I.B.W.A. He does all this because -he holds the purse. The I.B.W.A., with all its auxiliaries, are -dependent in the last analysis upon the funds of Dr. How. None of -these institutions is self-supporting. The membership fees are not -sufficient in many cases to cover the running expenses. The Chicago -branch of the “Hobo College,” for instance, has been one of the -most active in the country, but it has never paid its way. How -does not take advantage of the fact that his money maintains the -institution. He does not have as much to say about the disposition -of funds as certain other members of the Holding Committee, but his -right to impose his will upon the organization is ever present with -the leaders. - -How has been persuaded at times to withhold funds from certain -locals thought to be radical. He fears the I.W.W. who sometimes -crowd into a local group and outvote the non-I.W.W. In such cases, -How’s money is used to spread their propaganda. The initiation fee -of the I.B.W.A. is so small (ten cents and ten cents a month dues) -that a large number of men may be enrolled for a few dollars. When -the I.W.W. recently lost one of their halls in Chicago, they tried -to work their way into the I.B.W.A., but the plot was found out and -the books for the time being were closed. When How cuts off the -rent allowance to a local it soon closes its doors. - -The fact that the I.B.W.A. is virtually How’s organization has -had interesting effects on the behavior of the members. Certain -officials compete with one another to get into his good graces. -Others take a stand in bitter opposition to him. There is always -jealousy between those “who sit on the right hand and those who -sit on the left hand.” Individuals in the various locals with a -grievance write directly to How. Complaints go to him more often -than to general headquarters. - - -MIGRATORY WORKERS’ UNION - -The Migratory Workers’ Union, or the M.W.U., composed wholly of -hobos, was organized within the I.B.W.A. in 1918. Some of the -leaders of the I.B.W.A. felt that the older organization was -neglecting the interests of the migratory worker. They charged that -it was too much concerned with welfare work and too little with the -organization of the workers. They converted How to the idea of a -migratory workers’ union and he contributed to its establishment. - -The originators of the M.W.U. had other ends in mind. They wanted -to organize a powerful group of workers within the I.B.W.A. that -would be able to dominate the conventions and bring pressure -to bear on How. They hoped that the M.W.U. would grow to such -proportions that How would fear it, and that he would not dare to -use it as a “plaything.” Secondly, the M.W.U. was a scheme to get -funds independently of the How allowance. Thirdly, the originators -planned to organize the workers along industrial lines more -effectively than had the I.W.W., which at the time was unpopular -on account of its opposition to the war. Fourthly, the M.W.U., -starting with a “clean slate” and a less radical program than the -I.W.W., might attract the more moderate of its members who had lost -faith in the revolutionary movement. The thought of winning over -the lukewarm members of the I.W.W. was probably the argument that -appealed to How. - -The “Aims and Objects” of the organization contain a decidedly less -radical program than the preamble to the I.W.W. constitution. - - 1. A national agitation against the unconstitutional laws - as they affect the migratory worker. - - 2. Federal inspection of all construction camps by the - United States Public Health Service. - - 3. To work in favor of the abolition of the chain-gang - system and all prison contract labor. - - 4. Free transportation to and from the jobs for all - migratory workers. - - 5. The abolition of privately owned employment agencies. - - 6. A shorter work day. - -The M.W.U. has not been active in Chicago, though one of its -officers has always been a Chicago man. It has been most active in -Ohio and Indiana but is even dying there. - - -UNITED BROTHERHOOD OF AMERICAN LABORERS - -Michael C. Walsh is the general secretary-treasurer and the chief -promoter of the United Brotherhood of American Laborers. Walsh, an -old organizer for the I.W.W., is not in harmony with the “wobblies” -at present. Although at one time the president of the “Hobo -College,” he has also withdrawn from that institution. - -The aim of the Brotherhood is to unite all migratory and even -non-migratory workers with the slogan, “What is the concern of one -is the concern of all.” Its program promises reading-rooms, picture -shows, lectures, but the chief attraction is an accident and life -insurance policy which every member takes out. - -Members of the M.W.U. and the I.B.W.A. accuse Walsh of drawing up -an impractical program for economic and legislative reform, and -charge that the “aims” of the Brotherhood were borrowed from their -organizations and only slightly modified. - - -BENEVOLENT AND PROTECTIVE ORDER OF RAMBLERS - -The Benevolent and Protective Order of Ramblers is supposed to -be a semi-secret organization of the floating fraternity, but -its membership is composed of a small number of Chicago’s “home -guards.” It was organized by John X. Kelly and has no benefits nor -program except that the members agree to help one another when in -trouble. It holds meetings (for members only) now and then, but -it does not aim to deal with any economic or social problems. The -“Ramblers” endeavors to add a human touch to the migrant’s life. It -is, in short, a hobo good-fellowship club that meets where and when -it is convenient to drink the “milk o’ human kindness” and to sing -“Hail! Hail! You Ought to Be a Rambler.” - - -HOBO CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENTS - -Dissatisfied with things as they are, the hobo experiments now -and again with co-operative projects. Most of these are attempts -to do on a small scale what the dreamers hope to accomplish in -the future on a larger, a national, or an international scale. -That co-operative organizations failed is no discredit to the -leaders nor any conclusive proof against the value of co-operative -movements as a motive in economic life. The failure is to be -explained at least in part by the egocentricity and individualism -or the irresponsibility of the migratory workers. - -Of the following five interesting cases of co-operative projects -among migratory workers, only one took place in Chicago. The story -of all of these attempts has, however, been written by the prime -mover of them, John X. Kelly. Sooner or later all hobo co-operative -experiments end the same way. They fail because of suspicion and -lack of harmony. - - 61. My first attempt to organize a co-operative scheme was - in 1909 in Redlands, California. I knew a group of men; - some of them radical and all of them idealists. It occurred - to me that they were the very types to make a communistic - plan work. I knew of a tract of land, one hundred and sixty - acres, open for settlement. Fourteen dollars to file a - claim and a little additional expense and labor would have - put the place in working condition. - - I presented my plan to these men and ten of them approved - the idea. They had all been soap-boxers and agitators and - I felt that here at last is a group of men who can make a - co-operative organization a success. Our scheme was very - simple, everyone was to bear his share of the burden and - to receive his share of the profits. No matter what a man - did as long as it was part of the work of running the farm - would be considered as important as any other part. The - government of the place would be absolutely democratic. - A manager would be elected from the number and he would - remain manager for a certain term or as long as he gave - satisfaction. The land was to be divided up as follows: - each man was to have a five acre plot as his individual - property and the other hundred and ten acres of ground was - to be worked co-operatively. - - We had scarcely got organized when dissensions arose. Some - were satisfied with the manager but others feared him - and mistrusted him. Some declared that it was impossible - to determine how much of one kind of work was equal to - another kind of work. Some were not satisfied because they - felt that they were going to be imposed on and they would - not join an organization in which there was no assurance - that they would get a square deal. The result of this - disputation was the breakup of the movement. Each man went - his way. - - * * * * * - - My second endeavor to promote a hobo co-operative - movement was in 1917 in St. Louis. It was in the winter - time and there were many idle men in town. I conceived - what I thought was the most modern and up to date plan - ever brought into being to promote the interests of the - down-and-outs. Knowing that the unemployed were being - exploited by semi-religious and charitable organizations - who gave little in return for much work, I set about to - solve the problem in another way. Dr. James Eads How of St. - Louis, founder of the International Brotherhood Welfare - Association, contributed $200 to be used as follows: $100 - to be spent for a horse and wagon, $50 for a gasoline - engine and a saw, while the rest was to be used to buy - food until funds could be had for the sale of wood. It was - a reserve fund only to be used in case of emergency. A - saloon-keeper gave us the use of a yard in East St. Louis - free of charge. There was an old store in connection with - the yard that could also be used. The place was in the - heart of East St. Louis and accessible to any part of the - city. The American Car Repairing Company gave us all the - wood we cared to haul away. Eleven policemen sent in orders - for wood. They were willing to pay three dollars a load for - this wood sawed and split into kindling. - - The conditions under which the men entered the program - were similar to the first venture. They were all to have - an equal share in the profits. The manager, the man who - operated the saw; all who worked in and around the wood - yard, after expenses were deducted, were to share alike. - Everything was to be democratic, no one was to be an - exploiter, and nobody was to be exploited. Everyone agreed - and after I had remained with the project a day or so - until it got under way, I left them to work out their own - problems. - - Within a week a committee of three came to me in St. Louis - with a story of confusion and a cry of being buncoed by the - manager. They said that some of the members would not work. - I sent them back to straighten out matters but conditions - seemed to get worse in so far as finances were concerned, - and within six weeks the co-operative wood yard disbanded. - - * * * * * - - A short time later I went over to East St. Louis and took - the horse and wagon and other property of the wood yard to - St. Louis where I had interested a number of the St. Louis - Group of the I.B.W.A. to take a chance with the communistic - scheme. Instead of selling the wood by the load this time - they were going to sell small bundles of kindling coated - with pitch. The men did not care this time to use the buzz - saw and engine so I bought six hand saws and six hatchets. - I also bought a half barrel of pitch into which the - kindling could be dipped. I succeeded in raising $32.00 as - a jungle fund so that the boys could “get by” while working - to get a start. - - A start was all that was made as the entire group got - intoxicated with “joy” with some of the jungle fund. Next - morning the secretary, who was handling the fund returned - half of it with the statement that the co-operative wood - yard was a fizzle. The man who had been elected manager - died while on this drunk. - - Here was a group of men that I was satisfied would make a - success of a communistic scheme if one could be put over, - but they failed miserably. Some men in both these wood yard - experiences blamed me because the schemes did not succeed. - - * * * * * - - The fourth venture was in Chicago in 1920. I tried to put - over a co-operative lodging house scheme in the “Slave - Market District” where thousands of migratory workers - congregate because of the cheap living conditions. Instead - of the Scissors Bill class this group was made up of - radicals who at some time in their unhappy lives had taken - part in some co-operative experiment. Again I went to Dr. - How with my new idea and at my suggestion he agreed to pay - three months rent in advance to help the movement along by - retaining one of the rooms as an office for the I.B.W.A. - Five rooms were rented for twenty-five dollars and the - I.B.W.A. took one of them at half the price or twelve and - a half dollars a month. Later we rented four additional - rooms at fifteen dollars making the total rent for nine - rooms forty dollars of which nearly a third was paid by the - I.B.W.A. - - As national secretary of the I.B.W.A. I was supposed to - have my office there, but I could do most of my work - at home so I turned the room rented for office over to - the club for a sitting room. The I.B.W.A. contributed - fifty-eight dollars to buy furniture. Some other furniture - was also bought by money contributed by the men. The place - was to be operated on a fifty-fifty basis. All the profits - and the expenses were to be equally shared. Everyone agreed - and the organization was effected. - - Now the funny part comes. Quarrels soon arose over trifles, - and the members began calling each other grafters, and - parasites. I was even called a parasite though the only - part I played was to start the project and to encourage - it to operate smoothly. Before six months had elapsed the - co-operative flat was a thing of the past. The men sneaked - away all of the furniture, that of the I.B.W.A. as well as - some that belonged to the members of the group. They hauled - it all away to furnish two small flats. They also left an - eighteen-dollar gas bill which the amateur promoter had to - pay. - - * * * * * - - The fifth and last experiment is not a case of co-operation - but it illustrates what might be expected from the hobo. - - During the winter of 1916 a St. Louis lady, Dr. Innis, - conducted a free dispensary for the “bos” who could not get - hospital treatment. Dr. How paid the bill for conducting - the place. Dr. Innis took a great interest in the migratory - worker and co-operated with us in working out a scheme by - which the hobo could save some money during the summer to - hold him over the winter months. She agreed to receive and - hold in trust all the money that any man would send to - her and in the fall when he came to town turn it over to - him. We got out a lot of letters and cards by which this - correspondence banking could be carried on and about a - hundred and fifty men agreed that it was a good scheme and - that they would take advantage of it. - - The result was amusing. Out of all the men who approved the - plan only one sent in any money. That one man sent in one - dollar. Shortly after Dr. Innis got a letter from this man. - He said he was “broke” and would like to have his dollar - back. - - * * * * * - - My conclusion is that it is impossible to accomplish - anything along co-operative lines and in a democratic - manner. I know the hobo worker fairly well and I tried - patiently to put over schemes that they have, for the most - part, favored, and I worked with fair representatives - of the group, but they will not co-operate. They are - suspicious and selfish when it comes to the final test of - their pet ideas. Co-operative schemes may work but I don’t - think they will be a success along democratic lines. - - -FAILURE OF HOBO ORGANIZATIONS - -Hobo organizations have never been a success in this country. It -is proverbial that conventions of the I.W.W. and the I.B.W.A. have -always been veritable battle grounds of contending interests. The -I.B.W.A. has had four conventions during the winter of 1921-22 -and the summer of 1922 and they all failed to accomplish anything -because of jealousies and bitter feelings. The convention in -Cincinnati on May Day, 1922, continued in session for three days -and did not get any farther than to argue about the power of the -convention to act in the name of the I.B.W.A. One whole session was -spent in a quarrel about the election of a chairman. - -Between the M.W.U. and the I.B.W.A. there is considerable -antipathy, yet the M.W.U. cannot stand alone and will not -co-operate with the parent organization. The I.W.W. is against -both, but even in the I.W.W. there is a perpetual clash between -the migratory workers and the “home guards.” Active and zealous -organizers usually find room for complaint against the office force. - -The hobo, like other egocentric types, is suspicious. The I.W.W. -at its inception spent days arguing whether the name of its chief -officer should be that of president. Some felt that to model -the organization after others would be a step in imitation that -might lead to other forms of imitation. Some reasoned that most -presidents of organizations they had known were “parasites” and -their head officer might become one also if given the name. The -hobo’s suspicious attitude toward all organizations and persons in -power is not altogether without ground. As a group the migratory -workers usually get the “short end” of every bargain they drive -with organized society. Every contractor they work for “does” them -for something. If he does not charge them for tools they lost or -destroyed he may charge them for rent on a pair of boots or a -blanket they may have used. They may buy a job from some private -agency and later lose the job because the agency and the contractor -have an understanding to sell as many jobs as possible. The hobo -gets the opinion that most officers in most organizations are -playing the game for what they can get out of it and he concludes -that it is the natural thing to do. - -The mobility and instability of the hobo or tramp, which is both -cause and consequence of his migratory existence, unfits him for -organized group life. Moreover, he is propertyless, and therefore -the incentive of fixed ownership and fixed residence to remain -faithful to any institution is gone. While the man of property -secures himself best by associating with his neighbor and remaining -in one locality, the hobo safeguards himself by moving away from -every difficulty. Then, too, the hobo is without wife and child. -His womanless existence increases his mobility and his instability. - -In pointing out the repeated and seemingly inevitable failures -of hobo organizations, the fact must not be lost sight of that -they are absolutely necessary to his social existence. Only in -these social and political organizations can the migratory worker -regain his lost status. Only in association with his fellows can -he again hope and dream of an ideal world of co-operation. These -organizations will either survive repeated failures or take new -forms, because they satisfy this fundamental need of the social -outcast for status. Then, too, in these groups, his rebellious -attitudes against society are sublimated into a radical idealism. -Were these organizations destroyed, the anti-social grudge of the -individual would undoubtedly be reflected in criminality. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[65] According to the financial statement for the I.W.W. for May -and June of 1922, there were in good standing 18,234 members. This, -it must be remembered, was just before the summer membership drive, -which is said to have recruited over 18,000 additional members. - -[66] The Chicago branch of the “Hobo College” is located at -present (1922-23) at 913 West Washington Boulevard. It has taken -the name temporarily of “Brotherhood College,” because the -owners of the property would not rent the hall so long as the -word “hobo” was connected with the movement. The change was made -rather reluctantly. The second and third floors are in use; the -second floor for reading-room and kitchen, the third floor is a -lecture-hall. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -MISSIONS AND WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS - - -In the winter of 1921-22 there were twenty-five missions in the -Hobohemian areas of the city. This number tends to expand and to -contract with the increase or the decrease in number of men out of -work. The number of missions in the West Madison Street section -is larger than the number in the South State Street and North -Clark Street regions combined. The influence of the Salvation -Army, which has outgrown the status of a mission, upon similar -organizations is profound. The names of many of the missions -suggest their origin in imitation of this pioneer body in religious -work for the “down-and-outs”: Christian Army, Samaritan Army, Saved -Army, Volunteer Rescue Army. The names of other missions are as -interesting: Bible Rescue Mission, Cathedral Shelter, Helping Hand -Mission, Pacific Garden Mission, Sunshine Gospel Mission. - -The uniforms of the “armies” that make up the working force of -certain of the missions are often so nearly alike that it is -difficult to tell them apart. A short time ago the Salvation Army -brought suit against the Saved Army to prevent it from using the -poke bonnets, the blue uniform, the song “The War Cry” on the -ground that they were so similar to those of the Salvation Army -that the public was confused. It is claimed by representatives -of the Salvation Army that individuals contribute to these other -missions and “armies” under the impression that the contribution is -for the Salvation Army. - - -TYPES OF MISSIONS[67] - -Aside from the religious work of the Salvation Army and the -Volunteers of America, three types of missions are to be found in -Hobohemia: (1) the permanently established local mission, (2) the -migratory national mission, and (3) the “wild cat” local mission. - -1) The permanently established local mission either owns its -building or holds it on a long lease. These missions are sponsored -by some church or by a board of directors composed of business -men of more or less local prominence. Not infrequently these -contributors are successful converts. - -These local missions dispense charity in the form of food, -clothing, and beds for homeless men.[68] They differ, however, in -their methods of relief as well as in their policies of relief. One -mission may care for every man who asks for aid without question as -to his worthiness, another feels that better service can be done -by helping only those who are willing to work, or those who are -incapacitated for manual labor. Only the verbose intoxicant is ever -ejected from the mission--all others may come and go as they wish. - -In the permanently established mission is found the better type -of mission worker who is compensated by a definite salary rather -than paid on a commission basis. The permanent workers consist -of a superintendent and a secretary assisted by converts who -have made good, usually old men who use the mission as a refuge. -Still further help comes from students of the various religious -institutions in the city and from the friends of the mission. - -2) The national migratory missions may have headquarters in Chicago -or some other metropolitan center with branches or sub-missions in -nearby towns and cities. These organizations are generally financed -by solicitations. Men and women are employed to canvass places -of business; to “drum” on the streets and to make house-to-house -calls. This practice of drumming on the streets is known as -“ballyhooing.” These solicitors receive, in most cases, as much -as 50 per cent of the amount they collect, which greatly lessens -the sum to be used for the homeless men after the rent for the -building, the salaries of the men in charge, and other expenses -have been deducted from the remaining 50 per cent. - -The shifting of these missions is proverbial. If they are not -moving from city to city they are moving from one street to -another, or from one location to another on the same street. The -workers are as transient as the institutions themselves: migrating -back and forth between cities, and affiliating themselves first -with one mission and then with another. Often they are rural folk -who, through urban mission work, find expression for the wishes -of adventure and recognition. The fascination of the city has an -attraction for the migratory mission worker as for the migratory -laborer. They prefer this life, even under adverse conditions, to -any other field of service. Others are veterans, who have been in -mission work for years with four or five different organizations -in as many cities. - -3) The “wild cat” local mission, more or less ephemeral in nature, -springs up during some crisis as an unemployment situation. Using -the crisis as an excuse for soliciting funds to aid the unemployed, -they operate for awhile, and when conditions have been ameliorated, -they go out of existence. The workers, enthralled by a few months -in the service, then affiliate with another mission. - - -MAKING CONVERTS - -The following narrative by an observer in the Bible Rescue Mission -one Sunday evening early in April, 1922, describes the technique of -conversion. - - 62. More than a hundred men were in the audience. The night - was cold and they were glad to be inside. Then, too, there - were rolls and coffee to be served after the meeting. Near - the close of the service the evangelist stept down from - the stand and asked if anyone in the audience wished to be - prayed for. Surely out of an audience of so many men, all - sinners, someone was concerned about his soul. All a man - would have to do was to raise his hand. That was easy; just - believe with all your heart, raise your hand for prayer. It - was worth taking a chance on anyway. Three hands went up. - - “That’s fine! Three men have asked to be remembered before - the Lord. Is there anyone else? Just one more, let’s make - it four. Won’t someone else raise his hand. Yes, there’s - another hand. God bless you, brother. Now, will the four - men who raised their hands please stand?” - - This was more than they had bargained for, but they stood. - All eyes were on the four, all homeless men with the - characteristic beaten look. They were self-conscious and - uncomfortable. One of the men, somewhat older than the - others, seemed to be stirred by emotion. - - “Now,” continued the evangelist, “will the four brothers - who just stood up kindly come forward and kneel with us - in prayer?” There was a moment of hesitation. Finally, - the old man led the way. One of the others followed in a - halting fashion. A worker came down from the stand and - escorted to the front the younger of the remaining two. The - fourth man sat down. Another worker sat down beside him and - pleaded with him for some time. The man seemed to resent - it at first, but at length he yielded and was led into the - circle. He had a sheepish look as he slumped to his knees - between two of the other converts. - - Several of the workers began to labor with members of the - audience while the little circle kneeled on the floor and - prayed. No other converts were made so the meeting came - to an end with handshakes and congratulations for the new - converts. Then the lunch was passed and the tension relaxed. - - Once outside I asked a man who had been inside what he - thought of the meeting. He laughed, “Oh, it’s just like all - of them. I wanted to laugh out loud when I saw that old - duck get saved. He gets saved every winter. This winter he - got saved twice. He always manages to get saved in missions - where there is something to eat.” - -Women play a leading rôle in mission work. The homeless man, who -remembers his home and mother, listens with respect to the prayers -and appeals of the women workers, and is stirred by the singing of -young girls. A religious plea by a woman of strong personality will -sometimes overwhelm a despondent and homesick man. - - 63. Probably the most interesting event of our - investigation was a Salvation Army revival meeting, held in - a little auditorium behind the smoking room. Each Sunday - night at about 8:00, these services are held. Eight or - nine girls, one the leader, and one the pianist, make up - the cast and chorus. When they are ready the invitation is - extended to those in the smoking room and anywhere from six - to thirty are likely to go into the “church.” - - The leader is a very versatile lady. She can utter a - fervent prayer, sing louder than all the rest of the girls - together, play a tambourine at the same time, and make a - stirring appeal to the audience that they “come forward to - Jesus and be saved.” The girls join in the chorus, clapping - as they sing. They have all been saved, and testify as to - the truth of the leader’s words. “Isn’t that true, girls?” - and they all nod their heads in perfect accord. - - The old songs are sung, songs with simple tune and words - as “He’s the Lily of the Valley.” Anyone hearing these - songs once can join in, and all are asked to do so, but - few respond. Yet it is inspiring to see some forlorn - looking bum concentrate on the little book and sing forth - earnestly, as some of them do. Very few, however, wish to - be saved. They are willing to attend the services, and - maybe to sing, but they will not volunteer to join the army - of God, and when personal solicitation is undertaken, few - remain in the room. - -During warm weather the missions hold street meetings. Headed by -the mission band, the company marches outside to get the crowd. -A few songs are sung, several testimonials are given, and the -curbstone audience is invited to the hall. - -Few mission workers are able to gather and hold a crowd on the -street. It is more difficult to preach on account of the noise of -passing street cars and automobiles. The crowd outside is less -stable and not so considerate as the indoor audience. Often the -meetings are disturbed by drunken men or by competing mission -groups on the same street. A mission band may not be able to -gather any crowd, even though hundreds of men are passing or -loafing on the streets. Sometimes their audiences will be stolen by -soap-boxers who start near by with the “economic arguments.” - - -PERMANENT, PERIODIC, AND TEMPORARY CONVERTS - -Every mission has its permanent, periodic, and temporary converts; -its “alumni.” Some of these linger about the mission doing -odd jobs, others go to work or into business, only returning -occasionally to bear testimony. Many of these have prospered -both spiritually and materially, and assist the mission in its -work. Certain missions celebrate the “spiritual birthdays” of -these converts. A bouquet of flowers is placed on the pulpit -and a special program is arranged in honor of the occasion. The -anniversary of the conversion of a permanent convert is a time of -rejoicing. The “twice-born man” bears his testimony to the saving -power of the gospel that snatches “a brand from the burning,” and -asks the prayers of the saints that he may continue “faithful until -the end.” Each of the “saved” who are present wears a flower in the -lapel of his coat and takes advantage of the occasion to add his -testimony. - -The following typical cases of converts were secured through -hearing the testimony of men in the missions and by later -interviews with each of the converts. The information given was -also verified by mission workers who knew the men. - - 64. H. M., in his own words, was once “one of the worst - jail birds and boozers” in this part of the country. For - years, he declares, he was never sober. His arrival home - usually meant the beating of his wife. At the end of every - month he was in debt to the saloon keeper. He gravitated - from one house to another unable to pay his rent, until - his family was living in an old dilapidated shack. His - religious transformation changed the whole situation. He is - now in business for himself. He is considered one of the - most competent and reliable in his field. He and his wife - work at the mission and are among its largest financial - contributors. - - 65. About twenty years ago T. S., a typical “down-and-out,” - wandered into a Chicago mission. He had deserted his family - in an eastern state and started on the bum. Exposure and - “booze” had almost completely enervated him. He was dirty, - unshaved, and in rags. His visit to the mission led to his - conversion and subsequently to reconciliation with his wife - and three children. He is now superintendent of a business - concern in the city. - - 66. P. W., a man of foreign birth and a graduate from one - of the leading universities of his native country, became - addicted to drink, deserted his wife, and leaving her in - dire need came to this country. He became so low a bum that - he was taking his food from garbage cans in the alleys of - Chicago, spending every cent he could get for “booze.” He - was so debilitated from alcohol, exposure, and lack of - nourishment when he came to the mission that he was hardly - able to walk. He was converted and restored to health. His - wife later joined him. He became nationally known as a - worker in missions. - - 67. Some years ago a young lad left his home in Germany and - came to the United States. His associates here were persons - who spent their leisure time in dissipation. One morning - he awoke after a drunken night and decided to go down on - West Madison Street with the bums where he thought he - belonged. He despaired of life. He wandered into one of the - missions to get warm and was converted. Although he had a - meager education he is now studying in one of the religious - institutions of the city with the expressed purpose of - doing religious work. - - 68. P. D. came into the mission drunk one night and was - converted. Several times previous to this he had been - thrown out for disturbing the meeting. According to his own - statement he entered the mission one time and was “saved - and stayed saved.” He is now general labor foreman for a - large construction company. - -Of course there are temporary converts who become victims of their -old environment. For awhile they go straight, but eventually they -yield to “the world, the flesh, and the devil.” Some periodic -converts kneel before the altar every year and each time go out -with renewed determination to avoid sin, but they often succumb the -first time they are subjected to temptation. The mission workers -expect this periodicity of conversion with some of these men just -as they expect the winter. - -“Backsliders” are usually well meaning men but weak. Any convert -who remains on the “stem” is likely to become a “backslider.” The -emotional nature of many of these men may induce a mood of sincere -repentance, but it is difficult to keep the resolution to reform. - - 69. L. S. is a youth of the city. He is twenty-three. His - parents are strict German Lutherans and he spent several - years in a Lutheran parochial school. He left home over a - month ago (April, 1922) because of some trouble he had with - his folks. Shortly after he entered the ---- ---- Mission - on Madison Street where he “got religion” but in a week he - “back slid.” He was melted into consenting and was rushed - to the front and “saved” before he knew what had happened. - After the men on the outside laughed at him he “weakened.” - Now he feels that there is “nothing to religion anyway,” - though he admits that the mission worker at one time kept - him out of jail. - - -MISSION BREAD LINES - -During the winter of 1921-22, twelve of the missions in Chicago, -maintained “bread lines,” that is, dispensed food, as coffee and -doughnuts, or a bowl of soup and vegetables. The term “bread line,” -used figuratively for “free lunch,” originally described the long -lines of men during years of want and unemployment waiting outside -relief stations for bread and soup. - -Missions without “bread lines” claim that the food is given as a -bait to get conversions. They hold that “meal ticket” converts lose -their religion as soon as they become economically self-sustaining. -The unregenerate homeless man looks down upon the regular -attendants at the mission, and accuses them of getting converted -for “pie card” reasons. He calls them “mission stiffs,” a term as -uncomplimentary as for an Indian to be called a “squaw man.” - -[Illustration: A FREE LUNCH AT A MISSION] - -[Illustration: - - _By permission of the Helping Hand Mission_ - -A WINTER’S NIGHT IN A MISSION] - - -WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS - -The mission is not the only institution to which the homeless man -turns. Social service agencies, public and private, many of which -are organized primarily for family rehabilitation, have given -assistance to the homeless man. - -The United Charities, although engaged chiefly in work with -families, has a homeless-men division. During the year ending -September 30, 1922, 1,026 non-family men received assistance. Of -these, 629 were given material or personal service, and 397 were -referred to other organizations. The Jewish Social Service Bureau -also maintains a homeless men’s department which, in the year 1921, -gave personal and material aid to 1,333 men. During 1922, the -number of men helped fell to less than half this number, largely as -a result of the improved industrial situation. The Bureau works in -close association with two Jewish sheltering-homes, which together -house about 70 men. Homeless men who apply for assistance are cared -for here until their cases are carefully investigated. The Central -Bureau of (Catholic) Charities, in conjunction with the Mission of -the Holy Cross, provides shelter and food for destitute men, and -aids them to become self-supporting. - -The Chicago Urban League, organized to promote co-ordination and -co-operation among existing agencies for the welfare of Negroes, -maintains an employment bureau for men out of work. During -the winters of 1920-21 and 1921-22, when thousands of men[69] -were without house accommodations, the League took the lead in -co-operating with churches and other organizations to secure -temporary housing quarters. - -The hotels for homeless men maintained by the Salvation Army and by -the Christian Industrial League have already been described.[70] In -addition, both organizations maintain industrial homes where men -are given temporary work and are helped to become self-supporting. - -The American Legion has been active in behalf of unemployed -ex-service men, many of whom are also homeless men. Its work has -consisted chiefly in getting jobs for the unemployed, and in this -it has had the hearty co-operation of the newspapers. The Legion -Hall was turned over to homeless veterans for sleeping quarters -during the winter of 1921-22. - -The Chicago Municipal Lodging House was first opened on December -21, 1901. It provided free temporary shelter and food for -destitute, homeless men. At first it was operated under the -Department of Police, but was transferred on January 1, 1908, -to the Department of Health, and later, on April 17, 1917, -transferred to the Department of Public Welfare. In its early -history, the Municipal Lodging House was fortunate in having as -its superintendent men like Raymond Robins, James Mullenbach, and -Charles B. Ball, who set high standards for its administration.[71] -The Municipal Lodging House met the severe test of the unemployment -years of 1908 and 1914 by showing how its organization could expand -to meet extraordinary situations. For example, while only 23,642 -lodgings were given in 1907, the number rose to 105,564 in 1908; -and the 78,392 lodgings given in 1913 rose to 452,361 in 1914. -The Municipal Lodging House closed in 1918-19 because of lack of -applicants during wartime prosperity, but it did not reopen during -the hard winters of 1920-21 and 1921-22. Many destitute men, who -would otherwise have been inmates of the Municipal Lodging House -with the medical attention, sanitary sleeping quarters, and other -assistance for rehabilitation which it offered, became instead -“regular feeders” at the “bread lines” and permanent patrons of -Hogan’s “flop.” There seems to be no doubt that the absence of -municipal provision made for an increase of promiscuous begging and -injudicious almsgivings. - -Many other institutions and agencies regularly or sporadically -extend assistance to the homeless man. Yet, in perhaps no other -field of social work is there more overlapping and duplication of -effort, or so low standards of service. For example, the missions -and some of the churches, working independently of one another, -boast that they feed and clothe the needy, but they make little -or no effort to distinguish between those who do and those who do -not deserve assistance. Consequently, the missions lay themselves -open to exploitation by the homeless man. A constructive program -for rehabilitation demands the co-ordination of the efforts of all -agencies now engaged in serving his needs. - - -THE HOMELESS MAN AND RELIGION - -The missions, and for that matter, the welfare agencies are -unpopular with the habitués of Hobohemia. The hobo, in his songs -and in conversation, shows unmistakably his aversion to all -efforts to remake his character or to reshape his destiny. This -feeling of antipathy is naturally strongest with the adherents of -the I.W.W. who come in competition and conflict with the mission -worker. - -With full recognition of the cynical reaction of the average hobo -to the mission, it cannot be denied that thousands of homeless men -are converted every winter, and that a certain proportion of these, -how large no one knows, lead permanently changed lives. The mission -touches the inner life of these men in a way that no social agency -or organization has ever done, or perhaps can do. - -Even the homeless man has aspirations above the satisfaction of -his physical wants; he desires to live in a larger, more complete -sense. The I.W.W., with its radical program of changing “things as -they are,” appeals to the restless and rebellious spirit of youth. -But the broken man, or the old man who has given up hope, finds -comfort and peace in adapting himself to “things as they are.” -Religion to him is just this change of attitude, “making oneself -right with God.” While the young man is confident that he can right -what is wrong in this world, the old man looks to the next world to -compensate for the inequalities and injustice of present existence. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[67] In the section on “Types of Missions” and “Permanent, -Periodic, and Temporary Converts,” the writer is indebted to -material furnished by Mr. L. Guy Brown from an unpublished study of -“Missions in Chicago.” - -[68] One mission of this type on West Madison Street records -that during the year ending September, 1921, 56,718 homeless men -visited the mission. During this time 4,016 men knelt at the altar -(were converted). Nearly 29,000 meals were served to hungry and -unemployed men, while 4,145 tickets were issued which entitled the -bearer to sleep at a flophouse or cheap rooming-house. - -[69] The officials of the League estimate that there were 7,000 -homeless men among the Negroes in the winter of 1921-22. - -[70] See pp. 27-28. - -[71] See Raymond Robins, “What Constitutes a Model Municipal -Lodging House,” _Proceedings of the National Conference of -Charities and Correction_ (1904), 155-66. - - - - -APPENDIXES - - - - -APPENDIX A - -SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS - - -This study has pictured the life and the problems of the group of -homeless migratory and casual workers in Chicago. It now remains -to sum up the findings of the investigation and to outline the -recommendations which seem to flow from the facts.[72] - - -FINDINGS - - 1. The homeless casual and migratory workers, while found - in all parts of the city, are segregated in great numbers - in four distinct areas: West Madison Street, Lower South - State Street (near the Loop), North Clark Street, and Upper - State Street (the Negro section). - - 2. The number of homeless men in these areas fluctuates - greatly with the seasons and with conditions of employment. - - 3. The concentration of casual and migratory workers in - this city is the natural result of two factors: (_a_) the - development of Chicago as a great industrial community with - diversified enterprises requiring a variety of unskilled - as well as skilled laborers, and (_b_) the position of - Chicago as a center of transportation, of commerce and of - employment for the states of the Mississippi Valley. - - 4. The homeless men in Chicago fall into five groups: (_a_) - the seasonal laborer, (_b_) the migratory, casual laborer, - the hobo, (_c_) the migratory non-worker, the tramp, (_d_) - the non-migratory casual laborer, the so-called “home - guard,” (_e_) the bum. Groups _b_, _c_, _d_, and _e_ - constitute what are known in economic writings as “The - Residuum of Industry.” In addition to these groups of the - homeless casual and migratory workers are the groups of - seasonal laborers and the men out of work, which expand and - contract with the periods of economic depression and of - industrial prosperity. - - 5. The causes which reduce a man to the status of a - homeless migratory and casual worker may be classified - under five main heads as follows: - - _a_) _Unemployment and Seasonal Work_: these - maladjustments of modern industry which disorganize the - routine of life of the individual and destroy regular - habits of work. - - _b_) _Industrial Inadequacy_: “the misfits of industry,” - whether due to physical handicaps, mental deficiency, - occupational disease, or lack of vocational training. - - _c_) _Defects of Personality_: as feeble-mindedness, - constitutional inferiority, or egocentricity, which lead - to the conflict of the person with constituted authority - in industry, society, and government. - - _d_) _Crises in the Life of the Person_: as family - conflicts, misconduct, and crime, which exile a man from - home and community and detach him from normal social ties. - - _e_) _Racial or National Discrimination_: where race, - nationality, or social class of the person enters as a - factor of adverse selection for employment. - - _f_) _Wanderlust_: the desire for new experience, - excitement, and adventure, which moves the boy “to see - the world.” - - 6. To satisfy the wants and wishes of the thousands of - homeless migratory and casual workers at the lowest - possible cost, specialized institutions and enterprises - have been established in Chicago. These include: - - _a_) Employment agencies. - - _b_) Restaurants and lodging-houses. - - _c_) Barber colleges. - - _d_) Outfitting stores and clothing exchanges. - - _e_) Pawnshops. - - _f_) Movies and burlesques. - - _g_) Missions. - - _h_) Local political and social organizations, as “The - Industrial Workers of the World” and the “Hobo College.” - - _i_) Secular street meetings and radical bookstores. - - 7. Chicago as the great clearing house of employment - for the states of the Mississippi Valley naturally and - inevitably becomes the temporary home of men out of work - for the entire region. The following appear to be the facts - in regard to the workers and the conditions of employment: - - _a_) Fluctuations of industry, such as seasonal changes, - and of unemployment, force large numbers of men into the - group of homeless migratory and casual workers. - - _b_) At the same time, the homeless migratory and - casual worker develops irregular habits of work and a - life-policy of “living from hand to mouth.” - - _c_) Employment records indicate that the lower grade of - casual workers prefer work by the day, or employment by - the week or two, to “permanent” positions of three months - or longer. - - _d_) The Illinois Free Employment offices, efficiently - administered with simple but well-kept records and - with courteous treatment of applicants, placed 50,482 - persons in the year ending September 30, 1922, mainly in - positions in and near Chicago. - - _e_) The private employment agencies dealing with the - homeless man, about fifty in number, which are, in - general, poorly equipped, with the minimum of record - keeping required by law and with inconsiderate treatment - of applicants, place about 200,000 men a year in - positions, for the most part, outside of Chicago. - - _f_) The law relating to private employment agencies as - approved June 15, 1909, in force July 1, 1909, and as - amended and approved June 7, 1911, in force July 1, 1911, - appears not to be enforced in two points: - - i) the requirement that sections three (3), four (4), - and five (5) of the law be posted in a conspicuous - place in each room of the agency; and - - ii) the return to the applicant of three-fifths of the - registration and other fees upon failure of applicant - to accept position or upon his discharge for cause. - - 8. The health and hygiene of the homeless migratory and - casual worker is of vital concern not only for his economic - efficiency but also because of the relation of his high - mobility to the spread of communicable diseases. - - 9. The homeless migratory and casual workers constitute a - womanless group. The results of this sex isolation are: - - _a_) No opportunity for the expression and sublimation of - the sex impulse in the normal life of the family. - - _b_) In a few cases, the substitution for marriage of - free unions more or less casual, usually terminated at - the will of the man without due regard to the claims of - the woman. - - _c_) The dependence of the greatest number of homeless - men upon the professional prostitute of the lowest grade - and the cheapest sort. - - _d_) The prevalence of sex perversions, as masturbation and - homosexuality. - - 10. The attraction for the boy of excitement and adventure - renders him peculiarly susceptible to the “call of the road.” - - _a_) Hundreds of Chicago boys, mainly but not entirely - of wage-earning families, every spring “beat their way” - to the harvest fields, impelled by wanderlust, and the - opportunity for work away from home. - - _b_) Of these a certain proportion acquire the migratory - habit and may pass through successive stages from a - high-grade seasonal worker to the lowest type of bum. - - _c_) The boy on the road and in the city is constantly - under the pressure of homosexual exploitation by confirmed - perverts in the migratory group. - - _d_) Certain areas of the city frequented by boys have - been found to be resorts and rendezvous for homosexual - prostitution. - - 11. While the majority of the homeless migratory workers are - American citizens of native stock: - - _a_) They are in large numbers for practical purposes - disfranchised because they seldom remain in any community - long enough to secure legal residence. - - _b_) They constitute a shifting and shiftless group - without property and family, and with no effective - participation in the civic life of the community. - - _c_) According to statements from police authorities they - contribute but slightly to the volume of serious crime. - - _d_) Both on the road and in the city, they are at all - times subject to arbitrary handling and arrest by private - and public police and to summary trial and sentence by - the court. - - _e_) The attitude of Chicago, like that of other - communities toward the homeless man, has been a policy of - defense intrusted to the police department for execution. - - 12. Social service to the homeless migratory and casual - worker has for the most part been remedial rather than - preventive; unorganized and haphazard rather than organized - and co-ordinated. - - _a_) Professional beggars and fakers exploit public - sympathy and credulity for individual gain to the - disadvantage of the men who need and deserve assistance. - - _b_) The missions and certain churches feed, clothe, - and provide shelter for several thousand men during the - winter months. - - _c_) The Dawes Hotel, the Christian Industrial League, - and the Salvation Army hotels provide lodging at a low - charge. - - _d_) The Salvation Army maintains the Industrial Home with - workshops which accommodate a limited number of men. - - _e_) The United Charities and the Central Charity - (Catholic) Bureau, although concerned mainly with family - relief, give certain forms of assistance to the homeless - man. - - _f_) The Jewish Social Service Bureau maintains a - department for homeless men, which acts as a referring - agency to two shelter houses. - - _g_) The American Legion and other patriotic organizations - have provided assistance of various types to the ex-service - man out of employment. - - _h_) The Municipal Lodging House, which closed its doors - in 1918, has not been reopened, despite the evident need - of the winters of 1920-21 and 1921-22. - - _i_) The Cook County agent provides free transportation - to non-residents to place of legal residence and refers - residents to Oak Forest Infirmary. - - _j_) The county and city hospitals and dispensaries provide - free medical care. - - _k_) Unco-ordinated effort of the organizations for - service to the homeless man has resulted in duplication - of activities, a low standard of work, and the neglect of - a constructive program of rehabilitation. - - -RECOMMENDATIONS - -The findings of this study indicate conclusively: (_a_) that any -fundamental solution of the problem is national and not local, and -(_b_) that the problem of the homeless migratory worker is but an -aspect of the larger problems of industry, such as unemployment, -seasonal work, and labor turnover. - -NATIONAL PROGRAM - - The committee approves, as a national program for the - control of the problem, the recommendations suggested - by the studies on unemployment and migratory laborers - contained in the _Final Report of the Commission on - Industrial Relations_ (pp. 114-15; 103): - - 1. The enactment of appropriate legislation modifying - the title of the Bureau of Immigration to “Bureau of - Immigration and Employment” and providing the statutory - authority and appropriations necessary for-- - - _a_) The establishment of a national employment - system,[73] under the Department of Labor, with a staff - of well-paid and specially qualified officials in the - main offices at least. - - _b_) The licensing, regulation, and supervision of all - private employment agencies doing an interstate business. - - _c_) The investigation and preparation of plans for the - regularization of employment, the decasualization of - labor, the utilization of public work to fill in periods - of business depression, insurance against unemployment - in such trades and industries as may seem desirable, - and other measures designed to promote regularity and - steadiness of employment. - - 2. The immediate creation of a special board made up of - the properly qualified officials from the Departments of - Agriculture, Commerce, Interior, and Labor, and from the - Board of Army Engineers to prepare plans for performing the - largest possible amount of public work during the winter, - and to devise a program for the future for performing, - during periods of depression, such public work as road - building, construction of public building, reforestation, - irrigation, and drainage of swamps. The success attending - the construction of the Panama Canal indicates the - enormous national construction works which might be done - to the advantage of the entire nation during such periods - of depression. Similar boards or commissions should be - established in the various states and municipalities. - - 3. The Interstate Commerce Commission should be directed - by Congress to investigate and report the most feasible - plan of providing for the transportation of workers at the - lowest reasonable rates, and, at the same time, measures - necessary to eliminate the stealing of rides on railways. - If special transportation rates for workers are provided, - tickets may be issued only to those who secure employment - through public employment agencies. - - 4. The establishment by states, municipalities, and, - through the Department of Labor, the federal government, - of sanitary workingmen’s hotels in which the prices for - accommodations shall be adjusted to the cost of operation. - If such workingmen’s hotels are established, the Post - Office Department should establish branch postal savings - banks in connection therewith. - - 5. The establishment by the municipal, state, and federal - governments of colonies or farms for “down-and-outs” in - order to rehabilitate them by means of proper food, regular - habits of living and regular work that will train them - for lives of usefulness. Such colonies should provide for - hospital treatment of cases which require it. - -THE CHICAGO PLAN FOR THE HOMELESS MAN - - For the local situation and for such action as lies in the - hands (_a_) of the citizens of this community, (_b_) of the - city of Chicago, (_c_) of Cook County, and (_d_) of the - state of Illinois, this committee recommends: - - I. AS A PROGRAM FOR IMMEDIATE ACTION-- - - 1. _The establishment of a Municipal Clearing House for - Non-Family Men._ - - _a_) _Purpose_: - - i) To provide facilities for the registration, - examination, classification, and treatment of - homeless migratory and casual workers in order, on - the basis of individual case-study. - - ii) To secure by reference to the appropriate agency - emergency relief, physical and mental rehabilitation, - industrial training, commitment to institutional - care, return to legal residence, and satisfactory - employment. - - _b_) _Organization_: The Clearing House will maintain - the following departments: - - i) _Information Bureau_: to provide information in - regard to employment, public institutions, social - agencies, indorsed hotels, and lodging-houses, etc. - - ii) _Registration_: by card, giving name, age, - occupation, physical condition, reference, residence, - nearest relative or friend, number of lodgings, - disposition, and all other information. - - iii) _Vocational Clinic_: to provide medical, - psychiatric, psychological, and social examination as - a basis of treatment. - - iv) _Records Office_: to record findings of - examination, to clear with other agencies, local and - national, and to enter recommendations and results of - treatment. - - v) _Social Service Bureau_: to provide for both - immediate and after-care service for the men under - the supervision of the Clearing House. - - _c_) _Personnel_: to consist of director, clerical - force, interviewers, social workers, and experts, as - physician, psychiatrist, psychologist, and sociologist. - - _d_) _Intake of Clearing House_: registrants to be - referred to the Clearing House by: - - i) _Citizens_, to whom homeless men have applied for - relief. - - ii) _Missions_, where food or lodging have been - received by homeless men. - - iii) _Charities._ - - iv) _Travelers’ Aid Society._ - - v) _Local organizations._ - - vi) _Police Department_: closing of police stations - to lodgers and provision for supply of such - applicants with tickets of admission to the Clearing - House; direction by police to the Clearing House of - persons found for the first time begging. - - vii) _Courts, police stations, House of Correction, - and county jail_: provision to every homeless man - or boy upon discharge with ticket of admission to - Clearing House guaranteeing three days’ liberty - with food, lodging, and an opportunity for honest - employment. - - _e_) _Classification_: As a result of examination in - the Vocational Clinic the men will be divided for - treatment into three groups: (1) boys and youths, - (2) employable men, and (3) unemployable men. The - unemployable will be further divided into: (i) the - physically handicapped, (ii) the mentally defective, - (iii) alcoholics and drug addicts, (iv) the habitually - idle, (v) the untrained, and (vi) the aged. - - _f_) _Treatment_: Upon the basis of the preceding - examination and classification, the men will be given - the following services: - - i) Those in need of emergency relief, temporary - lodging, meals and bath, by the agencies in the field - and by the Municipal Lodging House (when reopened). - - ii) Those in need of clean clothes, free laundry work - at the Municipal Laundry (to be established). - - iii) Those who are proper charges of other - communities and who may be better cared for there, - transportation from relatives or from Cook County - agent. - - iv) Those in need of medical service, treatment at - the Cook County Hospital, Municipal Tuberculosis - Sanitarium, or dispensaries, and observation at the - Psychopathic Hospital. - - v) For the unemployable physically disabled, - education as provided in the Chicago plan for the - physically handicapped (under consideration by the - state in co-operation with private agencies). - - vi) For the unemployable but physically able-bodied, - individual arrangements for industrial education. - - vii) For the aged and permanently physically - disabled, placement in the Oak Forest Home. - - viii) For the employable, references with vocational - diagnosis and recommendation to the Illinois Free - Employment offices and other employment agencies. - - ix) For persons under the supervision of the Municipal - Clearing House, when desirable, individual case work - and after-care. - - x) For incorrigible vagrants and beggars for whom no - constructive treatment is provided in the program - for immediate action (see constructive treatment in - “Program for Future Action”) commitment to the House - of Correction. - - _g_) _Administration_: The Clearing House to be - administered by the city of Chicago under the City - Department of Public Welfare; the director of the - Clearing House to be also superintendent of the Lodging - House and of the Municipal Laundry and the Municipal - Bath House, a physician on full time to be assigned by - the City Department of Public Health, a psychiatrist - and psychologist by the state criminologist of the - State Department of Public Welfare. - - _h_) _Advisory Committee_: Under the auspices of - the Chicago Council of Social Agencies, an advisory - committee to the director of the Clearing House be - organized to be composed of public and private agencies - and civic, philanthropic, commercial, industrial, and - labor organizations, co-operating with the Clearing - House. - - _i_) _Financing_: An appeal to be made at once to - the city council for funds to equip and maintain the - Municipal Clearing House, Municipal Lodging House, - Laundry and Bath House, to provide for the following - budget: - -TENTATIVE ANNUAL BUDGET FOR CARING ADEQUATELY FOR HOMELESS -TRANSIENT MEN IN CHICAGO - - ================================================================ - Clearing House | Maximum* | Minimum - ---------------------------------------+------------+----------- - Rent of headquarters, including light | | - and heat | $ 2,500.00 | - Heat and light in free quarters | | $ 1,000.00 - Equipment | 1,000.00 | 1,000.00 - Office supplies, stationery, printing, | | - etc. | 500.00 | 500.00 - Staff: | | - Superintendent | 6,000.00 | 4,000.00 - Assistant | 2,500.00 | - Six interviewers and field workers | 9,000.00 | - Two interviewers and field workers | | 4,000.00 - Two stenographers | 2,400.00 | - One stenographer | | 1,500.00 - Physician (part time) | 1,800.00 | - Psychiatrist (part time) | 1,800.00 | - Director of vocational guidance | 4,000.00 | - Janitors | 1,800.00 | 1,800.00 - | ---------- | ---------- - Total | $33,300.00 | $13,800.00 - ---------------------------------------------------------------- - - * The maximum budget represents expenditures in the event - headquarters cannot be secured free of rent, services of physician - and psychiatrist cannot be secured from city and Institute for - Juvenile Research, and at a time when a full staff will be - necessary. - - 2. _The reopening of the Municipal Lodging House_ under - the following conditions (adapted from “Program for Model - Municipal Lodging House,” by Raymond Robins): - - _a_) _Administration_: under the City Department of - Public Health in close affiliation with the Clearing - House for Homeless Men. - - _b_) _Purpose_: to provide free, under humane and - sanitary conditions, food, lodging, and bath, with - definite direction for such permanent relief as is - needed for any man or boy stranded in Chicago. - - _c_) _Registration and preliminary physical - examination_: made in Clearing House a condition to - admission. - - _d_) _Standard of service_: - - i) Sanitary building. - - ii) Wholesome food. - - iii) Dormitories quiet, beds comfortable and clean. - - iv) First-aid treatment: vaccination, bandages and - simple medicaments furnished free. - - v) Isolation ward for men suffering from inebriety, - insanity, venereal diseases, etc. - - vi) Fumigation of lodgers’ clothing, including hat - and shoes, every night. - - vii) Nightly shower bath required. - - 3. _The establishment of a Municipal Laundry and a - Municipal Bath House by the city of Chicago_: to be - operated in close affiliation with the Municipal Clearing - House. - - 4. _Utilization of existing facilities for industrial - training_: Co-operation with existing educational - institutions for the vocational training of boys and - youths and of the physically handicapped, mentally - defective, and industrially inadequate who are - unemployable but willing to work. (See “Program for - Future Action.”) - - 5. _Employment agencies_: - - _a_) The extension of the service of the Illinois Free - Employment office. - - _b_) The enforcement of the law relating to private - employment agencies: the requirement that sections - three (3), four (4), and five (5), of the law be posted - in a conspicuous place in each room of the agency; - and the return to the applicant of three-fifths of - the registration and other fees upon the failure of - applicant to accept position or upon his discharge for - cause. - - _c_) The further study of private employment agencies - and of labor camps in order to provide the homeless man - with adequate protection against exploitation. - - 6. _Public health and housing_: - - _a_) The further building of sanitary workingmen’s - hotels with low charge for accommodations. - - _b_) The maintenance and raising of standards of - cheap hotels in Chicago through rigid inspection and - tightening of requirements. - - _c_) Medical examination, inspection, and supervision - of men in flops, together with vaccination and - hospitalization of needy cases. - - 7. _Vagrancy Court_: the reorganization of the Vagrancy - Court for the hearing of cases of incorrigible vagrants - and beggars on the basis of the investigations of the - Clearing House. - - 8. _Protection of the boy_: - - _a_) Prevention of aimless wandering through the - provision of wholesome and stimulating recreation, - through the extension of all activities for boys, and - through the further development of vocational education - and supervision. The Vocational Guidance Bureau of the - Board of Education should be removed to an area of the - city free from unwholesome contacts. - - _b_) An educational campaign organized through the - Mid-West Boy’s Club Federation should be carried on - in all the boys’ organizations in Chicago showing the - danger of “flipping” trains and playing in railroad - yards. The National Safety Council has a great deal of - material which could be used in such a campaign. - - _c_) Co-operation with such organization as the - Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, the special police - organizations of the railroads, the Lake Carriers - Association, and automobile clubs, in a program to - prevent boys wandering away from home. Pamphlets should - be prepared for distribution, asking for co-operation - and enforcement of working certificate regulations in - this and other states, child labor laws, juvenile court - laws, etc. - - _d_) The enlistment officers of the army, navy, and - marine should demand the presentation of a birth - certificate in all cases in which they doubt the age of - the applicant. - - _e_) The co-operation of the managers of the hotels - and lodging-houses in an effort to keep boys under - seventeen out of the hotels in the Hobohemian areas, or - at least to use their influence in preventing boys and - men from rooming together. - - _f_) Because most of the contacts the boy has with - tramps are unwholesome, the police should not permit - boys to loiter or play in the areas most frequented - by the tramp population; namely, West Madison Street, - South State Street, North Clark Street, and adjacent - territory. Parents ought to be made aware of the nature - of the contacts the boy has with the tramp in these - areas and in the parks. - - _g_) The assignment of special plain-clothes policemen - experienced in dealing with vagrants to the parks and - other places in which tramps congregate. They should be - instructed to pick up and hold in the Detention Home - any boy under seventeen years found in company with a - tramp. - - _h_) More strenuous effort should be made to occupy - the leisure time of boys who frequent the districts in - which the tramps congregate. It is the boy with leisure - time who is the most susceptible to the unwholesome - contacts. Supervised recreation should be carried on to - an extent that boys who play in Hobohemian areas might - be attracted to other sections. When school is not in - session a more extensive program of summer camps might - help. - - _i_) Since the Juvenile Court of Cook County is - equipped to investigate the cases of vagrant boys under - seventeen in Chicago, and return them to their homes, - all vagrant boys apprehended by anyone in the daytime - should be reported to the chief probation officer, - Juvenile Court. Vagrant boys over seventeen should be - directed to the Clearing House. - - _j_) After five o’clock vagrant boys under seventeen - should be turned over to the police who will take them - to the Detention Home, from which home they will be - taken to the office of the chief probation officer the - first thing in the morning. - - _k_) Whenever a boy under seventeen is taken in custody - by the police, because of contact with tramps, or - whenever a boy is held as a complaining witness against - a tramp, he should always be reported to the Juvenile - Court. It is the responsibility of the court to put the - boy in touch with some proper individual or agency, so - that he will be adequately supervised and befriended in - the future. - - 9. _Publicity and public co-operation_: the education - of the public through news items in the daily press and - editorial comment; public co-operation through tickets - of admission to the Clearing House providing food and - lodging in the Municipal Lodging House constantly to - be distributed through societies, institutions, hotels, - business offices, churches, clubs, housewives, and other - citizens. - - II. A PROGRAM FOR FUTURE ACTION-- - - 1. _That a bond issue_ be submitted for approval to the - voters of the city of Chicago providing for the erection - of adequate buildings for a Municipal Clearing House, - Municipal Lodging House, and Municipal Laundry and Bath - House. - - 2. _That an Industrial Institute_ be established by the - state of Illinois in Chicago for the vocational training - of the physically handicapped, mentally defective, and - industrially inadequate, who are unemployable, but - willing to work. - - 3. _That a State Farm Colony for Industrial - Rehabilitation_ be established by the state of - Illinois for the compulsory detention and re-education - of unemployables, such as beggars, vagrants, petty - criminals, who are unwilling to receive industrial - training. - - 4. _That a Department of Industrial Training of the House - of Correction_ be opened, pending the establishment of - the State Farm Colony for Industrial Rehabilitation, for - the commitment and re-education of unemployables, such as - beggars, vagrants, and petty criminals. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[72] The findings and recommendations of this study were prepared -by the Committee on Homeless Men of the Chicago Council of Social -Agencies and its report accepted by the Council. - -[73] The United States Employment Service established in 1918 -requires adequate appropriations for its efficient functioning. - - - - -APPENDIX B - -DOCUMENTS AND MATERIALS - - -CHAPTER I. HOBOHEMIA DEFINED - - 115. _Summary of a Study of Four Hundred Tramps_, Nels - Anderson, summer, 1921. - - 124. An evening spent on the benches in Grant Park; - description of men and their talk. - - 135. _A Study of Eight Cases of Homeless Men in Lodging - Houses_, R. N. Wood, December, 1922. - - 145. An unpublished paper on the hobo, “Along the Main Stem - with Red,” Harry M. Beardsley, March 20, 1917. - - 146. _Chicago’s Hobo Area_, Sherman O. Cooper, December, - 1917. - - 157. _Chicago’s Hobo District_, Melville J. Herskovits, - December, 1919. - - 159. Comparative statistics for the three wards in which - Hobohemia is located, 1910-20. - - -CHAPTER II. THE JUNGLES: THE HOMELESS MAN ABROAD - - 1. “A Day in the Jungles,” A. W. Dragstedt, a hobo who knows - the jungles. - - 76. “Job Hunting via Box-Car in the Northwest,” _Hobo News_, - Bill Quirke, September, 1921. - - -CHAPTER III. THE LODGING HOUSE: THE HOMELESS MAN AT HOME - - 2-3. Recital of an evening spent by Nels Anderson in a - flophouse, April, 1922. - - 70. Statistics: Bridewell population, lodging-house - patrons, registered voters. - - 79. _Report of Visit to Ten Gambling Houses in Hobohemia_, - Nels Anderson, January 1, 1923. - - 105. Casual worker, ex-soldier, twenty-eight, few days in - town, lost money in gambling-house. - - 151. _A Dozen Hotels in the Loop_, George F. David, August, - 1922. - - -CHAPTER IV. “GETTING BY” IN HOBOHEMIA - - 4. Jewish hobo, parasitic philosophy, middle-aged, begs from - Jewish agencies in all cities. - - 5. Transient dreamer, twenty-seven, known to many agencies - in different cities. - - 6. Boy in teens, Jewish, moves with ease from agency to - agency, good solicitor. - - 7. City bum, twenty-four, petty robber, works occasionally, - jail experience. - - 8. “Fat,” a panhandler with a self-justifying philosophy, - works on favorable jobs. - - 9. Englishman, forty-one, paralyzed arm, alcoholic, - mendicant, was a bricklayer. - - 89. Faker, Bulgarian, forty-five, plays deaf and dumb, - “works” restaurants. - - 90. Home-guard bum, sixty-nine, works at odd jobs, often - mendicant, drinks some. - - 95. Ex-soldier, funds about gone, going East for work, - clean, sober, “working” charities. - - 97. Boy tramp, eighteen, left home to avoid school, wants - to be engineer, works. - - 98. Two young men temporarily without money and work, - adjusted in a few days. - - 102. City bum, thirty-five, talkative, lazy and unkempt, - mendicant much of time. - - 103. Away from family for work, gets money from wife, loafs, - later returns home. - - 104. Jewish tramp, sells papers, tin worker, served time in - jail for wife desertion. - - 111. Loafs, fat, unattractive, works some, not welcome home; - his family sends him money. - - 112. Well-to-do sister ashamed of him, sends him money; he - calls it “borrowing.” - - 113. Beggar with a philosophy, condemns peddlers who beg - part of time, works occasionally. - - 123. Spanish war and world-war veteran, forty-six, - compensation, tries to go to school. - - 131. Description of life with the “slum proletariat” by one - of them. - - 152. _Mendicancy in Chicago_, Melvin L. Olsen, December, - 1919. - - 155. _Case Studies of Beggars in Chicago_, Joseph Arnsdorff, - December 16, 1919. - - 161. Statement from the secretary of the Mid-City Commercial - Association on the hobo problem. - - -CHAPTER V. WHY DO MEN LEAVE HOME? - - 10. Pioneer hobo and tramp, “played all the games,” - fifty-six, blames self for misspent life. - - 11. Belgian, fifty-eight, coal miner, lumber jack, Chicago - in winter, single, seldom penniless. - - 12. Pioneer hobo, fifty-one, perhaps dying, miner’s “con,” - away from home (Ohio) thirty years. - - 13. Migratory worker, single, fifty-six, ever restless, - mines, sea, harvest, sheep shearer. - - 14. Anemic man, lung trouble, textile worker, light work - only, hopes open air will help. - - 15. Beggar, peddler, one leg, industrial accident, justifies - begging and drink. - - 16. Migrant, would settle down, drinks, loses jobs, single, - getting old, health failing. - - 17. “Dope” user, weak, anemic, poorly clad, dirty, beat way - from Boston. - - 18. Old man, seventy-eight, poor-farm and hospital - experience, mendicant, lives on fifty or sixty cents a day. - - 19. Restless young man, twenty-four, no permanent desires, - carpenter, capable, sober, congenial. - - 20. Restless young worker, easily bored by the monotony of a - job. - - 26. Irish, ex-soldier, ex-sailor, twenty-seven, sings, wants - to study music, ex-secretary of “Hobo College.” - - 27. Feeble-minded, left home in war time, odd jobs, in town - often, often in missions. - - 28. Pessimistic, imaginative, unstable, about forty-five, - fair worker. - - 29. Periodical drinker, quarrelsome when drunk, otherwise - good worker. - - 30. College man, twenty-seven, ex-salesman, left wife, - homosexual experience, avoids work. - - 31. Chronic drinker, stockyards worker, seldom migrates, - many arrests, away from wife twelve years. - - 32. Boy tramp, sixteen, on way to Texas, from Ohio, parents - dead, only brother a soldier. - - 33. Left home when jilted by girl, too sensitive to return, - very transient. - - 34. Returned home after jail experience, humiliated, left - home, away for several years. - - 35. Ex-soldier, as small-town boy left home in crisis, - stayed away to make bluff good, twenty-two. - - 36. Boy left home in fear of punishment from father, - returns occasionally. - - 37. Migrant because of trouble over woman, about thirty, - dare not return, radical. - - 38. Became migratory to avoid paying alimony, dare not - return, about forty. - - 39. Boy tramp, nineteen, egotist, traveled much, works - little, gambles, jail record. - - 40. Oldest boy becomes runaway, twenty, other boys in family - follow, dislikes father. - - -CHAPTER VI. THE HOBO AND THE TRAMP - - 41. Scotchman, thirty-two, single, ex-soldier, sailor, nurse - in winters, casual in summer. - - 42. Deck hand summers, migrant to South in winter, single, - generally sober. - - 43. Carpenter, casual, often discharged, would settle but - losing efficiency by drink. - - 44. Old man, fifty-eight, plasterer, fair worker but casual, - has ceased migrating, sober. - - 45. One-time harvest hand, seldom leaves Chicago, peddles - trinkets, gambles. - - 46. Romantic tramp, revels in wandering, carries tiny - camera, seeks notice, does not work. - - 86. Recital of experiences of boy tramp, now a doctor in - Chicago. - - 91. Russian, able-bodied hobo, about thirty-five, clean, - sober, works in and near Chicago. - - 92. Boy, eighteen, on way home (Indiana) from winter in - West, plans to leave tramp life. - - 100. Congenial, irresponsible man of twenty-five, sober, - clean, very transient, works as porter. - - 109. Runaway boy from Hammond, Indiana, sixteen, in - Hobohemia looking for work, very worldly wise. - - -CHAPTER VII. THE HOME GUARD AND THE BUM - - 47. City bum, twenty-three, in missions when broke, works - as teamster, “got” religion once. - - 48. Wife deserter, drinks, loiters on “stem,” odd jobs, - formerly pig killer. - - 49. Ex-pugilist, single, forty-five, now mission “stiff,” - works on clocks in summer, alcoholic. - - 50. Health ruined by drink, thirty-two, light jobs, baker, - farms in summer, Chicago much of time. - - 72. Crippled in industrial accident, sixty-two, family - grown, would care for him, drinks. - - 78. Classification of types of homeless men submitted by Mr. - Wirth of Jewish charities. - - 127. Classification of tramps, hobos, and other types of - homeless men by Dr. Ben L. Reitman. - - -CHAPTER VIII. WORK - - 73. Pioneer type, fifty, seldom comes East, miner, - prospector, lumber jack. - - 77. Man forced to be idle by hard times, learned to get - along, later refused work. - - 83. Old man, fifty, single, winters in Chicago, farm jobs - in summer, drinks some. - - 93. Laborer, migrant, forty-four, becoming radical on - account of work shortage, had some money. - - 94. Ex-soldier, twenty-seven, without funds but hopeful, - hustling worker. - - 96. Boy tramp, twenty, reformatory record, traveled much in - three years. - - 114. Brought cattle from Wyoming to Chicago, lost all with - women and drink, still happy. - - 134. _Study of Employment Agencies and Labor Placement - Problems_, E. H. Koster, August, 1922. - - 158. _The Unemployed and the Unemployable in Chicago_, - Rupert R. Lewis, December, 1917. - - 160. Statistics of the Chicago Free Employment offices for - the year ending September 30, 1922. - - -CHAPTER IX. HEALTH - - 106. Ex-soldier, released from army hospital, gets - compensation, drinks much. - - 107. Italian bricklayer, rheumatism, gets aid from union, - family in Italy, sons in war. - - 108. Mental case, talks to self, attracts much attention on - street, loud and vulgar. - - 117. Teamster, thirty-six, raised in slum, unemployable with - locomotor ataxia, peddles pencils. - - 121. Chicago boy, does not go home, needs medical attention - for feet and eyes, gambles. - - 122. Boy tramp, great wanderer, homosexual, intelligent, two - years on road. - - 139. Mortality statistics for Hobohemia for 1922, - non-resident cases. - - 147. Communication of Dr. Herman N. Bundesen, commissioner - of public health, concerning the health and medical care of - the homeless man in Chicago. - - -CHAPTER X. SEX LIFE - - 51. Middle-aged woman, character on West Madison Street, - feeds cats, scolds everyone. - - 52. Street faker, aspires to be actor, jail experience, - free-union experience. - - 53. Boy tramp, going West, travels without difficulty but is - often accosted by perverts. - - 54. Homosexual case, boy involved, man died in jail while - awaiting trial. - - 55. Bum who works on docks and boats, involved in boy case, - Bridewell for term. - - 81. Four boys in Grant Park, each with jail and tramp - experience. - - 82. Case of boy in teens, tramp, “flirting” with men in - Grant Park. - - 87. _Cases of Venereal Disease Due to Homosexual - Infection_, Dr. Ben L. Reitman. - - 110. Boy tramp, nineteen, exploited by perverts, decidedly - feeble-minded, on way home (Indiana). - - 120. Young man, twenty-two, well dressed, homosexual - prostitute, loafs in Grant Park. - - 125. Observations upon the unnatural attachments of some - homeless men and boys. - - 141. Wife deserter, left home to enable her to divorce him. - - 142. Statistics showing marital condition of homeless men. - - 153. _The Sexual Life of Habitual Wanderers_, J. L. - Handelman, August 22, 1919. - - -CHAPTER XI. CITIZENSHIP - - 56. Case of a transient voter showing difficulty hobo has of - voting. - - 57. Hobo’s affair with police in Kansas, hobo bitter against - police. - - 58. University of Iowa student and police, fair observer, - has been hobo, letter to writer. - - 59. Recital of hobo and private police in Ohio, narrator has - settled in Chicago. - - 80. Report of visit to police court, hobos tried at rate of - one a minute, August 28, 1922. - - 85. _Report of Two Weeks’ Commitment to the Cook County - Jail_, Nels Anderson, May, 1922. - - 149. Case of police persecution. - - 162. Newspaper clippings on the death of Martin Talbert in a - Florida convict camp. - - -CHAPTER XII. HOBOHEMIAN PERSONALITIES - - 22. Marxian socialist, soap-boxer, dogmatic and undiplomatic, - would educate “slaves.” - - 25. Dreamer, poet, migrant, critic, very changeable, good - family, single, ex-soldier. - - 75. Pamphlet on Mike Walsh published by himself, states his - policies and achievements. - - 126. Character sketch of J. E. How, “Millionaire Hobo,” - also correspondence with Nels Anderson. - - -CHAPTER XIII. THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE HOBO - - 23. Tries to write saleable songs and novels, sober but - gambles, single. - - 116. Leader in hobo organization, writes for _Hobo News_, - carries I.W.W. card. - - 119. Hobo philosopher, carries bundle, sells pamphlets about - self, sleeps in parks. - - 129. Thirty-one copies of the _Hobo News_ containing various - types of hobo literature. - - 150. Manuscript on “What the Hobo Reads,” Daniel Horsley. - - -CHAPTER XIV. HOBO SONGS AND BALLADS - - 130. Collection of hobo songs and poems made by Nels - Anderson, forty-one selections. - - -CHAPTER XV. THE SOAP BOX AND THE OPEN FORUM - - 21. Soap-boxer, scientific bent, takes self and message - seriously, calls it “education.” - - 24. Single-tax advocate, about fifty, living away from - family, sells Ford’s _Weekly_. - - 60. Notes on an afternoon’s series of talks on the soap box - on Madison Street. - - 138. Debate, “Hobo College” v. students from the University - of Chicago, “Kansas Industrial Courts,” April 12, 1923. - - 140. _Study of “Hobo College” in Chicago_, Charles W. Allen - (teacher at college), 1923. - - -CHAPTER XVI. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS - - 61. Co-operative movements among hobos, experiences of John - X. Kelly, now in Chicago. - - 74. Financial statement of the I.W.W., May and June, 1922. - - 84. Conversation with an I.W.W. who was once a steady - migratory worker, old soldier. - - -CHAPTER XVII. MISSIONS AND WELFARE AGENCIES - - 62. “Visit to Bible Rescue Mission,” Nels Anderson’s - experience, spring, 1922. - - 63. _Salvation Army Revival_, Sherman O. Cooper. - - 64. Case of “X” at the Bible Rescue Mission, bears public - testimony to former badness. - - 65. Ex-bum and wife deserter, graduate foreign university, - steady man now. - - 66. Mission worker, “saved” twenty years ago, was alcoholic - and a failure, in business now. - - 67. German, Madison Street bum, came into mission to get - warm, got religion, left old life. - - 68. Ex-drunkard, often thrown out of mission, finally got - converted and is a new man. - - 69. Young man, mission “stiff,” easily converted, became a - “backslider” next day. - - 71. Wife deserter, mission hanger-on, clean, erect, active - but avoids work. - - 99. Letter by Bill Quirke to _Hobo News_ on missions in Los - Angeles. He assails missions. - - 118. Ex-soldier in Legion headquarters, trying to get job - on strength of army experience. - - 143. _Study of Missions and Mission Characters_, L. G. - Brown, 1923. - - 156. _A Study of Missions_, H. D. Wolf, August, 1922. - - -APPENDIX A. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS - - 128. Unpublished materials by Nels Anderson, covering his - study of 400 tramps, 230 typewritten pages. - - 144. _Study of 110 Runaway Boys in Chicago Detention Home_, - F. C. Frey and B. W. Bridgman, 1922. - - 148. “Outline of Program for the Prevention and Treatment - of Vagrancy,” prepared by the Committee on Relief of the - Chicago Council of Social Agencies, and submitted to the - Executive Committee of the Council, June 13, 1918. - - 154. Responses to requests for information on the homeless - man problem from social agencies in the larger American - cities. - - - - -APPENDIX C - -BIBLIOGRAPHY - - -HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY OF WANDERLUST AND VAGRANCY - - AYDELOTTE, FRANK, _Elizabethan Rogues and Vagabonds_ - (“Oxford Historical and Literary Studies”). Oxford: - Clarendon Press, 1913. Pp. 187. - - FLORIAN, EUGENIO, _I Vagabondi Studio - Sociologico-guiridico, Parte prima, L’Evoluzione del - Vagabondaggio_. Torino, 1897. Pp. 1-124. - - HUTTEN, JOHN CAMDEN, _The Book of Vagabonds and Beggars_. - Translated and printed in England by Hutton, 1860. - - JOFFROY AND DUPOUY, _Fugues et Vagabondage_. Paris: Alcan, - 1909. Pp. 368. - - MARIE, A. A., AND MEUNIER, R., _Les Vagabonds_. Paris: Giard - and Brière, 1908. Pp. 331. - - MARIET, “Le vagabondage constitutionnel des dégénéres” - (continued article), _Annales medicopsychologique_, 1911-12. - - MAYHEW, HENRY, _London Labour and the London Poor_. London: - Griffin, 1862. Pp. 504. - - PAGNIER, ARMAND, _Du Vagabondage et des Vagabonds, Étude - Psychologique, Sociologique et Medico-legale_. Lyons, - France: 1906. - - PARKER, CARLTON H., _The Casual Laborer_. New York: - Harcourt, Brace & Howe, 1920. Pp. 199. - - RIBTON-TURNER, CHARLES J., _A History of Vagrants and - Vagrancy and Beggars and Begging_. London: 1887. Pp. 720. - - SPEEK, PETER A., “The Psychology of the Floating Workers,” - _Annals of the Amer. Acad. of Pol. and Soc. Science_ - (Philadelphia), LXIX, 72-78. - - TANNENBAUM, FRANK, _The Labor Movement_. New York: Putnam, - 1921. Pp. 259. - - THANET, OCTAVE, “The Tramp in Four Centuries,” _Lippincotts_, - XXIII (May, 1879), 565. - - TUGWELL, REXFORD G., “The Gypsy Strain,” _Pacific Monthly - Review_, III, 177-96. - - WILMANNS, KARL, _Zur Psychopathologie des Landstreichers_. - Leipzig: Barth, 1906. Pp. 418. - - WILMANNS, KARL, “Psychoses among Tramps,” _Centralblatt für - Nervenheilkunde_, December, 1902. - - -THE LABOR MARKET AND INDUSTRIAL MOBILITY - - BAKER, OLIVER E., _Seed Time and Harvest_, _Bull. United - States Dept. of Agric., No. 183_, March, 1922. - - BRISSENDEN, PAUL F., “Measurement of Labor Mobility,” _Jour. - of Pol. Econ._, XXVIII (June, 1920), 441-76. - - BRISSENDEN, PAUL F., AND FRANKEL, EMIL, “Mobility of - Industrial Labor,” _Pol. Science Quar._, XXXV (December, - 1920), 566-600. - - DEVINE, EDWARD T., “The Shiftless and Floating City - Population,” _Annals of the American Academy of Soc. and - Pol. Science_, X (September, 1897), 149-64. - - FRY, LUTHER C., “Migratory Workers of Our Industries,” - _World’s Work_, XL (October, 1920), 600. - - Immigration Commission, Reports of, _The Floating Immigrant - Labor Supply_ (_Immigrants in Industry_), 25 parts, XVIII, - 331-525. Senate Reports, Washington, 1911. - - LESCOHIER, DON D., _The Harvest Worker_, _Bull. United - States Dept. of Labor, No. 1020_, April, 1922. - - LESCOHIER, DON D., _The Labor Market_. New York: Macmillan, - 1919. Pp. 338. - - SLICHTER, SAMUEL H., _Turnover of Factory Labor_. New York: - Appleton, 1919. Pp. 460. - - -THE PROBLEM OF UNEMPLOYMENT AND VAGRANCY - - BEVERIDGE, W. H., _Unemployment: A Problem of Industry_. - London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1909. Pp. 317. - - BLISS, W. D. P., _What Is Done for the Unemployed in - European Countries_. _United States Labor Bull. No. 76_ - (1908), pp. 741-934. - - BOOTH, WILLIAM, _The Vagrant and the Unemployable_. London: - 1909. Pp. 79. - - DAWSON, W. H., _The Vagrancy Problem_. London: P. S. King & - Son, 1910. Pp. 270. - - HUNTER, ROBERT, _Property_. New York: Macmillan, 1912. Pp. - 380. - - KELLY, EDMOND, _The Elimination of the Tramp_. New York: - Putnam & Sons, 1908. Pp. 111. - - Laws of Various States Relating to Vagrancy. - - LAUBACH, FRANK C., _Why There Are Vagrants_. New York: - University of Columbia Press, 1916. Pp. 128. - - LEWIS, BURDETTE G., _The Offender, and His Relations to Law - and Society_. New York: Harper, 1921. Pp. 380. - - LEWIS, O. F., “Vagrancy in the United States,” _Proceedings - of the National Conference of Charities and Corrections_ - (1907), pp. 52-70. - - MARSH, BENJAMIN C., “Causes of Vagrancy and Methods of - Eradication,” _Annals of the Amer. Acad. of Pol. and Soc. - Science_, Vol. XXIII, No. 3, pp. 445-56. Philadelphia: 1904. - - Massachusetts Association of Relief Officers, _Report on - Best Methods of Dealing with Tramps and Wayfarers_, 1901. - - “The Men We Lodge,” _Report of the Advisory Social Service - Committee of the Municipal Lodging House_. New York City: - Dept, of Public Charities, 1915. Pp. 42. - - NICHOLS, MALCOLM, “National Aspects of the Transient - Problem,” _The Family_, III (June, 1922), 89-91. - - OSTWALD, HANS OTTO, _Die Bekämpfung der Landstreicherei_. - Stuttgart: R. Lutz, 1903. Pp. 278. - - _Report of the Commissioner of Public Affairs._ Portland, - Ore.: Wood Yard, 1915. - - _Report of the Mayors Committee on Unemployment._ New York - City: 1917. Pp. 132. - - WOLFE, ALBERT B., _The Lodging Problem in Boston_. Boston: - Houghton Mifflin, 1906. Pp. 200. - - -THE I.W.W. AND THE CASUAL LABORER - - BROOKS, JOHN GRAHAM, _American Syndicalism_. New York: - Macmillan, 1913. Pp. 264. - - BRISSENDEN, PAUL F., _The I.W.W.: A Study of American - Syndicalism_. New York: University of Columbia, 1920. Pp. - 438. - - HOXIE, R. F., “The Truth about the I.W.W.,” _Jour. of Pol. - Econ._, XXI (November, 1913), 785-97. - - _I.W.W. Song Book._ Chicago: The Equity Press, 1922. - - _Preamble and Constitution of the I.W.W._ Chicago: General - I.W.W. Headquarters, 1921. Pp. 69. - - ST. JOHN, VINCENT, _The I.W.W., Its History, Structure and - Methods_. Chicago: The Equity Press. - - TRIDON, ANDRÉ, _The New Unionism_. New York: Huebsch, 1913. - Pp. 198. - - -MATERIALS FOR THE STUDY OF THE HOBO AND THE TRAMP - - BROWN, EDWIN A., _“Broke,” the Man without a Dime_. Chicago: - Brown & Howell, 1913. Pp. 370. - - DAVIES, WILLIAM H., _Autobiography of a Super-Tramp_. New - York: A. A. Knopf, 1917. Pp. 345. - - ELLIS, HAVELOCK, _Studies in the Psychology of Sex: Sex - Inversion_. II, 391. Philadelphia: Davis, 1915. - - FORBES, JAMES, “Jockers and the Schools They Keep,” - _Charities Survey_, XI (1903), 432. - - FLYNT (WILLARD), JOSIAH, _My Life_. New York: Outing - Publishing Co., 1908. - - FLYNT (WILLARD), JOSIAH, _Tramping with Tramps_. New York: - Century, 1899. Pp. 398. - - HOWARD, OLIVER OTIS (Maj. Gen., U.S. Army), “The Menace of - Coxyism,” _North Amer. Rev._, CLVIII (1894), 687-96. - - KEMP, HARRY, _The Cry of Youth_. New York: Mitchell, - Kennerley, 1914. Pp. 140. - - KEMP, HARRY, _Tramping on Life_. New York: Boni & - Liveright, 1922. Pp. 438. - - KNIBBS, H. H., _Songs of the Outlands_. New York: Houghton, - Mifflin Co., 1914. Pp. 73. - - LINDSAY, VACHEL, _Handy Book for Beggars_. New York: - Macmillan, 1916. Pp. 205. - - LONDON, JACK, _The Road_. New York: Macmillan, 1907. Pp. - 224. - - LONDON, JACK, _War on the Classes_. New York: Macmillan, - 1905. Pp. 278. - - MCCOOK, J. J., “A Census of Tramps and Its Revelations,” - _Forum_, XV, 753. - - MCGREGOR, TRACY W., _Twenty Thousand Men_. Detroit: - McGregor Institute, 1922. Pp. 29. - - MULLIN, GLEN, “Adventures of a Scholar Tramp,” _Century - Magazine_, Vol. CV (February and March). - - SERVICE, ROBERT W., _The Spell of the Yukons_. New York: - Barse & Hopkins, 1907. Pp. 99. - - WYCKOFF, W. A., _The Workers: The East_. New York: - Scribners, 1897. Pp. 270. - - WYCKOFF, W. A., _The Workers: The West_. New York: - Scribners, 1898. Pp. 380. - - -STUDIES OF THE HOMELESS MAN IN CHICAGO - - ANDERSON, NELS, “Cases Studies of Homeless Men in Chicago” - (typewritten manuscript in office of Chicago Council of - Social Agencies and Department of Sociology, University of - Chicago). - - ANDERSON, NELS, “The Juvenile and the Tramp,” _Journal of - Criminal Law and Criminology_, Vol. XIV (1923-24). - - “The Chicago Municipal Lodging House for Men,” in the - _Report and Handbook of the Department of Health of the - City of Chicago_ (1911-18), pp. 1076-81. - - “Fifty Cheap Lodging Houses,” _First Semi-Annual Report of - the Department of Public Welfare of Chicago_ (March, 1915), - pp. 66-73. - - FOLEY, R. W., “The Shifting Population of Homeless Men - and the Cheap Lodging House” (typewritten manuscript of - twenty-nine pages in Department of Sociology, University of - Chicago). - - _Report to the Mayor and Alderman by the Chicago Municipal - Markets Commission on a Practical Program for Relieving - Destitution and Unemployment in the City of Chicago_, - December 28, 1914. - - ROBINS, RAYMOND, “What Constitutes a Model Municipal - Lodging House,” _Proceedings of the National Conference of - Charities and Correction_ (1904), pp. 155-66. - - SOLENBERGER, ALICE W., _One Thousand Homeless Men_. New - York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1911. Pp. 374. - - STEAD, WILLIAM T., _If Christ Should Come to Chicago_[74] - Chicago: Laird & Lee, 1894. Pp. 463. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[74] The first chapter describes the homeless-man areas of 1893. - - - - -INDEX - - - - -INDEX - - - “A No. 1,” 100 - - Adler, Herman M., 73 - - Agencies, conflicting policies of, 15 - - Alcoholism, 66, 67, 134-35 - - American Express, 166 - - American Legion, 260 - - Ashleigh, Charles, 205 - - Association of hobo with women, 138 - - Associations: I.B.W.A., 230, 235-40; - I.W.W., 230-35; - J.P.A., ix; - M.W.U., 230 - - Atkins, Brigadier J. E., 171, 180-81 - - Attitude of perverts, 148 - - - Ball, Charles B., 260 - - Ballot, hobo regard for, 153 - - Barber colleges, 37-38 - - Barrel-house, 27 - - Begging, 47, 49, 50 - - Bills of fare on “stem,” 34 - - Bloch, Iwan, 144 - - Boarding companies, 130-31 - - Bookstore, 38 - - Borrowing, 49 - - Boy tramp, and perversion, 145; - and wanderlust, 83 - - Boyd, Charles J., 120 - - Boys and tramp life, 85 - - Bread lines, 258 - - Brennan, Pat, 208 - - “Bughouse Square,” 9-10 - - Bum, the, 98 - - - “Carrying the banner,” 53 - - Catholic charities, 259 - - Christian Industrial League, 27-28, 260 - - Chicago, a winter shelter, 12-13 - - Chicago labor exchange, 12, 110 - - Chicago plan for homeless men, 271-79 - - Chicago Urban League, 259 - - Civil authorities and tramp, 163-64 - - Clearing house for homeless men, 122, 136 - - Clothing stores, 35-36 - - “Coffee-an’” level, 40 - - Cooking in jungles, 22-23 - - College,” “Hobo, 172, 173, 174, 175, 177, 227, 237 - - Construction work, 107 - - Court experience of hobo, 165-66 - - Criminal, hobos not, 164-65 - - Crises in life of person, 77-79 - - Crop moving, 107 - - Cubicles or “cages,” 30 - - - Dawes, General C. G., 28 - - Day in the jungles, 21-25 - - Dragstedt, A. W., 25 n., 171, 177-78, 212 - - Drug addicts, 67-68; - not hobos, 69 - - - Educating the proletariat, 219 - - Egocentricity, 74-76 - - Ellis, Havelock, 144 - - Employment agencies, comparison of, 115-17; - private, 111-12; - public, 114-16 - - Employment service, need of, 122 - - Evangelists and soap-boxers, 217 - - - Faking, street, 43 - - Farmer-Labor Party, 152 - - Flops, co-operative, 238-39 - - Flynt, Josiah, 94, 146 - - Fortune-tellers, 39 - - “Free-lance” speakers, 216, 218 - - Free-union marriages, 141-42 - - - “Getting by,” a game, 57; - meaning of, 40-41 - - Giovannitti, Arturo, 201 - - Grafts, old and new, 44 - - Grant Park, in summer, 11 - - Greenstein, “Mother” 139, 171, 183-84 - - - Handicapped men, 125-28 - - Harvey-Dammarell hotels, 28-29 - - Harvey-McGuire hotels, 28 - - “Hat trick,” the, 45-46 - - Hazards of casual work, 129 - - Health Department, 131, 132, 133 - - Healy, William, 70 - - Hill, Joe, 208, 209 - - Hobo, definition of, 87-89; - and drink, 135; - and exposure, 136; - health in town, 131-33; - hostility to in small town, 26; - names for, 93; - nativity of, 150-51; - origin of, 88; - pioneer, and frontiersman, 92; - poor beggar, 49; - and religion, 262; - status of, 167; - voting, 151-52; - what he reads, 187-89; - worker, 91 - - Hobohemia, defined, 3 - - “Hogan’s Flop,” 31-33 - - Home, why men leave, 61 ff. - - Home guard, 96-97; - types of, 100-101 - - Homeless men, and the law, 154; - mostly unmarried, 137 - - Horsley, Dan, 171, 175-77 - - Housing problem, 39 - - How, James Eads, 88, 172, 174, 175, 239 - - - I.B.W.A., 230, 235-40; - Holding Committee, 237-38; - origin of, 235-36; - program of, 236-37 - - Industrial attractions, 62; - fishing, 107; - ice harvesting, 108; - lumbering, 108; - sheep-shearing, 107-8 - - Industrially inadequate, 65 - - Industry, changes in, 62-63; - hazards of, 65-66 - - I.W.W., 230-35; - literature list, 187-88; - methods and appeal, 232-34; - origin of, 230; - periodicals, 191; - program, 231; - treatment in Chicago, 235; - treatment by Ku Klux Klan, 191 - - - “Jack rolling,” 5, 51-52 - - Jewish Social Service Bureau, 259 - - Job hunting, 109 - - Jobs sold, estimate of, 111 - - Jockers, 103 - - Johnson, Glenn R., 72 - - Jungle, buzzard, 103; - a day in, 21-25; - democracy in, 19; - laws of, 20-21; - location and types of, 16-17; - on lake front, 10; - trial in, 24-25; - womanless, 18 - - Juvenile Protective Association, ix - - - Kelihor, T. T., 160 - - Kelly, John X., 171, 173-74, 242, 243-46 - - Kemp, Harry, 196, 199 - - “Killing time,” 215-16 - - Klein, Nicholas, 88 - - Knibbs, H. H., 198 - - - Lady barbers, 38 - - Langsman, Charles W., 171, 178-79 - - Laubach, F. C., 126 - - Leadership in Hobohemia, 184 - - Lescohier, Don D., 119 - - Library privileges, 185 - - Life, loss of, 161-62 - - Light work, 129 - - Living, cheap in city, 13 - - Lodging-houses, municipal, 127, 134, 260-61; - quasi-charitable, 27-28; - sanitary conditions of, 131-32; - types of, 27 - - - Medical attention, free, 13; - on the job, 130 - - Melis, Lewis, 206 - - Mental tests, 71-73 - - Migratory Workers’ Union, 230, 240-41; - aims and objects, 241, 247 - - Miller, H. A., 82 n. - - Missions, 250-58; - converts of, 253-54; - competition between, 250; - migratory national, 252; - permanent local, 251; - soliciting funds, 252; - “wild cat,” 253 - - Mission stiffs, 98, 103 - - Mobility, complicates problem, 15; - effects of, 120, 248-49; - of handicapped men, 128 - - “Mooching,” 50 - - Movies and burlesque, 37 - - Mullenbach, James, 260 - - Municipal Lodging House (Chicago), 260-61; - (New York), 127, 134 - - Mushfaker, 99 - - Myers, Dr. Johnston, 171, 181-83 - - - National program, 270 - - Negro hobos, 8 - - New York Central Railroad, 166 - - _News, Hobo_, 177, 185, 186, 187, 192 - - - Odd jobs, in city, 41 - - Old men, 69 - - “One Big Union,” 231 - - Open forums, 226-28 - - Organizations among hobos, 230; - failure of, 247-49 - - - “Panhandling,” 50 - - Park, R. E., 82 n. - - Partnerships among hobos, 147 - - Passing the hat, 223 - - Patriotism, 151 - - Pawn shops, 36 - - Peddling on street, 42 - - Personal degradation, 57, 65 - - Personality, defects of, 72-76 - - Perversion among tramps, 144-47 - - Pintner and Toops, 71, 72 n. - - Poems and ballads, 194-214; - “Away from Town,” 199-200; - “Beaten Men,” 205; - Bum,” “The, 201-2; - Bum on the Rods and the Bum on the Plush,” “The, 202; - Dishwasher,” “The, 201-2; - Gila Monster Route,” “The, 194-96; - “Harvest War Song,” 208; - Hobo Knows,” “The, 203; - Hobo’s Last Lament,” “The, 212; - “Men That Don’t Fit In,” 204; - “No Matter Where You Go,” 213-14; - “Nothing to Do But Go,” 198-99; - “One Day; Some Way,” 205; - “Optimism,” 213; - “Portland County Jail,” 211; - Preacher and the Slave,” “The, 210; - Slave Market,” “The, 206-7; - Tramp,” “The, 209; - Tramp Confession,” “The, 196-98; - Wanderer,” “The, 206 - - Police, encounters with hobos, 156-58; - methods of, 155, 160, 164; - private, 155; - types of, 154-55 - - Poorhouse, aversion of hobo to, 56; - - Population, turnover in Hobohemia, 13-14 - - Program for future action, 279 - - “Proletariat,” 176 - - Property, destruction of, 161 - - Prostitutes, “second raters,” 143 - - Prostitution, 142-43 - - Punk, 99, 103 - - - Queen, Stuart A., 26 n. - - - Racial discrimination, 81 - - Radical press, 186 - - Raid on jungles, 23-24 - - Railroad yards, 8 - - Reitman, Ben L., 87, 102, 134 n., 143, 171, 172-73 - - Religion, practical, 182; - and love, 179; - and work, 180 - - Restaurants and lunchrooms, 33-35; - sanitary conditions of, 35 - - Robins, Raymond, 260 - - Rountree, B. Seebohm, 64 n. - - - Sabotage, 121 - - Saloons, 38-39 - - Salvation Army, 27-28, 250, 260 - - Scissor Bill, 99 - - Seasonal fluctuations, 63 - - Seasonal workers, 89-90 - - Second-hand clothing, 35-36 - - Service, Robert W., 203 - - Sex isolation of hobo, 144, 149 - - Seymour, James, 200 - - Short jobs, 118-19 - - Sickness and disease, 133 - - Soap-boxers, ethics and tactics of, 222-24; - and opinion, 228-29; - his rôle on stand, 229; - versatility of, 224-26 - - Social center for hobos, 11; - in the jungles, 16, 26 - - Solenberger, Alice W., 9 n., 71, 87, 125-26 - - _Solidarity_, the _Industrial_, 190-91 - - State farm colony, 277 - - Stealing, petty, 51 - - Street speaking, 216-20; - lectures, 220 - - Strike jobs, 120-21 - - Summary and findings, 265-79 - - - Terman, L. M., 71 n. - - Testimonies of converts, 256 - - Thornburn, Charles, 205 - - Tramp, the, 93-95 - - Tramping, a man’s game, 137 - - Tucker, St. John, 87 - - Tugwell, Rexford, 82 - - Types, rendezvous of, 5, 7, 9; - of homeless men, 105; - numbers of each in Chicago, 105-6; - of peddlers, 42-43 - - - Unemployables, 104 - - Unemployment, 64-65 - - United Charities, 259 - - - Vagrancy, explanation of, 85-86; - in small towns, 163 - - Van de Water, John, 171, 179-80 - - Vaudeville, 37 - - Venereal disease, 133-34 - - - Walsh, Michael C., 171, 174-75, 242 - - Wanderlust, 82-83 - - Welfare organizations, 259-60 - - Westbrook, Warden Wesley, 165 - - White, Henry A., 203 - - Winter, “getting by” in, 52-53 - - Women and homeless men, 138-42 - - Work, a national problem, 121-22 - - “Working the folks,” 46-47 - - Writings of hobos, 188-90 - - - Younger hobos, 140-41 - - -PRINTED IN THE U.S.A. - - - - -=TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE= - - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Bold text is denoted by =equal signs=. - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the - text, and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, when - a predominant preference was found in the original book. - - Pg 20: ‘jungles; “buzzing,” or’ replaced by ‘jungles; (3) “buzzing” - or’. - - Pg 101: ‘carried bedding’ replaced by ‘Carried bedding’. - - Pg 130: ‘are often let to’ replaced by ‘are often left to’. - - Pg 134: ‘of veneral infection’ replaced by ‘of venereal infection’. - - Pg 143: ‘have become adepts in’ replaced by ‘have become adept in’. - - Pg 150: ‘and its mores.’ replaced by ‘and its mores?’. - - Pg 156: ‘can’t get someting’ replaced by ‘can’t get something’. - - Pg 216: ‘It oftens takes’ replaced by ‘It often takes’. - - Pg 224: ‘tricks of holding’ replaced by ‘tricks for holding’. - - Pg 282: ‘Family send him money’ replaced by ‘Family sends him - money’. - - Pg 287: ‘carrys bundle’ replaced by ‘carries bundle’. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HOBO *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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