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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3bdb66f --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #67177 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/67177) diff --git a/old/67177-0.txt b/old/67177-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f9415b3..0000000 --- a/old/67177-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8279 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Woman; Her Position and Influence in -Ancient Greece and Rome, and among the Early Christians, by James -Donaldson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Woman; Her Position and Influence in Ancient Greece and Rome, and - among the Early Christians - -Author: James Donaldson - -Release Date: January 16, 2022 [eBook #67177] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Turgut Dincer, Karin Spence and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The - Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMAN; HER POSITION AND -INFLUENCE IN ANCIENT GREECE AND ROME, AND AMONG THE EARLY -CHRISTIANS *** - - - - - - WOMAN; - - HER POSITION AND INFLUENCE IN ANCIENT - - GREECE AND ROME, AND AMONG - - THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. - - - - - _BY THE SAME AUTHOR_ - - - THE WESTMINSTER CONFESSION - OF FAITH - - AND THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES OF THE - CHURCH OF ENGLAND: - - _THE LEGAL, MORAL, AND RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF - SUBSCRIPTION TO THEM_ - - Crown 3_s._ 6_d._ net - - LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. - - LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY AND CALCUTTA - - - - - WOMAN; - - _HER POSITION AND INFLUENCE IN ANCIENT - GREECE AND ROME, AND AMONG - THE EARLY CHRISTIANS_ - - BY - - JAMES DONALDSON, M.A. LL.D. - - _Principal of the University of St. Andrews_ - - - LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. - - 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON - - NEW YORK, BOMBAY AND CALCUTTA - - 1907 - - _All rights reserved_ - - - - - PREFACE. - - -The first three books of this work and a part of the fourth are a -reprint of the following five articles from the _Contemporary -Review_, and of a portion of the sixth, with the kind consent of the -Editor. - - 1. The Position and Influence of Women in Ancient - Greece.--_Contemporary Review_, July, 1878. - - 2. The Position and Influence of Women in Ancient - Athens.--_Contemporary Review_, March, 1879. - - 3. The Position of Women in Ancient Rome.--_Contemporary - Review_, May, 1888. - - 4. The Position of Women in Ancient Rome.--_Contemporary - Review_, October, 1888. - - 5. The Position of Women among the Early - Christians.--_Contemporary Review_, September, 1889. - - 6. The Characters of Plautus.--_Contemporary Review_, - November, 1877. - -All the articles have been carefully revised and various additions -have been inserted in them. The fourth book contains discussions of -some important questions bearing on the subject of the work, which are -printed for the first time. - -I am indebted to Mr. John Randall for the preparation of the Index. - - - - - CONTENTS. - - - BOOK I. - - THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN - IN ANCIENT GREECE. - - CHAP. PAGE - - I. PRELIMINARY 1 - - II. HOMERIC WOMEN 11 - - III. THE SPARTAN WOMEN 24 - - IV. SAPPHO 42 - - V. ATHENIAN WOMEN 49 - - - BOOK II. - - THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN - IN ANCIENT ROME. - - I. THE GOOD SIDE 77 - - II. THE OTHER SIDE 87 - - III. RELIGION 93 - - IV. LEGISLATION AND MARRIAGE LAWS 99 - - V. THE EFFECTS OF MARRIAGE AND OTHER ARRANGEMENTS 112 - - - BOOK III. - - THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN - IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY. - - I. HIGH POSITION OF WOMEN AND THEIR SUBSEQUENT DEGRADATION 148 - - II. EXPLANATION OF THE DEGRADATION 175 - - - - - BOOK IV. - - SUPPLEMENTARY. - - I. WOMEN OF THE HOMERIC PERIOD. - - (1) The Gentleness of the Period 192 - - (2) The Darker Side of the Question 198 - - (3) Love-Making in Homer’s Time 205 - - II. WOMEN IN THE GREEK PERIOD. - - (1) On the Character of Sappho 207 - - (2) Aspasia 210 - - (3) Portraits of Sappho and Aspasia 211 - - (4) Right of Intermarriage--ἐπιγαμία 211 - - (5) Athenian Citizenship 212 - - (6) Date of ‘Ecclesiazusæ’ 215 - - (7) The Women of Plautus 216 - - III. WOMEN IN THE ROMAN PERIOD. - - (1) Women in Asia Minor 237 - - (2) The Speech of Augustus on Marriage 238 - - (3) Medical Women 240 - - (4) Women in Egypt 241 - - IV. WOMEN IN THE ANTE-NICENE PERIOD. - - (1) Influence of Christianity on Women 248 - - (2) Callistus 249 - - BIBLIOGRAPHY 255 - - INDEX 269 - - - - - BOOK I. - - THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE - OF WOMEN - IN ANCIENT GREECE. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - PRELIMINARY. - - -Everything that has life has a course within certain limits -predetermined for it, through which it passes until it finally -disappears. The seed of the oak gathers materials from earth and sky -until it fashions itself into the majestic tree. It will not become a -rose or an elm. So it is with the higher animals and man. The lines -of their progress through life are distinctly marked off. But within -the limits special to each class, there are different degrees of -perfection. All the individuals seem to strive after an ideal which -none attains, to which some come very close, and to which all more -or less approximate. Man has also his ideal, but in addition to the -instinctive power of soul which strives after the ideal, he has the -faculty of being conscious of the ideal and of consciously striving -after it. What is true of man, is true of woman. What is the ideal of -woman? What could we call the complete development and full blossoming -of woman’s life? I have no intention of answering this question, much -agitated in the present day. I do not think that I could answer it -satisfactorily, but it is requisite for the historian of woman in -any age to put it to himself and his readers. A true conception of -woman’s ideal life can be reached only by the long experience of many -ages. The very first and most essential element in the harmonious -development of woman’s nature, as it is of man’s, is freedom, but this -is the very last thing which she acquires. Impediments have arisen on -every hand to hinder her from bringing her powers into full activity. -Ignorance, prejudice, absurd modes of thought prevalent in particular -ages, conventional restraints of an arbitrary nature, laws that have -sought to attain special aims without regard to general culture and -well-being--these and like causes have prevented us from seeing what -woman might become if she were left unfettered by all influences but -those that are benign and congenial. It is the part of the historian to -take note of these obstacles, and to see what, notwithstanding these, -woman can do and aims at doing. - -The first condition, therefore, of a successful study of woman’s -history is to come unbiassed to the task. We must for the time keep -in abeyance our prevalent opinions. There is peculiar need for this -in this subject, because, should we have false opinions, they are -sure to be held with a tenacity which is great in proportion to their -falsehood; and should we have true, we are likely to give them an -exaggerated importance and power; for all opinions on women are apt to -be intense. We have therefore to suspend our ordinary modes of thought, -and enter into conceptions and feelings and a manner of life widely -different from our own. Some of these differences I must explain before -I enter on my history. - -And first of all the Greeks looked at the relations between the sexes -from a point of view utterly strange to us. Amongst us there exists a -clear and definite doctrine which lays down rigidly what is right and -what is wrong. The Greeks had no such doctrine. They had to interrogate -nature and their own hearts for the mode of action to be pursued. They -did not feel or think that one definite course of conduct was right, -and the others wrong; but they had to judge in each case whether -the action was becoming, whether it was in harmony with the nobler -side of human nature, whether it was beautiful or useful. Utility, -appropriateness, and the sense of the beautiful were the only guides -which the Greeks could find to regulate them in the relations of the -sexes to each other. - -We have to add to this that their mode of conceiving nature was quite -different from ours. To them everything was natural, or, if you like, -supernatural. If wine gladdened or maddened the heart of man, the -influence was equally that of a god. The Greek might be perplexed why -a god should madden him, but he never doubted the fact. And so it was -with love. The influence which the one sex exercises on the other is -something strangely mysterious. Two persons of different sexes meet. -If we look at them, we see nothing very remarkable in either. And -if we continue our look for an hour or two, we might notice nothing -remarkable going on. Yet a very extraordinary change has taken place. -The hearts of both have begun to vibrate wildly. The commonplace -man has had wings furnished to his mind, and he sees heaven opening -before his eyes, and an infinite tenderness suffuses his soul. The -girl, who could not utter a word in her own behalf before, has had -her lips unsealed, and wit and brightness and poetry sparkle in every -sentence which she addresses to her companion. She too flings from her -the ordinary routine of daily life, and sees before her a paradise -of purest bliss and unending joy. Whence comes all this inspiration? -Whence this temporary elevation of the mental powers? Whence this -unsealing of mortal eyes, till they see the beatific vision? “From a -divine power,” said the Greeks. And this divine power seemed to them -the most irresistible of all. It swayed the gods themselves. If the -gods themselves could not but yield to the magic power, how could it be -expected that a mortal could resist? The religion of the Greeks could -not with such a mode of conception strongly aid them in self-restraint. -It could merely inculcate forbearance and compassion. And this we -find to be the case. In a speech which Sophocles puts into the mouth -of Dejanira, she expresses her conviction that a wife has no right to -expect a husband to be always faithful to her, or to blame the woman -with whom he falls in love. “Thou wilt not,” she says, “tell thy tale -to an evil woman, nor to one who knows not the nature of man, that he -does not naturally rejoice always in the same. For whosoever resists -Love in a close hand-to-hand combat, like a boxer, is not wise. For he -sways even the gods as he wishes, and me myself also; and how should -he not sway another woman who is such as I am? So that if I find fault -with my husband caught with this disease, or with this woman the cause -along with him of nothing that is disgraceful, or to me an evil, I -am unquestionably mad.”[1] Such religious forbearance is not found -in poetry only. It is inculcated on wives as a strict part of their -duty by a female Pythagorean philosopher, Periktione, who wrote on the -harmony of woman.[2] “For a wife,” she says, “ought to bear all the -circumstances of her husband, whether he be unfortunate, or err in -ignorance, or in disease, or in drunkenness, or have intercourse with -other women, for this error is permitted to husbands, but no longer to -wives, for punishment awaits them.” No doubt this indulgence conceded -by Periktione is due partly to the idea, which does not belong to -the earliest period of Greek life, that the wrong-doing of the wife -introduced impurity into the breed of the citizen while the wrong-doing -of the husband had generally no such effect. But there existed also -the feeling expressed more generally in regard to human nature both -of men and women by Dejanira. The sentiment disappears only before a -philosophy such as that of Plato and Aristotle, which rose far above -the common conceptions of the Divine Being. Both of these philosophers -prescribe punishments for those who violate marriage, though their -rules are not absolute but depend on circumstances. Plato says:[3] “And -as to women, if any man has to do with any but those who come into his -house duly married by sacred rites, whether they be bought or acquired -in any other way, and he offends publicly in the face of all mankind, -we shall be right in enacting that he be deprived of civic honours -and privileges, and he be deemed to be, as he truly is, a stranger.” -Aristotle[4] leaves a larger margin for the husband, but suggests that -in certain circumstances of transgression the offending husband should -be punished with loss of his rights as a citizen in proportion to the -offence. - -Throughout our estimate of women, it is also of great importance to -remember the passionate love of beauty which animated the Greeks. A -modern mind can form almost no idea of the strength and universality of -this passion. The Greeks loved everything that was beautiful, but it -was in the human body that they saw the noblest form of earthly beauty. -They did not confine their admiration to the face. It was the perfect -and harmonious development of every part that struck them with awe. It -would occupy too much space to give a full account of this love of the -beautiful, or to bring home the intensity of the Greek feeling. One -instance will suffice. The orator Hyperides was defending the Hetaira -Phryne before a court of justice. His arguments, he thought, fell on -the ears of the judges without any effect. He began to regard his case -as hopeless, when a happy idea struck him, and tearing open the garment -of his client, he revealed to the judges a bosom perfectly marvellous -in form. The judges at once acquitted her, and I have no doubt that the -whole Greek sentiment agreed with their decision. But we should make -an entire mistake if we were to suppose that the judges were actuated -by any prurient motive. One of the writers who relate the circumstance -gives the reason of the decision. The judges beheld in such an -exquisite form not an ordinary mortal, but a priestess and prophetess -of the divine Aphrodite. They were inspired with awe,[5] and would -have deemed it sacrilege to mar or destroy such a perfect masterpiece -of creative power. And though no doubt there were low-minded Greeks, -as there are low-minded men everywhere, yet it may be affirmed with -truth that the Greeks did not consider beauty to be a mere devil’s -lure for the continuance of the race, as Schopenhauer represents it, -but they saw in it the outshining of divine radiance, and the fleshly -vehicle was but the means to lead on the soul to what is eternally and -imperishably beautiful. - -These are only some of the points in which the Greeks differed widely -from us, and we must realize the difference before we can read the -history aright. But this history has to face other difficulties. The -influence of woman is often exercised most powerfully in such a quiet -and unobtrusive manner that no historian can take note of it. Who, for -instance, could narrate the action of beauty and of beautiful ways upon -thousands of hearts? The influence is silent, but not the less potent. -We have this additional difficulty in Greece, that almost all we know -of women is derived from men. Now, men rarely write dispassionately -of women. They either are in love with them, or hate them, or pretend -to hate them. They have had sweet or bitter experience of them. And -when they do write about them, they write according to that experience. -But not only is the history of Greek women written by men, but it was -written for men. This fact must be specially remembered when we have -to deal with the utterances of the comic poets, for women did not act -in the plays, nor is it probable that they were even present at the -comedies during the best days of Athens. But men taking the parts of -women are sure to act them with all the exaggeration and licence which -are natural to such representations. No great stress must, therefore, -be laid on the wild abuse of women which can be culled in large -abundance from Greek writers. One early satirical poet[6] (Simonides of -Amorgos) divides women into ten classes, of which only one is good. And -he proceeds with his invective very much as if woman did not exist. - - “Listen, O people,” says Susarion, who may be called the - inventor of comedy. “Susarion says this: Women are an evil, - but nevertheless, O countrymen, it is not possible to have a - househould without evil, for to marry is an evil and not to - marry is an evil.”[7] (Stob. 69, 2). - -A satiric poet (Hipponax)[8] gives it as his opinion that “a man has -only two very pleasant days with his wife--one when he marries her, -the other when he buries her.” A comic poet (Philemon) says pithily, -“Woman is an immortal necessary evil.”[9] Euripides says:-- - - “Terrible is the force of the waves of the sea, terrible the - rush of river and the blasts of hot fire, terrible is poverty, - and terrible are a thousand other things; but none is such a - terrible evil as woman. No painter could adequately represent - her: no language can describe her; but if she is the creation of - any of the gods, let him know that he is a very great creator of - evils and a foe to mortals.” (Stob. 73, 1.) - -Quotations like these could be made in hundreds, but they really tell -us little. They could be matched by a large number of sayings from -the same authors in which woman is praised to the skies. Euripides -was specially blamed as a hater of women. The remark was made in the -presence of Sophocles. “Yes,” said he, “in his tragedies.” And even in -his tragedies he has painted women of exquisite tenderness of heart, -and capable of the grandest self-sacrifice and of the purest love. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - - THE HOMERIC WOMEN. - - -In treating of Greek women I can only select prominent periods. And the -first that comes before us is the Homeric.[10] And here we require all -the power of transporting ourselves into different times that we can -command; for the phenomena are singular and unique. If we look at the -external position of women, we must place the Homeric age exceedingly -low in civilization. Women have almost no rights; they are entirely -under the power of man, and they live in continual uncertainty as to -what their destiny may be. The woman may be a princess, brought up in -a wealthy and happy home; but she knows that strangers may come and -carry her off, and that she may therefore at some time be a slave in -another man’s house. This uncertainty seems to have produced a strong -impression on their character. They are above all women meek. If the -terrible destiny comes upon them, they submit to it with all but -unrepining gentleness, and their gentle ways soon overcome the heart -of their warrior tyrants, and they make them their companions and -friends. But low though this position be, it has to be noted that it is -the inevitable result of the character of the times. Might was right. -The strong arm alone could assert a right. The warrior had to defend -even what belonged to him against any new comer. He himself sacked the -cities of others. His own city, too, might be sacked, and if his wife’s -fate was to be carried off and to become the mistress of his conqueror, -his own was to perish mercilessly by the cold edge of the sword. -Man and woman alike held their lives in their hands. Women were not -warriors, and therefore they had to depend entirely on the protection -of men, and were consequently subject to them. - -Such was their external position. But when we look to the actual -facts of the case, nowhere in the whole range of literature are women -subjected to a sway so gentle, so respectful, so gracious. Indeed, -it can scarcely be called a sway at all. The physical force which, -no doubt, exists is entirely in the background. In the front we see -nothing but affection, regard, and even deference. The men appear never -to have found fault with the women. It was natural for a woman to love, -and she might do what they would deem an eccentric or disproportionate -action in consequence of this influence; but it was either a man or a -god that was to blame. She was for the time mad. Even in the case of -Helen, who brought so many disasters on Greeks and Trojans, the men -find no fault. She reproaches herself bitterly, but the men think that -it was Paris who was to blame, for he carried her off forcibly. How -could she help it? And how could she prevent Paris falling in love with -her? It was the business of woman to make any man happy whom destiny -brought into her company, to diffuse light and joy through the hearts -of men. Helen was surpassingly beautiful, knew all womanly works to -perfection, was temperate and chaste, according to their ideas,[11] -and had a mind of high culture. All these were gifts of the gods, and -could not but attract. The Trojans themselves were not surprised that -Paris should have fallen under the spell of her charms; for a being so -beautiful was a worthy object of contest between Greeks and Trojans. -But she did nothing to excite Paris. She would have been happier with -Menelaus. And when Paris was slain and Troy captured, Helen gladly -returned to her former husband, and again occupied her early queenly -position with dignity and grace, as if nothing had happened. - -The only woman in regard to whom harsh words are used is Clytemnestra; -but even in her case the man is much more censured than the woman, and -if she had merely yielded to Ægisthus, under the strong temptations, -or rather overpowering force, to which she was exposed, not much would -have been said. Agamemnon would have wreaked his vengeance on the male -culprit, and restored his wife to her former place. But at last she -became the willing consort of Ægisthus, and his willing accomplice in -the dreadful crime of murder. Yet even for this it is on Ægisthus that -the poet lays the burden of the blame. For this mild judgment of women -there were several causes. First, the Homeric Greeks were strongly -impressed by the irresistible power of the gods and of fate, and the -weakness of mortals; they thus found an easy excuse for any aberrations -of men, but especially of helpless women; and their strong sense of the -shortness of life and the dreariness of death led them to try to make -the best of their allotted span. - -Then their ideas of love and marriage tended to foster gentleness. -In the Homeric poems there is no love-making; the idea of flirtation -is absolutely and entirely unknown. They no doubt spoke sweet words -to each other, but they kept what they said to themselves. And a man -who wished to marry a girl proved the reality of his desire generally -by offering the father a handsome gift for her, but sometimes by -undertaking a heavy task, or engaging in a dangerous contest. And when -she left her father’s home, she bent all her ways to please the man who -had sought after her, and she succeeded. In the Homeric poems the man -loves the woman, and the woman soon comes to love her husband, if she -has not done so before marriage. The Homeric Greeks are, even at this -early stage, out-and-out monogamists.[12] Monogamy is in the very heart -of the Greek heroes. No one of them wishes for more than one woman. - -There is a curious instance of the power of heroic affection in -Achilles. A captive widow has become his partner before the walls -of Troy. She is very fond of him, and he becomes very fond of her. -But there is no proper marriage between them, and Achilles could not -worthily celebrate his marriage in a camp far from his friends and -home. Yet such is his love for her, and her alone, that she is to him -a real wife.[13] And when Patroklos dies, Briseis, in her lament over -him, states that he promised that he would make her the wedded wife -of Achilles, and take her to Phthia, the native land of the hero, and -celebrate the marriage feast among the Myrmidons.[14] Probably Achilles -had often given her the same promise, though he knew that his father -might assign him a wife, and there might thus be difficulties in the -way, and Patroklos had offered to help him in carrying out his design. -If there was such true love to a captive, we may expect this still more -to be the case with wives of the same race and rank. And so it is. - -Beautiful, indeed, is the picture of married life which Homer draws. -“There is nothing,” he says,[15] “better and nobler that when husband -and wife, being of one mind, rule a household.” And such households he -portrays in the halls of Alcinous and Arete, and in the Trojan home -of Hector and Andromache[16], but still more marked and beautiful is -the constant love of Penelope and Ulysses.[17] Indeed, Homer always -represents the married relation as happy and harmonious. In the -households of earth there is peace. It is in the halls of Olympus that -we find wife quarrelling with husband. But the love of these women to -their husbands is the love of mortals to mortals. They do not swear -eternal devotion to each other. They have no dream of loving only one, -and that one for ever, in this life and the next. They do not look much -beyond the present; and, therefore, if a husband or wife were to die, -it would be incumbent on the survivor to look out for a successor. Even -when a husband is long absent from his wife, it is not expected that -he can endure the troubles of life without the company and comfort -of one woman’s society. Thus Agamemnon takes to himself the captive -Chryseis, and comes to love her better than his wife. Thus Achilles -becomes so attached to Briseis as to weep bitterly when she is taken -from him; but when she is taken from him, he consoles himself with the -beautiful-cheeked Diomede. And Ulysses, though he loves his Penelope -best, and longs for her, does not refuse the embraces of the goddesses -with whom he is compelled to stay in the course of his wanderings. -Homer’s insight into human nature is apparent in the circumstance that -it is only in the heart of a true woman that he places resistance to -the ordinary modes of thought. The peculiarity of Penelope’s affection -is that it will not submit to prevalent ideas; she loves and admires -her Ulysses, and she will love no other. Contrary to all custom, she -puts off the suitors year after year. The time has arrived when every -one expects her to marry again. She has seen her son Telemachus grow to -manhood. She has now no excuse. But she still refuses, waiting against -hope for the return of him who, in her heart, she believes will return -no more.[18] - -After what I have stated I need scarcely say that the influence of -woman was very great in the Homeric period. The two poems turn upon -affection for women. The Trojan war had its origin in the resolution -of the Greeks to recover Helen, and the central point in the Iliad -is the wrath of Achilles because Agamemnon has taken away from him -his captive Briseis. Ulysses and Penelope, as every one knows, are -the subject of the ‘Odyssey.’ The husband consulted his wife in all -important concerns, though it was her special work to look after the -affairs of the house. Arete is a powerful peacemaker in the kingdom of -her husband Alcinous, and it is to her that Nausicaa advises Ulysses to -go if he wishes to obtain his return. All the people worship her as a -god when she walks through the streets. Penelope and Clytemnestra are -left practically in charge of the realms of their husbands during their -absence at Troy, each with a wise man as counsellor and protector. And -the very beautiful Chloris acted as queen in Pylos.[19] Fear also for -the contempt of the women was one motive to bravery.[20] And Laertes, -though he honoured Eurycleia as he honoured his dead wife, behaved in -a seemly manner to her,[21] because he shunned the anger of his wife. -Altogether the influence of Homeric women must be reckoned great and -their condition happy. - -For this result two special causes may be adduced--the freedom -which the women enjoyed, and their healthiness, possibly also their -scarceness. - -The freedom was very great. They might go where they liked, and they -might do what they liked. There was indeed one danger which threatened -them continually. If they wandered far from the usual haunts of their -fellow-citizens, strangers might fall upon them and carry them off into -slavery. Such incidents were not uncommon. But apart from this danger, -they might roam unrestricted. They were not confined to any particular -chamber. They had their own rooms, just as the men had theirs; but they -issued forth from these, and sat down in the common chamber, when there -was anything worth seeing or hearing. Especially they gathered round -the bard who related the deeds of famous heroes or the histories of -famous women. They also frequented the wide dancing place which every -town possessed, and with their brothers and friends, joined in the -dance. Homer pictures the young men and the maidens pressing the vines -together. They mingled together at marriage feasts and at religious -festivals. They took part with the men in sacrificing,[22] or they went -without the men to the temples and presented their offerings.[23] In -fact, there was free and easy intercourse between the sexes. They thus -came to know each other well, and as the daughters were greatly beloved -by their fathers, we cannot doubt that their parents would consult -them as to the men whom they might wish for husbands. Even after -marriage they continued to have the same liberty. Helen appears on the -battlements of Troy, watching the conflict, accompanied only by female -attendants. And Arete, as we have seen, mixed freely with all classes -of Phæacians. - -Along with this freedom, and partly in consequence of it, there -appears to have been an exceedingly fine development of the body. -The education of both boys and girls consisted in listening to their -elders, in attending the chants of the bards, and in dancing at the -public dancing place of the town. There was no great strain on their -intellectual powers. There was no forcing. And they were continually -in the open air. All the men learnt the art of war and of agriculture, -and all the women to do household work. The women made all the clothes -which their relatives wore, and were skilled in the art of embroidery. -But they not merely made the clothes, but regularly washed them, and -saw that their friends were always nicely and beautifully clad. These -occupations did not fall to the lot of menials merely. The highest lady -in the land had her share of them, and none was better at plying the -loom and the distaff than the beautiful Helen. - -We have in the sixth book of the ‘Odyssey’ a charming picture of a -young princess, Nausicaa. Nowhere are portrayed more exquisitely the -thoughts and feelings and ways of a young girl who is true to her own -best nature, who is reserved when reserve is proper, and speaks when -a true impulse moves her, who is guileless, graceful, leal-hearted, -and tender. Happily I have not here to exhibit her character, for to -do anything but quote the exact words of Homer would be inevitably -to mar its beauty; but I have to adduce some of those traits which -show how the Homeric girls grew. Nausicaa is approaching the time -when she ought to be married, and in preparation for this event would -like to have all her clothes clean and in nice condition. She goes -to her father, and tells him that she wishes to wash his clothes and -the clothes of her brothers, that he may be well clad in the senate, -and they may go neat to the dance. The father at once perceives what -desire the daughter cherishes in her heart, and permission is granted, -the mules are yoked to the car, the clothes are collected, and the -princess mounts the seat, whip in hand, and drives off with a number of -maid attendants. They reach the river where are the washing trenches. -The clothes are handed out of the car, the mules are sent to feed on -the grass, and princess and maids wash away at the clothes, treading -them with their feet in the trenches. They then lay out the clothes to -dry. While the clothes are drying, they first picnic by the side of -the river, and then, to amuse themselves, engage in a game at ball, -accompanied with singing. This is a day with Homeric girls. They can do -everything that is necessary--drive, wash, spin, and sew. No domestic -work comes amiss to one and all. And they are much in the open air. -They thus all find active employment. Time never hangs heavy on their -hands. And the strength and freshness of body produce a sweetness of -temper and a soundness of mind which act like a charm on all the men -who have to do with them. It seems to me that this explains to some -extent the phenomena of the Homeric poems. There is no vicious woman -in the ‘Iliad’ or ‘Odyssey.’ Some of them have committed glaring -violations of the ordinary rules of life, but they are merely temporary -aberrations or fits of madness. And there is no prostitution. This -healthiness explains also another feature of the Homeric women which -deserves notice. There was an extraordinary number of very beautiful -women. - -The district of Thessaly, from which the whole of Greece ultimately -derived its own name of Hellas, is characterized by the epithet -the land of the beautiful women; and several other places are so -characterized. But their type of beauty was not the type prevalent in -modern times. Health was the first condition of beauty. The beautiful -woman was well proportioned in every feature and limb. It was the -grace and harmony of every part that constituted beauty. Hence, height -was regarded as an essential requisite. Helen is taller than all her -companions. The commanding stature impressed the Greeks as being a near -approach to the august forms of the goddesses. As one might expect, -the beauty of the women is not confined to the young girl between the -ages of seventeen and twenty. A Homeric woman remained beautiful for a -generation or two. Helen was, in the eye of the Greek, as beautiful at -forty or fifty as she was at twenty, and probably as attractive, if -not more so. The Homeric Greek admired the full-developed woman as much -as the growing girl. - -Such, then, were these Homeric Greek women. The Greek race was the -finest race that ever existed in respect of physical development and -intellectual power. Do we not see, in the account that Homer gives of -the women, something like an explanation of the phenomenon? A race of -healthy, finely formed women is the natural antecedent to a race of men -possessed of a high physical and intellectual organization. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - - THE SPARTAN WOMEN. - - -When we pass from Homer, we enter a new region. We do not know how far -Homer’s characters are historical. We cannot doubt that the manners -and ways of the men and women whom he describes were like those of -the real men and women amongst whom he lived. He may have idealized a -little, but even his idealizations are indicative of the current of his -age. But we know little of the modes in which the various States of -Greece were constituted, and of the relations which subsisted between -them. We have to pass over a long period which is a practical blank, -and then we come to historical Greece. In historical Greece we have no -unity of the Greek nation. We have men of Greek blood, but these men -did not dream of forming themselves into one nation, ruled by the same -laws, and mutually helpful of each other. The Greek mind regarded the -city as the greatest political organization possible, or at any rate -compatible with the adequate discharge of the functions of a State. -And accordingly if we could give a full account of woman in Greece, we -should have to detail the arrangements made in each particular State. -There are no materials for such an account if we wished to give it; -but even if there had been, it is probable that we should not have -learned much more than we learn from the histories of the two most -prominent of those States, Sparta and Athens. It is to the position and -influence of women in these States that we must turn our attention. - -To form anything like a just conception of the Spartan State, we must -keep clearly in view the notion which the ancients generally and the -Spartans in particular had of a State. The ancients were strongly -impressed with the decay and mortality of the individual man; but -they felt equally strongly the perpetuity of the race through the -succession of one generation after another. Accordingly, when a State -was formed, the most prominent idea that pervaded all legislation was -the permanence of the State, and the continuance of the worship of -the gods. They paid little regard to individual wishes. They thought -little of individual freedom. The individual was for the State, not -the State for the individual, and accordingly all private and personal -considerations must be sacrificed without hesitation to the strength -and permanence of the State. A peculiar turn was given to this idea in -Sparta. - -From the circumstances in which the Spartans were placed, they had -to make up their minds to be a race of soldiers. They had numerous -slaves in their possession to do everything requisite for procuring -the necessaries of life. They therefore had no call to labour. But -if they were to retain their slaves and keep their property against -all comers, they must be men of strong bodily configuration, hardy, -daring, resolute. And as women were a necessary part of the State, they -must contribute to this result. The regulations made for this purpose -are assigned by the ancients to Lycurgus; but whether he was a real -person, or how far our information in regard to him is to be trusted, -is a matter of no consequence to us at present; for there can be no -doubt that his laws were in force during the best period of Sparta’s -existence. And the laws bear on their front the purpose for which they -were made. All the legislation that relates to women has one sole -object--to procure a first-rate breed of men. The one function which -woman had to discharge was that of motherhood. But this function was -conceived in the widest range in which the Spartans conceived humanity. -In fact no woman can discharge effectively any one of the great -functions assigned her by nature without the entire cultivation of all -parts of her nature. And so we see in this case. The Spartans wanted -strong men: the mothers therefore must be strong. The Spartans wanted -brave men: the mothers therefore must be brave. The Spartans wanted -resolute men--men with decision of character: the mothers must be -resolute. They believed, with intense faith, that as are the mothers, -so will be the children. And they acted on this faith. They first -devoted all the attention and care they could to the physical training -of their women. - -From their earliest days the women engaged in gymnastic exercises; and -when they reached the age of girlhood, they entered into contests with -each other in wrestling, racing, and throwing the quoit and javelin. -Some writers[24] assert that they engaged in similar contests even -with the young men, and, like them, divesting themselves of the slight -garments which they were in the habit of wearing in their warm climate, -they showed before assembled multitudes what feats of strength and -agility they could perform. In this way the whole body of citizens -would come to know a girl’s powers; there could be no concealment -of disease; no sickly girl could pass herself off as healthy. But -it was not only for the physical strength, but for the mental tone, -that the girls had to go through this physical exercise. The girls -mingled freely with the young men. They came to know each other well. -Long before the time of marriage they had formed attachments and knew -each other’s characters. And in the games of the young men nothing -inspirited them so much as the praise of the girls, and nothing was -so terrible as the shouts of derision which greeted their failures. -The same influence made itself felt when they fought in battle. The -thought that, when they came home, they would be rapturously welcomed -by mother and sister, nerved many an arm in the hour of danger. All the -training anterior to marriage was deliberately contrived to fit the -Spartan women to be mothers. And it is needless to say that all the -arrangements in connexion with marriage were made solely for the good -of the State. All the Spartan girls had to marry. No one ever thought -of not marrying. There was one exception to this. No sickly woman was -allowed to marry. The offspring must be healthy. And, indeed, if she -had had to consult her own feelings in Sparta, the sickly girl would, -of her own accord, have refrained from marriage. For the State claimed -a right over all the children. They were all brought very soon after -birth before a committee appointed by Government, which examined into -the form and probable healthiness of the child, and if the committee -came to the conclusion that the child was not likely to be strong its -death was determined on. - -But there must have been very few sickly women among the Spartans. If -a girl survived this first inspection, she had, as we have seen, her -trials to go through, and only the strong could outlive the gymnastic -exercises and the exposure of their persons in all weathers during -religious processions, sacred dances, and physical contests. The -age of marriage was also fixed, special care being taken that the -Spartan girls should not marry too soon. In all these regulations the -women were not treated more strictly than the men. The men also were -practically compelled to marry. The man who ventured on remaining -a bachelor was punished in various ways. If a man did not marry -on reaching a certain age, he was forbidden to be present at the -exercises of the young girls. The whole set of them were taken one -wintry day in each year, and, stripped of their clothing, went round -the agora singing a song that told how disgraceful their conduct was -in disobeying the laws of their country--a spectacle to gods and -men. The women also, at a certain festival, dragged these misguided -individuals round an altar, inflicting blows on them all the time.[25] -Men were punished even for marrying too late, or for marrying women -disproportionately young or old. - -Such was the Spartan system. What were the results of it? For about -four or five hundred years there was a succession of the strongest men -that possibly ever existed on the face of the earth. The legislator was -successful in his main aim. And I think that I may add that these men -were among the bravest. They certainly held the supremacy in Greece -for a considerable time through sheer force of energy, bravery, and -obedience to law. And the women helped to this high position as much as -the men. They were themselves remarkable for vigour of body and beauty -of form. A curious illustration of this fact occurs in one of the plays -of Aristophanes. An Athenian lady resolves to put an end to the war -between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians by combined action on the part -of the wives from all parts of Greece. She has summoned a meeting of -them, and as Lampito, the Lacedæmonian wife, comes in, she thus accosts -her: “O dearest Spartan, O Lampito, welcome! How beautiful you look, -sweetest one; how fresh your complexion, how vigorous your body. You -could throttle an ox.” “Yes,” says she, “I think I could, by Castor -and Pollux, for I practise gymnastics and leap high.”[26] They were -not, however, merely strong in body, but took a deep interest in all -matters that concerned the State. They sank everything, even maternal -feeling, in their care for the community. Many stories and sayings to -this effect have been preserved. A Spartan mother sent her five sons -to war, and, knowing that a battle had taken place, she waited for the -news on the outskirts of the city. Some one came up to her and told -her that all her sons had perished. “You vile slave,” said she, “that -is not what I wanted to know; I want to know how fares my country.” -“Victorious,” said he. “Willingly, then,” said she, “do I hear of the -death of my sons.” - -Another, when burying her son, was commiserated by an old woman, who -cried out, “Oh, your fate!” “Yes, by the gods,” said she, “a glorious -fate, for did not I bear him that he might die for Sparta?” - -And their courage was not merely of a daring and physical character. It -was a moral courage. A Spartan had been wounded in battle and compelled -to crawl on all fours; he seemed to feel ashamed of the awkwardness of -his position. “How much better it is,” said his mother, “to rejoice on -account of bravery, than be ashamed on account of ignorant laughter!” - -It might be supposed that the peculiar training to which the women were -subjected might make them licentious and forward, but the testimony is -strong that no such results followed from free intercourse with the -young men. Adultery was almost entirely unknown. - -Plutarch[27] tells the story that a stranger asked Geradas, one of the -very old Spartans, what punishment their law appointed for adulterers. -He answered, “O stranger, there is no adulterer in our country.” The -stranger said, “What if there should be one?” “He pays a fine,” says -Geradas, “of a bull so large that stooping over Taygetus it will drink -out of the Eurotas.” When the stranger expressed his surprise, and -said, “But how could there ever be so large a bull?” Geradas replied, -with a smile, “And how could there ever be an adulterer in Sparta?” -This language is perhaps too strong, and there were certain practices -allowable which would not be allowed in our communities. The one object -of marriage was to produce strong children, and any deviation from the -ordinary arrangement by which one woman was married to one man was not -only deemed legitimate, but praiseworthy if it secured strong children. -In this way a weak man might lend his wife to a stronger, and some -women had two husbands. There is only one case on record of a Spartan -having two wives, and the case was singular. A greater latitude must -have been allowed to women. But all these cases must have been quite -exceptional. The wives were true to their husbands, the husbands fond -and proud of their wives. A poor maiden was asked what dowry she could -give to her lover. “Ancestral purity,” she said. A person was sent to -try to persuade a Lacedæmonian woman to aid in some evil practice. -“When I was a girl,” she said, “I was taught to obey my father, and -I obeyed him; and when I became a wife I obeyed my husband; if, -therefore, you have anything just to urge, make it known to him first.” - -Such were these Spartan women for many generations. No word of reproach -can be brought against them. It is true that the free intercourse -of the young men with the young women and the slightness of the -female garments shocked the ordinary Athenian, and expressions to -this effect occur in some writers, especially Euripides.[28] But the -general purity of the Spartan women is guaranteed by all the principal -writers who have discussed the constitution of Sparta as it was during -its supremacy--by Plato,[29] Xenophon, and Plutarch. No doubt the -system laboured under a radical defect. It was exclusive. It drove -away all strangers; it discouraged the higher culture at least in the -case of the men; and it suspected all the higher arts as tending to -luxury. And when the crisis came and the old manners gave way, vice -and weakness rushed in, and men and women became equally bad. It is -in the latter period that the words of blame are heard. Plato justly -criticizes one marked defect in the Spartan treatment of women. The -lawgiver had looked on woman only as a mother. He had lost sight -of every other function. But women cannot spend their whole lives -as mothers. When their infants grew into boyhood they were handed -over to the instruction of Spartan men. And then what function had -the women to discharge? Lycurgus, or the Spartan law-givers, took -no thought of this. The men were under strict regulation to the end -of their days. They dined together on the fare prescribed by the -State. They were continually out on military service. They had other -employments assigned to them. But no regulations were made for the -women. They might live as they liked; there was nothing to restrain -their luxury, and they were not taught the military art like the men. -This neglect of the half of the city, Aristotle affirms, was followed -by dire consequences. In his day the Spartan women were incorrigible -and luxurious. He also affirms that the Spartan system threw a great -deal of land into the hands of the women, so that they possessed -two-fifths of it; and finally he accuses the Spartan women of ruling -their husbands. Warlike men, he thinks, are apt to be passionately fond -of the society of women. “And what difference,” he says,[30] “does it -make whether the women rule or the rulers are ruled by the women? for -the result is the same.” There seems to have been some truth in this -last accusation. Many of the wives were better educated than their -husbands, and the fact was noticed by others. “You of Lacedæmon,” said -a strange lady to Gorgo, wife of Leonidas, “are the only women in the -world that rule the men.” “We,” she replied, “are the only women that -bring forth men.” There is a great deal of point in what Gorgo said. If -women bring forth and rear _men_, they are certain to receive from -them respect and tenderness, for there is no surer test of a man’s real -manhood than his love for all that is noblest, highest, and truest in -woman, and his desire to aid her in attaining to the full perfection of -her nature. - -The student of the history of woman is continually reminded of the -fact that when men lose their dignity and eminence, woman disappears -from the scene, but when they rise into worth, she again comes on the -stage in all her power and tenderness. We have an instance before us. -Sparta became degenerate. Her name almost vanishes from the pages of -the historian. But she was not to die without a final struggle. In -the middle of the third century before Christ two kings of Sparta in -succession dreamt of putting down the luxury, and restoring the old -Spartan discipline and the old Lycurgan laws. And in the midst of their -vigorous and heroic efforts to effect this great change, women again -play their part with energy and devotion. The earliest of the two kings -was the young and gentle Agis,[31] and almost the first person whom he -consulted on his projected reforms was his mother Agesistrata, a woman -of great wealth and influence. She was at first utterly taken aback, -for the project included the surrender of all her wealth. But at length -she admired her son’s noble ambition, and set her mind, with the aid of -some other like-minded women, on procuring the support of the women of -Sparta. The importance of such support could not be overestimated. - -“They well knew,” says Plutarch, “that the Lacedæmonian men were -always obedient to their wives, and that they allowed them to meddle -in public matters more than they allowed themselves to meddle in -private affairs.” Besides, the women had a great deal of property. -Would they surrender their wealth? Would they give up their luxurious -habits? Would they return to the old Spartan simplicity? No, the -movement seemed to have come too late. Some were willing to sacrifice -everything, but others would yield nothing, and a strong party was -formed against Agis. At first this party was put down with a high -hand. Leonidas, the leader, was driven into exile. The daughter of -this man, Chelonis, is one of the great characters that emerged during -these troublous times. She had been married to Cleombrotus, who took -the side of Agis. Chelonis was in straits what to do, but she chose -to follow the path where gentleness and tenderness were required. She -left her husband and tended her father in distress, relieving his -wants, soothing his troubles, and supplicating the victorious party -in his behalf. At length the wheel of fortune turned round. Leonidas -became master of the situation. Agis and Cleombrotus were in his hands. -Chelonis at once fled from her father and took her place beside her -husband. In the wretched robes which she had worn when pleading for her -father, she pleaded for her husband. After much entreaty she prevailed, -and the life of her husband was spared, but he was condemned to exile. -Chelonis had again to make her choice. Her father urged her to stay -with him, reminding her of the kindness he showed her in sparing her -husband, and promising every comfort. But Chelonis did not hesitate. As -Cleombrotus rose to go, she gave him one of her children, and, taking -the other in her arms and kissing the altar of the goddess, she walked -out with him to degradation and poverty. - -Justly does Plutarch add the remark that if Cleombrotus had not been -entirely corrupted by vainglory, he would have deemed exile with such a -woman a greater blessing than any kingdom. The fate of pure-minded Agis -was worse than that of Cleombrotus. No mercy was shown him, and he was -put to death by strangulation. His mother, Agesistrata, waited to hear -what was to become of him. The officer, who knew that Agis was dead, -delusively told her that no violence would be done him. She wished to -see him, and take her old mother with her. Permission was granted. The -two women entered the prison. The doors were shut. The grandmother -was requested to go into the chamber where Agis was. She went in, and -was strangled. Then Agesistrata entered, and saw her son lying on the -ground and her mother hanging by a rope. She calmly helped to take the -dead body down, and, stretching her alongside of Agis, laid both the -bodies out and covered them; and, falling upon her son and kissing -him, she said, “O my son, it is your gentleness and goodness that have -ruined you.” “If that is your opinion,” said the officer, “you had -better go the same way.” She bravely held out her neck, and said, “May -this turn out for the good of Sparta!” And thus was stamped out the -first effort for the reformation of Sparta. - -The second is also remarkable for the nobility of the women who aided -it. Cleomenes,[32] a man of great vigour and capacity, the son of -Leonidas mentioned above, came to the throne. His father had compelled -him to marry Agiatis, the widow of Agis; but he soon began to love the -noble and gentle lady. They talked much together about Agis and his -projects, and Cleomenes at length resolved to carry out the projected -reforms. Again the young prince was helped most effectively by his -mother, Cratesicleia, who supplied him with resources, and even married -again for his sake, for she thereby secured the support of one of the -most influential men in Sparta. But again destiny was too powerful for -the reformer. He did, indeed, succeed in introducing his reforms into -Sparta, and in again giving her the foremost place in Peloponnesus. But -he awoke the jealousy of Aratus, the head of the Achæan League; the -Macedonian stranger was called in, and after a fatal battle Cleomenes -had to flee. During the course of his struggles his noble wife Agiatis -died, and was bitterly lamented. His mother, Cratesicleia, was always -ready to help him, and stood by him to the last. At one time he -required the alliance of Ptolemy, king of Egypt, but Ptolemy would -not agree to it unless the Spartan king sent his mother and child as -hostages. Cleomenes did not venture to mention this proposal to his -mother, but the mother’s keen eye observed that he was keeping some -secret from her. At last she prevailed on him to disclose it, and on -hearing it she laughed loudly and said, “Will you not send immediately -this body where it is likely to be most useful to Sparta, before it -is dissolved by old age?” After she had gone to Egypt she heard that -Cleomenes was afraid to take certain measures because Ptolemy held his -mother and child as hostages, and she at once wrote to him, “Do what is -proper, and never mind what becomes of an old woman and a little child.” - -The fate of Cleomenes was as tragic as that of Agis. He had sought -shelter in Egypt, but found a prison there instead of a home. He and -his companions determined to overpower the sentinels, break through -the place of confinement, and rouse the inhabitants to assert their -liberty. They easily broke through their place of confinement, but they -could not rouse the inhabitants, and so they resolved to die. Each one -killed himself except Panteus, the youngest and most beautiful among -them. He had been ordered by the king to wait till all had killed -themselves. And so he did. He went round all the bodies to see that -they were dead, and then, kissing Cleomenes and throwing his arms -around him, he also killed himself. The Egyptian king ordered the -execution of all the women connected with the Spartans. The mother -was brought forth and stabbed. Other women also were put to death. -But most touching of all was the end of the wife of Panteus. She was -still very young and exquisitely beautiful, and she was still in the -raptures of first love. When her husband left Sparta for Egypt, her -father had refused to let her go with him, and confined her. But she -found means of escape. She mounted a horse and rode to Tænarus, and -then embarked on a vessel sailing for Egypt. Now she moved about the -women, encouraging and consoling. She led Cratesicleia by the hand to -the place of execution. She decently laid out the bodies of the women -who were slain. And then, adjusting her own robe so that she might -fall becomingly, she offered herself to the executioner without fear. -Thus ended the second effort at Spartan reformation, and henceforth -autonomous Sparta and her women disappear from history. We may well -conclude the story with the closing words of Plutarch, who, thinking of -the dramatic contests that were held in Greece, says, “Thus Lacedæmon, -exhibiting a dramatic contest in which the women vied with the men, -showed in her last days that virtue cannot be insulted by Fortune.” - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - - SAPPHO. - - -After the Spartan women, we should naturally discuss the position and -influence of women among the Athenians. But a singular phenomenon -chronologically anterior arrests our attention. The Spartan -Constitution remained nearly in the same condition from the ninth -century to the fourth. Our knowledge of the life of the Athenian -women relates mainly to the fifth and later centuries. In the seventh -and sixth occurred the movement among women to which I allude. -Unfortunately many features of it are obscure. The ancients did not -feel much interest in it, and the records in which its history was -contained have nearly all perished. The centre of the movement was -the poetess Sappho. She of herself would deserve a passing notice in -any account of ancient women, for she attained a position altogether -unique. She was the only woman in all antiquity whose productions by -universal consent placed her on the same level with the greatest poets -of the other sex. Solon, on hearing one of her songs sung at a banquet, -got the singer to teach it to him immediately, saying that he wished -to learn it and die.[33] Herodotus, Plato, Aristotle, refer to her in -terms of profound respect. Plato called her the tenth Muse. And Strabo -seems to express the opinion of antiquity when he says that she was -something quite wonderful; “for we do not know,” he says,[34] “in the -whole period of time of which there is any record, the appearance of a -single woman that could rival her, even in a slight degree, in respect -of poetry.” - -This woman determined to do her utmost to elevate her sex. The one -method of culture open to women at that time was poetry. There was no -other form of literature, and accordingly she systematically trained -her pupils to be poets, and to weave into verse the noblest maxims of -the intellect and the deepest emotions of the heart. Young people with -richly endowed minds flocked to her from all quarters, and formed a -kind of woman’s college. - -There can be no doubt that these young women were impelled to seek the -society of Sappho from disgust with the low drudgery and monotonous -routine to which women’s lives were sacrificed, and they were anxious -to rise to something nobler and better. We learn this from Sappho -herself. It is thus that she addresses an uneducated woman:-- - - “Dying thou shalt lie in the tomb, and there shall be no - remembrance of thee afterwards, for thou partakest not of the - roses of Pieria: yea, undistinguished shalt thou walk in the - halls of Hades, fluttering about with the pithless dead.” - -And one of her most distinguished pupils, Erinna, who died at the -early age of nineteen, sang in her poem ‘The Distaff’ the sorrows of -a girl whom her mother compelled to work at the loom and the distaff -while she herself longed to cultivate the worship of the Muses. - -Did she attempt any other innovation in regard to the position of -women? What did she think were the relations which ought to subsist -between the one sex and the other? These are questions that we should -fain wish we could answer; but history remains silent, and we can only -form conjectures from isolated facts and statements. A late Greek -writer, Maximus Tyrius,[35] compares her association with young women -to the association which existed between Socrates and young men. It -has to be remembered that even in Sparta the men were thrown into very -close and continual intimacy; and that this was still more the case in -other States where the women were kept in strict confinement. Even in -Sparta the men dined together alone; they were often away on military -expeditions for whole months together, and men were the instructors of -the youths. In this way passionate intimacies arose between old and -young, the old man striving to instruct his favourite youth in all -manly and virtuous exercises, and the young man serving and protecting -his old friend to the best of his power. These attachments were like -the loves of Jonathan and David, surpassing the love of women. It is -likely that Sappho did not see why these intimacies, fraught as they -were with so many advantages, should be confined to the male sex; and -she strove, or at least Maximus Tyrius thought she strove, to establish -much closer connexions, such strong ties of love between members of -her own sex as would unite them for ever in firm friendship, soothe -them in the time of sorrow, and make the hours of life pass joyfully -on. And her poetry expresses an extraordinary strength and warmth of -affection. Just as Socrates almost swoons at the sight of the exquisite -beauty of an Athenian youth, so Sappho trembles all over when she gazes -on her lovely girls. And she weaves all the beauties of nature into -the expression of the depth of her emotion. She seems to have had a -rarely intense love of nature. The bright sun, the moon and the stars, -the music of birds, the cool river, the shady grove, Hesperus, and -the golden-sandalled Dawn--all are to her ministers of love, of this -intense love for her poetical pupils, for one of whom she says she -would not take the whole of Lydia. But though this association may have -been one great object, it cannot be affirmed that she formed any idea -of making the love of women a substitute for the love of men. Some of -her girls unquestionably married, and Sappho composed their hymeneal -songs. She entered into their future destinies, and sympathized with -them throughout their career, following them to the grave with the sad -lament which they only can utter who have felt intensely the joys of -life, and see in death the entrance to a cold, shadowy, and pithless -existence. - -It is possible that she may have ventured on new opinions as to the -nature of marriage. When we come to treat of Athens, we shall see -that the restrictions on marriage in the ancient world were of the -sternest and most narrow character. Her Lesbian countrywomen enjoyed -considerable liberty, and Heraclides Ponticus[36] says that they “were -excitable and daring. Wherefore fondness for drink and love affairs, -and every kind of relaxation in regard to food are common among them.” -The statement is made in regard to the Æolians, to whom the Lesbians -belonged. But they were surrounded by Ionians, among whom the position -of women was almost servile. Sappho may have opened her home to the -girls who were tired of such close restriction, and may have counselled -marriage from choice. Probably this circumstance would account for the -treatment which the character of Sappho received in subsequent times, -for all women who have dared to help forward the progress of their -sex, and all men who have boldly aided them have almost uniformly been -slandered and reviled in all ages.[37] All the notices which we have -of her from contemporary or nearly contemporary sources speak of her -in high terms of praise. Alcæus, her fellow-townsman, sings of her as -“the violet-crowned, chaste, sweet-smiling Sappho,” and approaches -her in verses which imply a belief in her purity. Herodotus[38] tells -how she bitterly rebuked a brother who squandered all his money on a -beautiful courtezan. Her fellow-citizens honoured her by stamping her -figure upon their coins,--“honoured her,” says Aristotle,[39] “though -she was a woman.” And the fragments of her own poems bear testimony to -the same fact. They show, indeed, the warm blood of a Southern girl -who has no concealments. If she loves, she tells it in verses that -vibrate with emotion, that tremble with passion. And she was no prude. -Like the rest of her sex of that day, she thought that it was woman’s -destiny to love, and that the woman who tried to resist the impulse of -the god tried an impossible feat. But there is not one line to show -that she fell in love with any man. She may have done so, she probably -did so, but there is no clear proof. There is only one reference to a -man, and it is most likely that she is celebrating not her own passion, -but the love of one of her girls. And if she wrote many a hymn to the -golden-throned Aphrodite, she wrote also hymns to the chaste Artemis, -and prayed to the chaste Graces. - -But when we pass from her contemporaries to the Athenian comic -writers, all is changed. No fewer than six comedies, written by six -different poets, bore her name and exhibited her loves, and four other -plays probably treated the same subject. In these she was represented -as loving a poet who died before she was born, and two poets who were -born after she died. But especially she fell into an infatuated love -at the age of fifty for a kind of mythological young man who was -gifted by Aphrodite with the power of driving any woman he liked into -desperation for him. Old Sappho became desperate according to these -poets, and plunged into the sea to cool this mad passion; but whether -she ever reached the bottom, no comic poet or subsequent historian has -vouchsafed to tell us. All these villanous stories, which gathered -vileness till, as Philarète Chasles remarks, they reached a climax in -Pope, seem to me indicative that she ventured on some bold innovations -in regard to her own sex which shocked the Athenian mind. And perhaps -confirmation is added to this by the statement in the Parian marble, -though the document is often untrustworthy,[40] that she was banished -and fled to Sicily. She may, indeed, have taken part in some of the -numerous political movements which agitated her native island, but it -seems more likely that she would give offence by trying to strike off -some of the restrictions which in her opinion harassed or degraded her -sex. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - - ATHENIAN WOMEN. - - -We come now to the Athenians. The phenomenon that presents itself here -is as peculiar and striking as anything we have yet examined. In Athens -we find two classes of women who were not slaves. There was one class -who could scarcely move a step from their own rooms, and who were -watched and restricted in every possible way. There was another class -on whom no restrictions whatever were laid, who could move about and do -whatever seemed good in their own eyes. And the unrestricted would, in -all probability, have exchanged places with the restricted, and many of -the restricted envied the freedom of the other members of their sex. We -proceed to the explanation of this phenomenon. - -First of all the ancient idea of a State has to be firmly kept in mind. -The ancient Greeks did not dream, as we have said, of any political -constitution more extensive than a city. Athens was the largest of -these city-States in Greece, and yet it probably never numbered more -than thirty thousand citizens. These citizens, according to the Greek -idea, were all connected by ties of blood more or less distant; they -all had the same divine ancestor; they all worshipped the same gods -in the same temples, and they possessed many rights, properties, -and privileges in common. It was therefore of supreme importance -that in the continuation of the State only true citizens should be -admitted, and, accordingly, the general principle was laid down that -none could become citizens but those whose fathers and mothers had -been the children of citizens. From this it followed that the utmost -care should be taken that no spurious offspring should be palmed upon -the State. The women could not be trusted in this matter to their -own sense of propriety. It was natural for a woman to love. Even men -were powerless before irresistible love, and much less self-control -could be expected from weak women. Means must therefore be devised to -prevent the possibility of anything going wrong, and, accordingly, the -citizen-women had special apartments assigned to them, generally in the -upper story, that they might have to come downstairs, and men might -see them if they ventured out. Then they were forbidden to be present -at any banquet. The men preferred to dine by themselves, rather than -expose their wives to their neighbour’s gaze. And in order to defy all -possibility of temptation, the women must wrap up every part of their -bodies. In addition to these external arrangements, laws were passed -such as might deter the most venturesome. - -A citizen-woman could have almost[41] no other association with a -citizen than marriage. The most transient forcible connexion imposed -the duty of marriage, or was followed by severe penalties. And she -could not marry any but a citizen. Association with a stranger never -could become a marriage. And after she was married, infidelity was -punished with the most terrible disgrace. Her husband was compelled to -send her away. No man could marry her again; for if any one ventured -on such a course, he was thereby disfranchised. She was practically -expelled from society and excommunicated. If she appeared in a temple, -any one could tear her dress off, and maltreat her to any extent with -impunity, provided he stopped short of killing her. Her accomplice also -might be put to death if the husband caught him. Restrictions of the -most stringent nature and punishments the most terrible were employed -to keep the citizenship pure. To help further to realize the position -of the Athenian wife, we have to add that she was generally married -about the age of fifteen or sixteen. Up to this time she had seen and -heard as little as possible, and had inquired about nothing.[42] Her -acquaintance with the outside world had been made almost exclusively -in religious processions. “When I was seven years of age” say the -chorus of women in the ‘Lysistrata,’[43] “I carried the mystic box -in procession; then when I was ten I ground the cakes for our patron -goddess, and then, clad in a saffron-coloured robe, I was the bear -at the Brauronian festival; and I carried the sacred basket when I -became a beautiful girl.” Such were the great external events in the -life of a high-born Athenian maid. When she married, her life was not -much more varied. Her duties lay entirely within the house. They were -summed up in the words, “to remain inside and to be obedient to her -husband.” She superintended the female slaves who carded the wool; she -made, or assisted in making the garments of her husband and children; -she had charge of the provisions; and she was expected to devote some -time to the infants. If she went out at all, it was to some religious -procession or to a funeral, and if old she might occasionally visit a -female friend and take breakfast with her, or help her in some hour of -need. For the discharge of the duties which fell to an Athenian woman -no great intellectual power was needed, and accordingly the education -of girls was confined to the merest elements. - -Such was the treatment of Athenian women. What were the results? One -can easily perceive that there was very little of love-making before -marriage. A girl of thirteen or fourteen preparing for a life of -sewing, spinning, provision-getting, and child-nursing is not generally -an object of much attraction to grown-up men. The romantic element is -decidedly deficient. And then, even if there had been some romantic -element, the young men had no opportunities of free intercourse. -Accordingly matches were managed to a large extent by old women, who -were allowed to go from house to house, and who explained to the young -woman the qualities of the young man and to the young man the qualities -of the young woman. A marriage concluded in such a way might or might -not be happy, but there could be little ideal love about it. Nor is -there any reason to believe that the Athenians were very fond of their -wives. They liked them if they managed their houses economically, and -had healthy children, especially sons. But they were absent from them -the most part of the day; they did not discuss with them subjects of -the highest moment; they did not share with them their thoughts and -aspirations. The domestic sentiment was feeble: this comes out in -various ways. One instance will suffice. Sophocles[44] presents one -of his characters as regretting the loss of a brother or sister much -more than that of a wife. If the wife dies you can get another, but if -a brother or sister dies, and the mother is dead, you can never get -another brother or sister. The one loss is easily reparable, the other -is irreparable. - -This state of matters had a powerful effect on the wives. Many of -them consoled themselves in their loneliness with copious draughts of -unmixed wine. They often made assignations through their slaves, and -were fond of stealing out of the house whenever they could find an -opportunity. And faithlessness, though the punishment was so terrible, -was not uncommon. In fact their human nature could not bear the strain -laid upon it. No doubt there were many among them who were good and -faithful wives, and we must not always judge Southern girls by our -Northern constitutions of body and soul. I have known a Greek girl who -attained to peerless beauty before she was fourteen. Every feature was -perfect, her dark eyes twinkled at one time with the wildest merriment, -at another gazed with a strange and weird-like melancholy as if into -infinite darkness. She could speak fluently four languages, and she had -read largely in the literatures of each. And when I came upon her in -her sad melancholy moods, she would tell me that she was puzzled with -the mystery of life, and was wondering what it all meant. I have no -doubt there were many such girls in old Athens, and many an Athenian -wife could discuss the highest subjects with her husband. In fact, -it is scarcely possible to conceive that such a marvellous crop of -remarkable men, renowned in literature and art, could have arisen if -all the Athenian mothers were ordinary housewives. But circumstances -certainly were exceedingly unfavourable to them; and though there -never was in the history of the world such a numerous race of great -thinkers, poets, sculptors, painters, and architects, in one city at -one time as in Athens, not one Athenian woman ever attained to the -slightest distinction in any one department of literature, art, or -science. “Great,” says Pericles, in the famous funeral oration which -Thucydides[45] puts into his mouth, “is the glory of that woman who is -least talked of among the men, either in the way of praise or blame.” -And this glory the Athenian women attained to perfection. - -We pass from the citizen-women of Athens to the other class of free -women--the strangers. A stranger had no rights or privileges in any of -the ancient States. Any justice that he might obtain could be gained -only by the friendly services of some citizen. If this was true of -the man-stranger, it was also true of the woman-stranger. She was not -entitled to the protection of the city-State. No laws were made for -her benefit. She had to look after her own interests herself or get -some man to do it for her by her own arts of persuasion. The one object -that the State kept before it in regard to these stranger-women was -to see to it that they did not in any way corrupt the purity of the -citizen blood. The statesmen thought that great dangers might arise -from their presence in a community. Political peril might threaten -the very existence of the State if strangers, with strange traditions -and foreign interests, were to take even the slightest part in the -management of public affairs. And the gods might be fearfully insulted, -and inflict dreadful vengeance, if any one of these stranger-women -were to find her way into the secret recesses of ancestral worship and -perform some of the sacred functions which only the citizen-women could -perform. The Spartans accordingly did not permit any strangers, male or -female, to reside in their city. These strangers might come to certain -festivals for a few days, but the period of their stay was strictly -limited. - -Athens pursued a different policy. She was a commercial city. She was -at the head, and ultimately ruler, of a larger confederacy of Greek -States which sent their taxes to her. Besides, the city itself was full -of attractions for the stranger, with its innumerable works of art, its -brilliant dramatic exhibitions, its splendid religious processions, -its gay festivals, its schools of philosophy, and its keen political -life. Athens could not exclude strangers. It had, therefore, to take -the most stringent precautions that this concourse of strangers should -not corrupt the pure citizen blood. Accordingly, laws were enacted -which prohibited any citizen-man from marrying a stranger-woman or -any stranger-man from marrying a citizen-woman. If the stranger-man -or woman ventured on such a heinous offence any one could inform -against him or her. The culprit was seized, all his or her property was -confiscated, and he or she was sold into slavery. The citizen-man or -woman involved in such an offence had to suffer very severe penalties. -The stranger-women, therefore, could not marry. Marriage was the only -sin that they could commit politically in the eye of an Athenian -statesman. They might do anything else that they liked. - -Now it is not conceivable that in such circumstances a numerous class -of women would betake themselves to perpetual virginity. If any one -had propounded such a sentiment the Greek mind would have recoiled -from it as unnatural, and plainly contrary to the will of the gods. -And accordingly these women might form any other connexions with men, -temporary or permanent, except marriage, and the Greek saw nothing -in this but the ordinary outcome of human nature under the peculiar -circumstances of the case. Besides, in Athens a special sphere lay open -for them to fill. The citizen-women were confined to their houses, -and did not dine in company with the men. But the men refused to -limit their associations with women to the house. They wished to have -women with them in their walks, in their banquets, in their military -expeditions. The wives could not be with them then, but there was no -constraint on the stranger-women. The Greek men did not care whether -the offspring of stranger-women was pure or not. It mattered not either -to the State or to religion. There was no reason for confining them. -And accordingly they selected these stranger-women as their companions, -and “Hetaira,” or companion, was the name by which the whole class -was designated. Thus arose a most unnatural division of functions -among the women of those days. The citizen-women had to be mothers -and housewives--nothing more; the stranger-women had to discharge the -duties of companions, but remain outside the pale of the privileged and -marriageable class. These stranger-women applied their minds to their -function, with various ideas of it, and various methods. Many adopted -the lowest possible means of gaining the good-will of men; but many set -about making themselves fit companions for the most intellectual and -most elevated among men. - -They were the only educated women in Athens. They studied all the -arts, became acquainted with all new philosophical speculations, and -interested themselves in politics. Women who thus cultivated their -minds were sure to gain the esteem of the best men in Greece. Many of -them also were women of high moral character, temperate, thoughtful, -and earnest, and were either unattached or attached to one man, -and to all intents and purposes married. Even if they had two or -three attachments, but behaved in other respects with temperance and -sobriety, such was the Greek feeling in regard to their peculiar -position, that they did not bring down upon themselves any censure from -even the sternest of Greek moralists. One of these women[46] came to -Athens when Socrates was living, and he had no scruple in conversing -with her on her art, and discussing how she could best procure true -friends. And, in fact, these were almost the only Greek women who -exhibited what was best and noblest in woman’s nature. One of these, -Diotima of Mantinea,[47] must have been a woman of splendid mind, for -Socrates speaks of her as his teacher in love, when he gives utterance, -in the ‘Symposium,’ to the grandest thoughts in regard to the true -nature and essence of divine and eternal beauty. - -Almost every one of the great men of Athens had such a companion, -and these women seem to have sympathized with them in their high -imaginations and profound meditations. Many of them were also -courageously true to their lovers. When the versatile Alcibiades had -to flee for his life, it was a “companion” that went with him,[48] -and, being present at his end, performed the funeral rites over him. -But of all these women there is one that stands prominently forward -as the most remarkable woman of antiquity, Aspasia of Miletus. We -do not know what circumstance induced her to leave her native city -Miletus. Plutarch[49] suggests that she was inflamed by the desire -to imitate the conduct of Thargelia, another Milesian, who gained a -position of high political importance by using her persuasive arts on -the Greeks whom she knew, to win them over to the cause of the King -of Persia. This may have been the case, but a good deal that is said -about Aspasia must be received with considerable scepticism. Like -Sappho, she became the subject of comedies, but, unlike Sappho, she was -bitterly attacked by the comic poets and others during her lifetime. -The later Greek writers were in the habit of setting down the jests of -the comic writers as veritable history, and modern commentators and -historians have not been entirely free from this practice. Whatever -brought her to Athens, certain it is that she found her way there, -and became acquainted with the great statesman Pericles. She made a -complete conquest of him. He was at the time married, but there was -incompatibility of temper between him and his wife. Pericles therefore -made an agreement with his wife to have a divorce, and get her married -to another, and so they separated to the satisfaction of both. He -then took Aspasia as his companion, and there is no good reason for -supposing that they were not entirely faithful to each other, and -lived as husband and wife till death separated them. Of course husband -and wife they could not be according to Athenian law, but Pericles -treated her with all the respect and affection which were due to a -wife. Plutarch tells us, as an extraordinary trait in the habits of a -statesman who was remarkable for imperturbability and self-control, -that he regularly kissed Aspasia when he went out and came in. - -Her house became the resort of all the great men of Athens. Socrates -was often there. Phidias and Anaxagoras were intimate acquaintances, -and probably Sophocles and Euripides were in constant attendance. -Indeed, never had any woman such a _salon_ in the whole history -of man. The greatest sculptor that ever lived, the grandest man of all -antiquity, philosophers and poets, sculptors and painters, statesmen -and historians, met each other and discussed congenial subjects in her -rooms. And probably hence has arisen the tradition that she was the -teacher of Socrates in philosophy and politics, and of Pericles in -rhetoric.[50] Her influence was such as to stimulate men to do their -best, and they attributed to her all that was best in themselves. -Aspasia seems especially to have thought earnestly on the duties and -destiny of women. The cultivated men who thronged her assemblies had -no hesitation in breaking through the conventionalities of Athenian -society, and brought their wives to the parties of Aspasia, and she -discussed with them the duties of wives. She thought that they should -strive to be something more than mere mothers and housewives. She urged -them to cultivate their minds, and be in all respects fit companions -for their husbands. Unfortunately we know very little more. Did she -come to any definite conclusion as to the functions of woman? It is -difficult to say. The hints are very obscure. But in all probability -the conclusion to which she came was that neither man nor woman can -adequately perform their mission in life separately, that a man can -never do his best without the inspiration and support of a congenial -woman, and that woman should seek her work in vigorous and sympathetic -co-operation with some congenial man. Probably Plato has put into -the mouth of Aristophanes the sentiments which the philosopher had -heard often in the Socratic circles, which regarded Aspasia as their -instructress in those matters. Referring to the myth that man was -split in two, and that his two halves go in search of each other, he -says,[51] “For my part, I now affirm, in reference to all human beings, -both men and women, that our race would become happy if we were able -to carry out our love perfectly, and each one were to obtain his -own special beloved, thus returning to his original nature. And if -this is best, the best in present circumstances is to come as near as -possible to this, and this occurs when we obtain the beloved that is -by nature meet for us.” There is no reason to suppose that Aspasia had -any romantic notions in regard to love or the destiny of woman. She -was, on the whole, practical, and thought that woman should find her -satisfaction in work, not in dreams. She did not imagine that one could -have only one love, and that if she did not get that, or lost it, she -should repine and turn from life. She was in the world to be an active -being, and, accordingly, when Pericles died, she formed a connexion -with Lysicles, a sheep-seller, believing him to be the best citizen -she could obtain, and made him, though not a bright man, the foremost -politician in Athens for a time.[52] - -The entire activity of Aspasia, her speculations, her intercourse with -men whose opinions were novel and daring, and who were believed, like -Anaxagoras and Socrates, to be unsparing innovators; her own hold -over the noblest married women in Athens, and her introduction of -greater social liberty among them, were all calculated to outrage the -conventional spirit. Almost all the prominent members of her coterie -were assailed. The greatest sculptor of all ages was meanly and falsely -accused of theft, and died in a prison. The outspoken Anaxagoras was -charged with impiety, and had to flee. And at length Aspasia was -brought to trial on the same accusation. It was easy to get up such an -accusation against her. She might have visited some temple, and taken -part in some religious ceremony, impelled by truly pious motives; but -such an act on the part of a stranger, whatever her motives might be, -would have been deemed a great impiety by orthodox Athenians; or she -may have induced some Athenian citizen-ladies to go with her and engage -in some foreign worship. The Athenians permitted foreigners to observe -their own religious rites in their city, without let or hindrance, -but they had strong objections to genuine Athenian women becoming -converts to any foreign worship. The Athenian ladies did not look on -religious matters with the same eyes as the men. They yearned to have -the benefit of the more enthusiastic worships which came from Asia -Minor; and, accordingly, if Aspasia had been inclined to lead them that -way, she would no doubt have had many eager followers. Or, finally, -and most probably, she may have been supposed to share the opinions -of the philosophers with whom she was on such intimate terms, and to -have aided and abetted their opposition to the national creed. What -were the grounds of the charge we do not know. All we know is that she -was acquitted, but that she owed her acquittal to the earnest pleading -of Pericles, who on this one occasion accompanied his entreaties with -tears. - -There can be no doubt that Aspasia exercised a powerful political -influence during her residence in Athens. This fact is assured to us -by the abuse which she received from the comic poets. They called her -Hera, queen of the gods, wife of Olympian Zeus, as they named Pericles. -They also called her Dejanira, wife of Hercules, and the new Omphale, -whom Hercules slavishly served--all pointing at the power which she -had over Pericles. Aristophanes, in his ‘Acharnians’ asserts that -Pericles brought about the Peloponnesian war to take vengeance for an -insult offered to Aspasia, and others affirmed that the Samian war was -undertaken entirely to gratify her. These are absurd statements on -the face of them, and were probably never meant to be anything else -than jokes; but they render unquestionable the profound influence -of Aspasia. It is probable that this influence was exercised in an -effort to break down the barriers that kept the Greek city-States from -each other, to create a strong Hellenic feeling, to make a compact -Hellenic confederacy.[53] But whatever were the aims of her politics, -it may be safely asserted that no woman ever exercised influence by -more legitimate means. It was her goodness, her noble aims, her clear -insight, that gave her the power. There was probably no adventitious -circumstance to aid her. It is not likely that she was beautiful. - -I think Sappho was beautiful. The comic poets said that she was -little,[54] and had a dark complexion. Littleness was incompatible -with beauty in the eye of a Greek, and a dark complexion would also be -against her. But all that we can gather about Sappho’s form leads to -the conclusion that the comic poets traduced her in this as in other -matters. Plato calls her “beautiful,” an expression which most have -taken to refer to her poetic genius; but this interpretation is at -least doubtful. A vase of the fifth century B.C., found in -Girgenti, gives us representations of Alcæus and Sappho, and on these -Sappho is taller than Alcæus, and exceedingly beautiful. We have also a -portrait of Sappho on the coins of the Mytilenæans; and here again the -face is exquisite in feature, and suggests a tall woman. If it has any -defect, it is that it is rather masculine. At first one might hesitate -to believe that it is the face of a woman, but there can be no doubt as -to its beauty. On the other hand, no ancient writer speaks of Aspasia -as beautiful. She is called the good, the wise, the eloquent, but -never the beautiful. We have one bust bearing her name certainly not -beautiful. It represents a comfortable meditative woman, but I doubt -very much whether it is genuine. And I am far more inclined to believe -that we have a true portrait of Aspasia in a marble bust of which there -are two copies, one in the Louvre and one in Berlin. The bust evidently -belongs to the best times of Greek sculpture, and, as Bernoulli in -the _Archæologische Zeitung_[55] argues, can well be that of no -other than Aspasia. The face is not altogether beautiful according to -Greek ideas. It has an expression of earnest and deep thought; but what -strikes one most of all is the perplexed and baffled look which the -whole face presents--as of some life-long anguish, resulting from some -contest which no mortal could wage successfully--not without a touch of -exquisite sweetness, tenderness, and charity. Could it be the struggle -in behalf of her own sex? - -If ever there was a case which might have suggested to the Athenians -the propriety of extending the sphere of marriageability, surely it -was this case of Aspasia. But we cannot affirm that any one thought of -this. The Athenian women, even the citizens, had no political standing. -They were always minors, subject to their fathers, or to their -husbands, or to some male. Aristotle always classes women and children -together. But such was the force of character of these companions, or -such their hold on powerful men, that not unfrequently their sons were -recognized as citizens, and attained to the full rights of citizenship. -This could take place in three ways. There might exist between Athens -and another Greek or foreign state a right of intermarriage (ἐπιγαμία), -established by treaty. Strange to say, there is no clear instance -of such a treaty in the history of the Athenians. There was no such -treaty between Athens and Sparta, or Argos, or Corinth, or any other -of the famous towns of Greece. The privilege was indeed conferred on -the Platæans, but it was when they became citizens of Athens, and -were likely in a generation or two to become undistinguishable among -the rest of the Athenian citizens. A passage in Lysias[56] has been -taken to intimate that the right of intermarriage was ceded to the -Eubœans, but the passage occurs only in a fragment preserved in the -writings of Dionysius of Halicarnassus.[57] The text exhibits marks -of corruption, and the entire history of the relations between Athens -and Eubœa speaks strongly against the possibility of the establishment -of such a treaty.[58] Mention is also made of the proposal of such a -treaty between Athenians and Thebans in the speech of Demosthenes on -the Crown,[59] but the decree is unquestionably spurious, as Grote -has most conclusively shown and as is now universally acknowledged. -It is now agreed that all the decrees in the speech on the Crown are -forgeries.[60] In that same speech a decree is quoted in which the -Byzantines bestow on the Athenians the right of intermarriage, and it -is likely that other States would confer the same privilege on the -Athenians, but there is no proof that they ever returned the favour. - -A second method of rendering the son of a foreign woman legitimate -was by decree of the Athenian Assembly: and it was probably in this -way that Pericles, the son of Aspasia, became an Athenian citizen -with full rights. There was a third way, not acknowledged by law, by -which many such children must have found their way into the ranks of -citizens. The ordinary process by which a legitimate child came to -the possession of his full rights was by his being presented by his -father to the _phratria_ and acknowledged by the φράτερες as a -genuine member of their class or brotherhood. The father had to swear -that the child was his legitimate child. In many cases fathers had no -difficulty in swearing that children born to them of a beloved stranger -were legitimate, and the φράτερες doubtless winked at the deception. -This was specially the practice with the aristocratic party. In earlier -times there had been no such strict law as afterwards prevailed in the -democratic period. Indeed, the theory seems to have been held that -the blood of a mother could not affect the purity of the birth of a -child, because there was really nothing of the mother in the child. She -had nothing to do with the production of the child. She was merely its -recipient and nurse. Æschylus has very strongly expressed this idea in -the ‘Eumenides,’ and we have good reason for thinking that the opinion -was held by large numbers of the aristocratic party to the end. It was -Pericles that established the law that the child to be legitimate must -be the son or daughter of an Athenian male citizen with full rights -and an Athenian female citizen with full rights, legally betrothed to -each other. It is when a distribution of corn takes place, or similar -advantages are reaped, that the law is strenuously applied by the -democratic party, and all the children of strangers disfranchised. -But always when investigation is made many are found enjoying the -privileges of citizens unchallenged, whose mothers were not genuine -Athenian citizens. Themistocles was the son of a Thracian stranger, -and so was the general Timotheus, according to one account. It was -probably through the φρατρία that Sophocles got his favourite grandson -through Theoris the Sicyonian, recognized as an Athenian citizen.[61] -But though the women may have gained recognition for their children, no -interest was taken in their own case, and mankind had to pay dearly for -this exclusiveness. - -Probably the condition of women in Athens had much to do with the decay -of that city. The effort which Aspasia made to rouse the Athenian wives -to higher mental exertions must have lost much of its effect after her -death. The names of these wives are not to be found in history. But the -influence of the Companions came more and more into play. Almost every -famous man, after this date, has one Companion with whom he discusses -the pursuits and soothes the evils of his life. Plato had Archeanassa, -Aristotle Herpyllis, Epicurus Leontium, Isocrates Metaneira, Menander -Glycera, and others in like manner. And some of them attained the -highest positions. Princes can do as they like. In the earlier days of -Athens, when tyrants ruled, princes frequently married foreigners. And -now again princes married their Companions, and several of them thus -sat on thrones. The beauty of some, especially of Phryne, the most -beautiful woman that ever lived, attracted the eyes of all Greece; -Apelles painted her, and Praxiteles made her the model for the Cnidian -Aphrodite, the most lovely representation of woman that ever came -from sculptor’s chisel. Some were renowned for their musical ability, -and a few could paint. They cultivated all the graces of life; they -dressed with exquisite taste; they took their food, as a comic poet -remarks, with refinement, and not like the citizen-women, who crammed -their cheeks, and tore away at the meat. And they were witty. They -also occupied the attention of historians. One writer described one -hundred and thirty-three of them. Their witty sayings were chronicled -and turned into verse. Their exploits were celebrated, and their beauty -and attractiveness were the theme of many an epigram. But it must not -be forgotten that hundreds and thousands of these unprotected women -were employed as tools of the basest passions; that, finding all true -love but a prelude to bitter disappointment, they became rapacious, -vindictive, hypocritical ministrants of love, seeking only, under the -form of affection, to ruin men, and send them in misery to an early -grave. Nothing could be more fearful than the pictures which the comic -poets give of some of these women. But what else could have been -expected in the circumstances? There was no reason in the nature of the -women themselves why they should not have been virtuous, unselfish, -noble beings; but destiny was hard towards them; they had to fight a -battle with dreadful odds against them. They succumbed; but which of us -could have resisted? - -I have already remarked that no one claimed political rights for -either the citizen-women or the strangers. I must make a slight -exception, and I am not sure but the exception may be owing to the -influence of Aspasia. We have seen that she was said to be the teacher -of Socrates. Indeed, Socrates appeals to her as his teacher in the -‘Memorabilia.’[62] She was one of the great characters in the Socratic -dialogues. She appeared several times in those of Æschines; and in -the Menexenus, a Socratic dialogue, if not a Platonic, she prepares a -model funeral oration. Is it not likely then that she influenced the -opinions of Plato; and in the ‘Republic’ of Plato we have the strongest -assertion of the equality of woman with man. Plato, and many others -with him who lived after the ruin of Athens at Ægospotami, had become -discontented with the Athenian form of government, and probably with -the treatment of the women. - -Accordingly, in his ideal State, which, however, still remained a -city-State he took for his groundwork the Spartan system of education. -The State was to be all in all. He went so far as to remove the -monogamy which formed the barrier in the Spartan system to communistic -principles, and he recommended the same mode of gymnastic exercises -for both sexes. But he went further. He affirmed that there was no -essential difference between man and woman. - - “‘And so,’ he says, ‘in the administration of a State neither a - woman as a woman nor a man as a man has any special function, - but the gifts of nature are equally diffused in both sexes; all - the pursuits of men are the pursuits of women also, and in all - of them woman is only a lesser man.’ ‘Very true.’ ‘Then are we - to impose all our enactments on men and none of them on women?’ - ‘That will never do.’ ‘One woman has a gift of healing, another - not; one is a musician and another is not?’ ‘Very true.’ ‘And - one woman has a turn for gymnastic and military exercises, while - another is unwarlike and hates gymnastics?’ ‘Beyond question.’ - ‘And one woman is a philosopher, and another is an enemy of - philosophy; one has spirit and another is without spirit?’ ‘That - is also true.’”[63] - -From these premises he draws the conclusion that the women endowed with -the higher gifts should have the same education as the gifted men, and -that they should have the same duties, even to fighting in defence of -their country, only that in the distribution of labour the lightest -tasks should be assigned to the women, as being naturally weaker in -body. Some think that Plato’s community of wives was ridiculed the same -year that it was propounded, by Aristophanes, in his comedy of the -‘Ecclesiazusæ or Parliament of Women’; but it is far more probable that -the comedy was exhibited before Plato’s ‘Republic’ was written.[64] In -fact there is a likelihood that woman’s position was a subject much -agitated. Clemens Alexandrinus quotes a line from the ‘Protesilaus’ -of Euripides, in which community of women seems to be indicated.[65] -Xenophon certainly puts into the mouth of Socrates a decided assertion -of woman’s equality with man. “Woman’s nature,” he says,[66] “happens -to be in no respect inferior to man’s, but she needs insight and -strength.” And it is likely that many others held the same opinion, and -proposed methods for elevating the position of women. - -It was some communistic theory of the day that Aristophanes attacked, -but he was not bitter in his ridicule. It has always to be remembered -that it was the business of the Dionysiac priests, as we may call the -comic poets, to show the laughable side of even the most solemn things, -and often little harm was meant by these merry outbursts. Aristophanes, -moreover, had changed greatly from what he was in the time when, in the -‘Acharnians,’ he had bitterly attacked Aspasia. He had become gentle -to strangers. He did not dislike the Spartans and their ways. Though -he said many harsh things against women, he also said many good things -for them. It was through them that, in the ‘Lysistrata,’ he urged on -the Athenians the duty of reconciliation and peace. And now, in the -‘Ecclesiazusæ,’ he gives a kindly picture of what the women would do -if they had the reins of power in their hands. This was the only form -of government that the Athenians had not tried, and as all the rest -had notoriously failed, there could be no great harm in entrusting -the women with the administration of affairs. The gentle spirit of -women might prevail. And surely under such a government men would be -happy. The women would see to it that there would be no poor in the -city, theft and slander would cease, and all would be content. Plato’s -speculations and Aristophanes’s fun, however, were of no use. The -city-State was too small an organization for the progress of man. It -was destined to give way before a more humanizing government. And so -the petty States had to yield to the Empire of Alexander, and with the -change began a great change in the position of women. But this change -had to be carried out under another and greater rule. The Romans swept -over Greece and established a firmer and more comprehensive empire than -that of Alexander. - - - - - BOOK II. - - THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN ANCIENT ROME. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - THE GOOD SIDE. - - -In early Rome we find the same state of matters as we have found in -Greece. The city is the unit. This city-State consists of citizens who -have all equal rights and privileges. All outside of the city have at -first no rights within its territories, and if they come within the -city, they have no claim to justice or consideration except what they -can obtain through a citizen. In all ancient cities there was always -a large number of slaves, men or women who either themselves or whose -ancestors had been taken captive in war or stolen from their homes. -Thus there were three classes of the population--citizens with full -rights and privileges, aliens with no rights of their own, and slaves -who were regarded as mere property. But the development of the city of -Rome follows a different course from that of the Greek cities. The -Romans gradually extended the privileges of citizenship till the unit -was no longer a city, but a nation, and finally it became the civilized -world. Aliens make no prominent figure in Rome, as they did in Athens, -unless we consider the plebeians as aliens, and in the process of time -the plebeians became citizens, and every civil distinction between -them and the original citizens vanished. Besides, the Censor had the -right to put the name of an alien on the list of citizens, and no doubt -many foreigners became Roman citizens in this way. The slaves also had -a more advantageous position in Rome. The road to citizenship was at -an early period laid open for them. Their masters manumitted many of -them, and they became freedmen. These freedmen came to be numerous and -influential, and the Censor Appius Claudius in 312 B.C.[67] -admitted them all to the full rights of citizenship. They were not, -indeed, allowed to enjoy the honours of the State, but this same Appius -Claudius granted to the sons of freedmen admission into the Senate, -and his right-hand man, Cn. Flavius, curule ædile of the year 304, was -the son of a freedman. Thus, in course of time, the slave became the -freedman, the freedman’s son became an _ingenuus_, or freeborn -citizen, with all the rights and privileges of Roman citizenship. - -In Roman society there were these same three classes of women--the -full citizen, the alien, and the slave. The Roman citizen could marry -only a woman who was the daughter of a Roman citizen. Marriage with -any other was impossible. The very object of marriage was to produce a -race of citizens, and, therefore, both father and mother must belong -to the class of citizens. It was for this reason that such care was -taken of the purity of Roman women, and such a broad distinction was -drawn between the conduct of the man and the woman. There must be no -suspicion of spuriousness in regard to the Roman citizen. But the -offspring of the man with a foreign woman or a slave did not become a -citizen, and, therefore, the State was perfectly indifferent as to what -relations might exist between a male citizen and alien women or slaves, -and society was equally indifferent. - -We have already seen what was the result of this state of matters in -Greece. In Rome the result was different. The alien women attained -to less prominence even than the alien men, and in this account of -the position of women in Roman society we may pass them without -notice. A few foreign women appear in the early history of Rome, and -play a prominent part; but the tales are borrowed from Greek stories -of the times of the Tyrants, and do not fit in with strictly Roman -ideas. During the best period of Roman history alien women are never -mentioned, except in plays borrowed from the Greek, and it is only -when we come to the later days of the Republic that we begin again to -hear the names of a few. But their presence is owing to the prevalence -of Greek ideas and Greek customs, and even the few that are mentioned -keep in the background. - -The female slaves also do not demand our attention. The female -slave was treated simply as a cow or sheep. If she produced healthy -offspring, it was so much gain to her master, and he did not care -who was the father. Of course she could not marry, and all her -children were the property of her owner. Sometimes a male slave and -a female slave were allowed or compelled to live together, and there -was something like a marriage. But they had no right to their own -children, and no obligations towards them except such as were imposed -upon them by their proprietors. At the same time, as their fertility -was a source of revenue to their masters, they were often treated -very kindly. In olden times, the female slave who had three children -was allowed a dispensation from hard work, and if she had more she -sometimes obtained her freedom. The Romans had a great liking for the -slaves who were born within their households, and often brought them -up along with the younger members of the family, with whom they thus -became intimate. This close connexion tended to lessen the sense of -absolute proprietorship in many cases, and the slave woman was treated -with consideration. It was no doubt through such influences that the -lot of the slave woman was ameliorated, and when we come to the times -of the Empire, we see laws made to protect them, and freedom frequently -conferred upon them.[68] - -It is, then, the matrons alone who are conspicuous in Roman history. -Every citizen girl married and became a matron, and it is that class -exclusively which we shall discuss. - -Now, the first remark that has to be made is that Rome gave the same -expansion to marriage as to citizenship, and thereby produced a -revolution in the position of woman: a revolution, however, gradual -in its extension and gradual in its effects, but of most momentous -consequence to the world, for it broke down completely the old -constitution of city-States, by which their privileges were conferred -on men as members of families, and established a new and world-wide -constitution by which men obtained their privileges as men. In the -earliest stages it is possible that the right of intermarriage may have -existed between Roman citizens and citizens of various towns of Latium. -Certainly the legends make Roman princes marry into Latin families. But -on the establishment of the Republic the right of intermarriage existed -only between patricians of the city. A patrician man could not marry a -plebeian woman, nor a plebeian man a patrician woman. The children of -either marriage could not be patricians; they could only be plebeians, -and were not under the control of the father. But after various -struggles this wall of separation between patrician and plebeian was -broken down, and the Lex Canuleia, in 442 B.C., conferred -the conubium, or right of intermarriage, on the plebeians. Livy puts -speeches into the mouths of the proposers and opposers of this measure. -They have no claim to be historical; but they reveal the fact that Livy -thought the objections to the extension of the conubium were as much -religious as civil.[69] - -There was a further extension of the conubium when Rome, in the middle -of the fourth century before Christ, admitted to its citizenship some -of the Italian, especially Latin, towns which it had subdued. The -bestowal of the citizenship on the _libertini_, or freedmen, -still further extended the conubium. In 89 B.C. the Italians -received the conubium by the Lex Julia and Plautia. During the later -days of the Republic, and in the time of the Empire, the citizenship -was conferred on men in various parts of the world, and especially on -various towns in the provinces. Soldiers also, who had served for a -certain time, and had allied themselves to foreign women, had these -alliances converted into legitimate marriages. In fact, the right -of intermarriage had become of much less value. In early days the -privileges of patricians were great, and it was worth while to take -care that these should be secured only to genuine patrician offspring, -especially as only genuine patrician offspring could perform due -sacrifice and worship to the gods of the family and the State. Even -in the days from the Punic wars to the end of the Republic, Roman -citizenship was at once valuable and honourable; for the Roman citizen -paid no taxes, and in an indirect way might share in the plunder of the -world, and he enjoyed peculiar advantages in the eye of the law. But -these advantages vanished with the advance of the Empire, which reduced -all to a dead level of subjection, and at length, in 212 A.D., -one of the most hated of tyrants, Caracalla, conferred the citizenship -on all the inhabitants of the Roman Empire, and with it the conubium. -After this, any man might marry any woman, and the factitious -distinctions which had ruled the ancient world vanished for ever. The -world owes no gratitude to Caracalla for this grand consummation; for -his only motive in conferring the citizenship on all was that all might -be compelled to pay taxes, and that aliens might not escape, as some of -them had hitherto done. - -The outline of the history of what we may call the external -emancipation of woman now given is, we have no doubt, substantially -correct and based on trustworthy sources; but when we come to deal with -the moral progress of women, and their position in the midst of Roman -society, great difficulties meet us, which attach to all early Roman -history. - -Rome, according to the usual account, was founded in 753 B.C. -There is no trace of any regular literature between that date and 390 -B.C., when the city was burned to the ground. The Romans, no -doubt, knew the art of writing at an early period; but any records kept -by them were of the most meagre kind, and nearly all of them must have -perished in the conflagration of 390. One hundred and seventy years -have to pass before regular histories of Rome began to be written, and -nearly all the literature and monuments during these 170 years have -disappeared. We are thus without authentic documents for the minute -history of the Roman people for 500 years of their existence. During -this period the position of women underwent important changes; but, -owing to this absence of documents, we are unable to explain these -changes. We have, however, a very definite tradition to start with. -This tradition presents itself everywhere in the works of Roman poets -and historians, and pervades the ideas even of the late jurists, and we -may feel confident that it is substantially correct. This tradition is -to the effect that the position of the Roman matron was quite different -from that of the Greek matron in the time of Pericles. The Roman -matron was mistress in her own household. As the husband took charge -of all external transactions, so the wife was supreme in household -arrangements. The marriage was a community in all affairs, and within -the home the utmost diligence, reverence, and harmony prevailed. -The wife sat in the atrium, or principal hall, dispensing the wool -to the maidservants, and herself making the garments of her husband -and family. She did not cook or do what was regarded as menial work. -She dined with her husband, sitting while he reclined, when they were -alone. She received the friends of her husband, and dined with them -also. She walked in and out with great freedom, and she nursed and -brought up her own children. - -This is a bright and beautiful picture, and some of the traits -remained true to the end of Roman history. Many stories are told of -the affection of husband for wife, wife for husband, children for -parents, and parents for children. Thus we are informed of the father -of the Gracchi, that he caught a couple of snakes in his bed, and, on -consulting the haruspices, or diviners, he was told that he must not -kill or let go both: that if he killed the male, he himself (Tiberius) -would die; if he killed the female, his wife Cornelia would die. -Tiberius did not hesitate in his choice. He loved Cornelia. He was -elderly, she was young. He therefore killed the male snake, and a short -time after this occurrence he died. The story is no doubt true, as the -authority for it was his famous son Caius.[70] - -Nothing could be more striking than the affection of Cicero for his -daughter. He writes to her in the most endearing terms, cared for her -every want, and was inconsolable for her loss when death carried her -away. There are numerous instances in which wives resolved to share the -ill-fortune of their husbands to endure calamity along with them, and -to die rather than survive them. - -This ideal remained with Roman men till the end of the Empire. It is -the standard by which Juvenal metes out his criticism on the women of -his own day, and many of the ill-natured judgments uttered against -the sex are based on the old-fashioned conception of a Roman matron’s -duties. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - - THE OTHER SIDE. - - -But there is quite another side to this picture. In the early stages -of Roman history there is reason to believe that the Roman wife was -completely under the control of her husband. The Roman idea of a -family made the father a despot, with power of life and death over his -children, who could do nothing without his consent. This was the case -in regard to male children, even after they had reached a considerable -age. Women, according to the opinion of the early Romans, were always -children. They required protection and guidance during their whole -life, and could never be freed from despotic control. Accordingly, -when a Roman girl married, she had to choose whether she would remain -under the control of her father, or pass into the control or--as it -was called--into the hands of her husband. It is likely that in the -early ages of the city she always passed from the power of her father -into the hands of her husband, and the position she occupied was that -of daughter to her husband. She thus became entirely subject to him, -and was at his mercy. Roman history supplies many instances of the -despotism which husbands exercised over their wives. The slightest -indiscretion was sometimes punished by death, while men might do what -they liked without let or hindrance. “If you were to catch your wife,” -was the law laid down by Cato the Censor, “in an act of infidelity, -you would kill her with impunity without a trial; but if she were to -catch you, she would not venture to touch you with her finger, and -indeed she has no right.” Wives were prohibited from tasting wine at -the risk of the severest penalties. The conduct of Egnatius was praised -who, surprising his wife in the act of sipping the forbidden liquid, -beat her to death.[71] The same sternness appears in the reasons which -induced some of the Romans to dismiss their wives. Sulpicius Gallus -dismissed his because she appeared in the streets without a veil; -Antistius Vetus dismissed his because he saw her speaking secretly to -a freedwoman in public; and P. Sempronius Sophus sent his away because -she had ventured to go to the public games without informing him of her -movements.[72] - -I think that we may see that the Roman matrons did not like this -arbitrary treatment, and that they protested against the assumption -that they were beings quite different from their husbands, and entitled -to no rights and privileges as against them. And the interesting -feature in the history of the Roman matron is the gradual emancipation -which she effected for herself from these fetters of Roman tradition -and usage. Unfortunately, we are not able, as I have explained, to -trace fully the processes of this emancipation, but we can indicate -some influences which worked in this direction. - -First, the Roman records show that it was not safe to trifle with the -feelings of Roman women. They were, like Roman men, possessed of great -decision of character, and, when provoked, could do the most daring -deeds, reckless of the consequences. If they were treated kindly, -and on equal terms, they were the best of wives; and I am convinced -that their goodness and firmness were the most effectual causes of -the freedom which they attained. But if husbands put into force their -traditional power, and claimed supreme domination over them, they were -exactly the women to resist. And the history of Rome throws a lurid -light on this aspect of their character; for occasionally they took -stern and wild vengeance, when husbands went too far in their despotic -actions. I will adduce one or two instances of this. - -In the year 331 B.C. many of the Roman citizens, and especially many of -the Roman nobles, were attacked by an unknown disease, which showed the -same symptoms in all, and nearly all perished. The cause was wrapped -in obscurity, but at length a maid-servant went to a curule ædile, -and said that she could explain the origin of the disease, but would -not do so unless security were given her that she would suffer no -harm in consequence. The curule ædile brought the matter before the -consuls, the consuls consulted the Senate, and a resolution was passed -guaranteeing safety to the maid-servant. Whereupon she declared that -the deaths arose from poison; that the matrons were in the habit of -compounding drugs, and she could take the officials to a house in which -they would come upon the matrons while engaged in the operation. The -officials accepted her offer, followed her, and found, as she said, the -matrons compounding drugs. About twenty of them were conveyed to the -Forum, and were subjected to an examination on their doings. Two of -them, of noble family, and with patrician names, Cornelia and Sergia, -affirmed that the drugs were perfectly wholesome. That could be easily -tested, and the two matrons were requested to prove their truthfulness -by drinking the mixture. The two matrons begged for a few moments of -private talk with the rest of their associates, but within sight of the -people. Permission was granted, a few words were exchanged, and then -all the twenty matrons came back, boldly quaffed the liquor, and died -in consequence. Then a search was made for all the matrons who had been -engaged in this conspiracy, and 170 of them were found guilty. The men -explained the occurrence by asserting that the women were infatuated; -but probably they knew well why recourse was had to such violent -measures, and that Roman matrons were not likely to be subjected to -tyranny without making an effort in one way or another to put an end to -it.[73] - -An occurrence of a similar nature took place in 180 B.C. In -this case there can scarcely be a doubt that a real plague raged, -for it lasted for three years, and decimated Italy. But the women -were enraged with the men for the harsh measures which had been -taken against them in connexion with the Bacchanalian mysteries, -and they seem to have regarded the plague as affording a favourable -opportunity for the use of poison. In 180 B.C. the prætor, -the consul, and many other illustrious men died.[74] A judge was -appointed to inquire into these deaths, and especially to examine if -poison had been employed. The historians do not narrate the results -of this investigation, but we are told that the wife of the consul -was tried and condemned to death. Thirty-six years after this, two -men of consular rank were poisoned by their wives. In subsequent -times the use of poison became frequent; and particularly in the -early days of the Empire, the matrons about the Court were accused of -having constant recourse to it to get out of the way men whom they -did not like, husbands, and sons, and others connected with them, as -well as strangers. And one writer remarks that wherever there were -irregularities there were poisonings. Some historians have rejected -these tales of poisoning as the inventions of credulous annalists, I -think without good reason. But whether the stories are true or false, -the Romans believed them, and they embody the Roman belief in regard -to what women could do. And it seems to me that we must regard them as -indicating that the Roman matrons felt sometimes that they were badly -treated, that they ought not to endure the bad treatment, and that they -ought to take the only means that they possessed of expressing their -feelings and wreaking their vengeance by employing poison. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - - RELIGION. - - -In the history of civilization, religion often acts as a liberator of -women. Sometimes, indeed, it acts in an opposite direction, when, by -false conceptions of humanity, it restricts the duties and privileges -of women. But, on the other hand, religion generally excites the -mind to a wild state of enthusiasm, and in this enthusiasm the ideas -and prescriptions of conventionality are set aside, the pleasures -of liberty are felt, and by degrees a permanent gain in freedom is -established. We find this to be the case in Greece, where almost the -only occasions on which the women came in contact with the outer world -were supplied by the observance of religious festivals. The Roman -religion was in many respects unlike the Greek. It was not brightened -by genial fancies, it afforded no scope for emotional outpourings, its -prayers were confined to fixed formulas, and its ritual was strictly -prescribed. It was, like the Romans themselves, solemn and sedate. The -Roman religion, therefore, did not contain those elements which could -contribute to enlarge the freedom of women. There were, indeed, various -festivals which were celebrated by matrons alone, into which it was -death for a male to intrude, and these afforded women opportunity to -consult with each other. But it may be doubted whether the Roman women -ever used these meetings for any other than purely religious purposes, -and whether these gatherings were ever characterized by fervour and -frenzy. It was in the introduction of foreign gods and worships that -the craving of the Roman women for religious excitement was gratified, -and in the celebration of these worships we see that the women were -sometimes as daring as in their poisonings. They naturally took to -the foreign gods, whose worship was accompanied by great elevation -of the spirit and outward demonstrations. Thus we are told that the -worship of the Idæan Mother, the goddess whose priests danced wildly, -cutting their bodies until the blood streamed down, was introduced in -204 B.C., and that on that occasion the highest matrons of -the city went forth to receive the goddess, and, amidst prayers and -incense, and in the sight of the whole population, carried the goddess -to her temple.[75] In this case there was no irregularity in the -introduction of the new worship, for the act had been ordered by the -Senate at the instigation of the Decemviral College, the keepers of the -Sibylline books.[76] - -But the women did not always wait for the sanction of the State, but -acted on their own impulse. The most notable instance of this nature -was the introduction of the Bacchanalia, or worship of Bacchus, in 186 -B.C. The historian Livy gives us details of this event, and -his account is confirmed by a contemporary tablet of brass, containing -a decree, or rather a letter of the Senate, found in Southern Italy -in 1640. The narrative throws great light on the effects produced -by the introduction of a new worship, and therefore I will relate -the circumstances with some minuteness. A Greek of low birth came to -Etruria, offering to initiate the people in the mysteries of Bacchus. -The rites of that god were often celebrated in Greece by night, and -were accompanied by feast, dance, and song. This was to some extent a -new feature of worship to the Italians, and the people of Etruria were -seized with a fury for it as by a plague. It spread from Etruria to -Rome. At first the worship was carried on in secret, but at length the -matter reached the ears of the consul. A woman who had been initiated, -testified that at first women alone were admitted to the celebration of -the rites, that they met in the day time thrice in the year on fixed -days, and that matrons were elected priestesses.[77] - -At length, however, a priestess, acting as if by the advice of the -god, initiated her sons, changed the festival from the day time to -night, and appointed the celebrations to take place five times every -month. At the rites the men leapt and tossed their arms about in the -most frantic manner, amidst the clashing of cymbals and the beating of -drums, and they uttered prophecies; while the women, dressed as the -worshippers of Bacchus, howled and yelled, rushed with dishevelled hair -and blazing torches down to the river Tiber, plunged their torches -into the river, drew them forth still blazing as if by miracle, and -returned, still howling and yelling, to their celebrations. The woman -also declared that the frenzy had taken hold of a large portion of the -population, including many of the nobility; but that for some reason or -other, very recently a resolution had been passed that none should be -initiated who were above twenty years of age. The consuls, on receiving -this information from the woman, brought the matter before the Senate, -an inquiry was instituted, and it was discovered that above 7,000 men -and women had engaged in these secret celebrations. The feature in this -case which interests us, and at that time attracted the notice of the -Senate, was that persons of both sexes and various ages met together at -night and engaged in orgies, in which wine was freely drunk. The Roman -citizen was forbidden to practise any worship not sanctioned by the -State; but here the women defied the law of their country and outraged -the old Roman notions of propriety. Stories soon got abroad, as they -always do in such matters, that it was not merely for the worship of -the god that these nocturnal assemblies were held; that, in fact, -these meetings were scenes of revelry, and that in them poisonings -and fabrications of wills were concocted. The worship thus became, -according to these reports, an immoral conspiracy, and all who had -taken any part in it were searched out and punished. Many were thrown -into prison: some were put to death. The women were handed over to -their relatives to be punished in private, and if no relatives could be -found, then they were punished in public. - -It may be doubted whether the immoral character of this religious -outburst was not grossly exaggerated, and whether the scandals -attributed to it did not arise simply from the fact that it was the -work of women. “First of all,” said the Consul, in his public harangue -on the subject, “a great portion of the initiated were women, and -that was the source of this evil.” Such ebullitions of women were -regarded by the stern old-fashioned Romans as in the highest degree -discreditable, and they must be repressed even by the severest measures. - -For a time the religious mania seems to have subsided; but in the later -days of the Republic and the commencement of the Empire, the Roman -matrons displayed the same rage for foreign worships. The temples of -the Egyptian goddess Isis were crowded, and her priests were caressed -and revered. Many women became adherents of the Jewish faith, and -Eastern divinities had numerous devotees. - -In these cases the women claimed for themselves the right to worship -whatever god pleased them. Often, in carrying out this worship, they -had to break through the rules of conventionality, and they thus -asserted for themselves a freedom which nothing but a religious impulse -would had led many of the more sensitive to claim. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - - LEGISLATION AND MARRIAGE LAWS. - - -The women of Rome were also roused to self-assertion by the -interference of the laws with their special concerns, and they did not -hesitate to step out of their usual routine to oppose such laws. Thus, -for instance: a law had been proposed in 215 B.C. by Oppius, -a tribune of the people, to the effect that no woman should be allowed -to possess more than a half ounce of gold, to wear a parti-coloured -garment, to ride in a chariot within the city of Rome or a town -occupied by Roman citizens, or within a mile of these places, except -for religious purposes. The exact object which this law had in view -is not made clear to us. Long before this, at the time of the Gallic -invasion 392, the liberty to ride in a chariot had been conferred on -Roman matrons as a special privilege, because, when the Roman State -had not sufficient money to pay the ransom demanded by the Gauls, -the Roman matrons came forward and presented their gold and other -ornaments to the treasury. It is possible that Oppius may have thought -that the Roman matrons in 215 B.C. were too slow in imitating -the generosity of their ancestors, and the law may thus have implied -an insulting rebuke. But there cannot be a doubt that the law was -specially designed to put a curb on the extravagant expenditure of the -women at a time when all the resources of the community were required -to meet the dreadful emergencies which had befallen the State. It was, -therefore, one of those sumptuary laws which make their appearance -in early stages of government, examples of which are to be met with -in Scottish legislation; as, for instance, when the Estates in 1567 -passed a law that “no woman should adorn herself with dress above what -was appropriate to her rank.” But whatever may have been the object, -the law became peculiarly galling to the matrons. They might submit -patiently while distress prevailed, but the terrible Punic war had now -ended gloriously, success crowned all the military expeditions of the -Romans, wealth flowed in from the East, the men had taken advantage -of the prosperity, and it seemed singularly hard that women alone -should not share in the indulgences which riches had carried in their -train.[78] - -Probably many complaints had been uttered in private, but the full -current of feeling did not come to light until two tribunes of the -people proposed the abrogation of the Oppian law. Then the subject -seized the public mind. It became the topic of conversation at the -baths and the barbers’ shops, at the public and the private gatherings -of men. Some were for the abrogation, some were against it, and -intense bitterness prevailed on both sides. It was not likely that -the matrons would remain silent on such an occasion. They, no doubt, -plied their husbands, sons, and other relatives with every possible -argument, by every form of entreaty. But their ardour could not be -confined within the limits of the house. They left house-keeping to -take care of itself, and issued forth into the streets and public -places to waylay every man that had a vote. They did not wait till -they became acquainted with the men. They assailed strangers as well -as friends. They also held meetings among themselves and had secret -deliberations. Each day their numbers swelled. Roman citizenesses -from distant towns and villages flocked in to help their sisters of -the city. No stone was left unturned. They went to the nobles, they -interviewed prætors and consuls. At length the day drew near when the -vote was to be taken in the public assembly. A great meeting was held -on the previous evening. One of the consuls, the obstinate red-haired -Cato, delivered a savage speech against the matrons. Others joined in -his resistance. The tribunes who had proposed the abrogation spoke -in their favour, and they were well supported. But the matrons must -have spent that night in great anxiety. They knew that two of the -tribunes were ready to oppose the abrogation, and that their veto was -sufficient to prevent the abrogation passing. And therefore their -resistance must be overcome. The women were determined. They rose -early; they gathered in vast crowds; they surrounded the houses of the -obstinate tribunes; they coaxed, they threatened, they employed every -form of womanly persuasiveness on these two tribunes, and at last the -tribunes gave way. The abrogation of the law was formally put to the -meeting; there was no opposition, and the women gained their point. One -historian (Zonaras) asserts that, on hearing the news, they burst into -the assembly, donned their ornaments once more, and then marched out, -dancing joyously from the legislative buildings into the streets. - -The historian Livy, to whom we owe the most vivid account of this -outbreak of the matrons, furnishes us with a report of the public -meeting held on the day before the vote was taken. Especially he -supplies us with the speeches of the principal opponent, Cato the -Consul, and of L. Valerius the Tribune, who proposed the abrogation. -We can have no hesitation in believing that these speeches are the -productions of the historian himself. Cato, we may be sure, did -speak on the occasion, and the speech which Livy puts in his mouth -is in harmony with his character. The stern lover of old ways had a -detestation of woman’s rights and a contempt for woman herself, mixed, -doubtless, with a sneaking dread of her power. One of his sayings -handed down to us is: “Had there been no women in the world, the -gods would still have been dwelling with us.”[79] But another is also -attributed to him--a modification of a saying of Themistocles: “All -men rule their wives, we rule all men, and _we_ are ruled by our -wives.” The speech in Livy shows little of his ferocity. It contains -the arguments that would have been used in the time of Livy, and for -his time it is valuable:-- - - “If men,” he says, “had retained their rights and dignity within - the family, the women would never have broken out publicly in - this manner. If women had only a proper sense of shame, they - would know that it was not becoming in them to take any interest - in the passing or annulling of laws. But now we allow them to - take part in politics. If they succeed, who knows where they - will end? As soon as they begin to be equal with us, they will - have the advantage over us. And for what object are they now - agitating? Merely to satisfy their inordinate craving for luxury - and show, which will become only the more intense the more it is - gratified.” - -The reply of L. Valerius was, like many of the replies of men in behalf -of women, I am afraid, far from satisfactory to them:-- - - “Cato is wrong in asserting that women make a public appearance - on this occasion for the first time. The wives of the first - Romans stepped publicly between fathers-in-law and sons-in-law. - Roman matrons went on deputation to Coriolanus, they interfered - at the Gallic invasion, they performed public services in - religious matters. Then the prosperity following the Punic Wars - has brought advantages to all classes of the community; why - should the matrons alone be excepted from this good fortune? - And why should men grudge them their ornaments and dress? Women - cannot hold public offices or priesthoods, or gain triumphs; - they have no public occupations. What, then, can they do but - devote their time to adornment and dress? Surely, then, men - ought to let them have their own way in these matters.” - -On another occasion the women of Rome gathered in numbers, and made a -public appeal. The circumstances were these. The triumvirs, Octavianus, -Antony and Lepidus, had proscribed a large number of citizens, and -they confiscated and sold their estates in order to meet the expenses -of a war then going on. But land was a drug in the market, and, -besides, people were unwilling to purchase property exposed to sale -in consequence of violent acts. The sum, therefore, obtained from the -sales fell far short of the amount required, and the triumvirs had to -look to other sources of revenue. They accordingly passed a decree that -1,400 of the richest women in the city should lay before them an exact -statement of their means, with severe penalties against concealment or -undervaluation; and they claimed the power to employ any portion of -the wealth thus reported to them for paying the expenses of the war. -The women were thrown into the utmost perplexity and distress, but -they could find no man daring enough to plead their cause before the -triumvirs. Left to their own resources, they went first of all to the -sister of Octavianus and the mother and wife of Antony. The sister of -Octavianus and the mother of Antony gave them a kindly reception, but -Fulvia, the wife of Antony, drove them from her door. Thus insulted, -they turned to the tribunal of the triumvirs. Hortensia, the daughter -of the famous orator Hortensius, spoke in their name. She delivered -a powerful speech, which is highly praised by the great Latin critic -Quintilian, and she succeeded in getting the demands of the triumvirs -reduced to a comparatively small sum.[80] - -These public appearances of women were, of course, only occasional; but -they were frequent enough to show that women had interests of their -own, and had resolution enough to assert them when such a course was -necessary. - -Perhaps the cause which altered the position of women most of all, -next to their own goodness, was the change in the circumstances of the -Romans, brought about by the extension of their empire and the increase -of wealth. I have already said that it was held as a maxim that woman -can do nothing of herself; that she must be under the guardianship of -her father, her husband, or some tutor; and that in the earliest period -the girl, on being married, passed from the power of her father into -the hands of the husband. It has been inferred by some, from one form -of the Roman marriage rite, that there was a time when the Roman bought -his wife from her father or guardian, and thus acquired full power -over her. He did not treat her as a slave. His own respect for Roman -citizenship and the mother of Roman citizens would prevent this; but -his power over his slaves could scarcely be greater than that over the -wife for whom he had paid. Then there was a time when religion required -that the wife should pass into the hands of her husband. Every family -in Rome had special gods of its own, who were supposed to protect it, -and these gods could be worshipped properly only when the sacrifices -were offered by members of the family. It was profanation for others to -attempt this service. So if the wife had not been taken into the family -of her husband, she could not have shared in his worship, she would -not be present at the family festivals, and she would be bound to go -to the worship of the gods and celebrate the festivals of her father, -to whose family she would still belong. Thus pecuniary and religious -considerations would create a transference of the wife into the family -of the husband. But when we come to historical times we find both of -these influences dying out or dead. The pecuniary influence was gone. -The wife was no longer bought. And the religious influence existed only -in a few families whose members might attain to the highest priesthoods -of the State. In fact, the Romans had given up, to a large extent, -their special family gods, and therefore transference of the wife into -the family of the husband became unnecessary. - -What, then, took the place of this transference into the family? To -answer that we must look into the condition of the Romans in respect -of wealth. At the earliest stage the Romans lived in humble cottages. -The consul might command armies, but he dwelt within a house of few -chambers, and might often be seen ploughing his own land. The household -lived on the produce of its own farm. In these circumstances the wife -could be nothing else than an economic housekeeper, working with her -hands and entirely dependent on her husband for her maintenance. -Probably her father would not wish to have her sent back to him, as -he might have enough to do for the rest of his family, and he would -be very unwilling to pay back the sum which he had received for her, -and so the wife had to make up her mind to submit. But a change in her -position took place when wealth began to flow into Rome. Then the men -obtained ample means, and money would be to them no consideration. The -fathers scorned in such circumstances to sell their daughters; but, on -the contrary, came to feel that it was their duty to provide for them -for life. The daughters would thus no longer wish to be in the power of -their husbands, but in that of their fathers. - -A further development took place when the women themselves came to -possess wealth. Fathers left large sums to their daughters, husbands -left large sums to their widows, and thus arose a class of rich women. -This seemed such an anomaly to some of the Romans that they tried to -check it. A law[81] was passed (the Lex Voconia) in 169 B.C., -by which it was illegal to make a woman heir to a fortune above 100,000 -asses, and she was never to get more than the heir appointed in the -will. But the necessity of the law might have proved its futility. -Throughout Roman history a marked feature is the strong affection of -fathers for their daughters and of husbands for their wives, and no -law could effectively restrain them from contriving to give the most -part of their goods to those whom they loved. Accordingly, the fathers -and husbands invented devices by which all such laws might be evaded. -A father, for instance, named as his heir some man who had solemnly -promised that he would hand over all the fortune to the daughter. -The heir thus became a mere trustee, and the Roman law at length -sanctioned such trusteeships. In this manner, although the woman was -nominally under the power of a guardian, she had yet full liberty to -do with her property as she liked, and she gained the importance and -influence which belong to wealth. These changes produced a revolution -in the nature of marriage. Marriage now became a contract. It was the -invariable custom for the father to give a dowry with his daughter. The -interest of this dowry was sufficient to support her, so that she could -be no burden on her husband. In fact, the husband was not liable for -her support except remotely; the duty fell on the father first, and -then on various kinsmen, coming only at a late stage on the husband. -The husband had the right to the use of the dowry while the marriage -continued, but if it was dissolved, without blame on the wife’s part, -he had to return the entire dowry. Of course the wife might have money -of her own besides the dowry. That remained entirely in her own power, -or the power of her father or guardian; the husband could not meddle -with it. He might persuade her to bestow some of it on him, but he had -no legal control over it. - -Marriage was thus a contract which came into full force when the woman -was led to the house of the man. It was a contract which must be made -in the presence of witnesses, and it could be dissolved, but again, -the dissolution of it must be carried out legally--_i.e._, in -the presence of competent witnesses. Religious ceremonies accompanied -the marriage, but the religious ceremonies had nothing to do with -the contract, and therefore were not essential to the marriage. It -was necessary in this contract that husband and wife should give -their consent, and when they were under control, that their parents -or guardians also should consent. Generally each family had a family -council, consisting of friends and relatives, and this council would -be summoned to decide on the terms of the contract, and it was deemed -disreputable in a man to dissolve his marriage without invoking this -council. Husband or wife might dissolve the marriage for any reason, -but precipitation was guarded against by the necessity of legal forms -and by the practice of asking the advice of this council, at the head -of which was the father of the husband or wife. - -Such, then, was the position of woman in respect to marriage in the -last centuries of the Roman Republic, and it will be seen that she -was on a practical equality with man. This state of matters sometimes -caused curious combinations in life. The most singular case, one -throwing much light on the ideas of marriage prevalent among the -nobility of Rome, is that of Hortensius, which has been related by -Plutarch. Hortensius, the great Roman orator, was anxious to be allied -to Cato, the champion of Roman liberty, who died at Utica, and to marry -Cato’s daughter. There was one difficulty in the way. Cato’s daughter, -by name Porcia, was already married to Bibulus. But Hortensius did not -regard this as a serious obstacle. He went to Bibulus, told him his -wish, and begged him to dissolve his marriage with Porcia, and thus -afford himself an opportunity of marrying her. He stated that after she -had borne him two children he would relinquish his marriage claims, and -she might remarry Bibulus. Cato, the father, was consulted, and refused -his consent. But Cato suggested a way out of the difficulty. He himself -would yield up his own wife Marcia to Hortensius on condition that her -father did not object. Her father agreed, but on one stipulation, that -her former husband should be present at the marriage. Cato accepted -this stipulation, and Marcia was married to Hortensius. Hortensius -died and Marcia became a widow. But she did not remain a widow long, -for she soon married her former husband, bringing with her the fortune -of Hortensius. In this case there is no constraint of any one and no -illegality. Cato and Marcia dissolve their marriage voluntarily and -legally; Hortensius and Marcia marry voluntarily and legally; and Cato -and Marcia marry again voluntarily and legally. Marriage existed so -long as both parties were fully agreed; and the only obstacle to a -dissolution of the marriage was the necessity of carrying it out in a -strictly legal manner, and the duty of consulting near relatives.[82] - -In our next chapter we shall discuss what was the effect of this -arrangement on the happiness and character of women. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - - THE EFFECTS OF MARRIAGE AND OTHER ARRANGEMENTS. - - -We are to consider in this chapter the effect of the marriage -arrangements of Rome on the happiness, character, and influence of -the Roman women. It is needless to say that it is impossible to reach -incontestable conclusions on such a subject. Our evidence cannot but -be fragmentary and one-sided, whatever be the nation or period whose -happiness or morals we choose for the subject of our investigations. -Even in our own day it would be easy, from the reports of the divorce -and police courts and newspaper paragraphs, to draw together such -materials as might lead one to assert that women were treated with the -greatest cruelty, and that the age was one of the most licentious. But -the evidence in the case of the Romans is peculiarly fragmentary. Only -this has to be said for it: that it is not selected, that the facts -which bear on the subject have been recorded for other reasons, and -that therefore they may be expected to give a fair average picture of -the state of matters into which we are inquiring. - -It is necessary to deal at the outset with a prejudice which has -influenced the views of many modern writers. It is supposed that -Christianity must have appeared at a time when the ancient world -was falling to pieces; when, therefore, morals were particularly -low, society was in an utterly corrupt condition, and licentiousness -universally prevailed. There is no sure foundation for this opinion. -There is no picture of the last days of the Republic or the first -years of the Empire that is so black as that painted by Ammianus -Marcellinus[83] of his own times. And the licentiousness of Pagan -Rome is nothing to the licentiousness of Christian Africa, Rome, and -Gaul,[84] if we can put any reliance on the description of Salvian. I -may adduce one instance of the effects of this prejudice. Drumann, in -his laborious work of six volumes, has collected all the biographical -facts that records have sent down to us in connexion with the last -period of the Republic. In his index to this book he has a very short -list of passages that refer to the virtues of women, and a very long -one referring to their degeneracy. We turn to the first of these -latter passages, and what do we find? Drumann[85] is describing -the proscriptions carried out by the triumvirs, Octavian, Antony, -and Lepidus, and he narrates how the Roman trembled before his own -wife, children, slaves, and freedmen, and adduces instances in which -Romans were betrayed by their relatives or slaves. He mentions three -instances of the treachery of wives, and we may be sure that these -were all the instances with which the records of the period furnished -him, for it is not likely that any one has escaped his most diligent -search. But he allows that another side of human nature was brought to -light, and, in exhibiting it to his readers, he quotes eight instances -in which wives saved their husbands at the risk of their lives or -followed them into exile. It would be rash to draw an inference from -these facts; but, if inference is to be drawn, it is that, even in the -midst of wild disorders in the State and a general reign of terror in -which each one feared for his life, wives were far more frequently true -to their husbands and ready to share every peril with them, and that, -therefore, we have really no proof of degeneracy, but, on the contrary, -of strong affection between husband and wife. - -In considering the effect of the marriage customs of the Romans we -think naturally first of the fact that consent was the essence of -a Roman marriage. No woman could be compelled to marry. It is true -that women very frequently married when they were exceedingly young, -often when they were only fourteen or fifteen years old, and that we -must suppose that in these cases the influence of the fathers was -predominant. But even in these cases the girl had to give her consent, -and consent remained the essence of the obligation to a married life. -Whenever there arose a feeling of bondage, the woman as well as the -man could arrange for a dissolution of the connexion. And the woman had -no pecuniary difficulties in the way. Every father provided for the -support of his daughters for life by the dowries which he bestowed on -them; and, therefore, no woman was compelled to put up with a faithless -and cruel husband because she was entirely dependent on him for her -subsistence. The complaints which we hear of Roman marriages are not -from the female, but the male side. The women were too independent. A -Roman marries a Roman woman who has ample means of her own. He finds -that the old times are gone, and he cannot now lay hold of her money or -property without her consent. He must now humour her if he is to enjoy -her wealth, and the effort to gain her over in this way is held up as -degrading and humiliating to a man, and it is represented that it is -better for a man to be without a wife than to be subject to all the -imperious whims of a wealthy woman. - -Then, again, there was no shame attached to a dissolution of marriage. -Marriage was a contract. Religious ceremonies were connected with it, -but they did not constitute the marriage, and they were not essential -to it. No sacredness invested the idea of marriage. It was an agreement -between two parties, and, whenever this agreement began to gall the one -or the other, there was no reason why the agreement should not come to -an end. The strength of the Roman feeling on this point is seen in the -attitude towards breach of promise. In Latium actions for breach of -promise were common, as we are told by Servius Sulpicius in his book -‘De Dotibus,’ quoted by Gellius (iv. 4), and they continued till the -citizenship of Rome was conferred on the Latins by the Lex Julia. But -the Romans never seem to have allowed them. Sometimes the sponsalia or -betrothal, though a private act, was celebrated with great pomp; but -the Romans thought that “it was dishonourable that marriages should -be held together by the bond of a penalty, whether future or already -contracted,”[86] and “if,” says Juvenal, “you are not going to love the -woman who has been by a legal agreement betrothed and united to you, -there seems to be no reason why you should marry her.”[87] - -Appeal is often made in this connexion to the frequency of divorce. In -early days the Romans did not divorce their wives, and this fact is -exhibited as a proof of the virtue of early times and the degeneracy -of the later period. The first Roman divorce is said to have occurred -about the year 231 B.C., when Spurius Carvilius dismissed his -wife because she bore him no children. One writer represents Spurius as -fond of his wife, but every citizen had to answer the Censor’s question -“Have you a wife for the purpose of procuring children?” Spurius’s -wife was by nature incapable of bearing children, and he therefore -felt conscientious scruples in answering the Censor’s question in -the affirmative, as he was bound to do, and so dismissed his wife, -according to the advice of the family council. It is not likely that -this was the first divorce. At least, it is recorded that the Censors -of 307 B.C. removed L. Annius from the Senate because he had -divorced his wife without consulting the family council, and there -is no reason to doubt the truth of the statement. But it is probable -that divorces came into vogue about the middle of the third century -before the Christian era. The Roman Catholic lady, Mlle. Bader,[88] -who has lauded the virtue of the Romans because no divorces took place -before this time has suggested an explanation of the fact. “The Roman -husbands,” she says, “did not divorce their wives; they killed them.” -As long as the Roman wives were under the control or in the hands of -the husband, the husband unquestionably could kill his wife under -certain restrictions; but when this state of matters ceased, then the -obvious course was, unless the wife committed great crimes, and thereby -incurred severe punishment, to dissolve the marriage quietly. And it -seems to us that women would prefer divorce to death, and that, instead -of a degeneracy, the altered state of matters implies a softening of -manners and an advance in civilization.[89] - -It cannot be denied that divorces became frequent after women attained -freedom, but much exaggeration prevails in regard to this matter. It -is only about the men and women who occupied a prominent position -in society that we get information, and their political interests -often led to marriages and divorces. To form an estimate of general -society from these would be as erroneous as to form an estimate of -English and French society from Henry VIII. and the Napoleonic family. -Marquardt[90] notes the cases of frequent marriages. “Ovid,” he says, -“and the younger Pliny married three times, Cæsar and Antony four -times, Sulla and Pompey five times, Cicero’s daughter Tullia three -times.” It is needless to say that there is nothing wonderful in this. -Many men and women in modern times marry three times, and there are -some who have married four and five times, and one Moderator of the -General Assembly of the Church of Scotland had seven wives.[91] Yet -these cases have not been deemed indicative of an exceptional state -of low morality. The satirists and moralists are fond of employing -exaggerated language in regard to women in this connexion. Juvenal -talks of a woman having eight husbands in five years, and Martial of a -woman being married to her tenth husband. Seneca describes some noble -women as reckoning their years, not by the names of the Consuls, but -by the names of their husbands. And it is possible that a few women -may have become notorious in this way. The Augustan marriage laws -offered strong temptations to go through the form of marriage, when -there was no real union, and thereby elude the penalties inflicted on -the unmarried state. But there are no clear instances recorded. Some -suppose that in the inscription on the tomb of a woman it is affirmed -that she had seven husbands; but the interpretation is incorrect, as -Wilmanns has conclusively shown. The authentic case of the largest -number of husbands is that of the woman of Samaria, who had five -husbands, and was living with one who was not her husband. But her case -may have been quite peculiar; and, strangely enough, it is to this -notorious woman to whom the grandest revelation of universal worship -ever made to mortal was vouchsafed. There is no good reason to suppose -that divorces were very frequent in ordinary society. There were not -the same causes at work as prevailed in the circles in which political -power was the predominant motive of action. From the earliest times -of subjection came down, the idea that, while the man might marry -frequently, the woman ought to marry only once, and this idea had its -influence even to the last period of Paganism. In the later period -the woman was not forced into marriage, and if her first marriage, -owing to her early age, may generally have been the result of parental -arrangement, the second would almost certainly be one made with her own -free will, and with her eyes open to all the consequences of the act, -and therefore it was likely to be a marriage of permanent affection. - -Examining history, then, I think we must come to the conclusion that -the Roman ideas of marriage had not a bad effect either on the -happiness, or morals of the women. If we take the period of Roman -history from 150 B.C. to 150 A.D., we shall be surprised at the number -of the women of whom it is recorded that they were loved ardently by -their husbands, exercised a beneficial influence on them, and helped -them in their political or literary work. Many of these women had -received an excellent education, they were capable and thoughtful, and -took an active interest in the welfare of the State. It is well known -that it was Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, who inspired her sons -with the resolution to cope with the evils that beset the State, and -her purpose did not waver when she knew that they had to face death -in their country’s cause. Julia, the daughter of Julius Cæsar, and -the wife of Pompey, kept the two leaders on good terms as long as -she lived, and acted with great sweetness, and prudence. Cornelia, -Pompey’s second wife, was a woman of great culture, and a most faithful -and devoted wife. Plutarch thus describes her[92]: “The young woman -possessed many charms besides her youthful beauty, for she was well -instructed in letters, in playing on the lyre, and in geometry, and she -had been accustomed to listen to philosophical discourses with profit. -In addition to this, she had a disposition free from all affectation -and pedantic display, which such acquirements generally breed in -women.” The intervention of Octavia, the wife of Antony, in affairs -of State was entirely beneficial and judicious. The first Agrippina -displayed courage and energy, herself crushed a mutiny among the -soldiers, and was in every way a help to her husband. Tacitus praises -his mother-in-law, the wife of Agricola, as a model of virtue, and he -describes her as living in the utmost harmony with her husband, each -preferring the other in love. And Pliny the younger gives a beautiful -picture of his wife Calpurnia, telling a friend how she showed the -greatest ability, frugality, and knowledge of literature. Especially -“she has my books,” he says; “she reads them again and again; she even -commits them to memory. What anxiety she feels when I am going to make -a speech before the judges, what joy when I have finished it. She -places people here and there in the audience to bring her word what -applauses have been accorded to my speech, what has been the issue of -the trial. If I give readings of my works anywhere, she sits close by, -separated by a screen, and drinks in my praises with most greedy ears. -My verses also she sings, and sets them to the music of the lyre, no -artist guiding her, but only love, who is the best master.”[93] - -These are only a few of the numerous instances that might be adduced, -in which wives behaved with a gentleness or courage or self-abnegation -worthy of all praise. It is true that they took an active part in the -management of affairs, but, on the whole, it must be allowed that they -acted with great good sense. And there is a curious proof of this -in the times of the Empire. Wives went with their husbands to their -provinces, and often took part in the administration of them. Some -of the old stern moralists were for putting an end to this state of -matters, and proposed that they should not be allowed to accompany -their husbands to their spheres of duty; but, after a debate in the -Senate, the measure was rejected by a large majority, who thereby -affirmed that their help was beneficial.[94] - -No doubt it was their good sense, their kindliness, and their -willingness to co-operate with men, that led to their freedom and -power in political matters. And this power was sometimes very great. -Cicero,[95] in a letter to Atticus, relates an interview which he had -at Antium 44 B.C. with Brutus and Cassius. Favorinus was also -present, and besides him there were three women--Servilia, the mother -of Brutus; Tertulla, the wife of Cassius and sister of Brutus; and -Porcia, the wife of Brutus and daughter of Cato. Servilia strikes -in twice in the course of the discussion, and it is evident that her -words carried weight. On one of the occasions she promises to get a -clause expunged from a decree of the Senate. There must have been many -such deliberations where women were present. Even in earlier times -the influence of women is represented as great. Livy[96] asserts that -Licinius was induced to propose his laws to gratify the ambition of a -daughter of M. Fabius Ambustus, whom he had married. - -It is true that some of the women who engaged in political affairs were -reckless and disagreeable. A woman played a most important and daring -part in the Catilinarian conspiracy, and it was through a woman that -the plot was revealed. Cicero’s wife, according to his own account -of her, knew more of political affairs than he knew of her household -arrangements, and when his love grew cold to her, partly perhaps on -account of her temper, but partly because he had become fond of a rich -young lady, who might help him out of his pecuniary straits, a divorce -took place, and Terentia married the political enemy of her former -husband. Livia, the wife of Augustus and the mother of Tiberius, was, -according to some, the prime mover of most of the public deeds during -the reigns of both; but a doubt still remains whether we ought to -place her among the good or the bad. But even these women had much -enjoyment from their careers and the companionship of their own choice. -At all events, the women enjoyed great freedom, and a wide field for -the exercise of their power. And many of them certainly made a good -use of their opportunities and wealth. Some of them were charitable. -They bestowed public buildings and porticoes on the communities among -which they lived; they received public honours, and one woman[97] in -Africa so impressed her fellow-citizens with her excellence that she -was elected one of the two chief magistrates of the place. Especially -in Asia Minor did women display public activity. Their generosity took -the most various forms, even to bestowing considerable sums on each -citizen in their own cities. They erected baths and gymnasia, adorned -temples, put up statues, and contributed in every way to the enjoyment -of their fellow countrymen. They often presided at the public games or -over the great religious ceremonies, having been regularly appointed to -this position, and they paid the expenses incurred in these displays. -In consequence of this they received the most marked distinctions, and -were elected to the highest magistracies. They also held priesthoods, -and several of them obtained the highest priesthood of Asia--perhaps -the greatest honour that could be paid to any one. And they were -admitted to aristocratic clubs, such as the “gerousia” is generally -supposed to have been. - -It cannot be said that all the professions were thrown open to them, -because many of the professions were not open to the men. Medicine and -teaching and similar arts were still to a large extent practised by -slaves or freedmen, and were deemed unworthy occupations for freeborn -citizens. Law was not a profession, and women had a wide range of -action in legal matters. - -Valerius Maximus[98] mentions that Amaesia--or Maesta (the name is -uncertain)--of Sentinum, when accused, pled her own cause amidst a -vast concourse of people, and managed the transaction with accurate -knowledge of the forms of procedure as well as with bravery. She was -acquitted almost unanimously. For her masculine mind they called her -Androgyne, or Man-woman. He also mentions Afrania, the wife of the -senator Licinius Bucco, whom he brands as fond of getting up lawsuits -and pleading her own cause before the prætor, not because she could not -procure advocates, but because she had an over-supply of impudence. -He says that her name became a byword for a woman of unexampled -forwardness and immorality. He states that she died in the first -consulship of C. Cæsar, and the second consulship of P. Servilius, that -is, in 48 B.C., remarking that her death was the one event -in the life of such a monster that deserved record. In the ‘Digests,’ -a quotation is made from Ulpian[99] to the effect that women were -not allowed to prosecute on behalf of others, because it was not in -harmony with the modesty becoming the sex to mix themselves up with -other people’s affairs, and assume to themselves functions appropriate -to men. The origin of the restriction is assigned to the conduct of a -most impudent woman, Carfania, who, by pestering the prætor with her -shameless prosecutions, obliged him to issue the prohibition. Some -have identified this Carfania with Afrania, but it is likely that the -prohibition was made at a later date than 48 B.C. - -As we have already seen, the women of Rome sometimes held meetings -among themselves in early times, and Livy mentions instances to which -I have not alluded. Under the Empire we hear of a regular assembly -or corporation of women (_Conventus matronarum_). On the first -occasion on which this Conventus crops up in history, we get a glimpse -of the lively scenes which must have occasionally taken place in it. -Agrippina, the mother of Nero, had been trying to seduce Galba, who -afterwards became Emperor, from fidelity to his wife. His mother-in-law -was very wroth with her for this, and when Agrippina came to a meeting -of the Conventus she rated her soundly, adding force to her words by -vigorous blows with her hands. Afterwards, the Conventus appears again -in the reign of Elagabalus, who assigned his mother a place among the -senators. He built on the Quirinal a meeting-place for the Conventus, -which his biographer calls a Senate, and the matrons decided there the -various points of court etiquette, such as precedence and the dresses -to be worn by ladies of different ranks. Probably this senate of women -came to an end through its absurdity, and we do not hear of it again -till the reign of Aurelian, who is said to have restored to women their -senate, and to have made the priestesses take first rank in it.[100] - -Many Roman women devoted themselves to philosophy and literature, and -showed considerable ability in these subjects. But there is no proof -that any one of them attained a great reputation. Only one literary -work of a Roman woman has come down to us, the Satire of Sulpicia. It -is creditable to her good sense and ability, but it does not take a -high place among satires. - -What, then, are we to say in regard to the morality of the Roman women? -Unquestionably some of the Roman writers depict their morals in the -blackest colours, but the facts that I have adduced seem to me to -prove that the accounts are greatly exaggerated. It would be absurd to -deny that there were many bad women in Roman society, just as there -have been bad men and women in all societies, but we are apt to form -too gloomy a picture of the conduct of the women, because it has been -the delight of writers, who wish to demonstrate the superiority of -Christianity to heathenism, to bring out into special prominence the -supposed vices and humiliations of pagan women. But in regard to this -matter it is of great importance that we view the facts from the right -point. - -First of all we must be on our guard against confounding Pagan with -Christian notions of morality. The Romans highly esteemed purity in a -woman, but they confined these ideas of purity to the female citizens, -and their notions were based on the necessity of having a pure and -unadulterated breed of citizens. Their notions of purity did not extend -to the male citizens, and therefore, when the woman was still under the -control of the husband, the woman could not divorce her husband, though -her husband could divorce her without assigning a reason to her. There -was, indeed, an institution among the Romans which has been thought to -exalt the idea of purity and virginity. But a slight knowledge of Roman -thought shows the error of this opinion. Every sacrifice offered to a -god required to be pure. The ox that was to be sacrificed must not have -dragged the plough or undergone any toil. It must be reared and kept -exclusively for the homage that was paid to the god. And so the vestal -virgins consecrated to the goddess Vesta must be pure and undefiled -by subjection to any one, as long as they were in the service of the -goddess. But this was not a moral but a ritual purification. Marriage -was not an obstruction to service to a god, if the god presided over -functions that were consistent with it and, indeed, in all the great -priesthoods in Rome it was essential that the priest should be married, -for his wife acted as the priestess, and it was advantageous that the -priest should have a family, as his children were expected to assist in -his various priestly functions. Even the vestal virgins were allowed to -marry, after they had served the goddess for the prescribed period of -thirty years. The Roman women were not therefore restrained by a sense -of moral wrong in connexion with this matter. And accordingly when -they escaped from the firm grasp of the husband’s power, they could -not see why that which was allowed to the man should not be allowed to -the woman; why, if he gratified his passions without restraint or the -condemnation of society, the same indulgence should not be conceded -to her. And, accordingly, some of them did plunge into the wildest -careers of licentiousness and shamelessness. They adopted the prevalent -philosophy of the day, Epicureanism, with their fathers and brothers -and husbands; they abjured all belief in a future state and in moral -distinctions, and they acted as the men who held the same creed did. -Others of them took to Platonism,[101] and were particularly fond of -“The Republic,” because it advocated community of wives. But these -women were not worse than the men of their day, and there were much -fewer bad women than bad men. - -Then our ideas of the immorality of Roman women are often drawn from -what is said of the women connected with the Court of the early Empire. -But our accounts of these women are derived from a bitter satirist, -a pessimist historian, and a scandal-mongering biographer. And there -can be no doubt that the most notorious of the licentious women of -the Court had, like the men, a strong taint of insanity. If we take -into consideration what I have already said about all Pagan notions -of purity, and along with this keep in sight the state of matters -at the end of the Republic and the beginning of the Empire, I think -that a milder view of the case will present itself to us. The Roman -Republic came to an end through the rivalry of the great houses, whose -matrons are the subjects of history. These houses were divided against -each other, even though they were sometimes closely related by blood -and marriage. Occasionally, even son was arrayed against father, and -nephew against uncle. The lives of the principal men were in continual -jeopardy. Very many of them died violent deaths. Their homes were thus -frequently broken up, and selfish feelings were brought prominently -into play. In these circumstances women had to act a difficult part, -and their motives were often misconstrued. - -Thus the suspicion is suggested that Livia, the wife of Augustus, -had frequent recourse to poison; but surely the circumstances of the -case render this suspicion doubtful. Livia was unquestionably a bold, -resolute woman, and took an active part in the management of the -Empire. She had been married before, and by her former husband had two -sons, one of whom was Tiberius. Augustus also had been married before, -and had one daughter, Julia. It was natural that Augustus should seek -to establish his dynasty through his own daughter Julia, and not -through his stepson. Accordingly he gave her in marriage to his nephew -Marcellus, whom he intended to be his successor, but Marcellus died at -an early age without offspring. Augustus then gave the widowed Julia -in marriage to Agrippa, in whom he had great confidence, but Agrippa -died also. Agrippa left a family, two of whom were youths of much -promise, and Augustus naturally looked to these grandsons as possible -successors, but they died also. Meantime Augustus gave his daughter -in marriage to his stepson Tiberius, who by no means valued the gift; -for he had to part from a wife whom he loved to unite himself with a -wife whom he detested, and whom all the world knew to be dissolute. -And in the end Tiberius succeeded to his throne. Now it was suggested -that Livia from the first had made up her mind to make Tiberius the -successor of Augustus, and that, with this object, she employed -poison--poisoning Marcellus, poisoning Agrippa and his two sons, and -probably poisoning Augustus himself. But we must suppose the acts of -poisoning to be most fitful; for Marcellus died in 23 B.C., Agrippa -in 12 B.C., the sons of Agrippa in 2 A.D. and 4 A.D., and Augustus -himself in 14 A.D., each at a considerable interval of years from the -other; and it seems to me impossible that, if a woman had made up her -mind that her son should succeed, she would follow out her plan only at -widely separate periods. - -Some of the other women who are notorious for their bad conduct were -unquestionably bad. But in the case of Messalina, whose name has become -a byword, it has to be remembered that she was only twenty-six years of -age when she died. The second Agrippina, who is equally infamous for -her wickedness, may be paying the penalty for having written memoirs, -in which she blackened the characters of her contemporaries. And nearly -all the women who are gibbeted as monsters of iniquity belonged to the -imperial family. The Emperor held a position of power and glory such as -never had fallen to the lot of any mortal before him. The wealth and -honours that were heaped on him were such as might turn the head of -any man. They could not but have a very injurious effect on the women -of the family. The descendants of this family intermarried cousins -with cousins, or even in closer connexion, and, between the unique -exaltation of their lot and the frequent intermarriages, need we wonder -that a taint of insanity infected them? I think that in this way we may -account for a considerable number of the wild excesses that are laid to -their charge. - -I do not deny that there were many licentious women outside of the -imperial circle; I do not deny that there may have been some foundation -for the railing accusations which Juvenal brings against the sex; but I -am confident that these accusations are exaggerated in a high degree. - -And if there were women who plunged into vice because they saw their -husbands and brothers claim and exercise the wildest licence for -themselves, there were other women who took an opposite course. They -argued that the equality was right, but that men and women were equally -bound to abstain from licentiousness, that the same law prevailed -for the man as for the woman. This opinion was a tenet of the Stoic -philosophy, and it was to this sect of philosophers that many of -the noblest Roman women belonged. I will mention but two of them. -Porcia, the daughter of Cato and the wife of Brutus, was a Stoic--“a -philosopher,” as Plutarch says,[102] “full of spirit and good sense.” -When married to Brutus, she perceived that her husband did not -communicate to her his political movements and secrets. So she removed -all her attendants, took a knife, and inflicted a deep wound in her -thigh so that the blood flowed out copiously and then fever ensued. Her -husband, in alarm, came to her, and she then addressed him: “I, Brutus, -Cato’s daughter, was given unto thy house, not, like women who serve -as concubines, to share thy bed and board only, but to be a partner -in thy happiness and a partner in thy sorrows. But, with respect to -thy marriage, everything is blameless on thy part; but as to me what -evidence is there, or what affection, if I must neither share with thee -a secret sorrow nor a care which demands confidence? I know that a -woman’s nature is considered too weak to carry a secret, but, Brutus, -there is a certain power towards making moral character in a good -nurture and an honest life: and I am Cato’s daughter and also Brutus’s -wife, whereon hitherto I had less relied, but now I know that I am -also invincible to pain.”[103] Then she showed her husband the wound. -He admired the deed, and, stretching out his hands, he prayed the gods -“that they would render him worthy of so noble a wife.” - -The other Stoic woman whom I shall mention is the well-known Arria, -the wife of Pætus. Pliny gives the following narrative, received from -her granddaughter: “Her husband, Cæcina Pætus, was sick; her son -also was sick, both, to all appearance, by a fatal attack. The son -died; a youth of exquisite beauty, of equal modesty, and dear to the -parents as much because he was their son as for other reasons. She -made all the preparations for the funeral, and paid the last rites -to him, in such a way that her husband remained in ignorance of what -was going on. Whenever she entered his chamber she pretended that her -son still lived and was even improving in health. And when he often -asked, ‘How is my boy?’ she would answer, ‘He had a good night, he -took a little food eagerly.’ But when the tears, long kept in check, -overcame her and began to stream forth, she would go outside and give -herself up to a flood of grief, and then come back with dry eyes and -calm countenance.”[104] It was this same woman who taught her husband -how to die. He had received commands from the Emperor Claudius to put -himself to death. He hesitated. His wife thereupon took a dagger, -plunged it into her breast, drew it out and offered it to her husband, -with the words, “Pætus, it does not pain.” There were many such Stoic -women. What opinions did they entertain in regard to the education and -position of their sex? We are well informed on this point. - -A Stoic philosopher, C. Musonius Rufus, who flourished in the time -of Nero, spoke or wrote treatises on the education of women and on -marriage, and large fragments of his sayings or writings have come -down to us. He argues that the same training and education must be -suitable for both sexes. He affirms that this ought to be the case for -training in all the mental qualities, but that possibly certain tasks -may in some cases be more appropriate for man or for woman. The sum -of his exposition is perhaps contained in the following words:[105] -“I say that, as in the human race men have a stronger and women a -weaker nature, each of these natures should have the tasks assigned -to it which are most suited to it, and the heavier should be allotted -to the stronger, and the lighter to the weaker. Spinning, as well as -house-keeping, would, therefore, be more suitable for women than for -men; while gymnastics, as well as out-of door work, would be fitter for -men than for women; though sometimes some men might properly undertake -some of the lighter tasks and such as seem to belong to women; and -women, again, might engage in the harder tasks, and those which appear -more appropriate for men, in cases where either bodily qualities or -necessity or particular occasions might lead to such action. For -perhaps all human tasks are open to all, and common both to men and -women, and nothing is necessarily appointed exclusively for either; -not that some things may not be more suitable for one, and others for -the other nature, so that some are called men’s and others women’s -occupations. But whatever things have reference to virtue, these one -may rightly affirm to be equally appropriate to both natures, since -we say that virtues do not belong more to the one than to the other.” -Musonius applies his principle of equality to sexual relations and to -marriage. He held that what was wrong in a woman was equally wrong in -a man, or rather was more disgraceful to a man, inasmuch as he claimed -to be a stronger being, and therefore more capable of controlling his -passions. He therefore denounced all illicit amours as unjust and -lawless. He also propounded a view which was afterwards adopted by -the Christian writers, that all indulgence of the flesh not requisite -for the propagation of the race was unworthy of a philosopher. But he -differed from the great mass of the Christian writers, and regarded -marriage as the happiest condition of life. He describes it as a -community of life, and a mutual care for each other in health and -sickness, and in every occurrence of life, and he brands a marriage -when there is no community of feeling as worse than a desert. He argued -that the man who does not marry must be inferior in his experience and -usefulness to the man who does, and that therefore the solitary life is -not advantageous even for the philosophers. And he urges that the whole -of civilization rests upon the institution of marriage. “For,” says he, -“the man who takes away marriage from the human race takes away the -household, takes away the State, takes away the human race.” - -The opinions of Musonius and the Stoics greatly influenced subsequent -legislation in regard to marriage. But this is an obscure and -disputable subject, and we can refer here only to the commencement of -legislation on marriage. It was the Emperor Augustus who first drew up -laws in regard to it. Before his time marriage was deemed essentially a -private transaction, and no enactments had taken place in reference to -it except as to the disposition of dowries. Family councils controlled -it, and, like all other private acts, it was subject to the judgment -of the Censors, who in this matter followed prevalent opinion. The -prevailing opinion was that all Romans were bound to marry. The Censors -put the question to every Roman, “On your word of honour have you a -wife?” If the answer was in the negative the Censor weighed all the -circumstances of the case, and, if he deemed the man negligent of -his duty, he imposed on him a fine called _uxorium_. From the -earliest times it had been reckoned a Roman’s imperative duty to marry. -Dionysius embodies this practice in the statement that the “ancient -law compelled all adults to marry.” The historians mention several -instances in which the penalty for neglect of this custom was imposed -by the Censors.[106] - -We are told[107] that the Censors, M. Furius Camillus and M. Postumius -Albinus, in 403 B.C., obliged all who had reached old age -without marrying to pay a sum of money to the public treasury, and -Valerius Maximus, in stating this fact, puts into their mouths words to -the following effect: “As nature imposes on man the necessity of being -born, so it imposes on him the obligation to produce birth, and your -parents bind you by maintaining you to the obligation of maintaining -their grandchildren. In addition to this, fortune has given you a long -period to listen to her appeals to you to perform this duty, while, -in the meantime, your years have wasted away, and you have remained -without the name of either husband or father. Go, then, and pay the -knotty coin which will be useful to a numerous posterity.” We need -place no implicit belief in the exact details of this narrative, and -Plutarch may be nearer the truth when he relates that the Censors -induced, either by persuasion or penalties, the unmarried Romans of -their day to wed the women who had been made widows by the devastating -wars of Veii. But, whatever may have been the particular occurrences, -there can be no doubt that the sentiments put by Maximus into the -mouths of the Censors were the genuine sentiments of the Roman people, -and they continued to be the same till the latest days of the Republic. -We are told[108] that Quintus Metellus in his censorship, the date -of which is uncertain, but it was either 131 B.C. or 101 -B.C.--according as we accept the statement of Livy that it was -Quintus Metellus Macedonicus, or the statement of Gellius that it was -Quintus Metellus Numidicus--urged that all should be forced to marry -_liberorum creandorum causa_, and delivered a speech on marriage -which Augustus[109] deemed so convincing that he read it aloud in -the Senate, and drew the attention of the people to it by edict. And -Cicero, in his treatise ‘De Legibus,’[110] makes it part of the duty of -Censors to prevent people being bachelors. - -There would not be the same obligation on females to marry, but it is -likely that every Roman citizen girl married. It is probable that the -number of the females was not so great as that of the males. Every -father had the right to expose his children, and, while he had no -reason to make away with his male children, the necessity of providing -dowries for females would induce him to think seriously before he took -up and reared the female children that were born to him. - -This, then, was the state of matters in the best times of the Republic; -but this state was changed by the violent civil wars that preceded -the establishment of the Empire. Then the great families of the -commonwealth were decimated and family ties broken up. A feeling of -the utter uncertainty of life and an indifference to its continuance -pervaded all classes. Moreover, luxurious habits had become prevalent. -Formerly sons with their wives lived in the house of their father, -and constituted, in fact as in law, one family. Instances of this -conjoint family life are recorded so late as the second century -B.C. But now the expense of bringing up a family had come -to be felt by many as a burden, and the trouble of family cares was -regarded as an encroachment on the enjoyments of life. And hence arose -an unwillingness to marry. People saw no good and felt no pride in -having families. Their children might be a curse to them, or they -might be exposed to lives of poverty, accusations, harassment, and -proscription--lives, in fact, which were miseries, and not blessings. -But Augustus held that the prevalence of such sentiments and practices -was fatal to the welfare of a State, and the special circumstances of -the time made them peculiarly dangerous to Rome. For the State had -suffered enormous loss by its civil wars. Appian[111] asserts that at -the census of Julius Cæsar it was said that the population was only -half of what it had been before these wars. Dio Cassius[112] describes -the scarcity of the population as terrible, and the number of women had -decreased. Friedländer[113] estimates the free population of Rome in 5 -B.C., omitting senators, knights, and soldiers, as consisting -of 320,000 males and 265,600 females. - -A remedy for this state of matters was urgently required, and -Augustus believed that a remedy could be found only in legislation. -Accordingly legislation was the remedy which he adopted. The accounts -of this legislation are very confused. Mention is made of three -Bills--one, Julia de adulteriis coercendis; a second, Julia de -maritandis ordinibus; and a third, Lex Papia Poppæa. He commenced his -legislation in the very beginning of his reign, in 28 B.C.; -but as, on assuming the supreme power, he abrogated the decrees of -the triumvirate, and claimed to be restoring the Republic, his Bills -had to go through the ordinary processes of discussion in the Senate -and proposal to the Assembly. This afforded scope for every form of -obstruction, and, besides difficulties in passing the Bills, the laws -met with fierce private resistance. The Lex Papia Poppæa probably -embodied all the regulations which Augustus had made in regard to -marriage, with such additions and amendments as experience had proved -to be necessary. Its great object, was to encourage and reward -marriage, and punish and prevent celibacy. Before passing his final -law, the Lex Papia Poppæa, in 9 A.D., Dio Cassius[114] states -that Augustus, knowing that the equites were eager for the abrogation -of his previous laws, summoned the whole of them to a meeting. He -divided them into two classes--those who had married and those who had -not. He deplored the fact that the latter class was more numerous, -and addressed to them strong words of reproof, and at the same time -expounded the reasons why marriage should be praised and rewarded, and -bachelors condemned and fined. The principal points of this speech are -contained in the first two chapters of Dio Cassius, 56. “That first and -greatest god,” he says, “who fashioned us divided the mortal race into -two, the male and the female, in order, through the instinctive love -of the one to the other, he might make that which was mortal eternal -after a fashion from continual new births. And he who is born of a -father is bound to become a father if the race is to continue. Every -feeling of patriotism makes this a sacred duty. And what better means -could there be than a chaste wife, guardian and manager of the house, a -rearer of children, for cheering the man when he is in good health and -attending to him when he is ill, sharing with him his good fortune and -consoling him in misfortune, restraining the mad impulses of the young -and tempering the unseasonable austerity of the old? What could be more -delightful than to take up a child, the offspring of both, and rear and -educate him, an image of the body and an image of the soul, so that the -man himself reappear in this child when he grows to maturity.” - -Julius Cæsar, painfully alive to the effects of the civil wars on the -destiny of the Empire, had already offered rewards for a numerous -offspring, and we find that in his agrarian law for the distribution -of lands in Campania, he gave the lots to fathers of three or more -children, of whom at the time there were twenty thousand. Augustus -resolved to carry out this idea systematically. Any married woman who -had three children received special privileges, and the jus trium -liberorum became an honour, which was also conferred at first by the -Senate, and subsequently by the Emperors, on distinguished women on -whom nature had not bestowed the requisite number of children. Four -children released a freedwoman from the guardianship of her patron, and -three children put a free patroness on an equality with a patron.[115] - -Similar privileges were conferred on men. The consul who had the -greater number of children had precedence over him who had fewer, and -the married consul took precedence of the unmarried. The candidate -for office who had children was permitted to assume certain offices -of state at an earlier age than the unmarried, and other privileges -were bestowed on the married. Fines and disabilities were imposed on -bachelors. The ages fixed for males were twenty and sixty, and for -women twenty and fifty and whoever was unmarried within these ages was -subjected to a tax, and could not become heir except to near relatives -and could not receive legacies. - -Such were some of the provisions of this Lex Papia Poppæa for the -encouragement of marriage. Our information in regard to it is in many -respects defective and unsatisfactory. The law was much discussed -by subsequent jurists, and it is likely that some of the clauses, -which are represented as the work of Augustus, were inserted by later -legislators. - -Augustus did in regard to adultery what he did in regard to marriage. -He translated ordinary private practice into public law, and on the -whole made the conduct of the Romans milder than it had been, though -he was strongly tempted by the licentiousness of his daughter to -prescribe stern punishment for the crime. His law required that the -divorce should take place in regular form. The freedman of the man who -wished to divorce must hand over the repudium, or bill of divorce, in -the presence of seven Romans of full age, and the wife who wished a -divorce must do the same. The law ordained, that a woman who was found -guilty of adultery should be banished to an island, and lose half of -her dowry and a third of her property, and similar punishments were -inflicted on a faithless husband. In the case of the wife, it still -lay with the husband to inflict the penalty, and he himself was liable -to be punished if he did not carry out the sentence. The husband could -still kill his wife if he found her in the act; but he could execute -vengeance only if he put to death both the guilty parties. - -The Lex de maritandis ordinibus, which was no doubt embodied in the Lex -Papia Poppæa, brings to light a new phase of Roman life. Distinctions -had arisen among the Roman citizens, and more anxiety was felt to -maintain the honour and purity of the highest of these classes than to -preserve the ordinary Roman citizen from the outside world. Senators -were forbidden to marry freedwomen, but all other citizens were allowed -to marry them, owing to the scarcity of free women, but prohibited from -marrying prostitutes, procuresses, condemned criminals, and actresses. - -The legislation of Augustus in regard to marriage has generally been -regarded as a failure. Horace celebrated the success of the Lex Julia -de adulterio cohibendo in Ode iv. 5:-- - - “Nullis polluitur casta domus stupris, - Mos et lex maculosum edomuit nefas”-- - -words which seem to me to prove that the accounts of the degeneracy of -the women were grossly exaggerated--for no legislation could produce -effects in any way approaching to those described by Horace, if the -evil were deeply seated. From Horace’s words we may gather that the law -had some good effect; and the prominence of the Lex Papia Poppæa in the -discussions of jurists, renders it likely that it continued to act for -some time with considerable force. The general effect of legislation -based on it, and of the course of events, was to alter the basis of -the Roman State, and to make the individual, and not the family, the -unit. Husband and wife became more closely connected together, the -wife becoming to some extent the heir of the husband, and her children -being entitled to inherit her property. But causes were working, in -combination with the aversion to marriage, which rendered the Lex Papia -Poppæa nugatory. In the Christian Church arose an inordinate estimate -of the virtue of celibacy. A large family came to be regarded almost as -a disgrace, as a proof of lasciviousness. And thus, when Constantine, a -Christian Emperor, ascended the throne, he abolished most of the pains -and penalties of celibacy and childlessness, and Justinian abolished -all the clauses that dealt with inheritance. - - - - - BOOK III. - - THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE - OF WOMEN - IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - HIGH POSITION OF WOMEN AND THEIR SUBSEQUENT DEGRADATION. - - -The opinion has been continually expressed that woman owes her present -high position to Christianity, and the influences of the Teutonic -mind. But an examination of the facts seems to me to show that there -was no sign of this revolution in the first three centuries of the -Christian era, and that the position of women among Christians was -lower, and the notions in regard to them were more degraded than -they were in the first. Unquestionably in the Gospels women occupy a -prominent position. Many of them followed Christ and ministered to -Him. With a woman who had had five husbands and was living with a man -not her husband, He holds the most profound conversation, and to her -He proclaims the grandest truths of His revelation. And the women of -His day and country seem to have had great liberty of movement and -action. One of them, described by St. Luke as “a sinner in the city,” -finds her way into the house of a Pharisee with whom He was dining, -pours a box of ointment on His feet, and washes His feet with tears -and wipes them with the hairs of her head. Christ mingles freely in -the marriage festivities where His mother and doubtless other female -residents were present. His intercourse with the family of Bethany is -of the most unrestrained character, and He talks to both sisters on -the highest subjects. And, according to St. John, His first appearance -after His resurrection is made to a woman, Mary of Magdala, from whom -he had expelled seven demons. But in the Gospels there is no special -doctrine propounded in regard to women, and if there is any approach -to this, it exhibits great mildness, if we take the story of the woman -caught in adultery as genuine. It is when we come to the writings of -St. Paul that opinions are pronounced in regard to marriage and the -conduct of women, and there can be no doubt that these opinions are -of a stern and restrictive nature. The Ebionites[116] explained the -Apostle’s conversion by stating that he was, as he himself allowed, -a native of Tarsus, that he was not a Jew, but a Greek with a Greek -father and a Greek mother; that he went up to Jerusalem and stayed -there for some time; that he fell in love with the high priest’s -daughter, became in consequence a proselyte, and asked her in marriage, -but on being refused he was enraged, and wrote against circumcision, -the Sabbath, and the law. Some have thought that there is a bitterness -against women in the writings of St Paul, which can be explained only -by some such rejection as that related by the Ebionites. Perhaps, -also, the character of the women of Tarsus, his native city, may have -had an effect upon him. At an early time they were particularly prim -and modest. They were in the habit of covering the entire body with -clothing, so that no one could see a single part of their face or the -rest of their body, and they themselves could see nothing except the -road on which they were walking. This habit continued till the time of -Dio Chrysostom,[117] who relates the fact. But he regards the habit as -a remnant of a chastity which no longer existed. Impurity rushed in -upon the women through the ears as well as the eyes, and the most of -them became thoroughly licentious and corrupt. “They walk,” he says, -“with their faces covered, but with soul uncovered, and indeed wide -open.” St. Paul’s words had a great influence on the formation of -opinion in regard to women in the ancient Church. They fell in with -the tendencies of the times, and were made the groundwork and support -of the depreciation of marriage, which became prevalent in the third -and fourth centuries of our era. - -Christianity also soon brought with it a new state of feeling in regard -to questions relating to sex. Acts that had been indifferent before, -now became morally wrong, and the Christian writers inquire minutely -into points which had not previously been discussed. The Christian -writers are particularly frank in their treatment of these questions. -Their sense of decency is quite different from that of the moderns, and -the consequence is that it is not possible for a modern writer to give -a full exposition of their ideas and reasonings. - -There are two Christian books belonging, the one to the beginning of -the third century, the other to the beginning of the fourth, that -make large reference to the duties and position of women. The first -is the “Pædagogus,” or Instructor, of Clement of Alexandria. In this -work the Alexandrian Father guides the Christian in all the affairs of -common life. He exhibits how the Christian ought to behave at meals, -what food and drink he ought to take, how long he should sleep, what -kind of clothes he ought to wear, how he ought to conduct himself in -church, and similar matters. Now in dealing with the duties of women -he refuses to employ any euphemism. A spade with him must be a spade -or it is a lie. God created man and woman, every part of them, and -“no one,” he says, “ought to be ashamed of naming what God was not -ashamed to create,” and to go about the bush is to act in disrespect -of Him. Besides, he thought it very important that every detail of the -Christian life should be directed according to the instructions of -Divine Reason, and therefore he would have regarded it a dereliction of -duty if he had not discussed all that concerns the functions of women. -But the feeling of the present age is for euphemism and concealment, -and accordingly when we had to translate Clement’s work into English, -in the Ante-Nicene Library, there were portions so completely opposed -to modern ideas of decency that we considered it better to present them -in a Latin and not an English dress. The same peculiarity characterizes -the other work which I mentioned--‘The Banquet of the Ten Virgins,’ -by Methodius. In this book ten virgins praise virginity; but the -virgins show a remarkably intimate acquaintance with the physiology -and aberrations of women. Now in the case of Clement no one can doubt -the purity and simplicity of his mind, and his expositions, though -they have been denounced by some divines, are absolutely devoid of all -pruriency. Perhaps there is a little of the meretricious in the style -of the Banquet, for the writer is imitating somewhat unsuccessfully the -Banquet of Plato; but the language is entirely consistent with perfect -purity, and the difference from our own times is to be attributed to -the sentiments of the age, not to a debasement of character. - -There is another remark that has to be made before we proceed with our -subject. We may have to employ the term Christianity frequently; but -a great mistake would be committed if it were assumed that the term -has always the same meaning. There is the Christianity of Christ, the -Christianity of the first century, the Christianity of Hildebrand, -of Luther, and of Calvin. Christianity is different as it appears in -different ages and persons. In the early centuries the Christianity -of Rome differed from that of Greece and of Africa, and it is not to -be assumed that because one Christian writer mentions a practice, -that practice was therefore universal in the Church. So when we quote -a writer, that writer is of good authority for his own opinion or -practice, of tolerably good authority for the doctrine and practice of -the Christianity of his own country and age, but more faintly for the -Christianity of other countries and ages. - -At the time when Christianity dawned on the world women had attained, -as we have seen in our chapters on Roman women, great freedom, -power, and influence in the Roman Empire. Tradition was in favour of -restriction, but by a concurrence of circumstances women had been -liberated from the enslaving fetters of the old legal forms, and they -enjoyed freedom of intercourse in society; they walked and drove -in the public thoroughfares with veils that did not conceal their -faces, they dined in the company of men, they studied literature and -philosophy, they took part in political movements, they were allowed -to defend their own law cases if they liked, and they helped their -husbands in the government of provinces and the writing of books. One -would have imagined that Christianity would have favoured the extension -of woman’s freedom. For Christianity itself was one of the most daring -revolutions which the world has ever seen. It defied all past customs, -it aimed at the overthrow of the religions of the world, it overleapt -the barriers of nationality, and it desired to fuse all mankind into -one family and one faith. Necessarily, such a movement was accompanied -by much excitement and agitation; but when enthusiasm sways any -association of men, and they live in a state of ferment, they break in -pieces the bonds of custom--those very bonds which most firmly chain -women down to a slavish position of routine. Accordingly, at the very -first stage women take a prominent part in the spread of Christianity -and all the activities of Christians.[118] But in a short time this -state of matters ceases in the Church, and women are seen only in two -capacities--as martyrs and as deaconesses. - -As martyrs they presented a magnificent spectacle of what poor weak -woman can dare and do when under the impulse of an inspiring faith. -There are especially two genuine Ante-Nicene writings which relate -the courage of women under the agonies of trial. The first is the -letter of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne, written in the reign of -Marcus Aurelius, and the second narrates the martyrdom of Perpetua and -Felicitas in the beginning of the third century. In the letter of the -Church of Lyons the most conspicuous woman is a delicate young slave -of the name of Blandina, to whom every possible kind of torture was -applied, until her body was a mass of deformity, but no word could be -wrung out of her in denial of her Lord. “I am a Christian,” she said, -“and there is no evil done amongst us.” The torturers, finding her -resolution immovable, allowed her a short respite. After an interval -of a day or two she was taken to the amphitheatre to be exposed to the -wild beasts. She was hung up fastened to a stake in the midst of these -animals, but they did not touch her, and she was conveyed back to the -noisome and dark dungeons of her prison. Neither wild beast nor prison -altered her determination. The magistrates were very anxious that she -should recant, and day by day they led her to the scenes of torture, in -the hope that she would be frightened by the terrible sufferings which -she saw her companions endure, and on each occasion they urged her to -swear by the gods. Blandina remained steadfast, and on the last day of -the gladiatorial shows she was taken to the amphitheatre. There she -was scourged and roasted on a red-hot iron chair, then enclosed in a -net and tossed by a bull, and finally stabbed, triumphant in the faith -of a glorious resurrection and a blessed union with her Lord. - -The martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas was carried out in similar -circumstances. Felicitas was a slave. Vivia Perpetua belonged to the -higher ranks. She had received a good education, and was married at -the time of her apprehension, and had a child at the breast. She was -only twenty-two years of age. Her father was still a heathen, and urged -her by every possible form of argument and appeal to renounce her -faith, but she was firm. She was then cast into a dungeon, and suffered -agonies on account of the darkness and separation from her child. But -her friends were influential enough to procure an alleviation of her -hardships, and she was permitted to have her infant and to receive -visits from her Christian brethren. After some days the prisoners were -taken to the town hall and tried. Perpetua’s father again assailed her -with entreaties to swear by the gods, and so did the Roman procurator. -“Spare,” said the latter, “the grey hairs of your father, spare -the infancy of your boy, offer sacrifice for the well-being of the -emperors.” But Perpetua was unmoved, and to the fatal question “Are -you a Christian?” she replied “I am a Christian,” and was condemned -to the wild beasts. She returned to her dungeon, there to await the -day of the games. On that day the various prisoners were conveyed to -the amphitheatre, and when the turn of the young women came, Felicitas -and Perpetua were placed in nets and exposed to the attacks of a mad -cow. Perpetua was first tossed up in the air and fell on her loins, -but was not injured so much as to be unable to help Felicitas when she -was crushed to the ground, for she gave her hand to her companion and -lifted her up. The savage fury of the populace was appeased for a time, -and a demand was made for other combatants. As the evening drew on, all -the Christians alive were summoned to receive the final sword-thrust; -they kissed each other and then submitted to their fate. Then the -writer of the narrative exclaims, “O most brave and blessed martyrs, -O truly called and chosen unto the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ.” -Every honour was heaped after death on the women who thus suffered -for Christ’s sake, and their ashes and other relics were supposed to -exercise a sanctifying and miraculous influence; but during their lives -it was their duty to stay at home and manage the affairs of their -household and not meddle in teaching or any spiritual function. - -Let us look now at the organization of the church. Various ideas are -entertained in regard to this subject. The view that I take of it -is that the organization was the outcome of the necessities of the -case directed by the institutions of the age and the place. The idea -that regulated the forms of organization was that each member should -contribute to the Church, in an orderly way, any gift that God had -given him. And, in the first enthusiasm of the Christian movement, -women were allowed to do whatever they were fitted to do. Accordingly, -we meet in the early Church with prophetesses. Special mention is -made of the four daughters of Philip.[119] The women combine with -the men in spreading the Gospel. St. Paul calls several of them his -fellow-labourers, and one he designates a minister or deaconess (as -some have translated it) of the Church in Cenchreæ. But not many -generations elapse when all this comes to an end, and we hear only of -two classes of women in connexion with the administration of Church -affairs. The first is that of widows. The Church supported its own -poor, and took upon itself especially the maintenance of widows and -orphans. For the widows work was found. Some persons were required -to visit sick women, to convey assistance to poor women, and to rear -orphan children. Widows were selected for this service, but not all -widows. Certain qualifications were deemed essential. The widow -must be at least sixty years of age; she must have made up her mind -not to marry again, and she must have experience in the nursing of -children, so as to give suitable advice to mothers in their distress -and difficulties. And, of course, she must have a good character -for sobriety, discretion, and piety. In process of time the widows -no longer are prominent, and, at length, the institution passes -out of sight. A new class arose. This new class received the name -of deaconesses. Some have thought that deaconesses existed in the -apostolic times, and others have supposed that the office was of early -origin but confined to special localities. - -It seems to me that the passages on which these opinions have been -based do not substantiate a fixed and definite office, but mere -casual and sporadic services. It is towards the middle of the third -century that in all probability the new order became common in all the -Churches of the East, for then the circumstances were such as to demand -its existence. First of all widowhood had fallen in the spiritual -market and virginity had risen. It was not wrong for the widow to -have married, but the act implied a certain weakness and she thereby -contracted a stain which rendered her less fit for the service of the -Church. Accordingly, even in the time of Tertullian[120], virgins were -elected for the duties and called widows. “I know plainly,” he says, -“that in a certain place a virgin of less than twenty years of age -has been placed in the order of widows.” He himself objects in the -strongest manner to this innovation, and speaks of this virgin as a -monster--a virgin-widow, and unfit for the work, because she had not -had experience in the married life and in the training of children. -But the respect for virginity was at that time growing, and other -circumstances combined to evoke the new order. To the end of the second -century there were no public buildings for Christian worship. The -Christians met in private houses, and the tenants of the houses made -all the arrangements necessary for the meetings. But when churches -began to be built, officials had to look after them, and this duty was -assigned to the deacons. In the advance of ascetic ideas, the women -sat or stood apart from the men, and entered by a separate door. And -at this door stood the deaconess to direct the worshippers to their -places, and to see that all behaved quietly and reverently. This was -the great work of women in the Church, and in the end became nearly -their only work. But they had also to help the deacons in any service -which was deemed more suitable for women. Thus, in baptism, the women -were immersed, but it was not seemly that all the preparations for the -ceremonial should be made by the men, and the dressing and undressing -were committed to the care of the deaconess. At the same rite the -deacon anointed only the forehead of the Christian woman with oil; the -deaconess then anointed her whole body. The deaconess also undertook -the work which the widows had done in carrying messages and ministering -to the temporal wants of poor women. “Thou shalt send a woman a -deaconess, on account of the imaginations of the bad,” is the order -given in the Apostolical Constitutions.[121] - -The widows had no spiritual function. They were not to teach. How -jealous the Church was in this matter is seen from the instructions -given to them: “Let the widow,” is the commandment in the -Constitutions, “mind nothing but to pray for those that give and -for the whole Church, and when she is asked anything by any one let -her not easily answer, excepting questions concerning the faith and -righteousness and hope in God.... But of the remaining doctrines let -her not answer anything rashly, lest by saying anything unlearnedly -she should make the word to be blasphemed.” And the occupation of the -widow is summed up in these words, “She is to sit at home, sing, pray, -read, watch and fast, speak to God continually in songs and hymns.” And -if she wishes to go to any one to eat or drink with him, or to receive -anything from any one, she must first ask the deacon’s consent, and -if she acts without first consulting him she is to be punished with -fasting or separated on account of her rashness.[122] - -The deaconesses also were prohibited from teaching. They were superior -to the widows in the liberty of movement which they had, and the widows -were enjoined to be obedient to them; but they had no spiritual -function, and while there is no doubt that they were ordained for their -service, as the widows also were, they had no sacred character, and -could perform no priestly office. To take one instance from Tertullian. -In discussing the administration of baptism, he states that the -bishop has the right of conferring it first of all, then presbyters -and deacons, and then, if none of these are at hand, a layman might -administer, but a woman never. Tertullian thus appeals to the Apostle -Paul. “For how credible would it seem that he who has not permitted a -woman even _to learn_ with over-boldness, should give a female the -power of teaching and baptizing. ‘Let them be silent,’ he says, ‘and at -home consult their own husbands.’”[123] - -In the West it is likely that the Church never assigned any -ecclesiastical functions to women, as they were deemed in every respect -inferior to men, and it was regarded as dishonourable to a man to -receive any instruction, direction, or ecclesiastical blessing from a -woman. But it is possible that even in some of the orthodox churches -of the East, probably in remote regions, women may have been entrusted -with the duty of teaching. In the ‘Testamentum of our Lord,’ recently -published by Rahmani, and translated into English by Canon Maclean, -“the widows who had front seats” were enjoined to instruct women, to -prove deaconesses, and to exercise a general superintendence over -the conduct of all the women in the Church.[124] They also seem to be -included in the clergy. But this honour shown to women, some scholars -deem to be indicative of heresy. Bishop Wordsworth[125] regards it as a -proof of semi-Montanism. It is not certain that the Testament was ever -used by any part of any Church called orthodox, or that it represents -actual institutions, though it is more probable that it did represent -the Church order of some small division which considered itself to be -among the orthodox. - -The entire exclusion of women from every sacred function stands in -striking contrast with both heathen and heretical practice. The -contrast was present to the minds of the early Christians. “But if,” -says the ‘Constitutions,’[126] “we have not permitted them [women] to -teach, how will any one allow them, contrary to nature, to perform -the office of a priest? For this is one of the ignorant practices of -the atheism of the Greeks (Gentiles) to appoint priestesses to the -female deities.” Priestesses had a high and honoured position among the -Greeks. In early times the Argives dated the events of their history -from the priestesses of Hera, and erected statues to them. Equal -honours were paid to priestesses of Hera in other Doric states, and -to those of Athena Polias, Demeter and Core and many more divinities. -These priestesses took part in the celebrations of festivals, and -were treated with every mark of respect.[127] In Rome the wife of the -Pontifex Maximus took the lead in the worship of Bona Dea, and in the -religious rites which specially concerned women. The most honoured -priest attached to a particular god in Rome, the Flamen Dialis, must be -married, and must resign his office when his wife died, for his wife -was also a priestess, and his family were consecrated to the service -of the god. And the vestal virgins received every mark of respect -that could be bestowed on them, and the amplest liberty. The highest -officials made way for them as they passed along the streets, they -banqueted with the College of Pontifices, they viewed the games in the -company of the Empress, and statues were erected in their honour. The -same respect is accorded to women by many of the heretical Christians. -Nearly every founder of a sect has a woman to aid him. Simon Magus -has his Helene, Montanus his Maximilla, Apelles his Philumene, and so -in the case of other sects. One sect[128] belonging to the Montanists -deserves special notice for the energy with which it supported the -claims of women. It bore various names, such as the Quintiliani, the -Pepuziani, the Priscilliani, and the Bread-and-Cheesites because they -celebrated their mysteries with bread and cheese. They gave special -thanks to Eve because she first ate of the tree of knowledge. They -lauded the sister of Moses and the four daughters of Philip, because -they asserted the right of women to prophesy--that is, to speak in -public the message of God. Frequently in their church seven virgins, -clothed in white and bearing torches, stood up and addressed the -people, and spoke so eloquently that tears of repentance ran down the -cheeks of the audience. In this sect women held the place of bishops -and elders and deacons as well as men,[129] and they appealed to St. -Paul for their practice: for he says, “In Christ Jesus there is neither -male nor female.” It is against this sect that Tertullian, or one -assuming his name, launches his thunderbolts. “The very women,” he -says, “of these heretics how wanton they are! For they are bold enough -to teach, to dispute, to enact exorcisms, to undertake cures, it may be -even to baptize.” - -In describing another sect, Epiphanius states the reasons why -women should have no priestly functions. The sect was that of the -Collyridians. Epiphanius[130] asserts that there are some who make the -Virgin God. “For they relate,” he says, “that some women in Arabia -[ἐκεῖσε, not intelligible][131], from the parts of Thrace have -introduced this new dogma, so as to offer up a cake (κολλυρίδα) to -the name of the Ever-Virgin, and assemble together and attempt--going -beyond all bounds--to perpetuate an unlawful and blasphemous deed to -the name of the Holy Virgin, and to her name to perform sacrifice -through women, which is an action entirely impious and unlawful, -alien to the preaching of the Holy Spirit; so that the whole is an -energy of the devil, and the teaching of an unclean spirit.” He then -mentions[132] that worship was paid in some places to the daughter of -Jephtha and the daughter of Pharaoh, and Thermutis, the daughter of -Amenoph, the Pharaoh, because she reared Moses. In ‘Haer.’ 79, c. i., -he says that those who exalted Mary above humanity are none else than -women: “for the race of women is prone to slip, and is unstable and low -in their thoughts.” The thought comes from the devil, as formerly the -devil inspired Quintilla, Maximilla, and Priscilla. And he proceeds, -“For some women, adorning a curicum or four cornered seat, and covering -it with a cloth on some special day of the year, place out bread on -some days and offer it to the name of Mary; and all of them partake -of the bread, as we have already explained partially in the letter -which we wrote to Arabia.” He then refutes the heresy, the principal -point attacked being that the heretics made women priestesses. No -woman was at any time a priestess to God: Eve herself was not; none -in the Old Testament, none in the New. No woman was ever made a bishop -or presbyter, and a deaconess is not a priestess, but a servant of -the Church appointed for special purposes. Christ made none of the -women who served Him priestesses--not Salome, not even His mother, nor -Martha, nor Mary, &c. - -Such, then, was the position which woman occupied in the Church in -the course of the first three centuries of Christianity. The highest -post to which she rose was to be a doorkeeper and a message-woman, and -even these functions were taken away from her during the Middle Ages. -Was there a reason for this? Perhaps we may find some clue to this -phenomenon in the conceptions which the Fathers of the Church formed of -the nature of woman. - -It is one of the curious features of early Christianity that it did -not discuss some of those social problems which would naturally have -suggested themselves. Thus no objection is taken to slavery, though -the Therapeutæ had already denounced it as unlawful and inhuman. -Christianity proclaimed a gospel of love, which had no limit but -that of the human race. And it applied this gospel to all classes. -The Christian slave thus became the brother of all members of the -community, received kindness from all, and was admitted to equal rights -and privileges. But Christianity also enjoined on him submission to -the will of his proprietor urging the belief that man is bound to -be content with the position in which he is, to bear patiently all -the ills of this life in the certain hope of a glorious future. The -marriage laws and customs prevalent throughout the Roman world in -the first ages of Christianity ought to have created difficulty, but -nothing is said of this difficulty. Thus a Christian slave woman was -the property of her master, her children were a source of gain to him, -and he took entire control over this matter, as over the breeding -of cattle. Yet we do not hear of any discussion in regard to this -arrangement, nor of any attempt to rescue the slave woman from the -treatment to which she must have been subjected. Again, the Roman law -recognized marriages only between citizen and citizen; but a very large -number of the early Christians had not the rights of citizenship until -the beginning of the third century, and if they made associations of -the nature of marriage, their children were deemed illegitimate by -the civil law. Probably the Church defied the civil law. It became -a maxim that Christians were not to go to law with each other, and -the Church established laws and a jurisdiction of its own. In the -case of marriage this was peculiarly necessary, as the marriage of a -believer with an unbeliever caused to the former great inconvenience -in carrying out his faith, and, indeed, supplied strong temptations -to apostasy. Such marriages were therefore from the first forbidden, -on pain of expulsion. It is likely, then, that any Christian man and -woman were regarded as duly married, notwithstanding the civil law, -if they had got the consent of the bishop; and secret connexions--that -is, connexions not first professed in the presence of the Church--were -considered akin to vice. - -The questions that occupied the Christian mind related rather to the -moral character of marriage. These questions were raised first of all -by the heretical sects, which applied philosophy to the tenets and -practice of the Church. And it is one of the most interesting facts -in early Christian history that the Church, in combating these sects, -succeeded in defeating them, but always carried off a large portion -of their heretical opinions for its own permanent use. The sects may -be divided into two classes. Some[133] affirmed that marriage was -unnecessary, that full liberty had been conceded to them of indulging -the passions, and that, indeed, the way to rise to perfection was by -a practical acquaintance with all forms of action possible to man. -Others[134] held that marriage was immoral, that the flesh was corrupt, -that those who sowed to the flesh must reap corruption, and that in -the kingdom of God on earth, as in heaven, there is neither marrying -nor giving in marriage. It is difficult to trust all that is said -about these heretical sects--for our accounts are derived from the -orthodox alone--and in regard to this matter of marriage the orthodox -invariably accuse the heterodox of licentiousness. But there was no -class of people who ought to have been more careful in their assertions -than the orthodox, as they themselves were accused of the vilest crimes. - -It is one of the most striking facts in all history that in the second -century the Christians were universally believed by Pagans to be secret -conspirators combined for immoral purposes, and at their trials it was -sufficient for a man to confess that he was a Christian to be condemned -as a licentious villain. The assertions made in regard to them were -that they met in secret, that slaughtering an infant they poured his -blood into a cup, and that passing this cup round they all drank of -it; that then the lights were extinguished, and the men and women -proceeded to indiscriminate licentiousness. How could such ideas have -arisen? An explanation of this reveals to us marked peculiarities of -the early Church in the treatment of women, and may help us to see how -the later opinions arose. Christianity came at first in the fervour -of an overpowering love--love to God and love to man, irrespective -of his race, position, or belief. But this fervour of love directed -itself with special force to those who accepted the same faith. They -called each other fathers and sons, mothers and daughters, brothers -and sisters. They were in the habit of assembling before dawn or at -night, men and women together, in private houses, to conduct their -worship. The assembly consisted of a strange assortment of characters -and grades. The Apostle Paul,[135] in writing to the Corinthian Church, -says to them: “Be not deceived: neither fornicators, nor idolaters, nor -adulterers, nor effeminate, nor sodomites, nor thieves, nor cheats, nor -drunkards, nor revilers, nor plunderers, shall inherit the Kingdom of -God: and these things were some of you.” And there were in the assembly -the bond and the free, the rich and the poor, the high and low, but -with a large preponderance of the low. It was natural for a heathen -to suppose that an assembly composed, as he would consider it, of the -dregs of society, and meeting in hours of darkness, had no good object -in view. And the account which they themselves gave of their worship -sounded to a Pagan equally contemptible. The Christians affirmed that -they worshipped a poor carpenter, a son of despised Galilee, the child -of a husbandless mother. Then they spoke of eating a body and drinking -blood. But perhaps colour was given to the accusation most of all by -two institutions which have now passed away, except in the case of one -or two small sects. - -In the days of the first fervour the Christian brethren set up a plan -of voluntary socialism, and wished to have all things in common; but -the plan did not work, and they had recourse to a systematic relief of -the poor. One feature of this relief was what were called Love-feasts. -It was not unusual in ancient times for large bodies of men to dine -together, and large dinner-parties were often made up by each man -bringing his contribution to the feast. With some such idea as this -the Christians met, men and women together, the rich bringing the -supplies, and they all dined together. Probably they did this every day -at the earliest period, and some think that these meals constituted -the celebration of what is called the Lord’s Supper. The love-feasts -were unquestionably associated with this institution; but in the course -of time they became less frequent, and generally took place after the -administration of the Eucharist. They continued till the fifth century -at least, and were often held in the churches after churches were -erected. These dinners were not always scenes of perfect propriety, -as St. Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians shows, and on some -occasions intoxication and riotousness prevailed. These feasts went by -the name of Loves, or Love-feasts, as we now translate the word. We -need not wonder that Pagans should suspect that the Loves were not of -the purest. - -Then there was another practice, still more foreign to our Christian -ideas. There is no command in the New Testament to keep the Sunday, -or to stand or sit at singing, or to repeat the Creed or to keep -Good Friday or Christmas, or to do a hundred other things about -which Christians have wrangled with all earnestness; but there is -a commandment five times repeated in the Apostolic Epistles, and -indicative of the strong bond of brotherhood which bound Christian -brothers and sisters to each other, to this effect: “Salute the -brethren with a holy kiss,” or in another form, “Salute the brethren -with a kiss of love.” It is likely that at first this kiss was imparted -at every meeting, but gradually it became limited to the great -sacramental occasions, such as baptism and the Eucharist. At first, -too, and for a considerable time, the Christian brothers and sisters -kissed each other. It is easy to see that such a practice would give -rise to scandalous reports, and there is evidence in the ecclesiastical -writers that the early Christians did not always make it a holy kiss, -as it should have been. Athenagoras[136] quotes a saying which he -attributes to our Lord, and which evidently deals with an abuse of -this practice. It is to this effect: “Whoever kisses a second time, -because he has found pleasure in it, commits a sin.” And Clement[137] -of Alexandria thus speaks of the matter: “Love is not tested by a kiss, -but by kindly feeling. But there are those that do nothing but make the -churches resound with a kiss. For this very thing, the shameless use of -the kiss, which ought to be mystic, occasions foul suspicions and evil -reports.” - -These customs prove that considerable freedom prevailed among the -earliest Christians, and doubtless sometimes this freedom was abused. -In the very first epoch some of the Corinthian Christians sided with -a man who committed incest and persisted in it after rebuke, and the -Apostle had to exert himself to the utmost to repress the sympathy -and the sin, but the accusations, speaking generally, were hideously -false and unfounded. They are of some consequence for our purpose, for -they must have acted powerfully on the minds of Christians in inducing -them to avoid everything that might furnish even the semblance of -justification for them. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - - EXPLANATION OF THE DEGRADATION. - - -From a very early date two currents can be traced in the Church--one -in the direction of upholding marriage, another in that of despising -and rejecting it. No one with the New Testament as his guide could -venture to assert that marriage was wrong, and the tradition remained -firm in the Church during the Ante-Nicene period that it was unlawful -and heretical to forbid marriage. The Apostolic Fathers[138] offer -exhortations to wives to love their own husbands truly, and to love -all others with no partiality for any one and in all chastity, and to -train up their children in the knowledge and fear of God. As time moves -on, such exhortations become less frequent, but still marriage is held -up as a modified blessing. Tertullian,[139] whose words in an opposite -direction are very strong and numerous, has this passage, “Whence are -we to find language adequate to describe the happiness of that marriage -which the Church cements and the oblation confirms, and the benediction -signs and seals, which angels report and the Father holds as ratified?” -And then he describes the joys of the couple: “Together they pray, -together prostrate themselves, together perform their fasts, mutually -teaching, mutually exhorting, mutually sustaining.” But Tertullian, it -has to be noticed, is not here insisting on the blessings of marriage, -but on the blessedness of a marriage between two believers celebrated -in the face of the Church, in contrast with a marriage between a -believer and an unbeliever not sanctioned by the Church. The duties of -the wife were simple: She had to obey her husband, for he was her head, -her lord and superior; she was to fear him, reverence him, and please -him alone; she had to cultivate silence; she had to spin and take care -of the house, and she ought to stay at home and attend to her children. -The only occasions for her going out were when she went to church, or -with her husband to visit a sick brother.[140] - -The other current of thought which I mentioned ran against marriage, -and it was of an ascetic nature. The seeds of it occur in the -‘Republic’ of Plato, and it attached itself to the Pauline conception -of flesh. I can explain it best by a reference to food. We take food -in order to sustain the body. But various kinds of dainties please the -palate, and we may take the food not merely for health, but for the -pleasure that it gives. In the first instance we are acting rightly and -under an irresistible necessity. In the second instance we are sinning, -for we are yielding to a base appetite, the outcome of the flesh. The -flesh, its appetites and passions, are the sources of human corruption, -and gratification of the flesh is a sin. In like manner the sole object -of marriage is that children may be born, and if any other object is -sought, it is a gratification of lust; and, therefore, while marriage -is allowable, man may be nearly as licentious in marriage as out of -it. These inferences are drawn with the utmost precision by Christian -writers of the second and third centuries, and the opinions I have -mentioned will be found expressed in numerous passages. But it is easy -to see that the mind could not halt in this position. Marriage, even -for the sake of children, was a carnal indulgence, and such thinkers -could not help feeling that the arrangement of the Creator was not -altogether satisfactory. They did not venture on saying this. They did -not dare to condemn marriage. But they held that it was much better -not to marry at all, that the man or woman who had never married was a -nobler and more exalted being than the man or woman who had married. -Of course these ideas did not spring into vogue at once, but gradually -forced their way. They were aided by the increasing rigour in the -distinction between clerical and lay. The clerical man must possess a -peculiar sanctity. A man who aspired to a clerical office in the church -must, above all, show control over the lusts and passions of earth, -and so refrain from marriage. The lay brother might be unable to free -himself from the trammels of earth; the cleric could rise to the throne -of heaven only on the wings of virginity. There thus arose a gradation -of merit which had its counterpart in the evolution of the world’s -history. “For the world,” says Methodius,[141] “while still unfilled -with men, was like a child, and it was necessary that it should first -be filled with these, and so grow to manhood. But when hereafter -it was colonized from end to end, the race of man spreading to a -boundless extent, God no longer allowed man to remain in the same ways, -considering how they might now proceed from one point to another and -advance nearer to heaven until, having attained to the very greatest -and most exalted lesson of virginity, they should reach to perfection, -that first they should abandon the intermarriage of brothers and -sisters and marry wives from other families, and then that they no -longer should have many wives, like brute beasts, as though born for -the mere propagation of the species, and then that they should not be -adulterers, and then that they should go on to continence, and from -continence to virginity, when having trained themselves to despise the -flesh, they sail fearlessly into the peaceful haven of immortality.” -Marriage, according to this writer, was not abolished by Christ, but -it was a state of inferiority. “For I think,” he makes a virgin say, -“I have gathered clearly from the Scriptures that after the Word had -brought in virginity, He did not altogether abolish the generation of -children; for though the moon may be greater than the stars, the light -of the other stars is not destroyed by the moonlight.” There thus arose -the gradation of virgins, widows, and wives. Tertullian[142] speaks of -wives as women of the second degree of modesty who have fallen into -wedlock. - -The current of thought which I have exhibited displays itself, first -of all, in the condemnation of second marriages. The Apostle Paul -permitted these, and the Church could not forbid them. In the Pastor of -Hermas they are not condemned, but Athenagoras[143] raises his voice -against them. “He who deprives himself,” he says, “of his first wife, -even though she be dead, is a cloaked adulterer.” The argument used -against them was that God made husband and wife one flesh, and one -flesh they remained, even after the death of one of them. If they were -one flesh, how could a second woman be added to them? She could not -become _one_ flesh. Tertullian,[144] diverging from the Catholic -to the Montanistic faith, maintained that a second marriage was equal -to a marriage with two wives at one time, and therefore forbidden. -But whatever their arguments were, at the root of the opinion lay the -ascetic tendency of thought. This is seen in Tertullian[145], who -wrote a treatise addressed to his wife, admonishing her not to marry -again if he died first. In speaking of the resurrection he says to -her: “There will at that day be no resumption of voluptuous disgrace -between us”; and in another treatise he remarks: “Let us ponder over -our consciousness itself to see how different a man feels himself when -he chances to be deprived of his wife. He savours spiritually.”[146] - -Tertullian, for his age, is exceptional in the strength of his -denunciations, and the Church so far adhered to the Apostolic -permission as to allow laymen to marry twice. - -This antagonism to marriage had a great influence on family life. It -is strange how seldom children are mentioned in the Christian writings -of the second and third centuries. Almost nothing is said of their -training; no efforts are mentioned as being made for their instruction. -The Christians had come to the belief that the world had enough of -children, and was fully stocked, and that every birth was a cause of -sorrow and not of joy. One writer[147] interprets the wail of the -infant as he enters the world thus: “Why, O mother, didst thou bring -me forth to this life, in which prolongation of life is progress to -death? Why hast thou brought me into this troubled world, in which, -on being born, swaddling bands are my first experience? Why hast -thou delivered me to such a life as this, in which a pitiable youth -wastes away before old age, and old age is shunned as under the doom -of death? Dreadful, O mother, is the course of life which has death as -the goal of the runner. Bitter is the road of life we travel, with the -grave as the wayfarer’s inn.” Tertullian[148] says: “Further reasons -for marriage which men allege for themselves arise from anxiety for -posterity, and the bitter, bitter pleasure of children. To us this is -idle. For why should we be eager to bear children, whom, when we have -them, we desire to send before us to glory (in respect, I mean, of the -distresses that are now imminent); desirous as we are ourselves to -be taken out of this most wicked world and received into the Lord’s -presence.” He describes children as “burdens which are to us most -of all unsuitable, as being perilous to faith.” And again: “Let the -well-known burdensomeness of children, especially in our case, suffice -to counsel widowhood--children whom men are compelled by laws to have, -because no wise man would ever willingly have desired sons.” And he -exclaims,[149] “A Christian forsooth will seek heirs, disinherited as -he is from the entire world.” - -Such ideas had necessarily a very powerful effect on the place and -position of woman and on the conception of her nature. What was that -effect? I will attempt to describe it in a few words. I may define man -to be a male human being, and woman to be a female human being. They -are both human beings, both gifted with reason and conscience, both -responsible for their actions, both entitled to the freedom essential -to this responsibility, and both capable of the noblest thoughts and -deeds. As human beings they are on an equality as to their powers, -the differences in individuals resulting from the surroundings and -circumstances of spiritual growth. But man is a male and woman is a -female, and this distinction exists in Nature for the continuance of -the race. Now what the early Christians did was to strike the male out -of the definition of man, and human being out of the definition of -woman. Man was a human being made for the highest and noblest purposes; -woman was a female made to serve only one. She was on the earth to -inflame the heart of man with every evil passion. She was a fire-ship -continually striving to get alongside the male man-of-war to blow him -up into pieces. This is the way in which Tertullian[150] addresses -women: “Do you not know that each one of you is an Eve? The sentence -of God on this sex of yours lives in this age: the guilt must of -necessity live too. You are the devil’s gateway; you are the unsealer -of that forbidden tree; you are the first deserter of the divine law; -you are she who persuaded him whom the devil was not valiant enough -to attack. You destroyed so easily God’s image, man. On account of -your desert, that is, death, even the Son of God had to die.” And the -gentle Clement of Alexandria[151] hits her hard when he says: “Nothing -disgraceful is proper for man, who is endowed with reason; much less -for woman, to whom it brings shame even to reflect of what nature she -is.” Gregory Thaumaturgus[152] asserts: “Moreover, among all women I -sought for chastity proper to them, and I found it in none. And verily, -a person may find one man chaste among a thousand, but a woman never.” -The Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs[153] makes a similar statement, -and adds: “By means of their adornment they deceive first the minds of -men, and they instil poison by the glance of their eye, and then they -take them captive by their doings,” and therefore “men should guard -their senses against every woman.” “The angel of God showed me,” it -says in another passage, “that for ever do women bear rule over king -and beggar alike; and from the king they take away his glory, and from -the valiant man his strength, and from the beggar even that little -which is the stay of his poverty.”[154] - -How, then, were men to treat this frivolous, dress-loving, -lust-inspiring creature? Surely the best plan was to shut her up. Her -clear duty was to stay at home, and not let herself be seen anywhere. -And this duty the Christian writers impress upon her again and again. -She is not to go to banquets, where her looks are sure to create evil -thoughts in the minds of men who are drinking largely of wine. She is -not to go to marriage feasts, where the talk and the songs may border -on licentiousness. Of course, she is not to wander about the streets in -search of sights, nor to frequent the theatre, nor the public baths, -nor the spectacles. Does she want exercise? Clement of Alexandria -prescribes for her:[155] “She is to exercise herself in spinning and -weaving, and superintending the cooking, if necessary.” He adds: “Women -are with their own hand to fetch from the store what we require; and -it is no disgrace for them to apply themselves to the mill. Nor is it -a reproach to a wife--housekeeper and helpmeet--to occupy herself in -cooking, so that it may be palatable to her husband. And if she shake -up the couch, reach drink to her husband when thirsty, set food on -the table as neatly as possible, and so give herself exercise tending -to sound health, the Instructor will approve of a woman like this.” -During the only occasions on which she may quit her own house--namely, -when visiting the sick or going to church--she must be veiled; not a -portion of her face must be seen, and when she is in church she must -remain covered. These are the injunctions which occur repeatedly in the -Christian writers. Voices were raised against this ascetic treatment, -among them that of one Bishop of Rome,[156] but they were drowned in -the current of invectives that were directed against woman’s love -of dress and finery and show. These invectives and discussions on -the dress of women and veiling of virgins are numerous. Tertullian, -Cyprian, Clement of Alexandria, Commodian, and the Apostolic -Constitutions deal minutely with the subject--all on the idea that -woman is a most inflammatory being. Is a woman beautiful? “Natural -grace,” says Tertullian,[157] “must be obliterated by concealment -and negligence, as being dangerous to the glances of the beholder’s -eyes.” Then she must clothe herself from head to foot. In speaking of -her going to church, Clement of Alexandria says: “Let her be entirely -covered, unless she happen to be at home. For that style of dress is -grave, and protects from being gazed at. And she will never fall who -puts before her face modesty and her shawl; nor will she invite another -to fall into sin by uncovering her face. For this is the wish of the -Word, since it is becoming for her to pray veiled.”[158] - -Then she must not adorn herself in any way. “It is not right in -God,” says Commodian,[159] “that a faithful Christian woman should -be adorned.” The purpose of clothing is to defend the body against -excess of cold and intensity of heat, and the simplest materials are -sufficient for this purpose. The Christian woman must therefore bid -farewell to embroidery of gold and Indian silks; she is strictly -forbidden to wear gold ornaments of any kind, and she is to avoid all -dyed clothes, as the dye is unnecessary for health, afflicts greedy -eyes, and, moreover, it is false; for God would have made the sheep -purple if He had wished the woollen clothes to be purple. Strong -condemnation is uttered against any attempt to trick out the person. -“Head-dresses,” says Clement[160] of Alexandria, “and varieties of -head-dresses, and elaborate braidings, and infinite modes of dressing -the hair, and costly mirrors in which they arrange their costume, -are characteristic of women who have lost all shame.” And if the -adornment of the natural body is thus condemned, the endless variety -of artificial contrivances employed by the Roman and Greek ladies is -necessarily considered abominable. In regard to the hair, Cyprian[161] -addresses virgins thus: “Are sincerity and truth preserved when what is -sincere is polluted by adulterous colours, and what is true is changed -into a lie by the deceitful dyes of medicaments? Your Lord says, ‘Thou -canst not make one hair black or white,’ and you, in order to overcome -the word of your Lord, will be more mighty than He, and stain your hair -with a daring endeavour and with profane contempt; with evil presage -of the future, make a beginning to yourself already of flame-coloured -hair.” And he uses equally strong expressions in regard to tinting -the eyes, “You cannot see God, since your eyes are not those which God -made, but those which the devil has spoiled. You have followed him, -you have imitated the red and painted eyes of the serpent. As you are -adorned in the fashion of your enemy, with him also you shall burn -by-and-by.” And he thus sums up the exhortations which he addresses -to the virgins: “Let your countenance remain in you incorrupt, your -neck unadorned, your figure simple; let not wounds be made in your -ears, nor let the precious chain of bracelets and necklaces circle -your arms or your neck; let your feet be free from golden bands, -your hair stained with no dye, your eyes worthy of beholding God.” -Notwithstanding all the exhortations which were showered upon the wives -and virgins, the Christian writings prove that human nature often had -its own way. Both Clement and Cyprian tell dreadful stories of some of -the virgins, and in the treatise of Cyprian from which I have quoted -there are lamentations like this: “For this reason, therefore, the -Church frequently mourns over her virgins; hence she groans at their -scandalous and detestable stories; hence the flower of her virgins is -extinguished, the honour and modesty of continency are injured, and all -its glory and dignity are profaned.” At the same time we ought to do -justice to the self-control and perseverance with which many pursued -their high ideal--for the ideal was a high one, as the purity aimed at -was not corporeal merely, but extended over the whole range of life. -“For it would be ridiculous,” says one of the virgins in Methodius, “to -preserve the lustful members pure but not the tongue, or to preserve -the tongue but neither the eyesight, the ears, nor the hands, or, -lastly, to preserve these pure but not the mind, defiling it with pride -and anger.”[162] - -Such, then, was the position of women among the early Christians. We -have said nothing of Christian legislation, for we have been treating -of a period when the legislation was carried on entirely by pagans. But -we ought to mention two facts, or two phases of one fact, which had -a great effect on the destinies of mankind, but especially of woman, -and which have found their way into modern legislation. The Roman -father had absolute power of life and of death over his children in -the primitive times of Rome. Gradually this power slackened, but he -retained to the end of heathendom the right to expose his children, -and pagan sentiment supported him in such conduct. The infants, on -their birth, might be drowned or exposed to the cold air, or starved, -or abandoned to wild beasts. In this way deformed and weakly children -were left to perish. A very large number of the children who were -thus disposed of were girls. Christianity condemned this practice -from the first as murder. It went further. It was a question with -the ancients at what time the human fœtus became a living being, -and many maintained that the soul came to it only when it was born. -Tertullian has discussed this subject fully in his ‘Treatise on the -Soul.’[163] He says: “This view [that the fœtus has no soul] is -entertained by the Stoics, along with Aenesidemus, and occasionally by -Plato himself, when he tells us that the soul, being quite a separate -formation, originating elsewhere and externally to the womb, is inhaled -when the new-born infant first draws breath.” This was the opinion -prevalent among all classes of the Pagan world, and the practice was -universal and avowed of killing the fœtus by drugs. But Christianity -took the other view, that the soul came at the earliest stage, and -maintained that it was equally sinful “to take away a life that is -born, or destroy one that is coming to birth.”[164] Accordingly the -heathen practice was forbidden by the Church. The prohibition made -its appearance at an early period in Christianity, for it occurs in -the Epistle of Barnabas,[165] written about the beginning of the -second century, and we are told that Peter says in the Apocalypse (an -apocryphal writing probably of early date) “that abortive infants shall -share the better fate: that these are committed to a guardian angel, so -that, on receiving knowledge, they may obtain the better abode, having -had the same experiences which they would have had had they been in -the body.”[166] This view of the Christians in regard to infanticide -would tend largely to increase the number of women in the world, as -infant girls were the most frequent victims of the practice. - -The ascetic tendency, on the other hand, repressed the growth of -population. It had also a deteriorating effect on posterity. The less -spiritual classes of the people, the laymen, being taught that marriage -might be licentious, and that it implied an inferior state of sanctity, -were rather inclined to neglect matrimony for more loose connexions, -and it was these persons alone that then peopled the world. It was -the survival of the unfittest. The noble men and women on the other -hand, who were dominated by the loftiest aspirations and exhibited the -greatest temperance, self-control, and virtue, left no children. During -this period there is a striking absence of home life in the history of -Christians. No son succeeds his father, no wife comforts the wearied -student, no daughter soothes the sorrow of the aged bishop. Perhaps -this absence of domestic affection, this deficiency in healthy and -vigorous offspring, this homelessness, may account in some degree for -the striking features of the next century, and especially the prevalent -hardness of heart. Then men disputed with the utmost bitterness and -ferocity about minute points of doctrine which are now incomprehensible -almost to every one, and matters of absolute indifference to this -generation, and they pronounced sentence of eternal damnation without -the slightest compunction on all who differed from them. Then treatises -were written to show why every heretic should be put to death in this -life and tortured eternally in the life to come. And there is scarcely -a champion of the faith, orthodox or heterodox, who was not accused of -fearful crimes. If a lesson is to be drawn, it surely is that, as with -individuals there is no place like home, so with a State there is no -institution like home; that a community can be great only where there -are happy, harmonious, and virtuous homes, and that homes cannot be -happy and harmonious and virtuous unless woman is accorded a worthy -place in these homes, with freedom of action, with a consciousness -of responsibility, and with the right, unfettered by circumstance or -prejudice, to develope all that is best and noblest in her to the -utmost perfection. - - - - - BOOK IV. - - SUPPLEMENTARY. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - WOMEN IN THE HOMERIC PERIOD. - - - (1) THE GENTLENESS OF THE PERIOD. - -A remarkable mildness pervades all that Homer says of women. The Greeks -were monogamous, but they were so not by law, but from affection, or -principle. Homer, accordingly, finds no fault with the polygamy which -presents itself in the palace of Priam, King of Troy. “He had fifty -sons, nineteen from the same womb, and the rest were borne to him by -women in his halls.”[167] Some of these women are spoken of as if they -were considered the wives of Priam--Laothoe,[168] for instance, and -the beautiful Castianeira,[169] though Hecabe appears as if she were -the only wife. But, in fact, there was no clear line drawn between -marriage and other associations of men with women in Homeric times. -Achilles calls Briseis his wife (ἄλοχος), though she was acquired by -the spear.[170] And Ulysses promises that he will give wives to his -slaves, Melanthius the goatherd and Eumæus the swineherd.[171] Some -have supposed that the words imply that Ulysses would make them free, -but there is no hint of this in Homer. The ordinary wife, or what in -later times might be called the legal wife, is distinguished by the -epithet κουριδίη; but there is no certainty as to the exact meaning of -this word. - -Homeric society knows nothing of a degraded class of women. There are -some instances in which what would be called concubinage occurs, but -only twice in the ‘Iliad’ does the word occur (παλλακίς) which was used -to designate this in later ages, both times in the same passage.[172] -And it occurs once in the ‘Odyssey,’[173] in a passage in which Ulysses -invents a tale about himself to prevent recognition. It is evident that -the word involved no idea of blame or reproach. - -Still more evident is this gentleness in the treatment which the -children of these women experienced. When a name is assigned them they -are called nothoi (νόθοι), but the name, whatever its meaning might be, -had, as Eustathius points out,[174] and the facts show, no depreciatory -association. The children whose mothers were not the ordinary wives -were still treated as children of the house. When Helen had no hopes -of a son, Menelaus had a son born to him from a slave,[175] and he -married this son to the daughter of Alector with great festivities. -Medesicaste is described as the daughter of Priam nothen (νόθην). She -was married to Imbros, a great warrior who lived with Priam, and that -king “honoured him equally with his sons.”[176] Pedaios was a nothos -to Antenor, “but the divine Theano reared him with great care, like to -her dear children, to please her husband.”[177] Agamemnon addresses -the Telamonian Teucros thus: “Telamonian Teucros, dear head, ruler of -peoples, strike thus if you are to become a light to the Greeks and to -your father Telamon, who reared you when you were little, and though -you were a nothos (νόθος) took care of you in his own house.”[178] -Medon the nothos (νόθος) of Oileus was a leader among the Greeks, and -brother of Ajax.[179] - -The nothoi most frequently mentioned are those of Priam.[180] All -of them occupy high positions as warriors, and one of them is the -charioteer of his brother Hector, a position which only the foremost -men could occupy. In the ‘Iliad’[181] two sons of Priam are killed, -a nothos and a gnesios (son of the acknowledged wife), both in one -chariot, the nothos being the charioteer and the gnesios the fighter. - -No mention is made in the ‘Odyssey’ of the nothoi. In the passage -already alluded to, in which Ulysses gives a false account of -himself,[182] that hero says that he was the son of a rich man in -Crete, who had many other sons reared in his house, “gnesioi from a -wife; but me a purchased mother, a pallakis, bore, but he honoured me -equally with those who were directly born.” When he died, the haughty -sons divided the livelihood among themselves, casting lots. “But they -gave me very little, and assigned me a house, and I married a wife from -among very rich people, on account of my excellence.” From this passage -we gather that kindness was shown to children born outside the ordinary -marriage, and provision was made for them. - -The gentleness of the treatment of the pallakis (παλλακίς) and the -nothoi (νόθοι) has been frequently portrayed with praise in books on -Homer. One of the last who has discussed the subject, Hruza,[183] says: -“This relatively so favourable condition of the nothos and his mother, -both socially and legally (juristisch), is wonderful enough from the -Roman and modern standpoint; but these customs of the age of Hellenic -chivalry find their image in the institutions of mediæval chivalry, in -whose sphere the birth outside of wedlock does not appear as a stain on -mother or child, as it does in the present day.”[184] - -Lasaulx[185] tries to show that the kind treatment of nothoi and -pallakis was Asiatic, but his arguments fail, though it is probable -that where polygamy prevailed such treatment would be more common. -Morillot asserts that “according to the later law contained in the -Talmud, all infants whatsoever, even those of a prostitute or an -outcast, had a right to the succession of their father. The sole -exception to this rule referred to infants born of female slaves or -strangers.” In Egypt, no one was regarded as νόθος, not even the child -of a purchased mother. No civil disadvantages attached to illegitimate -children, and the Egyptian papyri of Roman times recognize no social -distinction between the legitimate and illegitimate.[186] - -Κουριδίη ἄλοχος in all probability means the wife who belonged by -birth to the predominant and free race to which the husband also -belonged. She was κουριδίη in opposition to the stranger and slave, -who however, might have belonged to an equally free and predominant -race in their own country,[187] and who might be, as Agamemnon says of -Chryseis,[188] “not inferior to the regular wife in form or stature or -in mind and skill in works.” The word does not signify, as many of the -scholiasts influenced by later customs suggested, the lawfully wedded -wife, as there was no law, but only custom, in Homeric times. In the -same way the word nothos (νόθος) was afterwards taken to mean, and -in later Greek did mean, illegitimate and spurious. But it could not -mean illegitimate in Homeric times, for there was no law in regard to -offspring. And it is doubtful if it could be spurious, for as Hruza has -pointed out in the passage referred to, the Homeric Greeks, like some -later Greeks mentioned hereafter, were probably of opinion that the son -partook of the substance of the father and derived nothing essential -from the mother, her function in birth being conceived to be very -much that of the modern incubator. The sons were therefore always the -genuine sons of their fathers. The word γνήσιος which in later Greek -signified genuine, occurs only once in the ‘Iliad’[189] and once in the -‘Odyssey.’[190] Both passages may be later interpolations and the text -of the passage in the ‘Odyssey’ is uncertain, for the Harleian MS. of -the scholia has “born of wives” instead of “born of a wife.” It also -contains a word which occurs nowhere else in Homer, ἰθαιγενής, “born in -the straight line,” probably meaning born of a mother who belonged to -the predominant race or, as moderns would say, to the good society of -her city or country. The chance of text corruptions in this matter is -seen in a passage in the ‘Iliad’[191] where one transcriber, not being -able to understand the words καβησόθεν ἔνδον, altered them into Ἑκάβης -νόθον υἱόν: “the nothic son of Hecabe”! - - - (2) THE DARKER SIDE OF THE QUESTION. - -Some students of Homer may think that I have drawn too mild a picture -of the life and character of Homeric women. They would base their -criticism on some passages of which I have not taken note. These would -be the following:-- - -In the ‘Odyssey’ a number of women behave badly. They take the side of -the suitors, and act insolently to Ulysses on his return. Especially -the slave Melantho, to whom Penelope had been particularly kind, is -shameless and forward, and Ulysses applies to her epithets that express -strong contempt. But such cases are exceedingly few, and are well -accounted for by special circumstances. - -Then, again, a passage occurs in the twenty-fourth Book of the -‘Iliad,’[192] which has excited much discussion. Thetis the goddess -advises her son to find consolation for his distress in the arms of a -woman, and he follows her advice, and seeks out Briseis. Perhaps it -is the direct way in which the statement is made that has offended -critics (ἀγαθὸν δὲ γυναικί περ ἐν φιλότητι μίσγεσθ’), though it is -to be noticed that here, as throughout Homer, the physical enjoyment -is always blended with the notion of friendship. The passage forms a -feature in the dispute whether the last book of the ‘Iliad’ was written -by the author of most of the other books. Some condemned it because -it was unworthy of Homer. Among these was Aristarchus, the great -Alexandrian critic, who was followed by other Alexandrian critics. -But the passage seems to have the simplicity of early thought and -expression. Koechly appears to me to be right when he says in regard to -it: “It is self-evident that we must not let ourselves be deprived of -verses 130–132, which are characteristic, and required by line 675 and -following, through the prudery of the Alexandrians which occurs also -sometimes in other places, although my honoured friend Faesi appears to -approve of striking them out, more, I think, as a gymnasial director -than as a critic of Homer.”[193] Düntzer says[194] “that there is a -similar sentiment in Goethe’s ‘Hermann and Dorothea,’ and that it is -entirely in harmony with old naïve times, ‘der alten naiven Zeit.’” - -The last classes of passages that require to be adduced in this -connexion relate how the women washed the men. They are all like each -other, and so only one need be quoted. In the ‘Odyssey’[195] it is said -that “the beautiful Polycaste, youngest daughter of Nestor, son of -Neleus, washed Telemachus; and after she had washed him and anointed -him with olive oil, and cast upon him a beautiful cloak and tunic,” -&c. A similar act is attributed to Calypso.[196] A servant of Circe -bathes Ulysses “out of a great caldron, pouring the water over head -and shoulders.”[197] The δμωαί, or slaves, bathed Peisistratos and -Telemachus,[198] and the exact words used in this passage are repeated -in 8, 454; 17, 88, and similar words occur in the ‘Odyssey.’[199] -Only once is reference made to the custom in the ‘Iliad,’[200] where -it is said Hebe bathed Ares. Mr. Gladstone says the natural meaning -of the words would seem to be that the women actually poured water -over the men, and actually washed them and anointed them with oil. -But he was shocked by the idea that young maidens should perform such -acts, and some critics, both before and after him, have spoken of the -immodesty of the acts.[201] Mr. Gladstone thought that “it is almost -of itself incredible that habitually, among persons of the highest -rank and character, and without any necessity at all, such things -should take placed,[202] and as it is not credible, so neither, I -think, is it true.” And he gets rid of all difficulties by explaining -the words to mean that the maidens brought the water and oil to the -men and left them to wash and anoint themselves. Mr. Gladstone finds -support for his opinion in the ‘Odyssey,’[203] where Ulysses says: -“Nausicaa washed me in the river and gave me these clothes”; and -Ameis agrees with him. In fact, the words must mean that Nausicaa -supplied him with the means of bathing, for Ulysses plainly refers -to the narrative in the ‘Odyssey,’[204] where Nausicaa orders her -maidservants to give food and drink to the stranger, and to wash him -in the river, where there is shelter from the wind. And then it is -related how the attendant maidens brought Ulysses to a sheltered part -of the river, placed clothes beside him, gave him the moist oil in a -golden flask, and urged him to bathe in the currents of the stream. -But the circumstances of Nausicaa and Ulysses, as described in the -episode, are altogether unique. Ulysses comes entirely unawares on the -princess. She is completely disconcerted at first, and shows unusual -presence of mind in facing the strange adventure. Ulysses himself is -also embarrassed, as he shrinks from appearing nude before a beautiful -princess, disfigured as he was by the brine of the sea and by his long -wrestling with the waves. It could not be expected, therefore, that -Ulysses, in concisely narrating what had taken place, should be precise -in the exact use of words. And, therefore, though λοῦσε (bathed) may -be employed loosely in this passage in summing up what had been told -in detail in the previous book, this is no warrant for attributing the -same meaning to it in ordinary occurrences where no expansion of the -subject is made or explanation furnished. And there is one very strong -case against Mr. Gladstone’s notion. In the ‘Odyssey’[205] Helen -says: “I myself was washing him and anointing him with oil.” Emphasis -here is evidently laid on the ἐγώ. Ulysses had penetrated into the -city of the Trojans as a beggar, and no one recognized him but Helen; -but he eluded every test that she employed to make herself sure. She -therefore washed him herself, and she did this probably because she -knew that she could find absolute proof of his identity if she could -but see the scar above the knee, by which afterwards, on his return -home from Troy, Eurycleia recognized him. In all likelihood, therefore, -the natural interpretation is right, and the remark of Schneidewin -on the subject[206] is true: “Die Entblössung scheint für den Zweck -des Badens so sehr ihre Unstatthaftigkeit zu verlieren wie etwa in -der modernen Gesellschaft die Umfassung einer Dame zum Tanz.” And he -might have added that modern nurses and doctors in our own times have -no hesitation in doing what the Homeric maidens did when there is any -necessity, and no one imagines that there is any impropriety in so -doing. Certainly, whatever was the mode, there is no taint of immodesty -in the action. The Homeric maidens, princess and slave, acted with -perfect and unconscious innocence. - -I may notice here, as I am dealing with clothes, another case that -comes later--that of the Spartan girls. The testimony is very decided -that these girls wrestled with each other in a state of nudity. -The testimony itself, indeed, is not contemporaneous, though it is -good, and therefore it is possible that it may be erroneous. It is -possible, also, that the word translated “nude” may not in some of the -authorities imply absence of all clothing. Some scholars have rejected -the statements with scorn.[207] One writer has devoted a monograph -to the subject, and his conclusions are of the moderate type. “Illud -pro certo habendum esse puto non in omnibus exercitationibus virgines -prorsus fuisse nudatas neque ulla vestimenta exceptis fortasse iis, -quae ad pudenda tegenda opus essent, retinuisse. Quod quidem in una -exercitatione luctandi factum esse verisimile est. Quoniam enim -virgines luctantes more virorum, ut ait Theocritus poeta, corpora -oleo unguere solebant, fieri non potuit, quin corpora nudarent atque -etiam tunicam, vestimentum interius, exuerent.”[208] But whatever may -be the conclusions reached on this point, testimony is unanimous that -the Spartan girls were modest, and the very opposite of licentious. -“Their stripping,” says Plutarch, “had nothing disgraceful about it, -for modesty was present and incontinence absent”; and he censures -Herodotus for saying that the woman in putting off her tunic puts -off modesty, “for, on the contrary, the chaste woman puts modesty on -instead.” And this was the opinion of the conservative Greeks of the -time of Aristophanes, for they regarded the addition of clothing to -men and women, and the wrapping the limbs up in Ionic dress as a vile -innovation, tending to luxury and lasciviousness.[209] - -Bekker points out[210] that the custom of women washing men prevailed -in the middle ages, and he quotes passages in which women bathe the -men and then clothe them. He also supplies a parallel to the Spartan -girls divesting themselves of their clothes. One passage describes the -baptism of damsels by an archbishop, when it is said that the maidens -were stripped of all their clothing before all the barons, and they -were whiter than the flower of the eglantine. - -The question has not yet been finally settled whether shame in regard -to the uncovering of parts of the body is or is not a mere social -convention. It is a point which anthropologists should decide. A -curious contribution to it occurs in a recent book of travels by G. F. -Scott Elliot. “These people,” he says of the Wakavirondo,[211] “are -dressed chiefly in air, and, as one always finds in scantily clothed -native races, are peculiarly moral as compared with the decently -attired Waganda and other races. In Madagascar, West Africa, and the -Cape I have always found the same rule. Chastity varies inversely as -the amount of covering.” Mr. Henry T. Finck discusses the question -fully in his chapter on nudity and bathing, with copious illustrations -from the sentiments and practices of various countries, in his -‘Lotos-Time in Japan.’[212] But whatever the results of such inquiries -may be, they seem to me to bear only slightly on the determination of -the influence which women have exercised in past times. - - - (3) LOVE-MAKING IN HOMER’S TIME. - -There is no trace in Homer of that passionate and bewildering love -of a man for a woman which is the favourite theme of modern novels. -Buchholz, in discussing the feelings of the Homeric Greeks in regard to -sexual passion, thus describes this love: “Von der Ueberschwänglichkeit -der modernen Gefühlsschwärmerei, vermöge deren zwei Individuen -verschiedenen Geschlechts mit himmelhochjauchzendem Entzücken im -Gefühle des ewigen Füreinanderexistirens und Ineinanderaufgehens sich -berauschen und selige Wonne schlürfen, haben die homerischen Menschen -keine Idee.”[213] - -There has been much discussion as to when Greek writers began to treat -of this love. There is a full treatment of the subject in Rohde’s -‘Der Griechische Roman’ (p. 14), where he refers to the essay of -Bulwer Lytton on the influence of love and real life, and quotes his -opinion that it is in Euripides that first appears the distinction -between love as a passion and love as a sentiment. Bennecke devotes a -large portion of his chapter on ‘Women in Greek Poetry’ to show that -“there is no trace in literature of what we now understand by the word -‘love’ earlier than the end of the fourth century B.C.” “The -general consensus of opinion,” he says, “has agreed to ascribe this -great change, the greatest change, perhaps, that has ever come over -art, to the influence of two men, Euripides and Menander. My object in -writing now is to endeavour to show, firstly, that this general view -is a mistaken one, arising from an insufficient appreciation of the -true nature of the change; and, secondly, that the real originator of -the new feeling which we encounter in Alexandrian literature--in other -words, the first man who had the courage to say that a woman is worth -loving--was Antimachus of Colophon.”[214] It is evident that Bennecke’s -appreciation of modern love is widely different from that of Buchholz. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - - WOMEN IN THE GREEK PERIOD. - - - (1) ON THE CHARACTER OF SAPPHO. - -In 1816 Welcker published a pamphlet entitled ‘Sappho von einem -herrschenden Vorurtheil befreyt,’ in which he endeavoured to show that -the principal accusation against the poetess was totally unfounded. It -was republished in his ‘Kleine Schriften.’[215] He carried most of the -scholars of his own day with him. But Col. Mure renewed the accusations -in his ‘History of Greek Literature,’[216] and especially in an article -in the ‘Rheinisches Museum.’[217] Mure was much influenced by what -he had seen of society in the courts of European capitals, where, -according to him, the courtly ladies were stained with every vice. -The German scholar Kock (1862) defended the same opinions as those -of Mure. Welcker replied to both critics, but especially to Kock, in -an article in the ‘Rheinisches Museum’ (1863), which was afterwards -republished in his ‘Kleine Schriften.’[218] Since that time judgment -has generally been given in favour of Sappho, though the subject has -been noticed rather than discussed in most treatises on Sappho and her -works. Among those who have examined the subject carefully, Kublinski -and Brandt deserve special attention. Kublinski subjects to minute -criticism the notices in ancient writers regarding those historians -and critics who were the first to concern themselves with Sappho. -Some of these flourished at a very early date, and were natives of -Mytilene. They all speak of her poetry and her virtue in the highest -terms. The Mytileneans honoured her though she was a woman,[219] and -it was said that she united splendour and grace of diction with all -that was honourable.[220] Brandt in his charming book on Sappho brings -vividly before us the spirit and the life of the poetess. He refuses to -discuss the details of the accusations against her, which he describes -as the “chatter of a later, unpoetic and degenerate period,” “because -through Welcker’s excellent treatise the honour of the poetess has -been vindicated, and we are firmly convinced that the accusations -are untenable.” Then he shows how the writers of the later age were -incapable of appreciating the warmth of her friendships, her passionate -love of beauty, and her delight in all that is fair and lovely in this -lovely world. - -The vile insinuations of the later times against Sappho arose from the -misrepresentations which the writers of the new comedy made of her. She -was one of their stock characters. Kock[221] quotes one play called -‘Sappho,’ written by an ancient comic writer, and five by writers of -the new comedy. Unfortunately, the fragments are meagre in the extreme, -and do not furnish us with any idea of the contents of the plays. They -show, however, that the writers paid no regard to chronology, for one -of them represented the poets Archilochus (700 B.C.) and -Hipponax (546 B.C.) as in love with Sappho. In other plays -also, named ‘Leucadia,’ Sappho was the subject, and in one of these -Menander describes the poetess as madly in love with Phaon, and in -consequence, throwing herself from the Leucadian rock. This is no doubt -a pure invention, and it is likely that all the late stories about -Sappho owed their origin to the unbridled and loose imaginations of -the comic poets. Some of these stories are embodied in a Latin letter -from Sappho to Phaon. This letter has been attributed to Ovid, and -appears in the modern editions of the ‘Heroides.’ But its genuineness -has been rejected by many scholars. It does not appear in the best MSS. -of the ‘Heroides.’ It imagines Sappho to be furiously in love with -Phaon, and in her passion she throws away all sense of self-respect -and decency. But it does not support the contentions of Col. Mure and -Kock. The two scholars who have lately defended the ascription of it to -Ovid[222] insist that the verses of the letter which give a colour to -the accusations have been wrongly interpreted, and that on the contrary -they imply that she was entirely innocent. - - - (2) ASPASIA. - -Schmidt believes these statements, and attributes the making of -Pericles and Socrates to Aspasia. Similar opinions are expressed -by Filleul, who will not allow that she was a courtesan. And Lloyd -is equally emphatic on her merits. Only one voice, as far as I -know, has been raised against her, that of Ulrich von Wilamowitz in -his ‘Aristoteles und Athen.’ In a note in vol. ii. p. 99, he uses -extraordinary language in regard to Aspasia, calling her a prostitute, -and strangely describing the ideas about her salon, and about her being -in a kind of way the wife of Pericles, as the invention of German -romantic Philhellenism. He is equally contemptuous towards Phidias, -whom he describes as a low mechanic, and Pericles, who he asserts had -no friends, guests, or concubines after he separated from his wife. In -a later production[223] he employs less coarse language, and tries to -defend the historical position which he assumes. But it seems to me -that a complete answer to his assumption is to be found by anticipation -in Müller, ‘Attisches Bürgerrecht.’[224] Meyer and Bruns have discussed -his opinions on this subject adversely. - - - (3) PORTRAITS OF SAPPHO AND ASPASIA. - -There is, as is usual in matters connected with art, no end of -differences of opinion. The two principal monographs on the portraits -of Sappho are those of Jahn and Comparetti. Comparetti remarks on the -image of Sappho on the Girgenti vase, “Sappho is here anything but -small in stature; she is as tall as Alcæus.” But both writers are -inclined to regard the figures as ideal. Even if they, however, should -be ideal, they represent the notions of the poetess prevalent at the -time of their production. There is much discussion about the coins. -Those of them which have the name stamped on them belong to the period -of the empire. Some have supposed that the head on an early Lesbian -electrum and another on an autonomous bronze of Mytilene are those of -Sappho, but Wroth, who has gone into the subject carefully, agrees with -Furtwängler that the head is probably that of Aphrodite. Furtwängler -thinks that the bust assigned to Aspasia is also really that of a -goddess.[225] - - - (4) RIGHT OF INTERMARRIAGE--ἐπιγαμία. - -The corruptions in the text of Lysias as quoted by Dionysius, are well -seen in the recent edition of Dionysius’s minor works by Usener and -Radermacher.[226] The words also may mean only “We were for granting -the right of intermarriage with the Eubœans.” It is the imperfect that -is used, and the context suggests this meaning of the imperfect. - -No mention is made of ἐπιγαμία with the Eubœans elsewhere. One might -have expected notice of it in some decree, but the decrees referring -to the Eubœans are of such a nature that the existence of an epigamic -agreement is rendered doubtful.[227] From the extract from Lysias, -Philippi[228] infers that the ἐπιγαμία was given to the Eubœans -without citizenship. Otto Müller, also on the strength of the same -extract, believes that there was ἐπιγαμία granted by the Athenians to -the Eubœans[229] not only before 404, but before the failure of the -Sicilian expedition, but he does not argue the question. - - - (5) ATHENIAN CITIZENSHIP. - -Doubts have been raised[230] as to whether Pericles was the author of -this law, because a supposed Solonian law decreed that he only should -be a citizen who was the child both of a citizen and of a citizeness, -and it is maintained that Pericles merely insisted on the observance of -the law. But Aristotle[231] says distinctly that it was on the motion -of Pericles that the Athenians resolved that no one should partake of -citizenship unless both his parents were citizens. He further states -that the law was passed on account of the great number of citizens (451 -B.C.). In c. 42, in describing the constitution of Athens -as it existed at the time of the composition of the book, Aristotle -says that they partake of the citizenship who are born of parents -both of them citizens. Aristotle nowhere mentions that there was any -suspension or alteration of this law from 451 B.C. to his own -time. Müller thinks that there was an alteration, and no doubt the -aristocratic party would be inclined to abrogate it. But probably they -thought it sufficient to treat the law as obsolete when it suited them, -and then it was renewed in 403 by Aristophon or Nicomenes.[232] - -The importance of this law of Pericles in the history of women cannot -well be overestimated. It practically led to the distinction which is -expressed in the Oration against Neæra, attributed to Demosthenes. “For -we,” it says, “have the Companions (Hetairae) for the sake of pleasure, -the concubines for the daily care of the body, and the wives that -genuine children may be born to us, and that we may have a trustworthy -guardian of our household property.”[233] At the time no moral stain -was attached either to Hetairae or to the concubines. Their position -was one that could not but arise out of their destiny and the law of -Pericles. But these two classes were not treated with the same respect -as the women who were citizens. The Romans adopted the same law as that -of Pericles. They did not encourage concubines, and the Companions were -for the most part degraded women or slaves. The Church subsequently -followed the practice of the Romans, the restrictions on marriage, -however, leading to the frequency of concubinage among the clergy. But -what had formerly been regarded as the result of inevitable destiny was -now deemed proof of a depraved disposition. - -The law also produced distinctions in the male population. They were -divided into two classes--citizens to whom many privileges were -assigned--and outcasts who had no rights nor privileges. This was a -great change from the Homeric times. The subsequent history of the two -classes of men is curious and suggestive, but this is not the place -to deal with it. Morillot in his treatise on the subject exclaims, -“Strange circumstance! It is nearly always on the person of the infants -that the law strikes those who transgress its ordinances.” This is -true of the Christian era; but at first the law looked solely to the -interests of the citizens who made it, and did not suggest culpability -on the part of those who were not citizens. - - - (6) DATE OF ‘ECCLESIAZUSÆ.’ - -The date of the comedy is clearly ascertained within two years. The -date of the ‘Republic’ cannot be so definitely ascertained. Accordingly -there have always been writers who have maintained that Aristophanes -held up to ridicule the communistic ideas of Plato expressed in the -‘Republic.’ In recent times Chiappelli[234] has advocated this opinion, -and Rogers, in his edition of the ‘Ecclesiazusæ,’[235] supports it by -appealing to the exact resemblances in the words used by both. But -Platonic scholars have generally held strongly that the ‘Republic’ -is considerably later than the play. The date of the play must be -somewhere between 390 and 393. But Stallbaum, in his ‘Prolegomena to -the Republic,’[236] adduces what seem to me convincing arguments that -that work could not have been published before 385 B.C. Lutoslawski, -in his ‘Origin and Growth of Plato’s Logic,’[237] maintains that all -the parts of the ‘Republic’ except the first book were written after -the ‘Phædo,’ which he places between 384 and 383 B.C., and that they -occupied Plato for about six years up to nearly his fiftieth year. He -and others have remarked that the coincidences between Aristophanes -and Plato are slight and that the comedy does not really deal with the -special proposals of the philosopher. The ideas in the comedy are too -general. - -The date of the comedy is discussed fully in Kaehler’s ‘De Aristophanis -Ecclesiazuson tempore et choro Quæstiones Epicriticæ.’ Jenæ, 1889, -which gives the literature and history of the discussion. He holds -that there is no connexion between the play and the ‘Republic.’ Prof. -Ritchie[238] says of the ‘Republic,’ “Probably written at various times -between 387 and 368 B.C.”[239] - - - (7) THE WOMEN OF PLAUTUS. - -Perhaps we can best see the representations of the Greek new -comedy[240] in the plays of Plautus, for no complete Greek comedy of -this class has come down to us. Terence no doubt transferred more -literally from these plays, but his selections do not bring us so -closely into contact with the life of the period. It is difficult, -however, in Plautus to know whether his pictures refer to Greek or to -Roman life--for he unquestionably introduced many allusions to the -habits of his Roman audience. - -Most of the women that appear in the pages of Plautus belong to the -slave class. Often, when the Greeks took a city, they razed it to -the ground, killed nearly all the men, and carried off the women to -be slaves in lands far away from their own homes. These women had to -submit to the greatest cruelties and indignities. Plautus borrows -his scenes from Greek plays--and accordingly most of his women have -become slaves in this way. There can be no doubt, however, that the -Romans trafficked in female slaves as well as the Greeks--and thus -the picture of the female slaves in the one nation will hold good -for the other. When superior officers made these women captive they -generally kept them in their own houses; but as such slaves brought a -large sum, there were men who made a livelihood by stealing them away. -These sold them to persons whose occupation was again to sell them to -the rich inhabitants of the cities, sometimes lending them only for a -year, and sometimes giving them up for life. The laws regulated the -conveyance, if I may so speak, of these women-slaves, and one of the -plays turns upon a scoundrel of a slave pretending to be an Eastern, -and coming to the slave-dealer’s house with the daughter of another -man, a parasite, and selling her at an enormous loss, but without a -legal form. The parasite goes at once to the slave-dealer and claims -back his illegally sold daughter. These slave-women were employed in -various ways. Sometimes they were kept as household servants, sometimes -as nurses; but most frequently they were used at banquets to dance -before the festive gentlemen, and to sing, play the lyre, and amuse -them with witty sayings. They were often, therefore, highly cultivated, -conjoining the accomplishments of our most expert acrobat with those -of an opera singer and an educated lady. Some of them descend to the -lowest degree of coarseness in Plautus; while a few are exceedingly -sweet, modest, and gentle. - -The women of the plays of Plautus are naturally divisible into two -classes: those who were free, and those who were or had been slaves. -It is important to keep in mind that this distinction reached far into -all the social relations. The slave-girl, however nobly descended she -might be, could not marry a free citizen. The free man could only -marry the daughter of a free fellow-citizen. In consequence of this -the choice of a wife was narrowly restricted, and a large class of -women were necessarily thrown out beyond the social pale. The women -who could marry were closely confined. They grew up in the recesses -of the women’s quarter of the house. They had seldom opportunities of -seeing any one but their most intimate relatives. They rarely gazed -upon the general public except when they marched in some religious -procession and took part in religious festivals. Their higher education -was neglected, and for the most part their society was despised. Their -marriages were arranged by the fathers. They had no voice in the matter -themselves, and frequently the main question was as to the dowry which -they could bring to their future husbands. In these circumstances -we could not expect to see marriageable young girls in the Plautine -plays. They did not appear in public or mingle in society. Only one -is to be found acting a part in the plays of Plautus, and that, too, -in extraordinary circumstances. Her father is the parasite in the -‘Persa.’ This wretch is ready to do anything for the sake of a good -dinner, and his daughter is a small matter if placed in competition -with that. So he compels her to play the part of slave-girl. She -objects very strongly. She sees that it is not a proper act for her. -She sees also that it will damage her prospects of marriage. But the -authority of a father was paramount. He commands and she must obey, and -obeys gently and meekly. Mention is made of other marriageable girls. -In the ‘Trinummus,’ the good youth Lysiteles seeks the hand of the -sister of Lesbonicus the spendthrift. His father, Philto, undertakes -to see Lesbonicus on the subject, and an interesting dialogue ensues. -Lesbonicus cannot believe that Philto is in earnest in asking a -portionless daughter, and when at last he is convinced that Philto -is not making a fool of him, he states that he will part with the -only remaining little property he has in order to give some dowry to -his sister. It would be such a disgrace to him, if she were to bring -nothing to the family stock. Another marriageable girl appears in the -‘Aulularia.’ Her father, the miser Euclio, is very glad to get her off -his hands without dowry, and the man who wishes to marry her prefers to -have an undowried wife. His reasons for this preference are notable. -Megadorus, the suitor, is rich. He has lived with his widowed sister -for some time, but she thinks that he ought now to marry. She is not, -however, very favourable in her account of women. “We are,” she says, -“deservedly regarded as very garrulous, and people strongly affirm -that not a single silent woman has been found in any age up to this -day.” She further informs him that there is no chance of his getting -a good wife: he can merely have a selection out of bad: “alia alia -pejor, frater, est.” However, she ends with recommending one whom she -knows and deems suitable in age and circumstances. He does not accept -her proposal, but says that he wishes to marry the daughter of Euclio, -and he is very glad that she is so poor. The dowried wives have become -wildly extravagant and insolent, and if the rich were to do as he -intends, that is, marry undowried wives, there would be more concord in -the state; the women would pride themselves more on their manners than -their dowry, they would have less reason to fear punishment than they -now have, and the husbands would have less expense. In one word, “the -undowried wife is in the power of her husband, the dowried one tortures -and ruins him.” In the course of this discussion Megadorus expatiates -on the extravagances of the women of his day. “They must have purple -and gold given them, maidservants, mules, mule-drivers, attendants, -salutation boys, and carriages.” And then he gives a list of the -various artisans who wait upon the matrons. Here it is in the Latin, -for an exact translation would require a dissertation:[241]-- - - “Stat fullo phrugio aurifex linarius - Caupones patagiarii indusiarii, - Flammarii violarii cararii, - Propolæ linteones calceolarii, - Sedentarii sutores diabathrarii-- - Solearii astant, astant molocinarii, - Petunt fullones, sarcinatores petunt, - Iam hosce absolutos censeas: cedunt petunt - Trecenti: circumstant phulacistæ in atriis, - Textores linbularii, arcularii: - Aut aliqua mala crux semper est quæ aliquid petat.” - -The extravagance of the women is rather a favourite subject of attack -with Plautus. Adelphasium, in a beautiful passage in the ‘Pœnulus,’ -describes how the whole day is frittered away in bathing, polishing, -painting, and such operations, and in ‘Epidicus’ we have an -enumeration of the vast variety of dresses which they wore. It may be -questioned how far these descriptions were taken from the Greek, and -how far they are applicable to Roman women. Wagner supposes that the -passage in the ‘Aulularia’ refers to Roman women, and bases on it an -argument for the date of the play. It is scarcely possible to imagine -that Plautus would have introduced such passages if they did not tell, -but it would be difficult to fix the date of the commencement of -extravagance among the Roman ladies. All we can affirm with certainty -is that there must have been extravagance in some shape or other, -and it is interesting to note how, at this early stage of it, it had -already begun to frighten men from marriage. Here are the reasonings of -a bachelor, somewhat compressed from ‘Miles Gloriosus’:[242]-- - - “_Pe._ By Hercules, it is a splendid thing to be a - bachelor. If a good wife were to be got anywhere in the world, - that would alter the case; but where am I to find such an one? - And do you think, am I to bring to my house a woman who will - never say to me, ‘Buy a nice warm coat for yourself, to keep the - cold away this winter,’ but, on the contrary, who will awake - me out of sleep before the cocks crow, and say to me, ‘Now, - dear, give me some money to make a present with to my mother on - the calends of March; or give me some money to buy stuff for - making sweetmeats; give me some money to give to the witch and - the dream interpreter,’ &c.? Then I don’t need children. I have - plenty of relatives. I live as I like--no one to interfere with - me--and when I die I shall leave my possessions to my friends; - they know that, and take good care of me. They come and see - what I am doing and what I wish. Before daybreak they are at - my door, asking how I slept in the night. They sacrifice, and - then send the best part to me. They invite me to breakfast and - dinner, to all their feasts, and they all vie with each other in - sending me gifts. Of course I know why--but what matters that? - They nurse me and bestow gifts on me.” - -The wives, then, in Plautus, are not represented in the most amiable -colours. The old men stand in most awful dread of their old girls, -as they called them. Dæmones, for instance, is afraid to look at -Palæstra and Ampelisca, lest his wife fly upon him. Menæchmus gives a -most vivid picture of the prying propensities of his wife. And some -of them have wonderful command of abusive language, and rate their -husbands in no measured terms. They even play most insolent tricks -on them, as in the ‘Casina.’ But bad as some of these wives may have -been with their extravagance and their tongues, they are not accused -of unfaithfulness. The Romans and Greeks agreed with the French in -making the fathers select the wives for their sons, but they differed -from them in having divorce procurable on comparatively easy terms. -And this circumstance makes a wide difference in the plots of their -respective dramas. The plot of such a piece as ‘La petite Mariée’ would -be as utterly repulsive to a Roman audience as to an English. There -is not one instance throughout the twenty plays of Plautus in which -the virtue of a married woman is assailed. We might except, from a -modern and an early Christian point of view,[243] Jove’s amour with -Alcmena, but in the Roman opinion Alcmena and her husband were honoured -by this marked token of a god’s favour. There is one instance in which -the man himself, the braggart soldier, supposes that he has committed -the crime. He is led to believe that a courtezan is really a married -woman and that she is dreadfully in love with him, and he yields to the -deception. He is severely punished for it in the end, and acknowledges -that he has well merited what he has received. - -The absence of freedom before marriage is not, however, without its -evil consequences. The young men had generally got attached to some -handsome slaves before they married, and the old men seemed very much -inclined to renew their youthful recollections by pranks of a similar -nature. This is the cause of the most serious quarrels between husband -and wife. In one passage the unfairness of the position of husband -and wife in this respect is set forth, though not by a wife, but by a -slave:-- - - “By Castor, wives live on hard terms, and much more unfair--poor - wretches that they are--than their husbands. For if the husband - has his courtezan without the knowledge of his wife, and she - comes to know, he gets off scot-free; but if the wife go but to - the outside without the knowledge of her husband, the husband - has a case made for him, and she is divorced. Would that there - were the same law for husband as for wife! For a good wife is - content with one husband, why should not a husband be content - with one wife?”[244] - -When the wife thinks that she is badly used, she generally sends -for her father. She expects him either to effect a reconciliation, -or procure the return of her dowry and a divorce. In some cases, as -in that of Menæchmus, the father takes the side of the husband and -counsels submission. - -Though there are some bad wives, there are also some very good. -Foremost among these is Alcmena in the ‘Amphitruo.’ She is a true, -loving, faithful wife. She greets her supposed husband on his return -from war with the kindliest welcome. She is never impure even in any -single thought, but is simply chaste throughout, even in scenes which -might have tempted the poet to pander to his rough audience. She is -astonished and amazed at the suspicions of her real husband, but no -consideration will make her confess to a crime which she has not -committed. She always retains the dignity of stainless purity. But if -jealousy is to rule his soul, she is willing to part from him, and asks -her dowry:-- - - “Valeas: tibi habeas res tuas, reddas meas. - Juben’ mihi comites? - - “_Jup._ Sanan’ es? - - “_Al._ Si non jubes, - Sinito: Pudicitiam egomet comitem duxero.” - -When at length her husband confesses that he was wrong, she is ready -at once to receive him back into her affection, and restore him -all the old love. The resemblance between her character and some -of the circumstances of her life and those of Desdemona has struck -some critics, and is worth examination. Both Molière and Dryden have -imitated the ‘Amphitruo’ of Plautus, but there cannot be a doubt that -the play of the Roman is the purest of the three and that of the -Englishman the most impure, and that the character of Alcmena is not -improved by Molière, if not deteriorated, and is certainly made worse -by the handling of Dryden. There is another wife in Plautus whose -character is very beautiful, so far as we have a glimpse of it. In the -opening scenes of the ‘Stichus,’ there are two married sisters, bearing -the names of Panegyris and Pinacium in the old editions, but those of -Philumena and Pamphila in the Ambrosian palimpsest. Their husbands have -been a considerable time away from them, and their father thinks that -they might now come under his protection, and marry again according to -a liberty allowed by law in the case of absconding husbands. Pamphila -(Pinacium) has strong affection for her husband, and refuses. She thus -urges her sister to continue faithful:-- - - “It is reasonable, in my opinion, that all wise people should - attend to and do their duty. Wherefore, I, though I am younger - than you, warn you to remember your duty; and if our husbands - should be wicked, and should act otherwise than is right, so - much the more, by Pollux, does it become us to remember to do - our duty with might and main.”[245] - -She is resolved also to be firm towards her father, but at the -same time, as she has a true affection for him and respect for his -authority, she will not have recourse to any other means than earnest -entreaty. Unfortunately Pamphila disappears from the play after the -introductory scenes, or if she appeared again, that portion of the play -has been lost. - -There is one other free woman who deserves special notice--the -priestess of the Temple of Venus in the ‘Rudens.’ Priestesses, as -Benoist has remarked, had much more liberty of movement than ordinary -matrons, and could appear in public on many occasions on which the -others could not. When Palæstra and Ampelisca flee to her temple for -refuge, she is astonished to find that they have not come in white -garments, and with victims, as visitors to a temple should; but no -sooner does she learn the real state of the case than she remembers -mercy, and not sacrifice, and gives them a hearty welcome. With all the -power she possesses she will defend and help them. - - “I don’t think,” says Ampelisca, in regard to her, “that I ever - saw any old woman more deserving the blessing of gods and men. - How tenderly, frankly, honourably, and ungrudgingly did she take - us to herself--trembling, needy, wet, shipwrecked, and fainting - creatures that we were; not otherwise than if we were her own - daughters. How she tucks up her dress and herself warms the - water that we may bathe.”[246] - -A truly Christian woman, and not merely, as Benoist makes her, “Fere -Christiana et Christianis sensibus animata.” - -The second class of women were practically outcasts from society, and -they knew it, and acted accordingly. Some might take to spinning and -other feminine occupations; but a large number were either definitely -set apart by the slave-dealers for the pleasure of men, or applied -themselves to the trade as the easiest means of livelihood. Very -frequently they strove to attain their liberty, and through their -influence with their lovers they often succeeded. But they could not -marry, and therefore continued to live the life in which they had been -trained, or dealt in slave-girls. The whole mode of life of such women -could not but brutalize them. And some of the characters which Plautus -gives us exhibit the lowest coarseness and utter and irredeemable -selfishness. They looked upon men as their victims. Men are the sheep -that they have to fleece. The courtezan woman who would dream of being -faithful to one man is a fool. She must have money. As soon as a man -is ruined he must be turned out of doors; and the next rich idiot -that comes must be fleeced in a similar manner. Such sentiments are -common to the whole class; but there are shades of differences in the -characters. Some are absolutely mercenary. They have no heart, and know -and allow that they have none. They are fond of coarse language. They -are strongly addicted to wine; and they have almost no interest in -anybody. Others, on the contrary, are fond of one man above another, -so long as he has money. They are cultivated and witty. They know -how to dress well, and have studied all the arts that can attract. -They can give nice little dinner-parties; they take an interest in -their serving-maids; they have kindly feelings towards those who have -brought them up. But there is still, in Plautus’s portraiture of them, -a radical hardness of heart. They are selfish to the backbone, fond of -dress, and inclined to wine, and will probably end like the others in -becoming free, drunken, and traffickers in young slave-girls.[247] - -There is one curious and notable series of exceptions to this -degradation. The Greeks viewed these outcasts from society with a very -friendly eye. They recognized the fact that it was their destiny that -had put them into the difficult circumstances with which they had to -struggle. And when these women happened to have great powers of mind, -or were particularly pleasing, the Greeks chose them as companions -for life, and if they could not make them their wives, they treated -them as such, and were very kind to them. Thus Pericles lived with -Aspasia, and Sophocles with the mother of the father of his favourite -grandson. But in Plautus there is not one instance of such a connexion. -There are, however, three or four beautiful characters among the -slave-girls--Selenium, Planesium, Adelphasium, and Palæstra. They are -modest and kindly. They wish to live with one man. Like the Mirah of -‘Daniel Deronda,’ they move about in bad society, and are exposed to -every temptation, but by a miraculous providence they remain pure. -M. Benoist, probably touched by compassion, thinks that Palæstra is -the most lovely of these characters. We are inclined to give the palm -to Adelphasium in the ‘Pœnulus,’--though perhaps she is somewhat -prim--because we can judge her better, since the play affords more -scope for the development of her character. All these girls are found -in the end to be freeborn. They have been exposed or stolen in early -childhood. Marks of identification go with them in their wanderings. -And at last the happy father recognizes his long-lost child, and the -lover is delighted with the thought that he can marry. - -These, then, were the girls with whom the young Greeks and the young -Romans had to fall in love, and fall in love they did. But this love -was rarely anything else than a mad, headstrong, and even bestial -passion. Rarely could the Romans have come in contact with such women -that they could realize the fine remark of Steele, “To have loved her -was a liberal education.” And indeed the Romans seem to have looked -on love as one of those fits which come upon a man once or twice in -his life, and which, like too much wine, made him stagger and reel -for a time, and then left him in his older years a more sedate and -indifferent person. Some such love intrigue occurs in almost every -play of Plautus. There are three plays in which no female character -appears--the ‘Captivi,’ the ‘Pseudolus,’ and the ‘Trinummus’; but -even into two of these love is introduced. In the second the whole -play is concerned with the acquisition of a courtezan girl, and in -the ‘Trinummus’ Lesbonicus has lost his property through love, and -Lysiteles has one or two long speeches on the ruin that attends the -lover. - -Several writers have adduced many passages from Plautus to show that he -did not think it a wrong thing for a young, or even for an old man, on -a rare occasion, to have intrigues with these courtezans.[248] The fact -cannot be denied. But it is also true that Plautus uniformly represents -the residences of these women as the jaws of ruin. The ‘Truculentus’ is -throughout a powerful representation of the utter selfishness of the -class. The young man Diniarchus wastes his means on them, is ruined, -and receives no pity from them. And the upright pedagogue, Lydus, in -the ‘Bacchides,’ describes the house of the courtezans in language -which might have suggested to Dante his inscription over the portals -of hell. “Unbar and throw open quickly this gate of hell (Orcus), I -beseech you, for I deem it no other, for no one comes here but he whom -all hopes have abandoned of being virtuous.”[249] - -We may take a glance at the mode in which love-making went on in those -days. Gaston Boissier thinks that Plautus is peculiarly happy in -his portrayal of a lover’s feelings. He appeals to a passage in the -‘Curculio’ where Phædromus, a young man, thus addresses the door of his -sweetheart’s house:[250]-- - - “Pessuli, heus pessuli, vos saluto lubens, - Vos amo, vos volo, vos peto atque opsecro, - Gerite amanti mihi morem amœnissumi; - Fite caussa mea ludii barbari, - Sussulite, opsecro, et mittite istinc foras, - Quæ mihi misero amanti exbibit sanguinem, - Hoc vide ut dormiunt pessuli pessumi - Nec mea gratia conmovent se ocius.” - -Or the language of Diniarchus when Phronesium appears:[251]-- - - “Ver vide - Ut tota floret, ut olet, ut nitide nitet.” - -He affirms that such passages justify the opinion of Ælius Stilo that -if the muses wished to speak Latin, they would have used the language -of Plautus. - -I shall quote two of the passages in which Plautus exhibits -love-making. The one is from the ‘Asinaria’ (664), and gives the -epithets which women used towards men. - -A slave, Leonidas, has contrived to get possession of a sum of money -which a slave-girl requires, in order that she may be permitted to have -interviews with his young master. The slave is conscious of his power -over the girl, and wishes to tease her by keeping the money from her -for some time. So she says to him:-- - - “Give me the money, my dear little eye, my rose, my soul, my - delight: do not, I entreat you, separate us lovers. - - “_Leon._ Come now, just call me your little sparrow, your - chick, your quail, your lambkin, your little kid, or your little - calf. Just seize me by the dear little ears, and put dear little - lips to dear little lips.” - -And so the slave goes on bantering her. The last expression I may -explain by the way. It refers to a curious mode of kissing practised -by Greeks and Romans. When a person wished to give a good hearty kiss -to one very dearly beloved, he seized her by the ears and performed -the operation with more comfort and heartiness. Another slave, partner -with Leonidas, afterwards asks her to call him by some other sweet -names. The girl addresses him, “My Libanus, my golden little eye, the -gift and glory of love, if you please, I’ll do what you wish: only do -give me the money.” “Just then,” he says, “call me your duckling, your -dove, your puppy, your swallow, your jackdaw, your little sparrow, your -little boy.” Such were the endearing epithets which the young women -addressed to the young men. Now for those addressed to the young women -by the young men. In the scene I am to adduce, a young man has asked -his slave to try to gain for him the affections of a slave-girl of -whom he is enamoured. The slave sets to work at once. The young man -Agorastocles asks Milphio the slave,[252] - - “Why is this girl angry with me? - - “_Mil._ Why is this girl angry with you? Why should I care - about that? That is your look-out. - - “_Ag._ By Hercules, you may drown yourself if you don’t - make her as tranquil as the sea used to be when the halcyon led - forth its young ones on it. - - “_Mil._ What am I to do? - - “_Ag._ Entreat her, butter her, stroke her. - - “_Mil._ I will do it carefully. Only take you care that you - don’t afterwards heckle with your fists the man here who now - acts as your ambassador. - - “_Ag._ I won’t.” - -The girl here says, addressing Agorastocles:-- - - “Let us go now. Are you still hesitating? You make big promises; - but nothing ever comes of them. You have sworn to free me, not - once, but a hundred times: alas, I am still a slave.” - -The bashful lover utters the sad ejaculation:-- - - “It’s all up with me--eho!” - -And then, bethinking him of his ambassador and spokesman, he says to -Milphio:-- - - “What are you about, Milphio?” - -Milphio begins the attack thus:-- - - “My delight, my darling, my life, my pleasure, my little eye, my - little lip, my health, my kiss, my honey, my heart, my sweet new - milk, my nice little soft cheese.” - -Agorastocles can’t stand this, and he can’t help speaking to himself:-- - - “Am I to endure these things being said in my presence? I am - tortured, if I don’t order him off to the hangman.” - -Milphio goes on:-- - - “Do not, I beseech you, be angry with my master. If I don’t--now - I see you are angry--I am sure he will make you free. - - “_The Girl._ Why won’t you let me go? What do you mean? - - “_Mil._ If my master has formerly played false with you, - ever after this he will be true to you. - - “_The Girl._ Get away with you. - - “_Mil._ I’ll go; but only on one condition: just let me - entreat you, let me seize you by the ears, let me give you a - kiss. By Hercules, I shall make him lament, if I don’t make - you merciful. And I fear he will thrash me soundly, that will - he, unless I win you to him. I know the bad habits of the - cross-tempered fellow. Wherefore, my delight, I do beg you, be - prevailed on.” - -Agorastocles turns to Milphio in a rage:-- - - “I am not worth a farthing if I don’t kick that rascal’s eyes - and teeth out. Hem! there is a pleasure for you [gives him a - blow]! there’s honey! there’s a heart for you! there’s a little - lip for you! there’s health for you! there is a kiss! - - “_Mil._ Oh, master; you are committing sacrilege in beating - your ambassador. - - “_Ag._ There’s some more for you then [lays into him]. I’ll - give you also your little eye, and your little lip, and your - tongue to the bargain. - - “_Mil._ What in the world are you going to do? - - “_Ag._ Did I not order you to entreat her? - - “_Mil._ How then should I do it? - - “_Ag._ Why, you scoundrel, you should have said, ‘The - delight of this man, I entreat you, his honey, his heart, his - little lip, his tongue, his kiss, his sweet new milk, his - pleasant health, his merriness, his sweet little cheese,’ you - whip-dog; ‘his heart, his desire, his kiss,’ you whip-dog. All - that you said were yours you should have called mine.” - -Milphio acts at once on his instructions, and addresses the -slave-girl:-- - - “By Hercules, I beseech you, his pleasure and my hatred, his - most dearly beloved friend, my enemy and ill-wisher--his eye, my - blear eye, his honey, my vinegar. Don’t be angry with him; or if - that can’t be----” - -The girl stops him and says:-- - - “Take a rope and hang yourself with your master and - fellow-slaves. - - “_Mil._ It is no go. I’ll have to live on gruel, and now - bear a back streaked like an oyster, with marks of the lash, all - on account of your love.” - -And so poor Milphio gives love-making up as a bad job. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - - WOMEN IN THE ROMAN PERIOD. - - - (1) WOMEN IN ASIA MINOR. - -The information about these women comes out in the inscriptions which -have been collected in the various towns and provinces of Asia Minor. -M. P. Paris has brought together the facts that can be obtained from -these inscriptions in his thesis “Quatenus feminæ res publicas in Asia -Minore, Romanis imperantibus, attigerint, Parisiis, 1891.” M. Paris -is inclined to think that the magistracies during the Imperial times -had no important duties assigned to them except those of religion, -and that therefore women could well perform them. If there were civil -duties, he thinks that they were not asked to discharge these. He is -guided much in this opinion by his sense of what it becomes a woman -to do, but in the end of his thesis he has to acknowledge that women -did take part in political and civil matters, though these were not -becoming to them. He allows that at least one woman did discharge all -the duties of a magistrate. The inscription recording the fact is -as follows: “The senate and people honoured Aurelia Harmasta, also -called Tertia, the daughter of Medon and chaste wife of Artemas, of -the highest birth, who acted as priestess of Hera the Queen, and as -demiourgos, and as chief priest, and did all that was usual in such -occasions. Aur. Arteimianus Dileitrianus Arteimas, her husband, erected -the statue.”[253] The demiourgos was one of the chief magistrates. - -M. Paris draws special attention to these inscriptions which he himself -and M. Radet discovered at Sillyium, in which a woman of the name of -Menodora is praised. The first inscription begins: “The senate and -people honoured her as a priestess of all the gods and a hierophantis -for life and a decaprote, also as demiourgos and gymnasiarch.” Then the -inscription details the extraordinary gifts which she bestowed on her -native city, including a large sum for the maintenance of children. The -other two inscriptions are of a similar nature. - -M. Paris can find no other explanation of the activity of woman in -Asia than in the altered and decaying state of affairs in that country -during the Roman Empire. But it is remarkable that the matriarchate -existed in Lycia longer than in most places.[254] - - - (2) THE SPEECH OF AUGUSTUS ON MARRIAGE. - -The opinions expressed in the speech of Augustus were to be found in a -series of works on marriage, which appeared from the time of Zeno to -that of Libanius. They all agreed that it was the duty of every citizen -to marry, and they assigned nearly the same reasons as those adduced -by Augustus. A slight exception is made by Theophrastus, who came to -the conclusion that the philosopher ought not to marry, on account of -the entanglements and distractions which marriage generally brought -along with it. As most of the philosophers who wrote on the subject of -marriage were Stoics, Praechter supposes that at the earliest period -of Stoicism marriage became a topic of regular discussion, and so the -commonplaces of the school were handed down from one to the other. -Bock, on the other hand, thinks that the initiative is due to Aristotle. - -Clemens Alexandrinus made use of the Stoic materials, and especially -of the works of Musonius, but he differed from the Stoics in thinking -that men were not bound to marry: marriage was lawful and beneficial, -but not obligatory. He agreed with Zeno,[255] Musonius, Plutarch, and -other writers in the opinion that women ought to receive the same kind -of education as men, due regard being paid to the peculiar physical -constitution of women.[256] - -Praechter gives a list of the various writers who have discussed -marriage.[257] - - - (3) MEDICAL WOMEN. - -Women from an early date tried to cure diseases, and in Homer special -mention is made of Hecamede who mixed potions. Frequent notice is taken -in post-Homeric times of midwives and their art, and doubtless some -women applied themselves to a complete study of medicine, practised the -art whenever they had opportunity, and contributed to the advancement -of medical science. Mélanie Lipinska has written an interesting account -of these women. A story in the work bearing the name of Hyginus (Hygini -Fabulæ),[258] written probably in the reign of Augustus, with later -interpolations, proves that in the time of its production it was -believed that women had practised in Greece. The fable states that -Chiron the Centaur first founded the art of the surgeon from herbs, -Apollo first introduced the cure of the eyes, and Asclepius discovered -clinical medicine. The ancients, it goes on to say, had no midwives, -in consequence of which women, through modesty, perished, for the -Athenians had decreed that no slave or woman should learn the art of -medicine. A girl of the name of Agnodice longed to learn this art, and -cutting off her hair, and putting on the dress of a man, she went to a -person named Hierophilus, and learned from him the art. After making -this acquisition she happened to hear a woman crying out in the pangs -of labour, and she went up to her. The woman refused her proffered aid, -because she thought that Agnodice was a man--but Agnodice at once gave -clear proof of her sex, and was allowed to cure her. Somehow the women -of Athens came to know of this, and Agnodice was constantly called -in. The doctors were furious at her success, for of course the women -refused them admission, and they accused her before the Areopagus of -corrupting her patients; Agnodice would have been condemned, had she -not taken off her male garments before the judges and proved her sex. -But the doctors were only the more infuriated. Whereupon the chief -women of Athens went to the court and said, “You are not husbands -but enemies, for you condemn her who has saved our lives.” Then the -Athenians amended their law, making it legal for freeborn women to -learn the art of medicine. - - - (4) WOMEN IN EGYPT. - -In a complete survey of the influence of women in ancient times notice -would have to be taken of a remarkable set of women who appeared in -Macedonia, Epirus, and especially in Egypt from about 333 B.C. -to the beginning of the Christian era. These women took a prominent -part in public affairs. Some of them led armies and fought personally -on the battle-field. They entered into alliances, carried on endless -intrigues, and wielded much power. But they were all members of royal -families, wives or daughters of kings, and often styled queens. Justin -says in regard to one reign that the government was carried on in the -name of the son, but it was the mother that exercised the sway. In -Egypt there was a continuous effort on the part of the women of the -royal family to mingle in public affairs. And finally they succeeded -in obtaining the mastery. The most famous of them, Cleopatra the -VIIth, though governing nominally along with her brother, was the -supreme ruler, and possessing all the rights of an absolute ruler, as -Strack says, held in her hand for many years the Sceptre of Egypt, and -directed the rudder of the Ship of State according to her own good -pleasure. - -But the public influence of these women was not shared by those who did -not belong to the royal families. And the history of their lives is -gathered from imperfect notices and from historians who have no claim -to implicit confidence. - -Helbig was among the first to draw attention to this subject. Rohde -enlarged his notices with critical insight; the details are to be -found scattered in Droysen, Mahaffy, and Strack. An excellent account -of the position of women in Ptolemaic Egypt is given by Miss Rachel -Evelyn White in her article in the ‘Journal of Hellenic Studies.’[259] -Mahaffy supplies a fair idea of the nature and difficulty of the -subject in his remarks on Cleopatra:[260] “We shall have more to say -of the younger Cleopatra, this queen’s sister, who spent her life in -Egypt. When modern people wonder at the daring of the last of the -series, who has been embalmed in the prose of Plutarch and the verse -of Shakespeare, they seldom know or reflect that she was but the last -of a long series of princesses, probably beautiful and accomplished, -certainly daring and unscrupulous, living every day of their lives -in the passions of love, hate, jealousy, ambition, wielding the -dominion over men or dying in the attempt. But, alas! except in the -dull and lifeless effigies on coins, we have no portraits of these -terrible persons, no anecdotes of their tamer moments, no means of -distinguishing one Cleopatra from the rest, amid the catalogue of -parricides, incests, exiles, bereavements!” - -The papyri recently discovered throw much new light on the position -of women in Egypt, but some difficult questions will not be settled -until further discoveries of papyri are made. Especially perplexing is -it to settle what is purely Egyptian and what changes were introduced -by Greek and Roman usages. Some points, however, are quite clear. It -is certain, for instance, that it was usual for brother and sister -to marry, and the arrangement was deemed particularly suitable when -inheritance of property was concerned. The marriage of the sister to -the brother smoothed the way to satisfactory settlements. It is also on -all hands allowed that the rights of women are protected and the wife -holds an advantageous position in the marriage contracts which have -come down to us. “A predominance,” says Ruggiero, “of the man over the -woman, a suggestion of such an idea in its earliest stage, any hint, in -fine, of marital authority is entirely wanting.”[261] - -There were two kinds of marriages, the ἄγραφος γάμος and the ἔγγραφος -γάμος, the marriage without a full written contract and the marriage -with a full written contract. The first seems like a Scotch marriage, -where the parties agree to marry and to live with each other, but do -not make complete stipulations as to property and children. With regard -to this form the information is deficient and the opinions of scholars -are divided in regard to some details of it. - -The ἔγγραφος γάμος implied a fully drawn-out contract of marriage. -Express mention is made of the dowry and the means of supporting the -wife and the conditions of a dissolution of the marriage in regard to -property and often in regard to children. The early Egyptians do not -seem to have made wills, and they embodied the substance of what would -have been their wills in their marriage contracts. - -Marriage was a matter of purely civil contract. Each party entered -on the marriage without any constraint, and each party could cancel -the contract and thereby the marriage. In the strict sense of the -word there could be no divorce. No legal judgment was required for -cancelling the marriage contracts. It is a remarkable circumstance -that in all the documents cancelling the marriage contracts which have -come down to us no mention is made of the reason which led to the -annulling of the contract. Only once it is suggested that “some evil -daimon” may be at the bottom of it.[262] The arrangements in cancelling -marriage contracts are strongly in favour of the wife. Nietzold, after -describing in detail the conditions laid down in such documents, says: -“According to all these arrangements the wife takes a very favourable -position. She has by the separation absolutely nothing to lose, even -when she is the guilty party.” - -The reader may form a good idea of what was involved in a regular -marriage from a marriage contract which, with Dr. Grenfell’s -permission, I subjoin. It is a contract (92 B.C.) belonging to -the period of the Ptolemies, when Greek influence was strong, but at -the same time it well represents generally the contents of all Egyptian -contracts. It appears in the ‘Tebtunis Papyri,’ Part 1., p. 452. - -“The 22nd year, Mecheir 11. Philiscus son of Apollonius, a Persian -of the Epigone, acknowledges to Apollonia, also called Kellauthis, -daughter of Heraclides, Persian, with her guardian, her brother -Apollonius, that he has received from her in copper money 2 talents -4,000 drachmae, the amount of the dowry for Apollonia agreed upon with -him.... The keeper of the contract is Dionysius.” - -“In the 22nd year of the reign of Ptolemy, also called Alexander, the -god Philometor, in the priesthood of the priest of Alexander, and the -rest as written in Alexandria, the 11th of the month Xandicus, which -is the 11th of Mecheir, at Kerkeosiris in the division of Polemon of -the Arsinoite nome. Philiscus, son of Apollonius, Persian, of the -Epigone, acknowledges to Apollonia, also called Kellauthis, daughter of -Heraclides, Persian, with her guardian, her brother Apollonius, that -he has received from her in copper money 2 talents 4,000 drachmae, -the dowry for Apollonia agreed upon with him. Apollonia shall remain -with Philiscus, obeying him as a wife should her husband, owning their -property in common with him. Philiscus shall supply to Apollonia all -necessaries and clothing, and whatever is proper for a wedded wife, -whether he is at home or abroad, so far as their property shall admit. -It shall not be lawful for Philiscus to bring in any other wife but -Apollonia, nor to keep a concubine or lover, nor to beget children by -another woman in Apollonia’s lifetime, nor to live in another house -over which Apollonia is not mistress, nor to eject, or insult, or -ill-treat her, nor to alienate any of their property to Apollonia’s -disadvantage. If he is shown to be doing any of these things, or does -not supply her with necessaries and clothing, and the rest, as has -been said, Philiscus shall forfeit forthwith to Apollonia the dowry -of 2 talents 4,000 drachmae of copper. In the same way it shall not -be lawful for Apollonia to spend the night or day away from the house -of Philiscus without Philiscus’ consent, or to have intercourse with -another man, or to ruin the common household, or to bring shame upon -Philiscus in anything that causes a husband shame. If Apollonia wishes -of her own will to separate from Philiscus, Philiscus shall repay her -the bare dowry within ten days from the day it is demanded back. If -he does not repay it as has been stated, he shall forthwith forfeit -the dowry he has received increased by one half. The witnesses are -Dionysius son of Patron, Dionysius son of Hermaiscus, Theon son of -Ptolemaeus, Didymus son of Ptolemaeus, Dionysius son of Dionysius, -Heracleus son of Diodes, all six Macedonians of the Epigone; the keeper -of the contract is Dionysius. (Signed) I, Philiscus, son of Apollonius, -Persian of the Epigone, acknowledge the receipt of the dowry, the 2 -talents 4,000 drachmae of copper, as above written, and I will act -with regard to the dowry as ... I, Dionysius, son of Hermaiscus, the -aforesaid, wrote for him as he was illiterate. I, Dionysius, have -received the contract, being valid. Registered the 22nd year, Mecheir -11.” - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - - WOMEN IN THE ANTE-NICENE PERIOD. - - - (1) INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY ON WOMEN. - -One of the most recent utterances on this point occurs in Bishop -Wordsworth’s book ‘The Ministry of Grace.’ He says,[263] “Of all -the revolutions introduced by Christianity into the social life of -mankind the new position given to women has been, perhaps, the most -remarkable and the most fruitful in results.” Zscharnack, who has -written by far the most thorough book on the subject, speaks with much -more caution.[264] “In the first place,” he says, “it cannot be proved -that to Christianity alone is due the honour of the emancipation of -women and the realization of the true conception of marriage; rather -had Greece as well as the social relations in Rome prepared the way in -this matter, as in the question of the emancipation of slaves, to no -inconsiderable degree. And second, it ought not to be overlooked that -this socalled (Christian) appreciation of marriage did not at all -succeed in putting aside the ancient immediately and everywhere.” - - - (2) CALLISTUS. - -The bishop referred to is Callistus, who was bishop of Rome from 218 -to 223. Hippolytus, in his ‘Refutation of all Heresies,’ denounces him -as an unmitigated scoundrel. Among other accusations he reproaches him -with his opinions and conduct in regard to marriages.[265] “This man,” -he says, “issued a decree that, if a bishop was guilty of any sin, if -even a sin unto death, he ought not to be deposed. In his time bishops, -priests, and deacons, who had been twice married and thrice married, -began to be appointed to their orders. If, also, any one who is among -the clergy should marry, he decreed that such an one should continue -among the clergy as a person who had not sinned.” - -Further on, he continues: “And the hearers of Callistus being delighted -with his decrees (doctrines), continue deluding themselves and many -besides, crowds of whom flock together in his place of teaching. -Therefore their numbers increase, they boasting of their multitude, -on account of the pleasures which were not permitted by Christ, whom -despising they do not put restraint on any sin, alleging that they -pardon those who are pleased with his (Callistus’s) opinions. For he -even permitted women _of high rank_, if they were unmarried and -_burned with passion through their time of life, and if they were not -disposed to lose their own rank through a legal marriage, to have_ -one man whom they might choose as a bedfellow, whether a slave or free, -and to deem him in place of a husband, though she had not been married -to him legally. Whence women, reputed believers, began to resort to -drugs for producing sterility, and to gird themselves round so as to -expel what was being conceived on account of their not wishing to have -a child either by a slave or by a mean fellow, on account of their -family connexions and their excessive wealth. Behold into how great -impiety that lawless person has proceeded, teaching adultery and murder -at the same time, and withal, after such audacious acts, they, lost to -all shame, attempt to call themselves a Catholic Church.” - -The printed part in italics is based on an amended text. The text -adopted is that proposed by Abbé de Hir and approved by de Rossi. It -embodies the emendations of several critics and contains the fewest -changes. But though the text is corrupt, there can be no doubt of the -general sense. Callistus claimed for women the privilege which was -accorded to men. Senators were not allowed to form a legal marriage -with freedwomen, but they might have them as concubines. Callistus -allowed a similar liberty to women of senatorial families. These women -could not marry a freeman who was an actor or whose father or mother -had been actors, nor could they marry a freedman, and no Roman could -marry a slave. If they went through any form of marriage with such -persons, the marriage was null and void. But Callistus declared that -a permanent union of a senatorial woman with a man of the humbler -class or with a slave was a real marriage, notwithstanding the law. -Probably he extended the permission more widely, and declared that any -permanent union between one Christian and another was a real marriage. -He might reason that a marriage between two people who were citizens -of heaven was as valid as a marriage between two citizens of Rome, -and if it was carried out with the sanction of the bishop and the -church it mattered not whether it was according to Roman law or not. -And thus a senator might marry a freedwoman or a slave, though the -law regarded such marriages as null and void. It is not unlikely that -the _lex de maritandis ordinibus_, while forbidding senators to -marry freedwomen, laid down no special directions in regard to the -marriage of daughters of senators.[266] But when some of these became -Christian, they would find it difficult to marry in their own rank, -and, adopting the Christian ideas of brotherhood and the equality of -all men in the sight of God would ally themselves with the forbidden -classes. If any of them formed a union with a converted actor or with -the converted son of an actor or with a slave, her conduct would -excite the utmost indignation among the aristocratic classes. Some -such incidents may have induced Marcus Aurelius to take the matter -up--for the legislation prohibiting the daughters, granddaughters, and -great-granddaughters of a senator from marrying a freedman occurred -first in a speech of that emperor which was followed by a decree of the -senate.[267] - -The statements of Hippolytus in regard to the motives of senatorial -women for marrying actors or freedmen or slave may be regarded as mere -calumnies. The senatorial women could legally marry men of equestrian -or plebeian rank, but they and their children took the rank of the -husband, and they were subject to the contracts involved in the -marriage. But if they married an actor, freedman, or slave, it was -no legal marriage, there was no contract and no loss of rank or of -property. Such marriages had their disadvantages. The children were -illegitimate and the husband might at any time refuse to acknowledge -his wife. Besides this, if the woman did not lose her rank legally, no -doubt she would be repudiated by all her aristocratic friends. There -was, therefore, no great temptation to enter on such marriages. - -Allard[268] maintains, as a good Catholic, that Pope Callistus, in -issuing such decrees, and declaring such unions legitimate before -God, proclaimed loudly the distinction between the civil law and the -religious law, and the independence of Christian marriage. But though -it is likely that many Christians in the earlier period of Christianity -agreed with the opinions of Callistus, yet there is nowhere any -definite statement of this, and Callistus stands unique in the matter -in the first three centuries. The passages which have been adduced by -Allard prove nothing. In the Epistle to Polycarp,[269] attributed to -Ignatius, occur the words, “It becometh men and women who marry to -make their union with the consent of the bishop, that the marriage may -be according to the Lord, and not according to lust.” But here, and -in all other passages adduced, there is nothing said of the nature of -the marriage. Certainly Hippolytus speaks in the strongest language -against Callistus, and it is likely that Callistus is the person -attacked by Tertullian in his ‘De Pœnitentia.’ Allard is forced to -allow that the legislation of the Christian emperors did not follow the -suggestions of Callistus. The laws may be read in Bingham’s chapter -on the impediments of marriage in his ‘Antiquities of the Christian -Church.’[270] - -Though Hippolytus is very severe on Callistus, he speaks of Marcia, -the concubine of Commodus, as “a God-loving concubine.”[271] He states -that Callistus was a slave, and if this were the case the bishop’s own -experiences would be a strong stimulus to his action.[272] - - - - - BIBLIOGRAPHY. - - -This is not a bibliography in the strict sense of the term. It does -not aim at completeness. It is a list of the works specially relating -to the subject of the book which have been used during its composition -and revisal, and it includes only those treatises in which some -contribution is made towards the elucidation of important points. I -have omitted a considerable number of programmes which seem to me in -no way to advance our knowledge. I have also omitted a large number of -text-books, and of books such as Becker’s ‘Charicles,’ and ‘Gallus,’ -and ‘The Life of the Greeks and Romans,’ by Guhl and Koner. - -There is a large number of books that deal with the history of woman -in general, such as those of Alexander and Lord Kames. I have placed -Mr. Lecky’s book in my list because it mentions most of the works of -this class. There are also numerous books treating of the history -of marriage. Mr. Howard’s able and comprehensive work has a full -bibliography on this subject. Those who are interested in Sappho will -find a list of books in Wharton’s edition, though, of course, he does -not include the latest collections of the Greek lyric poets, such as -those of Farnell and Smith. The revelations made in the papyri of Egypt -well deserve the attention of scholars. An enumeration of the marriage -contracts contained in the papyri is to be found in ‘Nietzold,’ p. 26. -Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt have admirably discussed the questions that -arise out of the matrimonial documents. The tables of contents and the -indexes in their edition of the papyri make them accessible to the -scholar without trouble. - - Achelis, N.--Virgines subintroductae. Ein Beitrag zum VII - Kapitel des I. Korintherbriefs.--8vo, Leipzig, Hinrichs 1902. - - Aristophanes.--Specimen literarium inaugurale de Aristophane - Euripidis Censore, quod annuente summo numine, ex auctoritate - Joh. Henr. Scholten, publico ac solemni examini submittet - Johannes van Leeuwen....--8vo, Amstelaedami, Spin, 1876. - - Armellini, T.--De prisca refutatione Haereseon Origenis nomine - ac philosophumenon titulo recens vulgata Commentarius.--8vo, - Romae, 1862. - - Bachofen, J. J.--Das Mutterrecht. 2 te Aufl.--4to, Basel, - Schwabe, 1897. - - Backer, Louis de.--Le droit de la femme dans l’antiquite; Son - devoir au moyen age.--12mo, Paris, Claudin, 1880. - - Bader, Mlle. Clarisse.--La femme Grecque. Étude de la vie - antique, 2me éd., 2 tom.--12mo, Paris, Didier, 1873. - - Bader, Mlle. Clarisse.--La femme Romaine. Étude de la vie - antique.--8vo, Paris, Didier, 1877. - - Bartsch, Dr. Robert.--Die Rechtsstellung der Frau als Gattin und - Mutter.--8vo, Leipzig, Veit, 1903. - - Becq de Fouquières, L.--Aspasie de Milet. Étude historique et - morale.--12mo, Paris, Didier, 1872. - - Bekker, Immanuel.--Homerische Blätter, 2 Bde.--8vo, Bonn, - Marcus, 1863–72. - - Benecke, E. F. M.--Antimachus of Colophon and the position of - women in Greek poetry.--12mo, London, Sonnenschein, 1896. - - Bennecke, Hans.--Die strafrechtliche Lehre vom Ehebruch in - ihrer historisch-dogmatischen Entwickelung. Abth. I. Das - römische, canonische und das deutsche Recht bis zur Mitte des 15 - Jahrhunderts.--8vo, Marburg, Elwert, 1884. - - Benoist, L. E.--De personis muliebribus apud Plautum.--8vo, - Massilia, Barile, 1862. - - Blaze de Bury, Henri.--Les femmes et la société au temps - d’Auguste.--12mo, Paris, Didier, 1876. - - Blume, Ludwig.--Das Ideal des Helden und des Weibes bei Homer, - mit Rücksicht auf das deutsche Alterthum.--8vo, Hölder, Wien, - 1874. - - Bock, Felix.--Aristoteles Theophrastus Seneca de - matrimonio.--8vo, Lipsiae, Hirschfeld, 1898. - - Bonwetsch, G. Nathanael.--Die Geschichte des Montanismus.--8vo, - Erlangen, Deichert, 1881. - - Böttiger, C. A.--Sabina; oder, Morgenszenen im Putzzimmer einer - reichen Römerin.--2 th., 12mo, Leipzig, Göschen, 1806. - - Brandt, P.--Sappho. Ein Lebensbild aus den Frühlingstagen - altgriechischer Dichtung.--Leipzig, Rothbarth, 1905. - - Brinkmann, Wilhelm.--Die Bedeutung der Frau für die sittlichen - Aufgaben der Familie.--8vo, Berlin, Hertz, 1892. - - Brohm, Rudolphus.--De jure virginum vestalium.--12mo, Thoruni, - Grunauer, 1835. - - Brouwer, P. van Limburg.--Histoire de le civilisation morale - et religieuse des Grecs, tom. 4. Part 2, Depuis le retour des - Héraclides jusqu’à la domination des Romains, tom. 2.--8vo, - Groningue, Bockeren, 1838. - - Bruns, Ivo.--Frauenemancipation in Athen, Ein Beitrag zur - attischen Kulturgeschichte des 5 u. 4 Jahrhunderts.--8vo, - Kiliae, Schmidt, 1900. - - Buchholz, E.--Die Homerischen Realien, in 6 parts, Zweiter - Band, Zweite Abtheilung, Das Privatleben der Griechen im - heroischen Zeitalter, Auf Grundlage der Homerischen Dichtungen - dargestellt.--8vo, Leipzig, Engelmann, 1883. - - Buermann, H.--Drei Studien auf dem Gebiet des attischen - Rechts.--8vo, Leipzig, Teubner, 1878. - - Bunsen, Christian C. J.--Hippolytus and his age; or, the - beginnings and prospects of Christianity.--2nd ed., 2 vols. 8vo, - London, Longmans, 1854. - - Caillemer, E.--Le droit de succession légitime à Athènes.--8vo, - Paris, Thorin, 1879. - - Caspari, Otto.--Das Problem über die Ehe!--12mo, Frankfurt, - Sauerländer, 1899. - - Chasles, Philarète.--L’antiquité.--12mo, Paris, Charpentier, - 1876. - - Ciccotti, Ettore. Donne e politica negli ultimi anni della - repubblica romana. Un saggio.--8vo, Milano, 1895. - - Comparetti, Domenico.--Saffo, nelle antiche rappresentanze - vascolari.--4to, Estratto dal Museo italiano di antichita - classica. (Vol. 2, Punt. 1^a a. 1886.) - - Cornwallis, Caroline F.--Selections from her letters. Also some - unpublished poems, &c.--8vo, London, Trübner, 1864. - - Cruice, M. l’Abbé.--Études sur de nouveaux documents - historiques.--8vo, Paris, Perisse, 1853. - - Decker, Friedrich.--Über die Stellung der hellenischen Frauen - bei Homer.--Square 8vo, Magdeburg, Friese, 1883. - - De Vries, Scato.--Epistula Sapphus ad Phaonem.--8vo, Doesburgh, - Lugd.-Bat., 1885. - - Dobschütz, Ernst von.--Die urchristlichen Gemeinden, - Sittengeschichtliche Bilder. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1902. - - Döllinger, J.--Hippolytus und Kallistus; oder, Die römische - Kirche in der ersten Hälfte des dritten Jahrhunderts.--8vo, - Regensburg, Manz, 1853. - - Drerup, Engelbert.--Über die bei den attischen Rednern - eingelegten Urkunden.--8vo, Leipzig, Teubner, 1898. - - Droysen, Joh. Gust. Geschichte des Hellenismus, 2te Aufl., 3 - th.--Gotha, Perthes, 1877–78. - - Drumann, Wilhelm.--Geschichte Roms in seinem Uebergange von der - republikanischen zur monarchischen Verfassung. 6 thle.--8vo, - Königsberg, Bornträger, 1834–44. - - Elliot, G. F. Scott, M.A.--A naturalist in Mid-Africa. Being - an Account of a journey to the Mountains of the Moon and - Tanganyika.--8vo, London, 1896. - - Es, A. H. G. P. van den.--Die jure familiarum apud Athenienses, - libri tres.--8vo, Lugduni Batavorum, Brill, 1864. - - Feithius, Everhardus.--Antiquitatum Homericarum, libri 4. Editio - nova.--16mo, Argentorati, Steinius, 1743. - - Fêtes et courtisanes de la Grèce. Supplement aux voyages - d’Anacharsis et d’Antenor ... 4me éd., tom. 1.--8vo, Paris, 1821. - - Ficker, Dr. Gustav, &c.--Eltern-Abende.--8vo, Wien, Deuticke, - 1903. - - Finck, H. T.--Lotos-time in Japan, 2nd ed.--8vo, London, - Laurence & Bullen, 1896. - - Forbiger, Dr. Albert.--Hellas und Rom. Populäre Darstellung des - öffentlichen u. häuslichen Lebens der Griechen u. Römer.--2 bde. - 8vo, Leipzig, Reisland, 1876. - - Foucart, P.--Les grands mystères d’Éleusis: - Personnel--Cérémonies.--4to, Paris, Klincksieck, 1900. - - Friedlaender, Ludwig.--Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte - Roms in der Zeit von August bis zum Ausgang der Antonine, 5te - Aufl.--Th. 1, 8vo, Leipzig, Hirzel, 1881. - - Friedreich.--Realien in Iliade und Odyssee. S. 196 ff. - - Furtwängler, Adolf.--Masterpieces of Greek sculpture. A - series of essays on the history of art. Ed. by Eugénie - Sellers.--London, Fol., 1895. - - Gage, Matilda Joslyn--Woman, Church, and State. A historical - account of the status of woman through the Christian ages, 2nd - ed.--8vo, New York, Truth Seeker Co., 1899. - - Geffcken, Dr. Heinrich.--Zur Geschichte der Ehescheidung vor - Gratian.--8vo, Leipzig, Veit, 1894. - - Geppert, C. E.--Ueber den Ursprung der Homerischen Gesänge.--2 - th. 8vo, Weigel, Leipzig, 1840. - - Gide, Paul.--Étude sur la condition privée de la femme - dans le droit ancien et moderne et en particulier sur le - sénatus-consulte velléien ... 2me éd. par A. Esmein.--8vo, - Paris, Larose et Forcel, 1885. - - Glotz, Gustave.--La solidarité de la famille dans le droit - criminel en Grèce.--8vo, Paris, Fontemoing, 1904. - - Grasberger, Lorenz.--Die Ephebenbildung; oder, Die musische - und militärische Ausbildung der griechischen und römischen - Jünglinge.--8vo, Würzburg, Stahel, 1881. - - Grupen, Christian Ulric.--Tractatio de uxore Romana.--12mo, - Hanoverae, Foerster, 1727. - - Harnack, A.--Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christenthums in - den ersten drei Jahrhunderten.--8vo, Leipzig, 1902, 1st ed.; - translated by Moffat, 2 vols. 8vo, London, 1904–5. - - Heineccius, Jo. Gottlieb.--Ad legem Juliam et Papiam Poppæam - commentarius.--16mo, Venetiis, 1741. - - Helbig.--Die sittlichen Zustände des griech. Heldenalters, S. 73 - ff.--8vo, Leipzig, Beyer, 1839. - - Henne am Rhyn, Otto.--Die Frau in der Kulturgeschichte.--8vo, - Berlin, Verein f. deutsche Litt., 1892. - - Hermann, Karl Friedrich.--Lehrbuch der griechischen - Privatalterthümer mit Einschluss der Rechtsalterthümer, 2te - Aufl.... von Dr. Karl Bernhard Stark.--8vo, Mohr, Heidelberg, - 1870; 3te Auflage von Hugo Blümner, 8vo, Freiburg I.B. und - Tübingen, Mohr, 1882. - - Hermannus, Ioannes J. H.--De virginum vestalium jure deprecandi - pro reis.--8vo, Lipsiae, 1762. - - Hir.--Abbé de Hir on Callistus in Études religieuses, - historiques et littéraires par des Pères de la Compagnie de - Jesus, 3 Series for the year 1865, Octobre, Novembre.--Paris. - - Hirmer, Joseph.--Entstehung u. Komposition der platonischen - Politeia.--8vo, Leipzig, Teubner, 1897. - - Hogg, Rev. J.--An essay on the benefits conferred by - Christianity on the condition of women....--8vo, London, - Hatchard, 1816. - - Howard, George Elliott, Ph.D.--A history of matrimonial - institutions.... Vol. I.--8vo, Chicago, 1904. - - Hruza, Ernst.--Die Ehebegründung nach attischem Rechte.--8vo, - Erlangen u. Leipzig, Deichert, 1892. - - Hruza, Ernst.--Polygamie und Pellikat nach griechischem - Rechte.--8vo, Erlangen u. Leipzig, Deichert, 1894. - - Jacob, P. L.--Les courtisanes de l’ancienne Rome.--12mo, - Bruxelles, Brancart, 1884. - - Jacobs, Friedrich.--Vermischte Schriften, IV. Theil, - Abhandlungen über Gegenstände des Alterthums.--12mo, Leipzig, - Dyk, 1830. - - Jacoby, Felix.--Das Marmor Parium.--8vo, Berlin, Weidmann, 1904. - - Jahn, Otto.--Ueber Darstellungen griechischer Dichter auf - Vasenbildern, Aus. Abhandl. d. K. S. Ges. d. Wiss. Bd. 8.--4to, - Leipzig, 1865. - - Jörs, Paul.--Die Ehegesetze des Augustus.--8vo, Marburg, Elwert, - 1894. - - Jurenka, H.--Zur Klärung der Sappho-Frage, Wiener - Studien.--Wien, 1897. - - Kaehler, Fridericus.--De Aristophanis Ecclesiazuson tempore et - choro quaestiones epicriticae.--8vo, Jena, 1889. - - Kahn, Franz.--Zur Geschichte des römischen Frauen--Erbrechts, - Eine von der Juristen--Facultät Leipzig, gekrönte - Preisschrift.--8vo, Leipzig, Breitkopf u. Härtel, 1884. - - Karlowa, Otto.--Die Formen der römischen Ehe und Manus.--8vo, - Bonn, Cohen, 1868. - - Keller, Albert Galloway.--Homeric Society, a sociological study - of the Iliad and Odyssey.--8vo, London, Longmans, 1902. - - Kiesling, Johannes Rudolphus.--De stabili primitivae ecclesiae - ope litterarum communicatoriarum connubio.--8vo, Lipsiae, Takkii. - - Klugmann, N.--Vergleichende Studien zur Stellung der Frau im - Altertum, Bd. 1, Die Frau im Talmud.--8vo, Wien, 1898. - - Kock, Theodor.--Alkäos und Sappho.--8vo, Berlin, Weidmann, 1862. - - Koechly, Hermann.--Ueber Sappho, mit Rücksicht auf die - gesellschaftliche Stellung der Frauen bei den Griechen, - Akademische Vorträge und Reden I., S. 153–217.--8vo, Zürich, - Meyer u. Zeller, 1859. - - Kreise, Dr. Johann Heinrich.--Plotina, oder, Die Kostüme des - Kaupthaares bei den Volkern der alten Welt.--8vo, Leipzig, Dyk, - 1858. - - Kublinski, J.--De Sapphus vita et poesi Progr.--Premisliae, 1897. - - Laboulaye, Édouard.--Recherches sur la condition civile - et politique des femmes, depuis les Romains jusqu’à nos - jours.--8vo, Paris, Durand, 1843. - - Lacombe, Paul.--La famille dans la société romaine, Étude de - moralité comparée.--8vo, Paris, Lecrosnier et Babé, 1889. - - Lasaulx, E. v.--Zur Geschichte und Philosophie der Ehe bei - den Griechen, in den Abh. der Bayr. Akad. f. 1852, Phil. Cl. - Bd. VII., Abth. 1, S. 21 ff. and in Studien des Classischen - Alterthums p. 374.--4to, Regensburg, Manz, 1854. - - Lecky, William Edward Hartpole, M.A.--History of European - Morals, from Augustus to Charlemagne, 2 vols.--8vo, London, 1869. - - Lefevre, Maurice.--La femme à travers l’histoire.--8vo, Paris, - Fontemoing, 1902. - - Legouvé, Ernest.--Histoire morale des femmes, 6ème éd.--12mo, - Paris, Didier, 1874. - - Lenz, Carl Gotthold.--Geschichte der Weiber im heroischen - Zeitalter.--12mo, Hannover. Helwing, 1790. - - Letourneau.--La condition de la femme dans les diverses races et - civilisations.--8vo, Paris, 1903. - - Lévy, Louis-Germain.--La famille dans l’antiquité - israélite.--Paris, Alcan, 1905. - - Lewy, Henricus.--De Civili condicione mulierum Graecarum.--8vo, - Vratislaviae, Grassus, Barthius et Soc., 1885. - - Lilie, Dr.--De hominum vita et moribus quales sint apud - Homerum.--4to, Breslau, Grass, 1841. - - Lipinska, Mélanie.--Histoire des femmes médecins depuis - l’antiquité jusqu’à nos jours.--Paris, Jacques & Cie, 1900. - - Lipsius, Justus.--De vesta et vestalibus Syntagma.--8vo, - Antuerpiæ, Moret, 1603. - - Luňák, Joannes.--Quaestiones Sapphicae. Accedit corollarium - criticum atque exegeticum ad ovidianam Sapphus epistulam.--8vo, - Kazaniae, 1888. - - Lytton, Edward Bulwer, Lord.--Miscellaneous Prose Works, 3 vols. - Vol. II. p. 341. The influence of love upon literature and real - life.--London, Bentley, 1868. - - McCabe, Joseph.--The religion of woman. An historical - study.--8vo, London, Watts, 1905. - - Mackintosh, John.--The history of civilization in Scotland. Vol. - I.--8vo, London, Nimmo, 1878. - - Mähly, J. A.--Die Frauen des griechischen Alterthums.--8vo, - Basel, Mast, 1853. - - Mahaffy, J. P.--Social Life in Greece, from Homer to - Menander.--London, Macmillan, 1874. - - Mahaffy, J. P.--The Empire of the Ptolemies.--London and New - York, Macmillan, 1895. - - Martin, Louis-Auguste.--Histoire de la femme. Sa condition, - politique, civile, morale et religieuse.--12mo, Paris, Didier, - 1862. - - Matthias, Dr.--Zur Stellung der griechischen Frau in der - klassischen Zeit.--Square 8vo, Zittau, Böhme, 1893. - - Mercklin, Ludovicus.--De Corneliae vita, moribus, et epistolis - commentatio.--12mo, Dorpati, Laakmann, 1844. - - Meyer, Eduard.--Forschungen zur alten Geschichte. Bd. 1. Zur - älteren griechischen Geschichte. Bd. 2. Zur Geschichte des - fünften Jahrhunderts v. Chr.--8vo, Halle a. S., Niemeyer, - 1892–99. - - Meyer, L.--De virginum exercitationibus gymnicis apud - veteres.--Square 8vo, Clausthal, Pieper, 1872. - - Meyer, Paul.--Der römische Konkubinat nach den Rechtsquellen und - den Inschriften.--8vo, Leipzig, Teubner, 1895. - - Michaelis, Adolf.--Thamyris und Sappho, auf einem - Vasenbilde.--4to, Leipzig, Breitkopf u. Härtel, 1865. - - Mispoulet, J. B.--Études d’institutions romaines.--8vo, Paris, - Durand et Pedone-Lauriel, 1887. - - Mitteis, Dr. Ludwig.--Reichsrecht und Volksrecht in den - östlichen Provinzen des römischen Kaiserreichs.--8vo, Leipzig, - Teubner, 1891. - - Moestl, Franz Xaver.--Frauenleben im alten Rom. Sammlung - gemeinnütziger Vorträge, No. 115.--8vo, Prag, Haase, 1886. - - Moll, Henricus Marinus de Bruyn de Neve.--Disputatio literaria - de peregrinorum apud Athenienses conditione.--8vo, Dordraci, Van - Houtrijve et Bredius, 1839. - - Mommsen, August.--Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum, geordnet - nach attischem Kalender.--8vo, Leipzig, Teubner, 1898. - - Montifaud, M. A.--Die Courtisanen des Alterthums, 3 Aufl.--8vo, - Budapest, Grimm, 1902. - - Morillot, Léon.--De la condition des enfants nés hors mariage - dans l’antiquité et au moyen âge en Europe.--8vo, Paris, Durand, - 1866. - - Müller, Carl O.--Minervae Poliadis sacra et aedes in arce - Athenarum.--Sq. 8vo, Gottingae, Römer, 1820. - - Müller, Friedrich Hieronymus.--Ueber das Familienleben der - homerischen Zeit.--Sq. 8vo, Zeitz, Webel, 1866. - - Müller, Otto.--Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des attischen - Bürger-und Eherechts.--8vo, Leipzig, Teubner, 1899. - - Mure, William.--A critical history of the language and - literature of ancient Greece.--5 vols. 8vo, London, Longm., - 1850–57. - - Musonius.--C. Musonii Rufi reliquiae et apophthegmata. Cum - adnotatione edidit J. Venhuizen Peerlkamp.--8vo, Harlemi, - Loosjes, 1822. - - Musonius.--C. Musonii Rufi reliquiae. Edidit O. Hense.--12mo, - Lipsiae, Teubner, 1905. - - Nägelsbach, Carl Friedrich von.--Homerische Theologie, zweite - Auflage, bearbeitet von Georg Autenrieth, p. 250.--8vo, - Nürnberg, Geiger, 1861. - - Nägelsbach, Carl Friedrich von.--Die nachhomerische Theologie - des griechischen Volksglaubens.--8vo, Nürnberg, Geiger, 1857. - - Navarre, Octavius.--Utrum mulieres Athenienses scaenicos ludos - spectaverint necne. Thesim....--4to, Tolosae, 1900. - - Neumann, Karl Johannes.--Der römische Staat und die allgemeine - Kirche bis auf Diocletian. Bd. 1.--8vo, Leipzig, Veit, 1890. - - Neumann, Karl Johannes.--Hippolytus von Rom in seiner Stellung - zu Staat und Welt. Abt. 1.--8vo, Leipzig, Veit, 1902. - - Nietzold, Johannes.--Die Ehe in Ägypten.--8vo, Leipzig, Veit, - 1903. - - Notor, G.--La femme dans l’antiquité grecque. Texte et - dessins.--Fol., Paris, Laurens, 1901. - - Pantazides, Ch. G.--Τὰ περὶ γυναικὸς παρὰ Πλάτωνι - φιλοσοφούμενα--Freiburg, Diss. - - Paulides, Joachim.--Σαπφὼ ἡ Μυτιληναία--8vo, Leipzig, Drugulin, - 1885. - - Paris, Petrus.--Quatenus feminae res publicas in Asia Minore, - Romanis imperantibus, attigerint.--8vo, Parisiis, Thorin, 1891. - - Pelka, Otto.--Altchristliche Ehedenkmäler.--4to, Strassburg, - Heitz, 1901. - - Perry, W. C.--The Women of Homer.--8vo, London, Heinemann, 1898. - - Philippi, Adolf.--Beiträge zu einer Geschichte des attischen - Bürgerrechtes.--8vo, Berlin, Weidmann, 1870. - - Praechter, Karl.--Hierokles der Stoiker.--4to, Leipzig, - Dieterich, 1901. - - Raffay, Robert.--Die Memoiren der Kaiserin Agrippina.--8vo, - Wien, Hölder, 1884. - - Rainneville, Joseph de.--La femme dans l’antiquité et d’après la - morale naturelle.--8vo, Lévy, Paris, 1865. - - Ramdohr, Ernst.--Zur homerischen Ethik.--4to, Lüneburg, Stern, - 1865. - - Rangabe, Kleon.--Ὁ καθ’ Ὅμηρον οἰκιακὸς Βίος--12mo, Athens, 1864. - - Rein, Dr. Wilhelm.--Das Criminalrecht der Römer von Romulus bis - auf Justinianus.--8vo, Leipzig, Köhler, 1844. - - Rein, Dr. Wilhelm.--Das Privatrecht und der Civilprocess der - Römer.--8vo, Leipzig, Fleischer, 1858. - - Riedel, Karl.--Der gegenwärtige Stand der Sapphofrage.--8vo, - Iglau, Rippl, 1881. - - Roby, Henry John, M.A., LL.D.--Roman private law in the times of - Cicero and of the Antonines. 2 vols.--8vo, Cambridge, 1902. - - Rohde, Erwin.--Der griechische Roman und seine Vorläufer.--8vo, - Leipzig, Breitkopf u. Härtel, 1876. - - Rossi, G. B. de, on Callistus, Bulletino di Archeologia - Cristiana, p. 23.--Rome, 1866. - - Rossbach, August.--Untersuchungen über die römische Ehe.--8vo, - Stuttgart, Mäcken, 1853. - - Rossbach, August.--Römische Hochzeits und Ehedenkmäler.--8vo, - Leipzig, Teubner, 1871. - - Ruggiero, R. de.--Studi papirologici sul matrimonio e sul - divorzio nell’ Egitto greco-romano. (Estr. de Bull. de l’Inst. - di Diritto Rom. XV., 576).--Roma, Forzani e Co., 1903. - - St. John, J. A.--The Hellenes: The history of the manners of the - ancient Greeks. New ed., 3 vols. in 1.--8vo, London, 1844. - - Sappho.--Fragmenta et elogia.... Cura et studio Jo: Christiani - Wolfii.--4to, Hamburgi, Vandenhoeck, 1733. - - Schaible, Karl Heinrich.--Die Frau im Altertum. Ein - kulturgeschichtliches Bild.--8vo, Karlsruhe, Braun, 1898. - - Scheurl, Adolf V.--Die Entwicklung des kirchlichen - Eheschliessungsrechts.--8vo, Erlangen, Deichert, 1877. - - Schlelein, Hans.--De epistolis, quarum fragmenta in Corneli - Nepotis libris traduntur, Corneliae, Gracchorum matri, - vindicandis.--8vo, München, Wolf, 1900. - - Schlichting, Joannes F. E.--De vestalibus et jure vestali populi - Romani.--8vo, Helmstad, 1752. - - Schneidewin, Max.--Die homerische Naivetät, eine ästhetisch - culturgeschichtliche Studie.--8vo, Hameln, Brecht, 1878. - - Schoemann, G. F.--Griechische Alterthümer, bd. 1, Das - Staatswesen, 2te Aufl.--8vo, Berlin, Weidmann, 1861. - - Seiffen, Gerardus Dorn.--Jus feminarum apud Romanos tam antiquum - quam novum.--Sq. 8vo, Trajecti ad Rhenum, Paddenburg, 1802. - - Sontag, Carolus Richardus.--De sponsalibus apud Romanos.--4to, - Halæ, Hendel, 1860. - - Stahr, Adolf.--Cleopatra, 2te Aufl.--12mo, Berlin, Guttentag, - 1879. - - Stahr, Adolf.--Agrippina, die Mutter Nero’s, 2te Aufl.--12mo, - Berlin, Guttentag, 1880. - - Stahr, Adolf.--Römische Kaiserfrauen, 2te Aufl.--12mo, Berlin, - Guttentag, 1880. - - Stégeren, Didericus Janus van.--Dissertatio literaria - inauguralis de conditione domestica feminarum - Atheniensium.--8vo, Zwollae, Stégeren, 1839. - - Strack, Max L.--Die Dynastie der Ptolemäer.--8vo, Berlin, Hertz, - 1897. - - Szanto, Emil.--Das griechische Bürgerrecht.--8vo, Freiburg i. - B., Mohr, 1892. - - Szanto, Dr. Emil.--Untersuchungen über das attische - Bürgerrecht.--8vo, Wien, Konegen, 1881. - - Thal, Dr. Max.--Das Christentum u. die moderne - Frauenbewegung.--8vo, Breslau, Koebner, 1904. - - Tholen, Nicolaus.--Responsio, ad quaestionem historicam.... - “Quam vim habuerunt apud Romanos foeminae in res eorum - politicas, bellorum civilium temporibus? Adjiciatur huic - disquisitioni foeminarum Romanarum Characterismus.”--8vo, - Utrecht. - - Thumser, V.--Die Stellung der Frau bei den Griechen.--8vo, Wien - und Leipzig, Deuticke, 1903. - - Twist, A. J. Duymaer van.--“Quae fuit Peregrinorum, in - imperio Romano, conditio, tum libera republica, tum sub - Caesaribus?”--4to, Leiden, 1831. - - Viaud, M. I.--De la puissance maritale, considérée sous - les rapports historique, philosophique et juridique, et - précédée d’une introduction sur les lois de son adoucissement - progressif depuis les mœurs primitives jusqu’aux législations - contemporaines.--8vo, Paris, Durand, 1855. - - Volkmar, G.--Hippolytus und die römischen Zeitgenossen.--8vo, - Zurich, Kiesling, 1855. - - Welcker, F. G.--Kleine Schriften.--2ter th. 8vo, Weber, Bonn, - 1845; S. 80–144, Sappho, von einem herrschenden Vorurtheil - befreyt (1816). Fünfter Theil Sappho und Phaon.--8vo, Elberfeld, - Freidrichs, 1867. - - Wendland, Paulus.--Quaestiones Musonianae.--8vo, Berolini, - Mayer, 1886. - - Weniger, Ludwig.--Ueber das Collegium der Thyiaden von - Delphi.--Sq. 8vo, Eisenach, 1876. - - Weniger, Ludwig.--Über das Kollegium der Sechzehn Frauen und den - Dionysosdienst in Elis.--Sq. 8vo, Weimar, 1883. - - Wessely, Dr. Carl.--Karanis und Soknopaiu Nesos, Studien - zur Geschichte antiker Cultur-und Personenverhältnisse, In - Denkschriften d. Kaiserl. Akad. d. Wissenschaften, Phil., hist. - Classe, Bd. 47.--Fol., Wien, Gerold, 1902. - - Wharton, Henry Thornton, M.A.--Sappho, Memoir, text, selected - renderings, and a literal translation.--12mo, London, 1895. - - White, Rachel Evelyn.--Women in Ptolemaic Egypt.--Reprinted from - the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1898. - - Wiese, Dr. L.--Zur Geschichte und Bildung der Frauen, 2te - Aufl.--12mo, Berlin, Wiegandt, 1873. - - Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Ulrich von.--Aristoteles und Athen. 2 - Bde.--8vo, Berlin, 1893. - - Wilmanns, Gustavus.--Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum.--8vo, - Berlin, Weidmann, 1873. - - Wolf, Jo. Christian.--Mulierum Graecarum quae oratione prosa - usae sunt fragmenta et elogia Graece et Latine.--4to, Londini, - 1739. - - Wolf, Jo. Christian.--Poetriarum octo Erinnae, Myrus, Myrtidis, - Corinnae, Telesillae, Praxillae, Nossidis, Anytae, fragmenta et - elogia.--4to, Hamburgi, Vandenhoeck, 1734. - - Wolf, Jo. Christian.--Sapphus, poetriae Lesbiae, fragmenta et - elogia.--4to, Hamburgi, Vandenhoeck, 1733. - - Wordsworth, Chr.--St. Hippolytus and the Church of Rome, in the - earlier part of the third century.--8vo, London, Rivington, 1853. - - Wordsworth, J., Bp. of Salisbury.--The ministry of Grace, Ch. V. - pp. 257–303, Women’s work: Widows, Presbyteresses, Deaconesses, - Virgins.--8vo, London, Longmans, 1901. - - Wroth, Warwick, F.S.A.--Catalogue of the Greek coins of Troas, - Aeolis, and Lesbos.--8vo, London, 1894. - - Wünsche, Dr. August.--Jesus in seiner Stellung zu den - Frauen.--12mo, Berlin, Henschel, 1872. - - Zimmerman, Richardus.--De Nothorum Athenis condicione.--12mo, - Berlin, Mayer. - - Zscharnack, L.--Der Dienst der Frau in den ersten Jahrhunderten - der Christlichen Kirche.--8vo, Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & - Ruprecht, 1902. - - - - - INDEX. - - Achilles, his connexion with Briseis, 15, 192, 198 - - Adultery, unknown in Sparta, 31; - severely punished in Athens, 51; - and in Roman wives, 88; - Augustus’s legislation, 145. - See DIVORCE and MARRIAGE. - - Afrania, wife of Licinius Bucco, her fondness for law, 125 - - Agesistrata, her efforts to reform Sparta, 35–8 - - Agiatis, wife of Cleomenes, 38–9 - - Agis, his efforts to reform Sparta, 35–7 - - Agnodice, first Athenian midwife, 240 - - Agrippina, the first, crushes a mutiny, 121 - - Agrippina, the second, the mother of Nero, at the Conventus - Matronarum, 126; - her character, 132 - - Alcibiades and his hetaira, 59 - - Amæsia of Sentinum pleads her own cause, 125 - - Appius Claudius admits slaves to citizenship, 78 - - Ares bathed by Hebe, 200 - - Arete, her influence, 18 - - Aristophanes, on Aspasia, 65; - on community of wives, 74; - on women, 75; - and Plato’s ‘Republic,’ 215 - - Aristotle, on unfaithful husbands, 6; - on Spartan women, 34; - on Athenian citizenship, 213 - - Arria, wife of Pætus, her fortitude, 134 - - Asia, women elected to priesthood in, 124 - - Asia Minor, honours conferred on women in, 124; - inscriptions in honour of women, 237–8 - - Aspasia, her connexion with Pericles, 60; - her immense influence, 61; - on the duties of wives, 62; - and Lysicles, 63; - tried, but acquitted, 64; - the comic poets on, 65; - was she beautiful? 66; - in the Socratic dialogues, 73; - modern critics on, 210; - her portraits, 211 - - Athenagoras, on kissing, 173; - condemns second marriages, 179 - - Athens: two classes of free women in, 49; - restrictions on the citizen-woman, 50; - her life as maiden and wife, 52; - strangers in, 56; - the stranger-woman forbidden to marry, 57; - Aspasia’s influence in, 60–65; - treaties of intermarriage, 68, 211; - sons of an hetaira admitted to citizenship, 68; - changes in law of citizenship, 212 - - Augustus, was his wife a poisoner? 131; - his marriage legislation, 140–43, 238; - rewards for large families, 144 - - - Bacchus, his worship introduced into Rome, 95–7 - - Bachelors, fined by the Censors, 138; - disabilities imposed on, 144; - in Plautus, 222 - - Bader (Mlle.) on divorces in Rome, 117 - - Baptism not to be administered by a woman, 162 - - Benecke, E. F. M., on love in Greek poetry, 206 - - Benoist, L. E., on female characters in Plautus, 227, 229, 230 - - Blandina, her terrible martyrdom, 155 - - Brandt, P., on Sappho, 208 - - Breach of promise, actionable in Latium, but not in Rome, 116 - - Bread-and-Cheesites, heretical sect, 165 - - Briseis, beloved by Achilles, 15, 192 - - Buchholz, E., on sexual passion among the Homeric Greeks, 205 - - Byzantines, intermarriage with Athenians, 69 - - - Callistus, Bp., on marriage, 249–54 - - Calpurnia, wife of Pliny the younger, her ability, 121 - - Caracalla greatly extends Roman citizenship, 83 - - Carfania, woman lawyer, 126 - - Carvilius, Spurius, divorces his wife, 116 - - Cato the Censor, on adultery, 88; - opposes Roman matrons, 101–3 - - Cato Uticensis divorces his wife and remarries her, 110 - - Chelonis, her noble character, 36 - - Children, Roman father had power to make away with, 140; - looked upon as an evil, 141; - regarded as burdens by Christian ascetics, 180–81; - infanticide condemned by Christianity, 188; - the fœtus and the soul, 189; - “nothoi” in Homer, 193; - notable instances, 194; - legitimate and illegitimate, 195–7 - - Christ, his conduct towards women, 148 - - Christianity, its early influence on Rome, 113; - and on marriage, 147; - women in the Gospels, 148; - reason of St. Paul’s sternness to women, 149; - Christian views of morality: Clement of Alexandria, 151; - Methodius, 152; - various meanings of the term Christianity, 153; - women at first prominent in, 154; - martyrdom of Blandina, 155; - and of Perpetua and Felicitas, 156; - position of widows, 158; - deaconesses and virgins, 159; - women forbidden in the West to teach or baptize, 161; - allowed by some Eastern churches to teach, 162; - views on slavery, 167; - opposite views on marriage, 169; - pagan ideas of Christianity, 170; - Love-feasts, 172; - the “holy kiss,” 173; - marriage as a blessing, 175; - the ascetic view of marriage, 176–9; - of children, 180; - of woman’s nature, 181; - gold, ornaments, dyed clothes, and mirrors condemned, 186; - infanticide condemned, 188; - the fœtus and the soul, 189; - asceticism and the survival of the unfittest, 190; - concubinage of the clergy, 214; - influence of Christianity on the position of woman, 248; - Bp. Callistus’s views, 249–254. - See PAGANISM and RELIGION. - - Chrysostom, Dio, on women of Tarsus, 150 - - Cicero, his affection for his daughter, 85; - on women in politics, 122–3 - - Clement of Alexandria, his ‘Pædagogus,’ 151; - on kissing, 173; - on children, 180; - on woman, 183; - her duties, 184; - her dress, 185–6; - on marriage, 239 - - Cleombrotus, his wife’s faithfulness, 36 - - Cleomenes, efforts to reform Sparta, 38–40 - - Cleopatra as ruler, 242 - - Clytemnestra, reasons why her conduct was condemned, 13 - - Collyridians, honours paid to the Virgin by, 165 - - Commodian on feminine adornment, 185 - - Companion. See HETAIRA. - - Comparetti, D., on portraits of Sappho, 211 - - Concubines, their rights in Athens, 51n., 213; - the “pallakis” and her children in Homer, 193–7; - concubinage among Christian clergy, 214; - a “God-loving concubine,” 254. - See HETAIRA, MARRIAGE, and WIVES. - - Conventus Matronarum, its history, 126 - - Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, her devotion to the State, 120 - - Cornelia, Pompey’s second wife, her culture, 120 - - Courtezans in Plautus, their heartlessness, 228, 231; - some exceptions, 229–30. - See CONCUBINES and HETAIRA. - - Cratesicleia, her noble conduct, 38–40 - - Cyprian, on hair dyes, 186; - and tinting the eyes, 187 - - - Deaconesses, their position in the early Church, 159–60; - forbidden to administer baptism, 162 - - Deacons, in the early Church, 160 - - Dejanira on a husband’s unfaithfulness, 5 - - Demosthenes on the Crown, forgeries in, 68 - - Diotima and Sophocles, 59 - - Divorce: Pericles divorces his wife, 60; - Roman wives divorced for trifling offences, 88; - dissolution of marriage contract by husband or wife, 109, 115; - first Roman divorce, 116; - divorces become frequent, 118; - legislated for by Augustus, 145; - provision for wife’s dowry in Egyptian contract, 245. - See ADULTERY and MARRIAGE. - - Drumann, W., on the virtues and vices of Roman women, 113 - - Düntzer on Thetis and Achilles, 199 - - - Education: - Athenian wives little educated, 52; - the hetaira often highly educated, 58; - Plato on woman’s education, 74; - Pompey’s second wife highly educated, 120; - also the wife of Pliny the younger, 121; - Clement of Alexandria on women’s education, 239 - - Egypt, illegitimacy not recognized in, 196; - Cleopatra as ruler, 242; - typical marriage contract, 245 - - Elagabalus and the Conventus Matronarum, 127 - - Elliot, G. F. Scott, on nakedness and morality, 204 - - Epiphanius on the Collyridians, 165 - - Erinna, pupil of Sappho, 43 - - Eubœa and treaty of intermarriage with Athens, 68, 211 - - Euripides, on women, 10; - on Spartan women, 33 - - - Felicitas, story of her martyrdom, 156 - - Finck, H. T., on nudity and bathing, 205 - - Furtwängler, A., on portraits of Sappho and Aspasia, 211 - - - Gladstone, W. E., on Homeric women, 11n.; - on men washed by women, 200–202 - - Gracchus, Tiberius, his affection for his wife, 85 - - Greece, ancient, honour paid to priestesses in, 163; - sexual passion in, 205 - - Greece, modern, early maturity of woman in, 54 - - Greeks, their standard of conduct, 3; - views of love, 4; - their admiration of beauty of form, 7, 22. - See ATHENS, HOMER, and SPARTA. - - Gregory Thaumaturgus, on chastity in woman, 183 - - - Hebe bathes Ares, 200 - - Helen, not blamed by men, 13; - washes Ulysses, 202 - - Hetaira, companion or stranger-woman, forbidden in Athens to marry, - 57; - her interest in philosophy and politics, 58; - Aspasia, 62–7; - children of an hetaira sometimes admitted to citizenship, 68; - influence on notable men, 71; - her social position, 213–214. - See CONCUBINES, COURTEZANS, MARRIAGE, and WIVES. - - Hippolytus on Bp. Callistus and marriage, 249 - - Hipponax on women, 9 - - Homer: - his women submissive, 11; - no flirtation in, 14; - Greeks monogamists in, 15; - married life in, 16; - influence of women, 17; - wives and concubines and their children, 192–7; - Melantho’s insolence, 198; - Thetis’s advice to Achilles, _ib._; - men washed by women, 199–202 - - Horace on the Lex Julia de adulterio cohibendo, 146 - - Hortensia’s speech to the triumvirs, 105 - - Hortensius marries Cato’s wife, 110 - - Hruza, E., on the “nothoi” in Homer, 195 - - Husbands, their unfaithfulness tolerantly viewed by Greek wives, 6; - power over their wives in Rome, 87; - poisoned by their wives, 89, 91; - wives bought by, 105. - See MARRIAGE and WIVES. - - Hyperides, his defence of Phryne, 7 - - - Illegitimacy. See CHILDREN. - - - Julia, daughter of Julius Cæsar, her tact, 120 - - Julia, daughter of Augustus, her marriages, 131 - - Julius Cæsar gives rewards for large families, 143 - - - Kissing, in the early Church, 173; - peculiar Roman custom, 233 - - Kock, T., attacks Sappho, 207 - - Koechly, H., on Thetis and Achilles, 199 - - Kublinski, J., on Sappho, 208 - - - Lampito, her physical strength, 30 - - Lasaulx on “nothoi” and “pallakis,” 195 - - Laws. See LEX. - - Lawyers, women as, 125 - - Leonidas opposes reform in Sparta, 36 - - Lex: - Canuleia, 82; - Julia and Plautia, _ib._; - Oppia, 99–103; - Voconia, 108; - Papia Poppæa, 142–5; - De maritandis ordinibus, 146, 251 - - Livia, wife of Augustus, her share in politics, 123; - was she a poisoner? 131 - - Livy on woman’s influence in politics, 123 - - Love-making, among the Greeks, 205; - and the Romans, 230; - lovers’ terms of endearment, 232–6 - - Lysias on Eubœans and intermarriage, 211 - - Lysicles, his connexion with Aspasia, 63 - - - Mæsta of Sentinum pleads her own cause, 125 - - Mahaffy, J. P., on the Cleopatras, 243 - - Marcia dissolves her marriage with Cato, and remarries him, 110 - - Marriage: - Greeks monogamists in Homer, 15; - happiness of married life, 16; - obligatory in Sparta for girls, 28; - and for men, 29; - restrictions on the citizen-woman in Athens, 51; - matches arranged by old women, 53; - the hetaira not allowed to marry, 57; - Athenian treaties of intermarriage, 68, 211; - intermarriage in Rome, 81; - effect of Caracalla’s action, 83; - status of the Roman wife, 105; - effect of wealth on marriage, 108, 115; - as a contract, 109; - curious dissolutions of marriage, 110; - consent the essence of Roman marriage, 114; - could be dissolved by husband or wife, 115; - Romans who married several times, 118; - Musonius’s defence of, 137; - regulated by Emperor Augustus, 138–43, 238; - rewards for large families, 144; - large families a disgrace, 147; - effect of marriage on slaves, 168; - two Christian views of marriage, 169; - marriage as a blessing, 175; - the ascetic view, 176–181; - second marriages condemned, 179; - children a burden, 180; - dowried and undowried wives in Plautus, 220; - effects of extravagance, 222; - philosophers on, 239; - between brother and sister in Egypt, 243; - equality of the Egyptian woman in marriage, 244; - typical contract, 245; - Bp. Callistus’s views condemned by Hippolytus, 249–54. - See ADULTERY, CONCUBINES, DIVORCE, and HETAIRA. - - Maximus Tyrius on Sappho, 44 - - Medicine, first Athenian woman to practise, 240 - - Melantho’s insolence to Ulysses, 198 - - Men washed by women, 199–202, 204 - - Menander on Sappho, 209 - - Messalina, her death, 132 - - Metellus, Quintus, on duty of marriage, 140 - - Methodius, his ‘Banquet of the Ten Virgins,’ 152; - on the blessedness of virginity, 178; - on virgin purity, 188 - - Midwife, first Athenian, 240 - - Monogamy universal among Greeks in Homer, 15 - - Montanists, honours paid to women by, 164 - - Morillot, L., on legitimate and illegitimate children, 196 - - Müller, O., on Athenian intermarriage, 212; - on Athenian citizenship, 213 - - Mure, Col. W., attacks Sappho, 207 - - Musonius Rufus on the education of women, 135 - - - Nausicaa, her industry and accomplishments, 20; - washes Ulysses, 200 - - Nothoi. See CHILDREN. - - - Octavia, wife of Antony, her interest in affairs of State, 121 - - Oppius, his legislation against women, 99–103 - - - Paganism, its code of morality in Rome, 128; - position of women under, 153; - priestesses in Greece, 163; - in Rome, 164; - its ideas of Christianity, 170; - priestess in Plautus, 227. - See RELIGION. - - Pallakis. See CONCUBINES. - - Panteus, his wife’s devotion, 40 - - Paris, P., on woman in Asia Minor, 237 - - Paul, reasons of his sternness towards women, 149–50; - on the members of the Corinthian Church, 171 - - Penelope, her love for Ulysses, 17 - - Pericles, on Athenian women, 55; - and Aspasia, 60; - Wilamowitz on, 210; - and law of Athenian citizenship, 212 - - Periktione on wife’s duty, 5 - - Perpetua, story of her martyrdom, 156 - - Phidias, Wilamowitz on, 210 - - Philemon on women, 10 - - Philosophy in Rome: - Epicureanism, 129; - Platonism, 130; - Stoicism, 133 - - Phratria and citizenship, 69 - - Phryne, influence of her beauty, 7, 71 - - Platæa, treaty of intermarriage with Athens, 68 - - Plato, on unfaithful husbands, 6; - on Spartan women, 33n.; - on Diotima, 59n.; - on Aspasia, 62; - his views on women, 73; - and the ‘Ecclesiazusæ’, 215 - - Plautus, women in his plays: - as slaves, 217; - the citizen-wife, 218; - marriageable girls, 219; - dowried and undowried wives, 220; - woman’s extravagance, 221; - its effect on marriage, 222; - wives faithful, 223; - husbands and female slaves, 224; - exemplary wives, 225–6; - a notable priestess, 227; - character of the courtezan, 228, 231; - some exceptions, 229–230; - terms of endearment used by lovers, 232–6 - - Pliny, the younger, praise of his wife, 121 - - Plutarch, on Spartan women, 31n.; - on Aspasia, 60; - on girls wrestling naked, 203 - - Poisoning by Roman wives, 89–92, 131 - - Politics, Aspasia’s influence on, 65; - Athenian citizen-wives without political standing, 67; - influence of Roman matrons on, 99–104; - notable instances, 120–24 - - Polycaste washes Telemachus, 199 - - Polygamy: Priam’s wives, 192 - - Porcia, wife of Brutus, her appeal for her husband’s confidence, - 133 - - Priam, his wives, 192; - and his “nothoi,” 194 - - - Religion, its effect on the condition of women in Greece and Rome, - 93; - worship of the Idæan Mother in Rome, 94; - introduction of the Bacchanalia, 95; - and of Isis and other faiths, 97. - See CHRISTIANITY and PAGANISM. - - Rohde, E., on love-making among the Greeks, 205 - - Rome: - citizens, aliens, and slaves, 77, 79; - treatment of female slaves, 80; - patricians and plebeians, 81; - extension of the conubium, 82; - position of the Roman matron, 84; - religion in, 93; - worship of Bacchus introduced, 95; - its condition on the introduction of Christianity, 113; - pagan ideas of morality, 128; - Romans bound to marry, 138; - decrease of population, 141; - position of women in, 153; - honours paid to priestesses, 164. - See CHRISTIANITY. - - - Sappho, testimonies to her ability, 42; - her poetry, 43; - close friendship with her pupils, 45; - her attitude towards marriage, 46; - honoured by her contemporaries, 47; - ridiculed by Athenian comic writers, 48; - was she beautiful? 66; - modern writers on her character, 207; - Greek plays on her career, 209; - her portraits, 211 - - Schneidewin, M., on men washed by women, 202 - - Servilia, mother of Brutus, her influence in politics, 122 - - Simonides of Amorgos on women, 9 - - Slaves in Rome: - become citizens, 78; - treatment of female slaves, 80; - slaves as Christians, 167; - female slaves in Plautus, 217; - amours with, 224 - - Sophocles, on Athenian wives, 53n.; - his relations with Theodota and Diotima, 59; - his grandson admitted to citizenship, 70 - - Sparta, idea of the State in, 25; - training of women in, 26; - their gymnastic contests, 27; - marriage obligatory for girls, 28; - and for men, 29; - physical development of men and women, 29–30; - no adultery, 31; - effects of Spartan system of training, 33; - influence of women in, 34; - decay and efforts at reform, 35–41; - strangers not allowed to reside in, 56; - girls wrestling naked, 202 - - Strabo on Sappho, 43 - - Sulpicia, her Satire, 127 - - - Tacitus, his praise of his mother-in-law, 121 - - Tarsus, character of its women, 150 - - Telemachus washed by Polycaste, 199 - - Terentia, wife of Cicero, her share in politics, 123 - - Tertullian, on virgins and widows, 159; - forbids deaconesses to baptize, 162; - denounces women who speak in church, 165; - on marriage between Christians, 175; - on wives and wedlock, and second marriages, 179; - on children as burdens, 181; - on woman as a temptress, 182, 185; - on the fœtus and the soul, 189 - - Thebans and Athenians, question of intermarriages, 68 - - Theodota and Sophocles, 59 - - Thessaly, land of the beautiful women, 22 - - Thetis, her advice to Achilles, 198 - - Tiberius, his mother’s plans for him, 131 - - - Ulysses, his love for Penelope, 17; - promises wives to his slaves, 193; - washed by Nausicaa, 200; - and by Helen, 202 - - - Valerius, L., proposes abrogation of Lex Oppia, 102 - - Valerius Maximus, on women as lawyers, 125; - on bachelors, 139 - - Vestal Virgins, allowed to marry, 129; - honours paid to them, 164 - - Virgin Mary honoured by the Collyridians, 165 - - Virgins, their position in the early Church, 159; - virginity extolled, 178; - Cyprian’s advice to, 186–7 - - - Welcker, F. G., defends Sappho, 207 - - Widows, their position in the Christian Church, 158; - prohibited from teaching, 161; - allowed to teach by some Eastern churches, 162 - - Wilamowitz, U. von, condemns Aspasia, 210 - - Williamson (Rev. David), his seven wives, 118 - - Wine, Athenian wives fond of, 54; - forbidden to Roman wives, 88; - drunk during the Bacchanalia, 96 - - Wives, in Homer, tolerant of husbands’ unfaithfulness, 5; - their faithfulness in Sparta, 32; - restrictions on, in Athens, 51; - fond of wine, 54; - Plato on community of wives, 74, 130; - their position in Rome, 84; - in early Rome, 87; - forbidden to taste wine, 88; - severe restrictions on, _ib._; - many husbands poisoned, 89; - later cases, 91; - bought by husband, 105; - transferred to husbands’ family, 106; - effect of wealth on, 107, 109, 115; - their interest in politics, 120–124; - Christian view of wifely duties, 176; - wives and concubines in Homer, 193–7; - wives in Plautus, 220; - their extravagance, 221; - its effect on marriage, 222; - faithful to husbands, 223; - model wives, 225–6. - See ADULTERY, CONCUBINES, HETAIRA, and MARRIAGE. - - Woman in Greece: - reverence for her beauty of form, 7; - her history written by and for men, 8; - satirists on, 9; - her culture in modern Greece, 54 - - Woman: - In Homer: - her meekness, 11; - her influence, 17; - her freedom, 18; - her open-air life, 20; - causes of her beauty, 22; - mildness of Homeric women, 192; - two kinds of wives, 193–7; - Melantho’s insolence, 198; - Thetis’s advice to Achilles, _ib._; - men washed by women, 199–202, 204; - girls wrestling naked, 203–4; - love-making, 205 - In Sparta: - legislation for motherhood, 26; - gymnastic exercises, 27; - marriage obligatory, 28; - physical development, 30; - moral courage, 31; - faithfulness to husband, 32; - land held by women, 34; - heroic women--Agesistrata and Chelonis, 35–8; - Agiatis and Cratesicleia, 38–9; - the wife of Panteus, 40 - Sappho: - her unique position, 42; - her friendship with her pupils, 45; - praised by contemporaries, 47; - ridiculed by Athenian comic writers, 48, 209; - modern critics on, 207; - her portraits, 211 - In Athens: - restrictions on the citizen-woman, 51; - her life as maid and wife, 52–4; - the stranger-woman or hetaira, 57; - her interest in philosophy and politics, 58; - Aspasia’s life and influence, 60–67, 210; - notable “companions,” 71; - Plato on the education of women, 74; - Aristophanes on women, 75 - In Rome: - as full citizen, as alien, and as slave, 79; - female slaves, 80; - effect of the conubium on, 82–3; - position of matrons, 84; - severe restrictions in early Rome, 87; - worship of the Idæan Mother, 94; - of Bacchus, 95–97; - and of other gods, 97; - opposition to sumptuary laws, 99–103; - appeal to the triumvirs, 104; - in power of father or husband, 105; - effect of wealth on, 107; - married several times, 118; - active interest in politics, 120; - elected to magistracies and priesthoods, 124, 237–8; - as lawyers, 125; - and law-makers, 127; - their ideas of morality, 128; - noble Stoic women, 133–5 - Under Christianity: - women in the Gospels, 148; - St. Paul’s sternness towards, 149; - Clement of Alexandria on, 151; - Methodius on, 152; - contrast under paganism and under Christianity, 153–4; - martyrdom of Blandina, 155; - and of Perpetua and Felicitas, 156; - position of widows, 158; - deaconesses and virgins, 159; - widows and deaconesses forbidden to teach, 161; - women and teaching in the Eastern Church, 162; - honours paid to women under paganism, 163; - and by heretical sects, 164–6; - Christianity and women-slaves, 167; - the ascetic view of woman as a temptress, 182; - her duties, 184; - must not wear dyed clothes or use mirrors, 186; - value of woman in the home, 191; - effect of Christianity on, 248 - In Plautus: - women-slaves, 217; - the citizen-wife, 218; - marriageable girls, 219; - effects of dowries, 220 - Philosophers on woman’s education, 239; - the first woman doctor in Greece, 240 - In Egypt: - Cleopatra, 242; - equality of the woman in marriage, 243. - See WIVES. - - Wordsworth, Bp. J., on women under Christianity, 248 - - - Zscharnack, L., on women under Christianity, 248 - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] ‘Trach.,’ 438. - -[2] Stob., ‘Flor.,’ 85, 19. - -[3] De Legg. viii. p. 841 D. (Jowett’s translation). - -[4] Pol. iv. (vii.) 16, 18. - -[5] δεισιδαιμονῆσαι. Athenæus, xiii. c. 59, p. 590. There are two -versions of the story, which are given with all the authorities in -Wagner’s edition of ‘Alciphron,’ vol. i. p. 178. - -[6] Stob. 73, 61. - -[7] These passages are all given from the large collections in Stobæus -(Flor. Tituli, 68–74). The genuineness of the fragment of Susarion is -justly doubted; but the sentiment is no doubt correctly ascribed to him. - -[8] Stob. 68, 8. - -[9] Stob. 68, 3. - -[10] Discussions on the Homeric women are very numerous. I give a list -of the most notable works in the bibliography. Special praise is due -to Lenz’s ‘Geschichte der Weiber im Heroischen Zeitalter’: Hannover, -1790. The fullest and ablest account in English is in Mr. Gladstone’s -‘Homeric Studies,’ vol. ii. - -[11] And according to the ideas of later Greeks, see especially -Isocrates’s Encomium on Helen. - -[12] The later Greeks attributed to Cecrops, or some other Attic hero, -the introduction of monogamy. The state of women in Greece before the -time of Homer is discussed in Bachofen’s ‘Mutterrecht,’ and in Mr. -McLennan’s ‘Kinship in Ancient Greece.’ - -[13] Il. ix. 336. - -[14] Il. xix. 297. - -[15] Od. vi. 182. - -[16] Il. vi. 429. - -[17] Od. xxiii. 210. - -[18] Lasaulx (‘Zur Geschichte und Philosophie der Ehe bei den -Griechen,’ p. 30) adduces Laodamia as an instance of the same -constancy; but the case is not so clear. - -[19] See Mr. Gladstone’s ‘Homeric Studies,’ vol. ii. p. 507. - -[20] Il. vi. 442. - -[21] Od. i. 433. - -[22] Od. iii. 450. - -[23] Il. vi. 301. - -[24] Euripides, ‘Andromache’ 597; Propertius iv. 14; Athenæus, xiii. -20, p. 566 e. - -[25] Ath. xiii. 2, p. 555c. - -[26] ‘Lysist.’ 78. - -[27] Plutarch discusses the women of Sparta in the ‘Life of Lycurgus,’ -and in a treatise on ‘Sayings of Spartan Women.’ He discusses women -generally in ‘Conjugal Precepts,’ ‘Consolation to his Wife,’ ‘Erotic -Discourse,’ ‘Erotic Narratives,’ and ‘Virtues of Women.’ - -[28] Especially in his ‘Andromache,’ but, as Paley remarks, this play -is animated throughout by a bitter hostility to Sparta, and it may -therefore be regarded as an expression merely of a strong temporary -feeling. - -[29] Plato shows his approbation by adopting the questionable features -into his own ideal commonwealth. “Then,” he says, “let the wives of -our guardians strip, having virtue for their robe.... And as for the -man who laughs at naked women exercising in gymnastics for the sake of -the highest good, his laughter is ‘A fruit of unripe wisdom,’ which he -gathers, and he himself is ignorant of what he is laughing at, or what -he is about; for that is, and ever will be, the best of sayings--that -the useful is the noble, and the hurtful the base.”--‘Rep.’ v. p. 457 -(Professor Jowett’s translation). Plato discusses the objections to the -Spartan method in ‘Legg.’ i. p. 637 C.; vi. p. 781 A.; vii. p. 806 C.; -p. 814 A.; and tacitly in ‘Rep.’ viii. p. 548. - -[30] ‘Polit.’ ii. 9, 9. - -[31] Plutarch, ‘Life of Agis.’ - -[32] Plutarch ‘Life of Cleomenes.’ - -[33] Stob., 29, 58. - -[34] xiii. c. 2, sec. 3. - -[35] Diss. 24, 9. - -[36] ‘Athenæus,’ 14, 19, p. 624e. - -[37] “To attack a woman’s reputation is the ready resort of the -blockhead who is jealous of her talents.”--MISS CORNWALLIS. - -[38] ii. 135. - -[39] Rhet. 23. - -[40] Luňák, p. 71 note, and Boech, ‘Greek Inscriptions,’ 2374 (51). - -[41] It seems to have been possible for an Athenian to take a free -Athenian woman as a concubine; but the rights of such concubines and -children, and indeed the whole subject, are involved in difficulties. -See Van den Es: ‘De Jure Familiarum apud Athenienses.’ - -[42] Xen. ‘Œc.’ iii. 13; vii. 5. - -[43] v. 641. - -[44] The verses in Sophocles (‘Antig.’ 905–13) are probably -interpolated, but the interpolation was as early as Aristotle (‘Rhet.’ -3, 16, p. 1417 A, 32), and the same ideas are placed by Herodotus (3, -119) in the mouth of the wife of Intaphernes. - -[45] ii. 45. - -[46] Theodota, Xen. ‘Mem.,’ iii. 11. - -[47] Some have affirmed Diotima to be a fiction of Plato (Mähly, ‘Die -Frauen des Griechischen Alterthums,’ p. 14), but this supposition -has been amply refuted: Stallbaum on the ‘Symposium,’ p. 201 D. Otto -Jahn collects all the references to Diotima by ancient writers in his -edition of the ‘Symposium.’ - -[48] Timandra, Plut. ‘Alcib.’ c. 39. - -[49] Pericles, 24. - -[50] See Book iv. c. 2 s. 2. - -[51] ‘Symp.,’ xvi. p. 193 C. - -[52] Chronological difficulties have been suggested in the way of -this statement being true (see especially a beautiful monograph on -Aspasia, ‘Aspasie de Milet,’ par L. Becq de Fouquières, p. 342), but -I do not think that the difficulties are insuperable. Müller-Strübing -(Aristophanes, p. 585) has found an allusion to this connexion with -Lysicles in Aristophanes with greater ingenuity than success. - -[53] See especially Miss Cornwallis’s able defence of Aspasia: Letters, -p. 181. - -[54] Ovid, ‘Ep. ad Phaon.’ 33; Max. Tyr. Diss. 24, 7. - -[55] ‘Jahrgang,’ xxxv. 1877, p. 56. - -[56] P. 920. - -[57] Opuscula ‘Lysias,’ c. 33, ed. Usener and Radermacher. - -[58] See Book 4 c. 2 sec. 4. - -[59] p. 291. - -[60] ‘Drerup,’ p. 223, especially 247. - -[61] Some have doubted the existence of this grandson Sophocles, -because an inscription was found in 1849, “Sophocles the son of Iophon” -(Rangabe, ‘Antiq. Hell.,’ ii. p. 997); but there is nothing to prevent -the supposition that Sophocles had two grandsons named Sophocles. If -Iophon had a son, he would naturally be called Sophocles; and if the -son of Theoris had a son, Sophocles also would be the name that would -certainly be given to him. - -[62] 2, 6, 36. - -[63] Jowett, p. 285; ‘Rep.,’ p. 455. - -[64] See Book iv. c. 2, sect. 6. - -[65] Cl. Alex. p. 751, ‘Strom.,’ vi. 24. - -[66] ‘Symp.,’ c. ii. 9. - -[67] Dionysius makes Servius Tullius admit the freedman to citizenship -(iv. 22). - -[68] Columella, i. 8, 19. - -[69] Livy, 4, 1 ff. - -[70] Plutarch, ‘Tib. Gracchus,’ i. - -[71] The story may not be historical, but the Romans regarded it as -such. - -[72] Gell. x. 23; Val. Max. vi. c. 3, 9–12. - -[73] Livy, viii. 18. - -[74] Livy, xl. 37. - -[75] Livy, xxix. 14, 10. - -[76] Livy, xxix. 10, 5. - -[77] Livy, xxxix. 8 ff. 18. - -[78] Livy xxxiv. 1–8; Val. Max. ix. 1, 3; Zonaras ix. 17; Livy v. 25; -Mackintosh ii. 345. - -[79] Plutarch, ‘Cato Major,’ viii. - -[80] Val. Max. viii. 3, 3; Quint. i. 1, 6; App. ‘Bell. Civ.,’ iv. (6), -32. - -[81] Livy, Epitome, xli. - -[82] Plutarch, ‘Cato Minor.’ 25. - -[83] xiv. 6, 17, &c. - -[84] ‘De Gubernatione Dei,’ vii. 65–91. - -[85] i. 376. - -[86] Paulus in ‘Digest,’ 45, l. 134. - -[87] vi. 200. - -[88] P. 133. - -[89] Val. Max., 2, 1, 4; Dionys. Hal., ‘Antiqu. Rom.,’ ii. 25; -Plutarch, ‘Quæst Rom.,’ 14, compar. Thes. c. Rom. 6; Lycurg., c. Numa -3; A. Gellius, iv. 3, xvii. 21, 44; Rein, ‘Rom. Privatrecht,’ 451 note; -Val. Max. 2, 9, 2. - -[90] P. 70. - -[91] Rev. David Williamson died 6 August, 1706. “After threescore he -married the seventh wife.” Many lampoons were made on this divine, -collected by Maidment; he refers to Kirkton’s ‘Church History’, p. 349. - -[92] Long’s translation. - -[93] Ep., iv. 19. - -[94] Tac. ‘Ann.,’ 3, 33, 34 (A.D. 21). - -[95] xv. 11. - -[96] vi. 34, 5–11. - -[97] Corp. Inscript. Lat., vol. viii. part ii. n. 9407; Renier, 3914, -‘Messia Castula duumvira.’ - -[98] viii. 3, 1. - -[99] Book iii. 1, 5. - -[100] Suet., ‘Galba,’ 5; Lampridius, ‘Heliogabalus,’ 4; Flav. Vopis. -‘Aurelianus,’ 49. - -[101] Epict. fr. 53, Schw., vol. iii. p. 84. - -[102] ‘Brutus,’ 13. - -[103] Long’s translation. - -[104] Pliny, ‘Epist.,’ 3, 16. - -[105] Translation by Dr. John Muir. - -[106] Paulus Diaconus, ‘Uxorium,’ 379 (Müller). - -[107] Val. Max. 2, 9, 1, cf. Plutarch, ‘Cam.,’ ii. - -[108] Livy, Epitome, lix.; Gell., i. 6. - -[109] Suet. ‘Aug.,’ 89. - -[110] Lib. iii. 7. - -[111] Civil. Bell, ii. 102. - -[112] xliii. 25. - -[113] Darst., 1^5, p. 52. - -[114] lvi. 1–10. - -[115] Dio. Cass., xliii. 25; Cicero pro Marcello, viii. 23; Suet. -‘Cæs.,’ 20; Appian ‘Bell, Civ.,’ ii. 10; Dio. Cass., xxxviii. 7. - -[116] Epiph., ‘Haer.,’ xxx. 16, p. 140. - -[117] Tarsica prior Orat., xxxiii. p. 408 M. - -[118] Zscharnack, p. 22, 45; Harnack Mission, 395–407. - -[119] Eusebius, ‘Hist. Eccl.,’ iii. 31. - -[120] All the translations are taken from Clark’s Ante-Nicene Library, -but altered when the meaning can be expressed more exactly. De Virg. -Veland., c. ix. - -[121] Apost. Const., Book iii. 15, 5. - -[122] iii. 5 and 7. - -[123] Tertull., De Baptismo, c. xvii. - -[124] C. 40. - -[125] P. 274. - -[126] Book iii. c. ix. - -[127] For Athena Polias, C. O. Müller, Minervæ Poliadis Sacra, &c., -p. 13, where he enumerates the honours paid to the priestess. For -Demeter and Core, Mommsen, ‘Feste der Stadt Athen,’ 1898, p. 265, M. F. -Foucart, ‘Les Grands Mystères d’Éleusis,’ Paris, 1900, p. 62. Weniger -discusses priestesses in Delphi and Elis in his programmes, mentioned -in Bibliography. - -[128] Epiphanius ‘Haer.,’ 49. Augustine de Haeresibus, c. 27. - -[129] Bonwetsch regards these statements as strictly historical, p. 168. - -[130] ‘Haer.,’ 78, c. 23; 79. - -[131] Probably the reading should be οἰκοῦσαι. - -[132] C. 24. - -[133] Carpocrates Irenæus, i. 25, 4; Cainites Iren., i. 31, 2. - -[134] Marcion, Tertull. contra Marcionem, i. 29; Iren., i. c. 28. - -[135] 1 Cor. vi. 9. - -[136] Supplic. c. 32. - -[137] Pæd., iii. 81, 301 P. - -[138] Polycarp, Ep., c. 4. - -[139] Ad Ux., ii. 8. - -[140] Apost. Const., i. 8. - -[141] Conviv., i. 2, 17; ii. 1, 29. - -[142] De Virg. Veland., c. 17. - -[143] Supplic., c. 33. - -[144] De Exhort. Cast., 5. - -[145] Ad Ux., i. 1. - -[146] De Exhort. Cast., 10. - -[147] Clem. Alex. Frag., 1012 P. - -[148] Ad Ux., i. 5. - -[149] De Monogamia, 16. - -[150] ‘De Cultu Feminarum,’ i. 1. - -[151] Pæd., ii. 2, 83, 186 P. - -[152] Metaphrasis in Ecclesiasten, c. 7, 28. - -[153] Test. of Reuben, c. 5. - -[154] Test. of Judah, c. 15. - -[155] Pæd. iii. 10, 11. - -[156] See p. 249. - -[157] ‘De Cult. Fem.’ ii. 2. - -[158] Pæd., iii. 11, 79. - -[159] Instruct. 60 or Book ii. 19. - -[160] Pæd., iii. 2, 11, p. 258 P. - -[161] De Habitu Virg., 16, 17, 21, 20. - -[162] Conviv., xi. 1, 282. - -[163] De Anima, 25. - -[164] Tert. Apol. 9. - -[165] C. 19, 5; Didache c. 2. - -[166] Clem. Alex. Eclog., 48 and 41; Method. Conviv. 2, 6; Harnack, -‘Bruchstücke des Evangeliums und der Apokalypse des Petrus,’ p. 48 in -‘Texte und Unters.,’ vol. 9, part 2. - -[167] Il., 24, 495. - -[168] Il., 21, 85; 22, 48. - -[169] Il., 8, 305. - -[170] Il., 9, 340. - -[171] Od., 21, 214; 14, 64. - -[172] Il., 9, 449, 452. - -[173] 14, 203. - -[174] Il., on viii. 284. - -[175] Od., 4, 12. - -[176] Il., 13, 174. - -[177] Il., 5, 70. - -[178] Il., 8, 282. - -[179] Il., 2, 727; 13, 694; 15, 333. - -[180] Il., 4, 499; 11, 490; 16, 738. - -[181] 11, 101. - -[182] 14, 200. - -[183] ‘Polygamie und Pellikat nach Griechischem Rechte von Dr. Ernst -Hruza’ (Erlangen and Leipzig, 1894). - -[184] P. 72. - -[185] P. 27 or 394. - -[186] Diodorus Siculus, 1, 80, 3; Wessely Karanis, 30; Nietzold, p. 19. - -[187] Curtius, ‘Grundzüge,’ 1st ed., vol. i. p. 128, and Schmidt, -‘Synonymik der Griechischen Sprache,’ 67, 7, vol. ii. p. 408. - -[188] Il., i. 113. - -[189] 11, 102. - -[190] 14, 202. - -[191] 13, 363. - -[192] 130, 676. - -[193] ‘Opuscula Philologica,’ vol. ii. p. 59. - -[194] ‘Homerische Abhandlungen,’ p. 341. - -[195] 3, 464. - -[196] Od. 5, 264. - -[197] 10, 362. - -[198] 4, 49. - -[199] 23, 154; 24, 366. - -[200] 5, 905. - -[201] See Nägelsbach, ‘Homerische Theologie,’ 2nd ed., p. 251. - -[202] ‘Studies of Homer,’ ii. 514. - -[203] 7, 296. - -[204] 6, 210. - -[205] 4, 252. - -[206] ‘Naivetät,’ p. 152. - -[207] Grasberger, &c. - -[208] ‘Meyer de virginum exercitationibus apud veteres’ (Clausthal, -1872), p. 7. - -[209] Aristoph., ‘Clouds,’ 965; ‘Thesm.,’ 163. - -[210] ‘Homerische Blätter,’ 2, p. 128. - -[211] P. 36. - -[212] P. 286 (London, 1896). - -[213] Vol. ii. part 2 das Privatleben, ‘Die Homerischen Realien,’ p. 14. - -[214] Pp. 1 and 2. - -[215] Vol. ii. (1845) with an appendix. - -[216] Vol. iii. p. 272. - -[217] Vol. xii. p. 564 (1857). - -[218] Vol. v. p. 228. - -[219] P. 5. - -[220] P. 17. - -[221] ‘Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta.’ - -[222] De Vries and Luňák. - -[223] Lesefrüchte in Hermes, vol. 53. - -[224] P. 814. - -[225] ‘Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture,’ by Adolf Furtwängler, edited -by Eugénie Sellers (London, Heinemann, 1895), Sappho, p. 71, Aspasia, -81. - -[226] P. 50. - -[227] See the decree of the Athenians in regard to Chalcis, ‘Ἀθήναιον,’ -t. v. p. 76; ‘Mittheilungen des Deutschen Archæol. Inst. in Athen,’ -vol. i. p. 184; ‘Revue Archéologique,’ April, 1877, p. 242; Nos. 70 and -87 in ‘Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques,’ par Charles Michel. - -[228] P. 70. - -[229] P. 812. - -[230] See Sandys on c. 26 of Aristotle’s ‘Politeia.’ - -[231] ‘Constitution of Athens,’ c. 26. - -[232] The authorities are given in Müller, p. 666. - -[233] Sect. 122, p. 1386. - -[234] ‘Ancora sui rapporti fra l’Ecclesiazusæ d’Aristofane e la -Repubblica Platonica’ (Torino, Loescher, 1886). - -[235] Bell, 1902. - -[236] P. xcviii. - -[237] P. 325 (Longmans, 1897). - -[238] ‘Plato,’ p. 225. - -[239] See also ‘The Republic of Plato,’ edited, with critical notes, -commentary, and appendices, by James Adam, M.A. (Cambridge, 1902), vol. -i. Appendix, p. 345, ‘On the relation of the fifth Book of the Republic -to Aristophanes’s “Ecclesiazusæ.”’ Mr. Adam favours the priority of the -play to the ‘Republic.’ Maurice Croiset, ‘Aristophane,’ p. 286 (Paris, -1906), is of the same opinion. - -[240] Some divide Greek comedy into ancient and middle and new. Kock -follows Aristotle in speaking only of old and new comedy. - -[241] ‘Aulularia,’ 504–15. We give Wagner’s text. - -[242] Verses 676–707, Lorenz. - -[243] See ‘Arnobius adversus Nationes,’ vii. 33. - -[244] ‘Mercator,’ v. 805–13. - -[245] ‘Stich.,’ 39–46. - -[246] ‘Rudens,’ 406–11. - -[247] M. Benoist has gone over separately the characters of the women -in Plautus in his thesis, ‘De Personis Muliebribus apud Plautum’ -(Massiliæ, 1862). - -[248] Édélestand du Méril, ‘Histoire de la Comédie Ancienne,’ vol. ii. -p. 211; Gaston Boissier, ‘Quomodo Græcos Poetas Plautus transtulerit’ -(Parisiis, 1857). - -[249] Verses 368–70. - -[250] ‘Cur.,’ 146–54. - -[251] ‘Truc.,’ 354. - -[252] ‘Pœn.,’ 353. - -[253] ‘Journal of Hellenic Studies,’ vol. viii. (1887), p. 256. - -[254] See Bachofen’s ‘Mutterrecht.’ - -[255] Pearson, p. 53. - -[256] ‘Strom.,’ iv. 19. - -[257] P. 121. - -[258] ‘Fabulæ,’ 274. - -[259] Vol. xviii. - -[260] ‘The Ptolemies,’ vii., p. 374. - -[261] P. 11. - -[262] Nietzold, p. 79; Grenfell, ‘Greek Papyri,’ ii. 76. - -[263] P. 257. - -[264] P. 9. - -[265] ix. 12, Schn. - -[266] Paulus, however, in ‘Dig.,’ 23, 2, 44, attributes this to a “lex -Julia.” - -[267] ‘Digest,’ 23, 2, 16; the extract is quoted from Paulus. See also -‘Dig.,’ 23, 1, 16; 23, 2, 23; 1, 9, 9; 1, 9, 10; 1, 9, 8; 24, 1, 3, 1. - -[268] ‘Les Esclaves Chrétiens,’ p. 293. - -[269] C. 5. - -[270] Book xxii. c. 2. - -[271] ‘Refut.,’ ix. II. - -[272] The action of Callistus is discussed by Abbé de Hir, de Rossi, -Armellini, Bunsen, Wordsworth, Volkmar, Döllinger, Cruice, Meyer, and -Neumann. - -Transcriber’s Note: - -1. Greek words/phrases have been corrected where necessary. - -2. Obvious printers’, spelling and punctuation errors have been - silently corrected. - -3. Original spelling has been retained where necessary. - -4. 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- padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - - </style> - </head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Woman; Her Position and Influence in Ancient Greece and Rome, and among the Early Christians, by James Donaldson</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Woman; Her Position and Influence in Ancient Greece and Rome, and among the Early Christians</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: James Donaldson</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 16, 2022 [eBook #67177]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Turgut Dincer, Karin Spence and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMAN; HER POSITION AND INFLUENCE IN ANCIENT GREECE AND ROME, AND AMONG THE EARLY CHRISTIANS ***</div> - - -<p id="half-title" class="p6">WOMAN;<br /> - -HER POSITION AND INFLUENCE IN ANCIENT<br /> - -GREECE AND ROME, AND AMONG<br /> - -THE EARLY CHRISTIANS.</p> - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p class="center p-left p4"><i>BY THE SAME AUTHOR</i></p> -</div> - -<p class="center p-left xl">THE WESTMINSTER CONFESSION<br /> -OF FAITH</p> - -<p class="center p-left lg">AND THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES OF THE<br /> -CHURCH OF ENGLAND:</p> - -<p class="center p-left"><i>THE LEGAL, MORAL, AND RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF<br /> -SUBSCRIPTION TO THEM</i></p> - -<p class="center p-left">Crown 3<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> net</p> - -<p class="center p-left">LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.</p> - -<p class="center p-left sm">LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY AND CALCUTTA</p> - - -<h1>WOMAN;<br /> -<span class="subhed1"><i>HER POSITION AND INFLUENCE IN ANCIENT<br /> -GREECE AND ROME, AND AMONG<br /> -THE EARLY CHRISTIANS</i></span></h1> - -<p class="center p-left xs p6">BY</p> - -<p class="center p-left p1">JAMES DONALDSON, M.A. LL.D.</p> - -<p class="center p-left p0"><i>Principal of the University of St. Andrews</i></p> - - -<p class="center p-left p4">LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.</p> - -<p class="center p-left sm">39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON</p> - -<p class="center p-left sm">NEW YORK, BOMBAY AND CALCUTTA</p> - -<p class="center p-left xs">1907</p> - -<p class="center p-left xs"><i>All rights reserved</i></p> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="smaller">PREFACE.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>The first three books of this work and a part of the fourth are a -reprint of the following five articles from the <i>Contemporary -Review</i>, and of a portion of the sixth, with the kind consent of the -Editor.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. The Position and Influence of Women in Ancient -Greece.—<i>Contemporary Review</i>, July, 1878.</p> - -<p>2. The Position and Influence of Women in Ancient -Athens.—<i>Contemporary Review</i>, March, 1879.</p> - -<p>3. The Position of Women in Ancient Rome.—<i>Contemporary -Review</i>, May, 1888.</p> - -<p>4. The Position of Women in Ancient Rome.—<i>Contemporary -Review</i>, October, 1888.</p> - -<p>5. The Position of Women among the Early -Christians.—<i>Contemporary Review</i>, September, 1889.</p> - -<p>6. The Characters of Plautus.—<i>Contemporary Review</i>, -November, 1877.</p> -</div> - -<p>All the articles have been carefully revised and various additions -have been inserted in them. The fourth book contains discussions of -some important questions bearing on the subject of the work, which are -printed for the first time.</p> - -<p>I am indebted to Mr. John Randall for the preparation of the Index.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="smaller">CONTENTS.</h2> -</div> - -<table summary="contents"> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td class="header">BOOK I.</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td></td> - <td class="header2">THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN -IN ANCIENT GREECE.</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - - - <tr> - <th class="chap">CHAP.</th> - <th></th> - <th class="pag">PAGE</th> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">I.</td> - <td class="cht">Preliminary</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">II.</td> - <td class="cht">Homeric Women</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">III.</td> - <td class="cht">The Spartan Women</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">IV.</td> - <td class="cht">Sappho</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">V.</td> - <td class="cht">Athenian Women</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td></td> - <td class="header">BOOK II.</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td></td> - <td class="header2">THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN -IN ANCIENT ROME.</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">I.</td> - <td class="cht">The Good Side</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_77">77</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">II.</td> - <td class="cht">The Other Side</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">III.</td> - <td class="cht">Religion</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">IV.</td> - <td class="cht">Legislation and Marriage Laws</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_99">99</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">V.</td> - <td class="cht">The Effects of Marriage and other Arrangements</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td></td> - <td class="header">BOOK III.</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td></td> - <td class="header2">THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN -IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY.</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">I.</td> - <td class="cht">High Position of Women and their Subsequent Degradation</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_148">148</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">II.</td> - <td class="cht">Explanation of the Degradation</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_175">175</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td></td> - <td class="header">BOOK IV.</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td></td> - <td class="header2">SUPPLEMENTARY.</td> - <td></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">I.</td> - <td class="cht">Women of the Homeric Period.</td> - <td class="pag"></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(1) The Gentleness of the Period</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_192">192</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(2) The Darker Side of the Question</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_198">198</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(3) Love-Making in Homer’s Time</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_205">205</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">II.</td> - <td class="cht">Women in the Greek Period.</td> - <td class="pag"></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(1) On the Character of Sappho</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_207">207</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(2) Aspasia</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_210">210</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(3) Portraits of Sappho and Aspasia</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_211">211</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(4) Right of Intermarriage—ἐπιγαμία</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_211">211</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(5) Athenian Citizenship</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_212">212</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(6) Date of ‘Ecclesiazusæ’</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_215">215</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(7) The Women of Plautus</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_216">216</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">III.</td> - <td class="cht">Women in the Roman Period.</td> - <td class="pag"></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(1) Women in Asia Minor</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_237">237</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(2) The Speech of Augustus on Marriage</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_238">238</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(3) Medical Women</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_240">240</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(4) Women in Egypt</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_241">241</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">IV.</td> - <td class="cht">Women in the Ante-Nicene Period.</td> - <td class="pag"></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(1) Influence of Christianity on Women</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_248">248</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht1">(2) Callistus</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_249">249</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht" colspan="2">Bibliography</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_255">255</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht" colspan="2">Index</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_269">269</a></td> - </tr> - -</table> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p> - -<h2>BOOK I.<br /> -<span class="subhed">THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN ANCIENT GREECE.</span></h2></div> - -<h3>CHAPTER I.<br /> -<span class="subhed1 gesperrt">PRELIMINARY.</span></h3> - -<p>Everything that has life has a course within certain limits -predetermined for it, through which it passes until it finally -disappears. The seed of the oak gathers materials from earth and sky -until it fashions itself into the majestic tree. It will not become a -rose or an elm. So it is with the higher animals and man. The lines -of their progress through life are distinctly marked off. But within -the limits special to each class, there are different degrees of -perfection. All the individuals seem to strive after an ideal which -none attains, to which some come very close, and to which all more -or less approximate. Man has also his ideal, but in addition to the -instinctive power of soul which strives after the ideal, he has the -faculty of being conscious of the ideal and of consciously striving -after it. What is true of man, is true of woman. What is the ideal of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span> -woman? What could we call the complete development and full blossoming -of woman’s life? I have no intention of answering this question, much -agitated in the present day. I do not think that I could answer it -satisfactorily, but it is requisite for the historian of woman in -any age to put it to himself and his readers. A true conception of -woman’s ideal life can be reached only by the long experience of many -ages. The very first and most essential element in the harmonious -development of woman’s nature, as it is of man’s, is freedom, but this -is the very last thing which she acquires. Impediments have arisen on -every hand to hinder her from bringing her powers into full activity. -Ignorance, prejudice, absurd modes of thought prevalent in particular -ages, conventional restraints of an arbitrary nature, laws that have -sought to attain special aims without regard to general culture and -well-being—these and like causes have prevented us from seeing what -woman might become if she were left unfettered by all influences but -those that are benign and congenial. It is the part of the historian to -take note of these obstacles, and to see what, notwithstanding these, -woman can do and aims at doing.</p> - -<p>The first condition, therefore, of a successful study of woman’s -history is to come unbiassed to the task. We must for the time keep -in abeyance our prevalent opinions. There is peculiar need for this -in this subject, because, should we have false opinions, they are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span> -sure to be held with a tenacity which is great in proportion to their -falsehood; and should we have true, we are likely to give them an -exaggerated importance and power; for all opinions on women are apt to -be intense. We have therefore to suspend our ordinary modes of thought, -and enter into conceptions and feelings and a manner of life widely -different from our own. Some of these differences I must explain before -I enter on my history.</p> - -<p>And first of all the Greeks looked at the relations between the sexes -from a point of view utterly strange to us. Amongst us there exists a -clear and definite doctrine which lays down rigidly what is right and -what is wrong. The Greeks had no such doctrine. They had to interrogate -nature and their own hearts for the mode of action to be pursued. They -did not feel or think that one definite course of conduct was right, -and the others wrong; but they had to judge in each case whether -the action was becoming, whether it was in harmony with the nobler -side of human nature, whether it was beautiful or useful. Utility, -appropriateness, and the sense of the beautiful were the only guides -which the Greeks could find to regulate them in the relations of the -sexes to each other.</p> - -<p>We have to add to this that their mode of conceiving nature was quite -different from ours. To them everything was natural, or, if you like, -supernatural. If wine gladdened or maddened the heart<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span> of man, the -influence was equally that of a god. The Greek might be perplexed why -a god should madden him, but he never doubted the fact. And so it was -with love. The influence which the one sex exercises on the other is -something strangely mysterious. Two persons of different sexes meet. -If we look at them, we see nothing very remarkable in either. And -if we continue our look for an hour or two, we might notice nothing -remarkable going on. Yet a very extraordinary change has taken place. -The hearts of both have begun to vibrate wildly. The commonplace -man has had wings furnished to his mind, and he sees heaven opening -before his eyes, and an infinite tenderness suffuses his soul. The -girl, who could not utter a word in her own behalf before, has had -her lips unsealed, and wit and brightness and poetry sparkle in every -sentence which she addresses to her companion. She too flings from her -the ordinary routine of daily life, and sees before her a paradise -of purest bliss and unending joy. Whence comes all this inspiration? -Whence this temporary elevation of the mental powers? Whence this -unsealing of mortal eyes, till they see the beatific vision? “From a -divine power,” said the Greeks. And this divine power seemed to them -the most irresistible of all. It swayed the gods themselves. If the -gods themselves could not but yield to the magic power, how could it be -expected that a mortal could resist? The religion of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span> Greeks could -not with such a mode of conception strongly aid them in self-restraint. -It could merely inculcate forbearance and compassion. And this we -find to be the case. In a speech which Sophocles puts into the mouth -of Dejanira, she expresses her conviction that a wife has no right to -expect a husband to be always faithful to her, or to blame the woman -with whom he falls in love. “Thou wilt not,” she says, “tell thy tale -to an evil woman, nor to one who knows not the nature of man, that he -does not naturally rejoice always in the same. For whosoever resists -Love in a close hand-to-hand combat, like a boxer, is not wise. For he -sways even the gods as he wishes, and me myself also; and how should -he not sway another woman who is such as I am? So that if I find fault -with my husband caught with this disease, or with this woman the cause -along with him of nothing that is disgraceful, or to me an evil, I -am unquestionably mad.”<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Such religious forbearance is not found -in poetry only. It is inculcated on wives as a strict part of their -duty by a female Pythagorean philosopher, Periktione, who wrote on the -harmony of woman.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> “For a wife,” she says, “ought to bear all the -circumstances of her husband, whether he be unfortunate, or err in -ignorance, or in disease, or in drunkenness, or have intercourse with -other women, for this error is permitted to husbands, but no longer to -wives, for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span> punishment awaits them.” No doubt this indulgence conceded -by Periktione is due partly to the idea, which does not belong to -the earliest period of Greek life, that the wrong-doing of the wife -introduced impurity into the breed of the citizen while the wrong-doing -of the husband had generally no such effect. But there existed also -the feeling expressed more generally in regard to human nature both -of men and women by Dejanira. The sentiment disappears only before a -philosophy such as that of Plato and Aristotle, which rose far above -the common conceptions of the Divine Being. Both of these philosophers -prescribe punishments for those who violate marriage, though their -rules are not absolute but depend on circumstances. Plato says:<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> “And -as to women, if any man has to do with any but those who come into his -house duly married by sacred rites, whether they be bought or acquired -in any other way, and he offends publicly in the face of all mankind, -we shall be right in enacting that he be deprived of civic honours -and privileges, and he be deemed to be, as he truly is, a stranger.” -Aristotle<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> leaves a larger margin for the husband, but suggests that -in certain circumstances of transgression the offending husband should -be punished with loss of his rights as a citizen in proportion to the -offence.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span></p> - -<p>Throughout our estimate of women, it is also of great importance to -remember the passionate love of beauty which animated the Greeks. A -modern mind can form almost no idea of the strength and universality of -this passion. The Greeks loved everything that was beautiful, but it -was in the human body that they saw the noblest form of earthly beauty. -They did not confine their admiration to the face. It was the perfect -and harmonious development of every part that struck them with awe. It -would occupy too much space to give a full account of this love of the -beautiful, or to bring home the intensity of the Greek feeling. One -instance will suffice. The orator Hyperides was defending the Hetaira -Phryne before a court of justice. His arguments, he thought, fell on -the ears of the judges without any effect. He began to regard his case -as hopeless, when a happy idea struck him, and tearing open the garment -of his client, he revealed to the judges a bosom perfectly marvellous -in form. The judges at once acquitted her, and I have no doubt that the -whole Greek sentiment agreed with their decision. But we should make -an entire mistake if we were to suppose that the judges were actuated -by any prurient motive. One of the writers who relate the circumstance -gives the reason of the decision. The judges beheld in such an -exquisite form not an ordinary mortal, but a priestess and prophetess -of the divine Aphrodite. They were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span> inspired with awe,<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and would -have deemed it sacrilege to mar or destroy such a perfect masterpiece -of creative power. And though no doubt there were low-minded Greeks, -as there are low-minded men everywhere, yet it may be affirmed with -truth that the Greeks did not consider beauty to be a mere devil’s -lure for the continuance of the race, as Schopenhauer represents it, -but they saw in it the outshining of divine radiance, and the fleshly -vehicle was but the means to lead on the soul to what is eternally and -imperishably beautiful.</p> - -<p>These are only some of the points in which the Greeks differed widely -from us, and we must realize the difference before we can read the -history aright. But this history has to face other difficulties. The -influence of woman is often exercised most powerfully in such a quiet -and unobtrusive manner that no historian can take note of it. Who, for -instance, could narrate the action of beauty and of beautiful ways upon -thousands of hearts? The influence is silent, but not the less potent. -We have this additional difficulty in Greece, that almost all we know -of women is derived from men. Now, men rarely write dispassionately -of women. They either are in love with them, or hate them, or pretend -to hate them. They have had sweet or bitter experience<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span> of them. And -when they do write about them, they write according to that experience. -But not only is the history of Greek women written by men, but it was -written for men. This fact must be specially remembered when we have -to deal with the utterances of the comic poets, for women did not act -in the plays, nor is it probable that they were even present at the -comedies during the best days of Athens. But men taking the parts of -women are sure to act them with all the exaggeration and licence which -are natural to such representations. No great stress must, therefore, -be laid on the wild abuse of women which can be culled in large -abundance from Greek writers. One early satirical poet<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> (Simonides of -Amorgos) divides women into ten classes, of which only one is good. And -he proceeds with his invective very much as if woman did not exist.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Listen, O people,” says Susarion, who may be called the -inventor of comedy. “Susarion says this: Women are an evil, -but nevertheless, O countrymen, it is not possible to have a -househould without evil, for to marry is an evil and not to -marry is an evil.”<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> (Stob. 69, 2).</p> -</div> - -<p>A satiric poet (Hipponax)<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> gives it as his opinion that “a man has -only two very pleasant days with his wife—one when he marries her, -the other when<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span> he buries her.” A comic poet (Philemon) says pithily, -“Woman is an immortal necessary evil.”<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Euripides says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Terrible is the force of the waves of the sea, terrible the -rush of river and the blasts of hot fire, terrible is poverty, -and terrible are a thousand other things; but none is such a -terrible evil as woman. No painter could adequately represent -her: no language can describe her; but if she is the creation of -any of the gods, let him know that he is a very great creator of -evils and a foe to mortals.” (Stob. 73, 1.)</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">Quotations like these could be made in hundreds, but they really tell -us little. They could be matched by a large number of sayings from -the same authors in which woman is praised to the skies. Euripides -was specially blamed as a hater of women. The remark was made in the -presence of Sophocles. “Yes,” said he, “in his tragedies.” And even in -his tragedies he has painted women of exquisite tenderness of heart, -and capable of the grandest self-sacrifice and of the purest love.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER II.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">THE HOMERIC WOMEN.</span></h3></div> - -<p>In treating of Greek women I can only select prominent periods. And the -first that comes before us is the Homeric.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> And here we require all -the power of transporting ourselves into different times that we can -command; for the phenomena are singular and unique. If we look at the -external position of women, we must place the Homeric age exceedingly -low in civilization. Women have almost no rights; they are entirely -under the power of man, and they live in continual uncertainty as to -what their destiny may be. The woman may be a princess, brought up in -a wealthy and happy home; but she knows that strangers may come and -carry her off, and that she may therefore at some time be a slave in -another man’s house. This uncertainty seems to have produced a strong -impression on their character. They are above all women meek. If the -terrible destiny comes upon them, they submit to it with all but -unrepining gentleness, and their gentle ways soon<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span> overcome the heart -of their warrior tyrants, and they make them their companions and -friends. But low though this position be, it has to be noted that it is -the inevitable result of the character of the times. Might was right. -The strong arm alone could assert a right. The warrior had to defend -even what belonged to him against any new comer. He himself sacked the -cities of others. His own city, too, might be sacked, and if his wife’s -fate was to be carried off and to become the mistress of his conqueror, -his own was to perish mercilessly by the cold edge of the sword. -Man and woman alike held their lives in their hands. Women were not -warriors, and therefore they had to depend entirely on the protection -of men, and were consequently subject to them.</p> - -<p>Such was their external position. But when we look to the actual -facts of the case, nowhere in the whole range of literature are women -subjected to a sway so gentle, so respectful, so gracious. Indeed, -it can scarcely be called a sway at all. The physical force which, -no doubt, exists is entirely in the background. In the front we see -nothing but affection, regard, and even deference. The men appear never -to have found fault with the women. It was natural for a woman to love, -and she might do what they would deem an eccentric or disproportionate -action in consequence of this influence; but it was either a man or a -god that was to blame. She was for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span> time mad. Even in the case of -Helen, who brought so many disasters on Greeks and Trojans, the men -find no fault. She reproaches herself bitterly, but the men think that -it was Paris who was to blame, for he carried her off forcibly. How -could she help it? And how could she prevent Paris falling in love with -her? It was the business of woman to make any man happy whom destiny -brought into her company, to diffuse light and joy through the hearts -of men. Helen was surpassingly beautiful, knew all womanly works to -perfection, was temperate and chaste, according to their ideas,<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> -and had a mind of high culture. All these were gifts of the gods, and -could not but attract. The Trojans themselves were not surprised that -Paris should have fallen under the spell of her charms; for a being so -beautiful was a worthy object of contest between Greeks and Trojans. -But she did nothing to excite Paris. She would have been happier with -Menelaus. And when Paris was slain and Troy captured, Helen gladly -returned to her former husband, and again occupied her early queenly -position with dignity and grace, as if nothing had happened.</p> - -<p>The only woman in regard to whom harsh words are used is Clytemnestra; -but even in her case the man is much more censured than the woman, and -if she had merely yielded to Ægisthus, under the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span> strong temptations, -or rather overpowering force, to which she was exposed, not much would -have been said. Agamemnon would have wreaked his vengeance on the male -culprit, and restored his wife to her former place. But at last she -became the willing consort of Ægisthus, and his willing accomplice in -the dreadful crime of murder. Yet even for this it is on Ægisthus that -the poet lays the burden of the blame. For this mild judgment of women -there were several causes. First, the Homeric Greeks were strongly -impressed by the irresistible power of the gods and of fate, and the -weakness of mortals; they thus found an easy excuse for any aberrations -of men, but especially of helpless women; and their strong sense of the -shortness of life and the dreariness of death led them to try to make -the best of their allotted span.</p> - -<p>Then their ideas of love and marriage tended to foster gentleness. -In the Homeric poems there is no love-making; the idea of flirtation -is absolutely and entirely unknown. They no doubt spoke sweet words -to each other, but they kept what they said to themselves. And a man -who wished to marry a girl proved the reality of his desire generally -by offering the father a handsome gift for her, but sometimes by -undertaking a heavy task, or engaging in a dangerous contest. And when -she left her father’s home, she bent all her ways to please the man who -had sought after her, and she succeeded. In the Homeric poems<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span> the man -loves the woman, and the woman soon comes to love her husband, if she -has not done so before marriage. The Homeric Greeks are, even at this -early stage, out-and-out monogamists.<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Monogamy is in the very heart -of the Greek heroes. No one of them wishes for more than one woman.</p> - -<p>There is a curious instance of the power of heroic affection in -Achilles. A captive widow has become his partner before the walls -of Troy. She is very fond of him, and he becomes very fond of her. -But there is no proper marriage between them, and Achilles could not -worthily celebrate his marriage in a camp far from his friends and -home. Yet such is his love for her, and her alone, that she is to him -a real wife.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> And when Patroklos dies, Briseis, in her lament over -him, states that he promised that he would make her the wedded wife -of Achilles, and take her to Phthia, the native land of the hero, and -celebrate the marriage feast among the Myrmidons.<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Probably Achilles -had often given her the same promise, though he knew that his father -might assign him a wife, and there might thus be difficulties in the -way, and Patroklos had offered to help him in carrying out his design. -If there was such true love to a captive, we may expect this still more -to be the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span> case with wives of the same race and rank. And so it is.</p> - -<p>Beautiful, indeed, is the picture of married life which Homer draws. -“There is nothing,” he says,<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> “better and nobler that when husband -and wife, being of one mind, rule a household.” And such households he -portrays in the halls of Alcinous and Arete, and in the Trojan home -of Hector and Andromache<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>, but still more marked and beautiful is -the constant love of Penelope and Ulysses.<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> Indeed, Homer always -represents the married relation as happy and harmonious. In the -households of earth there is peace. It is in the halls of Olympus that -we find wife quarrelling with husband. But the love of these women to -their husbands is the love of mortals to mortals. They do not swear -eternal devotion to each other. They have no dream of loving only one, -and that one for ever, in this life and the next. They do not look much -beyond the present; and, therefore, if a husband or wife were to die, -it would be incumbent on the survivor to look out for a successor. Even -when a husband is long absent from his wife, it is not expected that -he can endure the troubles of life without the company and comfort -of one woman’s society. Thus Agamemnon takes to himself the captive -Chryseis, and comes to love her better than his wife. Thus Achilles -becomes so attached to Briseis as to weep bitterly when she is taken -from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span> him; but when she is taken from him, he consoles himself with the -beautiful-cheeked Diomede. And Ulysses, though he loves his Penelope -best, and longs for her, does not refuse the embraces of the goddesses -with whom he is compelled to stay in the course of his wanderings. -Homer’s insight into human nature is apparent in the circumstance that -it is only in the heart of a true woman that he places resistance to -the ordinary modes of thought. The peculiarity of Penelope’s affection -is that it will not submit to prevalent ideas; she loves and admires -her Ulysses, and she will love no other. Contrary to all custom, she -puts off the suitors year after year. The time has arrived when every -one expects her to marry again. She has seen her son Telemachus grow to -manhood. She has now no excuse. But she still refuses, waiting against -hope for the return of him who, in her heart, she believes will return -no more.<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> - -<p>After what I have stated I need scarcely say that the influence of -woman was very great in the Homeric period. The two poems turn upon -affection for women. The Trojan war had its origin in the resolution -of the Greeks to recover Helen, and the central point in the Iliad -is the wrath of Achilles because Agamemnon has taken away from him -his captive Briseis. Ulysses and Penelope, as every one knows, are -the subject of the ‘Odyssey.’ The husband<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span> consulted his wife in all -important concerns, though it was her special work to look after the -affairs of the house. Arete is a powerful peacemaker in the kingdom of -her husband Alcinous, and it is to her that Nausicaa advises Ulysses to -go if he wishes to obtain his return. All the people worship her as a -god when she walks through the streets. Penelope and Clytemnestra are -left practically in charge of the realms of their husbands during their -absence at Troy, each with a wise man as counsellor and protector. And -the very beautiful Chloris acted as queen in Pylos.<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Fear also for -the contempt of the women was one motive to bravery.<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> And Laertes, -though he honoured Eurycleia as he honoured his dead wife, behaved in -a seemly manner to her,<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> because he shunned the anger of his wife. -Altogether the influence of Homeric women must be reckoned great and -their condition happy.</p> - -<p>For this result two special causes may be adduced—the freedom -which the women enjoyed, and their healthiness, possibly also their -scarceness.</p> - -<p>The freedom was very great. They might go where they liked, and they -might do what they liked. There was indeed one danger which threatened -them continually. If they wandered far from the usual haunts of their -fellow-citizens, strangers might fall upon them and carry them off into -slavery. Such<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span> incidents were not uncommon. But apart from this danger, -they might roam unrestricted. They were not confined to any particular -chamber. They had their own rooms, just as the men had theirs; but they -issued forth from these, and sat down in the common chamber, when there -was anything worth seeing or hearing. Especially they gathered round -the bard who related the deeds of famous heroes or the histories of -famous women. They also frequented the wide dancing place which every -town possessed, and with their brothers and friends, joined in the -dance. Homer pictures the young men and the maidens pressing the vines -together. They mingled together at marriage feasts and at religious -festivals. They took part with the men in sacrificing,<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> or they went -without the men to the temples and presented their offerings.<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> In -fact, there was free and easy intercourse between the sexes. They thus -came to know each other well, and as the daughters were greatly beloved -by their fathers, we cannot doubt that their parents would consult -them as to the men whom they might wish for husbands. Even after -marriage they continued to have the same liberty. Helen appears on the -battlements of Troy, watching the conflict, accompanied only by female -attendants. And Arete, as we have seen, mixed freely with all classes -of Phæacians.</p> - -<p>Along with this freedom, and partly in consequence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span> of it, there -appears to have been an exceedingly fine development of the body. -The education of both boys and girls consisted in listening to their -elders, in attending the chants of the bards, and in dancing at the -public dancing place of the town. There was no great strain on their -intellectual powers. There was no forcing. And they were continually -in the open air. All the men learnt the art of war and of agriculture, -and all the women to do household work. The women made all the clothes -which their relatives wore, and were skilled in the art of embroidery. -But they not merely made the clothes, but regularly washed them, and -saw that their friends were always nicely and beautifully clad. These -occupations did not fall to the lot of menials merely. The highest lady -in the land had her share of them, and none was better at plying the -loom and the distaff than the beautiful Helen.</p> - -<p>We have in the sixth book of the ‘Odyssey’ a charming picture of a -young princess, Nausicaa. Nowhere are portrayed more exquisitely the -thoughts and feelings and ways of a young girl who is true to her own -best nature, who is reserved when reserve is proper, and speaks when -a true impulse moves her, who is guileless, graceful, leal-hearted, -and tender. Happily I have not here to exhibit her character, for to -do anything but quote the exact words of Homer would be inevitably -to mar its beauty; but I have to adduce some of those traits which -show how the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span> Homeric girls grew. Nausicaa is approaching the time -when she ought to be married, and in preparation for this event would -like to have all her clothes clean and in nice condition. She goes -to her father, and tells him that she wishes to wash his clothes and -the clothes of her brothers, that he may be well clad in the senate, -and they may go neat to the dance. The father at once perceives what -desire the daughter cherishes in her heart, and permission is granted, -the mules are yoked to the car, the clothes are collected, and the -princess mounts the seat, whip in hand, and drives off with a number of -maid attendants. They reach the river where are the washing trenches. -The clothes are handed out of the car, the mules are sent to feed on -the grass, and princess and maids wash away at the clothes, treading -them with their feet in the trenches. They then lay out the clothes to -dry. While the clothes are drying, they first picnic by the side of -the river, and then, to amuse themselves, engage in a game at ball, -accompanied with singing. This is a day with Homeric girls. They can do -everything that is necessary—drive, wash, spin, and sew. No domestic -work comes amiss to one and all. And they are much in the open air. -They thus all find active employment. Time never hangs heavy on their -hands. And the strength and freshness of body produce a sweetness of -temper and a soundness of mind which act like a charm on all the men -who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span> have to do with them. It seems to me that this explains to some -extent the phenomena of the Homeric poems. There is no vicious woman -in the ‘Iliad’ or ‘Odyssey.’ Some of them have committed glaring -violations of the ordinary rules of life, but they are merely temporary -aberrations or fits of madness. And there is no prostitution. This -healthiness explains also another feature of the Homeric women which -deserves notice. There was an extraordinary number of very beautiful -women.</p> - -<p>The district of Thessaly, from which the whole of Greece ultimately -derived its own name of Hellas, is characterized by the epithet -the land of the beautiful women; and several other places are so -characterized. But their type of beauty was not the type prevalent in -modern times. Health was the first condition of beauty. The beautiful -woman was well proportioned in every feature and limb. It was the -grace and harmony of every part that constituted beauty. Hence, height -was regarded as an essential requisite. Helen is taller than all her -companions. The commanding stature impressed the Greeks as being a near -approach to the august forms of the goddesses. As one might expect, -the beauty of the women is not confined to the young girl between the -ages of seventeen and twenty. A Homeric woman remained beautiful for a -generation or two. Helen was, in the eye of the Greek, as beautiful at -forty or fifty as she was at twenty, and probably as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span> attractive, if -not more so. The Homeric Greek admired the full-developed woman as much -as the growing girl.</p> - -<p>Such, then, were these Homeric Greek women. The Greek race was the -finest race that ever existed in respect of physical development and -intellectual power. Do we not see, in the account that Homer gives of -the women, something like an explanation of the phenomenon? A race of -healthy, finely formed women is the natural antecedent to a race of men -possessed of a high physical and intellectual organization.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER III.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">THE SPARTAN WOMEN.</span></h3></div> - -<p>When we pass from Homer, we enter a new region. We do not know how far -Homer’s characters are historical. We cannot doubt that the manners -and ways of the men and women whom he describes were like those of -the real men and women amongst whom he lived. He may have idealized a -little, but even his idealizations are indicative of the current of his -age. But we know little of the modes in which the various States of -Greece were constituted, and of the relations which subsisted between -them. We have to pass over a long period which is a practical blank, -and then we come to historical Greece. In historical Greece we have no -unity of the Greek nation. We have men of Greek blood, but these men -did not dream of forming themselves into one nation, ruled by the same -laws, and mutually helpful of each other. The Greek mind regarded the -city as the greatest political organization possible, or at any rate -compatible with the adequate discharge of the functions of a State. -And accordingly if we could give a full account of woman in Greece, we -should have to detail the arrangements made in each particular State. -There are no materials for such an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span> account if we wished to give it; -but even if there had been, it is probable that we should not have -learned much more than we learn from the histories of the two most -prominent of those States, Sparta and Athens. It is to the position and -influence of women in these States that we must turn our attention.</p> - -<p>To form anything like a just conception of the Spartan State, we must -keep clearly in view the notion which the ancients generally and the -Spartans in particular had of a State. The ancients were strongly -impressed with the decay and mortality of the individual man; but -they felt equally strongly the perpetuity of the race through the -succession of one generation after another. Accordingly, when a State -was formed, the most prominent idea that pervaded all legislation was -the permanence of the State, and the continuance of the worship of -the gods. They paid little regard to individual wishes. They thought -little of individual freedom. The individual was for the State, not -the State for the individual, and accordingly all private and personal -considerations must be sacrificed without hesitation to the strength -and permanence of the State. A peculiar turn was given to this idea in -Sparta.</p> - -<p>From the circumstances in which the Spartans were placed, they had -to make up their minds to be a race of soldiers. They had numerous -slaves in their possession to do everything requisite for procuring<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span> -the necessaries of life. They therefore had no call to labour. But -if they were to retain their slaves and keep their property against -all comers, they must be men of strong bodily configuration, hardy, -daring, resolute. And as women were a necessary part of the State, they -must contribute to this result. The regulations made for this purpose -are assigned by the ancients to Lycurgus; but whether he was a real -person, or how far our information in regard to him is to be trusted, -is a matter of no consequence to us at present; for there can be no -doubt that his laws were in force during the best period of Sparta’s -existence. And the laws bear on their front the purpose for which they -were made. All the legislation that relates to women has one sole -object—to procure a first-rate breed of men. The one function which -woman had to discharge was that of motherhood. But this function was -conceived in the widest range in which the Spartans conceived humanity. -In fact no woman can discharge effectively any one of the great -functions assigned her by nature without the entire cultivation of all -parts of her nature. And so we see in this case. The Spartans wanted -strong men: the mothers therefore must be strong. The Spartans wanted -brave men: the mothers therefore must be brave. The Spartans wanted -resolute men—men with decision of character: the mothers must be -resolute. They believed, with intense faith, that as are the mothers, -so will be the children.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span> And they acted on this faith. They first -devoted all the attention and care they could to the physical training -of their women.</p> - -<p>From their earliest days the women engaged in gymnastic exercises; and -when they reached the age of girlhood, they entered into contests with -each other in wrestling, racing, and throwing the quoit and javelin. -Some writers<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> assert that they engaged in similar contests even -with the young men, and, like them, divesting themselves of the slight -garments which they were in the habit of wearing in their warm climate, -they showed before assembled multitudes what feats of strength and -agility they could perform. In this way the whole body of citizens -would come to know a girl’s powers; there could be no concealment -of disease; no sickly girl could pass herself off as healthy. But -it was not only for the physical strength, but for the mental tone, -that the girls had to go through this physical exercise. The girls -mingled freely with the young men. They came to know each other well. -Long before the time of marriage they had formed attachments and knew -each other’s characters. And in the games of the young men nothing -inspirited them so much as the praise of the girls, and nothing was -so terrible as the shouts of derision which greeted their failures. -The same influence made itself felt when they fought<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span> in battle. The -thought that, when they came home, they would be rapturously welcomed -by mother and sister, nerved many an arm in the hour of danger. All the -training anterior to marriage was deliberately contrived to fit the -Spartan women to be mothers. And it is needless to say that all the -arrangements in connexion with marriage were made solely for the good -of the State. All the Spartan girls had to marry. No one ever thought -of not marrying. There was one exception to this. No sickly woman was -allowed to marry. The offspring must be healthy. And, indeed, if she -had had to consult her own feelings in Sparta, the sickly girl would, -of her own accord, have refrained from marriage. For the State claimed -a right over all the children. They were all brought very soon after -birth before a committee appointed by Government, which examined into -the form and probable healthiness of the child, and if the committee -came to the conclusion that the child was not likely to be strong its -death was determined on.</p> - -<p>But there must have been very few sickly women among the Spartans. If -a girl survived this first inspection, she had, as we have seen, her -trials to go through, and only the strong could outlive the gymnastic -exercises and the exposure of their persons in all weathers during -religious processions, sacred dances, and physical contests. The -age of marriage was also fixed, special care being taken that the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span> -Spartan girls should not marry too soon. In all these regulations the -women were not treated more strictly than the men. The men also were -practically compelled to marry. The man who ventured on remaining -a bachelor was punished in various ways. If a man did not marry -on reaching a certain age, he was forbidden to be present at the -exercises of the young girls. The whole set of them were taken one -wintry day in each year, and, stripped of their clothing, went round -the agora singing a song that told how disgraceful their conduct was -in disobeying the laws of their country—a spectacle to gods and -men. The women also, at a certain festival, dragged these misguided -individuals round an altar, inflicting blows on them all the time.<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> -Men were punished even for marrying too late, or for marrying women -disproportionately young or old.</p> - -<p>Such was the Spartan system. What were the results of it? For about -four or five hundred years there was a succession of the strongest men -that possibly ever existed on the face of the earth. The legislator was -successful in his main aim. And I think that I may add that these men -were among the bravest. They certainly held the supremacy in Greece -for a considerable time through sheer force of energy, bravery, and -obedience to law. And the women helped to this high position as much as -the men. They were themselves remarkable for vigour<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span> of body and beauty -of form. A curious illustration of this fact occurs in one of the plays -of Aristophanes. An Athenian lady resolves to put an end to the war -between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians by combined action on the part -of the wives from all parts of Greece. She has summoned a meeting of -them, and as Lampito, the Lacedæmonian wife, comes in, she thus accosts -her: “O dearest Spartan, O Lampito, welcome! How beautiful you look, -sweetest one; how fresh your complexion, how vigorous your body. You -could throttle an ox.” “Yes,” says she, “I think I could, by Castor -and Pollux, for I practise gymnastics and leap high.”<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> They were -not, however, merely strong in body, but took a deep interest in all -matters that concerned the State. They sank everything, even maternal -feeling, in their care for the community. Many stories and sayings to -this effect have been preserved. A Spartan mother sent her five sons -to war, and, knowing that a battle had taken place, she waited for the -news on the outskirts of the city. Some one came up to her and told -her that all her sons had perished. “You vile slave,” said she, “that -is not what I wanted to know; I want to know how fares my country.” -“Victorious,” said he. “Willingly, then,” said she, “do I hear of the -death of my sons.”</p> - -<p>Another, when burying her son, was commiserated by an old woman, who -cried out, “Oh, your fate!”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span> “Yes, by the gods,” said she, “a glorious -fate, for did not I bear him that he might die for Sparta?”</p> - -<p>And their courage was not merely of a daring and physical character. It -was a moral courage. A Spartan had been wounded in battle and compelled -to crawl on all fours; he seemed to feel ashamed of the awkwardness of -his position. “How much better it is,” said his mother, “to rejoice on -account of bravery, than be ashamed on account of ignorant laughter!”</p> - -<p>It might be supposed that the peculiar training to which the women were -subjected might make them licentious and forward, but the testimony is -strong that no such results followed from free intercourse with the -young men. Adultery was almost entirely unknown.</p> - -<p>Plutarch<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> tells the story that a stranger asked Geradas, one of the -very old Spartans, what punishment their law appointed for adulterers. -He answered, “O stranger, there is no adulterer in our country.” The -stranger said, “What if there should be one?” “He pays a fine,” says -Geradas, “of a bull so large that stooping over Taygetus it will drink -out of the Eurotas.” When the stranger expressed his surprise, and -said, “But how could there ever be so large a bull?” Geradas replied, -with a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span> smile, “And how could there ever be an adulterer in Sparta?” -This language is perhaps too strong, and there were certain practices -allowable which would not be allowed in our communities. The one object -of marriage was to produce strong children, and any deviation from the -ordinary arrangement by which one woman was married to one man was not -only deemed legitimate, but praiseworthy if it secured strong children. -In this way a weak man might lend his wife to a stronger, and some -women had two husbands. There is only one case on record of a Spartan -having two wives, and the case was singular. A greater latitude must -have been allowed to women. But all these cases must have been quite -exceptional. The wives were true to their husbands, the husbands fond -and proud of their wives. A poor maiden was asked what dowry she could -give to her lover. “Ancestral purity,” she said. A person was sent to -try to persuade a Lacedæmonian woman to aid in some evil practice. -“When I was a girl,” she said, “I was taught to obey my father, and -I obeyed him; and when I became a wife I obeyed my husband; if, -therefore, you have anything just to urge, make it known to him first.”</p> - -<p>Such were these Spartan women for many generations. No word of reproach -can be brought against them. It is true that the free intercourse -of the young men with the young women and the slightness of the -female garments shocked the ordinary Athenian, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span> expressions to -this effect occur in some writers, especially Euripides.<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> But the -general purity of the Spartan women is guaranteed by all the principal -writers who have discussed the constitution of Sparta as it was during -its supremacy—by Plato,<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Xenophon, and Plutarch. No doubt the -system laboured under a radical defect. It was exclusive. It drove -away all strangers; it discouraged the higher culture at least in the -case of the men; and it suspected all the higher arts as tending to -luxury. And when the crisis came and the old manners gave way, vice -and weakness rushed in, and men and women became equally bad. It is -in the latter period that the words of blame are heard. Plato justly -criticizes one marked defect in the Spartan treatment of women. The -lawgiver had looked on woman only as a mother. He had lost sight -of every other function. But women cannot spend their whole lives -as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span> mothers. When their infants grew into boyhood they were handed -over to the instruction of Spartan men. And then what function had -the women to discharge? Lycurgus, or the Spartan law-givers, took -no thought of this. The men were under strict regulation to the end -of their days. They dined together on the fare prescribed by the -State. They were continually out on military service. They had other -employments assigned to them. But no regulations were made for the -women. They might live as they liked; there was nothing to restrain -their luxury, and they were not taught the military art like the men. -This neglect of the half of the city, Aristotle affirms, was followed -by dire consequences. In his day the Spartan women were incorrigible -and luxurious. He also affirms that the Spartan system threw a great -deal of land into the hands of the women, so that they possessed -two-fifths of it; and finally he accuses the Spartan women of ruling -their husbands. Warlike men, he thinks, are apt to be passionately fond -of the society of women. “And what difference,” he says,<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> “does it -make whether the women rule or the rulers are ruled by the women? for -the result is the same.” There seems to have been some truth in this -last accusation. Many of the wives were better educated than their -husbands, and the fact was noticed by others. “You of Lacedæmon,” said -a strange lady to Gorgo, wife of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span> Leonidas, “are the only women in the -world that rule the men.” “We,” she replied, “are the only women that -bring forth men.” There is a great deal of point in what Gorgo said. If -women bring forth and rear <i>men</i>, they are certain to receive from -them respect and tenderness, for there is no surer test of a man’s real -manhood than his love for all that is noblest, highest, and truest in -woman, and his desire to aid her in attaining to the full perfection of -her nature.</p> - -<p>The student of the history of woman is continually reminded of the -fact that when men lose their dignity and eminence, woman disappears -from the scene, but when they rise into worth, she again comes on the -stage in all her power and tenderness. We have an instance before us. -Sparta became degenerate. Her name almost vanishes from the pages of -the historian. But she was not to die without a final struggle. In -the middle of the third century before Christ two kings of Sparta in -succession dreamt of putting down the luxury, and restoring the old -Spartan discipline and the old Lycurgan laws. And in the midst of their -vigorous and heroic efforts to effect this great change, women again -play their part with energy and devotion. The earliest of the two kings -was the young and gentle Agis,<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> and almost the first person whom he -consulted on his projected reforms was his mother Agesistrata, a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span> woman -of great wealth and influence. She was at first utterly taken aback, -for the project included the surrender of all her wealth. But at length -she admired her son’s noble ambition, and set her mind, with the aid of -some other like-minded women, on procuring the support of the women of -Sparta. The importance of such support could not be overestimated.</p> - -<p>“They well knew,” says Plutarch, “that the Lacedæmonian men were -always obedient to their wives, and that they allowed them to meddle -in public matters more than they allowed themselves to meddle in -private affairs.” Besides, the women had a great deal of property. -Would they surrender their wealth? Would they give up their luxurious -habits? Would they return to the old Spartan simplicity? No, the -movement seemed to have come too late. Some were willing to sacrifice -everything, but others would yield nothing, and a strong party was -formed against Agis. At first this party was put down with a high -hand. Leonidas, the leader, was driven into exile. The daughter of -this man, Chelonis, is one of the great characters that emerged during -these troublous times. She had been married to Cleombrotus, who took -the side of Agis. Chelonis was in straits what to do, but she chose -to follow the path where gentleness and tenderness were required. She -left her husband and tended her father in distress, relieving his -wants, soothing his troubles, and supplicating<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span> the victorious party -in his behalf. At length the wheel of fortune turned round. Leonidas -became master of the situation. Agis and Cleombrotus were in his hands. -Chelonis at once fled from her father and took her place beside her -husband. In the wretched robes which she had worn when pleading for her -father, she pleaded for her husband. After much entreaty she prevailed, -and the life of her husband was spared, but he was condemned to exile. -Chelonis had again to make her choice. Her father urged her to stay -with him, reminding her of the kindness he showed her in sparing her -husband, and promising every comfort. But Chelonis did not hesitate. As -Cleombrotus rose to go, she gave him one of her children, and, taking -the other in her arms and kissing the altar of the goddess, she walked -out with him to degradation and poverty.</p> - -<p>Justly does Plutarch add the remark that if Cleombrotus had not been -entirely corrupted by vainglory, he would have deemed exile with such a -woman a greater blessing than any kingdom. The fate of pure-minded Agis -was worse than that of Cleombrotus. No mercy was shown him, and he was -put to death by strangulation. His mother, Agesistrata, waited to hear -what was to become of him. The officer, who knew that Agis was dead, -delusively told her that no violence would be done him. She wished to -see him, and take her old mother with her. Permission was granted. The -two women entered<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span> the prison. The doors were shut. The grandmother -was requested to go into the chamber where Agis was. She went in, and -was strangled. Then Agesistrata entered, and saw her son lying on the -ground and her mother hanging by a rope. She calmly helped to take the -dead body down, and, stretching her alongside of Agis, laid both the -bodies out and covered them; and, falling upon her son and kissing -him, she said, “O my son, it is your gentleness and goodness that have -ruined you.” “If that is your opinion,” said the officer, “you had -better go the same way.” She bravely held out her neck, and said, “May -this turn out for the good of Sparta!” And thus was stamped out the -first effort for the reformation of Sparta.</p> - -<p>The second is also remarkable for the nobility of the women who aided -it. Cleomenes,<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> a man of great vigour and capacity, the son of -Leonidas mentioned above, came to the throne. His father had compelled -him to marry Agiatis, the widow of Agis; but he soon began to love the -noble and gentle lady. They talked much together about Agis and his -projects, and Cleomenes at length resolved to carry out the projected -reforms. Again the young prince was helped most effectively by his -mother, Cratesicleia, who supplied him with resources, and even married -again for his sake, for she thereby secured the support of one of the -most influential men in Sparta. But<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span> again destiny was too powerful for -the reformer. He did, indeed, succeed in introducing his reforms into -Sparta, and in again giving her the foremost place in Peloponnesus. But -he awoke the jealousy of Aratus, the head of the Achæan League; the -Macedonian stranger was called in, and after a fatal battle Cleomenes -had to flee. During the course of his struggles his noble wife Agiatis -died, and was bitterly lamented. His mother, Cratesicleia, was always -ready to help him, and stood by him to the last. At one time he -required the alliance of Ptolemy, king of Egypt, but Ptolemy would -not agree to it unless the Spartan king sent his mother and child as -hostages. Cleomenes did not venture to mention this proposal to his -mother, but the mother’s keen eye observed that he was keeping some -secret from her. At last she prevailed on him to disclose it, and on -hearing it she laughed loudly and said, “Will you not send immediately -this body where it is likely to be most useful to Sparta, before it -is dissolved by old age?” After she had gone to Egypt she heard that -Cleomenes was afraid to take certain measures because Ptolemy held his -mother and child as hostages, and she at once wrote to him, “Do what is -proper, and never mind what becomes of an old woman and a little child.”</p> - -<p>The fate of Cleomenes was as tragic as that of Agis. He had sought -shelter in Egypt, but found a prison there instead of a home. He and -his companions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span> determined to overpower the sentinels, break through -the place of confinement, and rouse the inhabitants to assert their -liberty. They easily broke through their place of confinement, but they -could not rouse the inhabitants, and so they resolved to die. Each one -killed himself except Panteus, the youngest and most beautiful among -them. He had been ordered by the king to wait till all had killed -themselves. And so he did. He went round all the bodies to see that -they were dead, and then, kissing Cleomenes and throwing his arms -around him, he also killed himself. The Egyptian king ordered the -execution of all the women connected with the Spartans. The mother -was brought forth and stabbed. Other women also were put to death. -But most touching of all was the end of the wife of Panteus. She was -still very young and exquisitely beautiful, and she was still in the -raptures of first love. When her husband left Sparta for Egypt, her -father had refused to let her go with him, and confined her. But she -found means of escape. She mounted a horse and rode to Tænarus, and -then embarked on a vessel sailing for Egypt. Now she moved about the -women, encouraging and consoling. She led Cratesicleia by the hand to -the place of execution. She decently laid out the bodies of the women -who were slain. And then, adjusting her own robe so that she might -fall becomingly, she offered herself to the executioner without fear. -Thus ended the second effort at Spartan<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span> reformation, and henceforth -autonomous Sparta and her women disappear from history. We may well -conclude the story with the closing words of Plutarch, who, thinking of -the dramatic contests that were held in Greece, says, “Thus Lacedæmon, -exhibiting a dramatic contest in which the women vied with the men, -showed in her last days that virtue cannot be insulted by Fortune.”</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER IV.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">SAPPHO.</span></h3></div> - -<p>After the Spartan women, we should naturally discuss the position and -influence of women among the Athenians. But a singular phenomenon -chronologically anterior arrests our attention. The Spartan -Constitution remained nearly in the same condition from the ninth -century to the fourth. Our knowledge of the life of the Athenian -women relates mainly to the fifth and later centuries. In the seventh -and sixth occurred the movement among women to which I allude. -Unfortunately many features of it are obscure. The ancients did not -feel much interest in it, and the records in which its history was -contained have nearly all perished. The centre of the movement was -the poetess Sappho. She of herself would deserve a passing notice in -any account of ancient women, for she attained a position altogether -unique. She was the only woman in all antiquity whose productions by -universal consent placed her on the same level with the greatest poets -of the other sex. Solon, on hearing one of her songs sung at a banquet, -got the singer to teach it to him immediately, saying that he wished -to learn it and die.<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Herodotus, Plato, Aristotle, refer to her in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span> -terms of profound respect. Plato called her the tenth Muse. And Strabo -seems to express the opinion of antiquity when he says that she was -something quite wonderful; “for we do not know,” he says,<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> “in the -whole period of time of which there is any record, the appearance of a -single woman that could rival her, even in a slight degree, in respect -of poetry.”</p> - -<p>This woman determined to do her utmost to elevate her sex. The one -method of culture open to women at that time was poetry. There was no -other form of literature, and accordingly she systematically trained -her pupils to be poets, and to weave into verse the noblest maxims of -the intellect and the deepest emotions of the heart. Young people with -richly endowed minds flocked to her from all quarters, and formed a -kind of woman’s college.</p> - -<p>There can be no doubt that these young women were impelled to seek the -society of Sappho from disgust with the low drudgery and monotonous -routine to which women’s lives were sacrificed, and they were anxious -to rise to something nobler and better. We learn this from Sappho -herself. It is thus that she addresses an uneducated woman:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Dying thou shalt lie in the tomb, and there shall be no -remembrance of thee afterwards, for thou partakest not of the -roses of Pieria: yea, undistinguished shalt thou walk in the -halls of Hades, fluttering about with the pithless dead.”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">And one of her most distinguished pupils, Erinna,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span> who died at the -early age of nineteen, sang in her poem ‘The Distaff’ the sorrows of -a girl whom her mother compelled to work at the loom and the distaff -while she herself longed to cultivate the worship of the Muses.</p> - -<p>Did she attempt any other innovation in regard to the position of -women? What did she think were the relations which ought to subsist -between the one sex and the other? These are questions that we should -fain wish we could answer; but history remains silent, and we can only -form conjectures from isolated facts and statements. A late Greek -writer, Maximus Tyrius,<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> compares her association with young women -to the association which existed between Socrates and young men. It -has to be remembered that even in Sparta the men were thrown into very -close and continual intimacy; and that this was still more the case in -other States where the women were kept in strict confinement. Even in -Sparta the men dined together alone; they were often away on military -expeditions for whole months together, and men were the instructors of -the youths. In this way passionate intimacies arose between old and -young, the old man striving to instruct his favourite youth in all -manly and virtuous exercises, and the young man serving and protecting -his old friend to the best of his power. These attachments were like -the loves of Jonathan and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span> David, surpassing the love of women. It is -likely that Sappho did not see why these intimacies, fraught as they -were with so many advantages, should be confined to the male sex; and -she strove, or at least Maximus Tyrius thought she strove, to establish -much closer connexions, such strong ties of love between members of -her own sex as would unite them for ever in firm friendship, soothe -them in the time of sorrow, and make the hours of life pass joyfully -on. And her poetry expresses an extraordinary strength and warmth of -affection. Just as Socrates almost swoons at the sight of the exquisite -beauty of an Athenian youth, so Sappho trembles all over when she gazes -on her lovely girls. And she weaves all the beauties of nature into -the expression of the depth of her emotion. She seems to have had a -rarely intense love of nature. The bright sun, the moon and the stars, -the music of birds, the cool river, the shady grove, Hesperus, and -the golden-sandalled Dawn—all are to her ministers of love, of this -intense love for her poetical pupils, for one of whom she says she -would not take the whole of Lydia. But though this association may have -been one great object, it cannot be affirmed that she formed any idea -of making the love of women a substitute for the love of men. Some of -her girls unquestionably married, and Sappho composed their hymeneal -songs. She entered into their future destinies, and sympathized with -them throughout<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span> their career, following them to the grave with the sad -lament which they only can utter who have felt intensely the joys of -life, and see in death the entrance to a cold, shadowy, and pithless -existence.</p> - -<p>It is possible that she may have ventured on new opinions as to the -nature of marriage. When we come to treat of Athens, we shall see -that the restrictions on marriage in the ancient world were of the -sternest and most narrow character. Her Lesbian countrywomen enjoyed -considerable liberty, and Heraclides Ponticus<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> says that they “were -excitable and daring. Wherefore fondness for drink and love affairs, -and every kind of relaxation in regard to food are common among them.” -The statement is made in regard to the Æolians, to whom the Lesbians -belonged. But they were surrounded by Ionians, among whom the position -of women was almost servile. Sappho may have opened her home to the -girls who were tired of such close restriction, and may have counselled -marriage from choice. Probably this circumstance would account for the -treatment which the character of Sappho received in subsequent times, -for all women who have dared to help forward the progress of their -sex, and all men who have boldly aided them have almost uniformly been -slandered and reviled in all ages.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> All the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span> notices which we have -of her from contemporary or nearly contemporary sources speak of her -in high terms of praise. Alcæus, her fellow-townsman, sings of her as -“the violet-crowned, chaste, sweet-smiling Sappho,” and approaches -her in verses which imply a belief in her purity. Herodotus<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> tells -how she bitterly rebuked a brother who squandered all his money on a -beautiful courtezan. Her fellow-citizens honoured her by stamping her -figure upon their coins,—“honoured her,” says Aristotle,<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> “though -she was a woman.” And the fragments of her own poems bear testimony to -the same fact. They show, indeed, the warm blood of a Southern girl -who has no concealments. If she loves, she tells it in verses that -vibrate with emotion, that tremble with passion. And she was no prude. -Like the rest of her sex of that day, she thought that it was woman’s -destiny to love, and that the woman who tried to resist the impulse of -the god tried an impossible feat. But there is not one line to show -that she fell in love with any man. She may have done so, she probably -did so, but there is no clear proof. There is only one reference to a -man, and it is most likely that she is celebrating not her own passion, -but the love of one of her girls. And if she wrote many a hymn to the -golden-throned Aphrodite, she wrote also hymns to the chaste Artemis, -and prayed to the chaste Graces.</p> - -<p>But when we pass from her contemporaries to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span> Athenian comic -writers, all is changed. No fewer than six comedies, written by six -different poets, bore her name and exhibited her loves, and four other -plays probably treated the same subject. In these she was represented -as loving a poet who died before she was born, and two poets who were -born after she died. But especially she fell into an infatuated love -at the age of fifty for a kind of mythological young man who was -gifted by Aphrodite with the power of driving any woman he liked into -desperation for him. Old Sappho became desperate according to these -poets, and plunged into the sea to cool this mad passion; but whether -she ever reached the bottom, no comic poet or subsequent historian has -vouchsafed to tell us. All these villanous stories, which gathered -vileness till, as Philarète Chasles remarks, they reached a climax in -Pope, seem to me indicative that she ventured on some bold innovations -in regard to her own sex which shocked the Athenian mind. And perhaps -confirmation is added to this by the statement in the Parian marble, -though the document is often untrustworthy,<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> that she was banished -and fled to Sicily. She may, indeed, have taken part in some of the -numerous political movements which agitated her native island, but it -seems more likely that she would give offence by trying to strike off -some of the restrictions which in her opinion harassed or degraded her -sex.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER V.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">ATHENIAN WOMEN.</span></h3></div> - -<p>We come now to the Athenians. The phenomenon that presents itself here -is as peculiar and striking as anything we have yet examined. In Athens -we find two classes of women who were not slaves. There was one class -who could scarcely move a step from their own rooms, and who were -watched and restricted in every possible way. There was another class -on whom no restrictions whatever were laid, who could move about and do -whatever seemed good in their own eyes. And the unrestricted would, in -all probability, have exchanged places with the restricted, and many of -the restricted envied the freedom of the other members of their sex. We -proceed to the explanation of this phenomenon.</p> - -<p>First of all the ancient idea of a State has to be firmly kept in mind. -The ancient Greeks did not dream, as we have said, of any political -constitution more extensive than a city. Athens was the largest of -these city-States in Greece, and yet it probably never numbered more -than thirty thousand citizens. These citizens, according to the Greek -idea, were all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span> connected by ties of blood more or less distant; they -all had the same divine ancestor; they all worshipped the same gods -in the same temples, and they possessed many rights, properties, -and privileges in common. It was therefore of supreme importance -that in the continuation of the State only true citizens should be -admitted, and, accordingly, the general principle was laid down that -none could become citizens but those whose fathers and mothers had -been the children of citizens. From this it followed that the utmost -care should be taken that no spurious offspring should be palmed upon -the State. The women could not be trusted in this matter to their -own sense of propriety. It was natural for a woman to love. Even men -were powerless before irresistible love, and much less self-control -could be expected from weak women. Means must therefore be devised to -prevent the possibility of anything going wrong, and, accordingly, the -citizen-women had special apartments assigned to them, generally in the -upper story, that they might have to come downstairs, and men might -see them if they ventured out. Then they were forbidden to be present -at any banquet. The men preferred to dine by themselves, rather than -expose their wives to their neighbour’s gaze. And in order to defy all -possibility of temptation, the women must wrap up every part of their -bodies. In addition to these external arrangements, laws were passed -such as might deter the most venturesome.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span></p> - -<p>A citizen-woman could have almost<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> no other association with a -citizen than marriage. The most transient forcible connexion imposed -the duty of marriage, or was followed by severe penalties. And she -could not marry any but a citizen. Association with a stranger never -could become a marriage. And after she was married, infidelity was -punished with the most terrible disgrace. Her husband was compelled to -send her away. No man could marry her again; for if any one ventured -on such a course, he was thereby disfranchised. She was practically -expelled from society and excommunicated. If she appeared in a temple, -any one could tear her dress off, and maltreat her to any extent with -impunity, provided he stopped short of killing her. Her accomplice also -might be put to death if the husband caught him. Restrictions of the -most stringent nature and punishments the most terrible were employed -to keep the citizenship pure. To help further to realize the position -of the Athenian wife, we have to add that she was generally married -about the age of fifteen or sixteen. Up to this time she had seen and -heard as little as possible, and had inquired about nothing.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> Her -acquaintance with the outside world had been made almost exclusively<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span> -in religious processions. “When I was seven years of age” say the -chorus of women in the ‘Lysistrata,’<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> “I carried the mystic box -in procession; then when I was ten I ground the cakes for our patron -goddess, and then, clad in a saffron-coloured robe, I was the bear -at the Brauronian festival; and I carried the sacred basket when I -became a beautiful girl.” Such were the great external events in the -life of a high-born Athenian maid. When she married, her life was not -much more varied. Her duties lay entirely within the house. They were -summed up in the words, “to remain inside and to be obedient to her -husband.” She superintended the female slaves who carded the wool; she -made, or assisted in making the garments of her husband and children; -she had charge of the provisions; and she was expected to devote some -time to the infants. If she went out at all, it was to some religious -procession or to a funeral, and if old she might occasionally visit a -female friend and take breakfast with her, or help her in some hour of -need. For the discharge of the duties which fell to an Athenian woman -no great intellectual power was needed, and accordingly the education -of girls was confined to the merest elements.</p> - -<p>Such was the treatment of Athenian women. What were the results? One -can easily perceive that there was very little of love-making before -marriage.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span> A girl of thirteen or fourteen preparing for a life of -sewing, spinning, provision-getting, and child-nursing is not generally -an object of much attraction to grown-up men. The romantic element is -decidedly deficient. And then, even if there had been some romantic -element, the young men had no opportunities of free intercourse. -Accordingly matches were managed to a large extent by old women, who -were allowed to go from house to house, and who explained to the young -woman the qualities of the young man and to the young man the qualities -of the young woman. A marriage concluded in such a way might or might -not be happy, but there could be little ideal love about it. Nor is -there any reason to believe that the Athenians were very fond of their -wives. They liked them if they managed their houses economically, and -had healthy children, especially sons. But they were absent from them -the most part of the day; they did not discuss with them subjects of -the highest moment; they did not share with them their thoughts and -aspirations. The domestic sentiment was feeble: this comes out in -various ways. One instance will suffice. Sophocles<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> presents one -of his characters as regretting the loss of a brother or sister much -more than that of a wife. If the wife dies you can get another, but if -a brother or sister<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span> dies, and the mother is dead, you can never get -another brother or sister. The one loss is easily reparable, the other -is irreparable.</p> - -<p>This state of matters had a powerful effect on the wives. Many of -them consoled themselves in their loneliness with copious draughts of -unmixed wine. They often made assignations through their slaves, and -were fond of stealing out of the house whenever they could find an -opportunity. And faithlessness, though the punishment was so terrible, -was not uncommon. In fact their human nature could not bear the strain -laid upon it. No doubt there were many among them who were good and -faithful wives, and we must not always judge Southern girls by our -Northern constitutions of body and soul. I have known a Greek girl who -attained to peerless beauty before she was fourteen. Every feature was -perfect, her dark eyes twinkled at one time with the wildest merriment, -at another gazed with a strange and weird-like melancholy as if into -infinite darkness. She could speak fluently four languages, and she had -read largely in the literatures of each. And when I came upon her in -her sad melancholy moods, she would tell me that she was puzzled with -the mystery of life, and was wondering what it all meant. I have no -doubt there were many such girls in old Athens, and many an Athenian -wife could discuss the highest subjects with her husband. In fact, -it is scarcely possible to conceive that such a marvellous crop<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span> of -remarkable men, renowned in literature and art, could have arisen if -all the Athenian mothers were ordinary housewives. But circumstances -certainly were exceedingly unfavourable to them; and though there -never was in the history of the world such a numerous race of great -thinkers, poets, sculptors, painters, and architects, in one city at -one time as in Athens, not one Athenian woman ever attained to the -slightest distinction in any one department of literature, art, or -science. “Great,” says Pericles, in the famous funeral oration which -Thucydides<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> puts into his mouth, “is the glory of that woman who is -least talked of among the men, either in the way of praise or blame.” -And this glory the Athenian women attained to perfection.</p> - -<p>We pass from the citizen-women of Athens to the other class of free -women—the strangers. A stranger had no rights or privileges in any of -the ancient States. Any justice that he might obtain could be gained -only by the friendly services of some citizen. If this was true of -the man-stranger, it was also true of the woman-stranger. She was not -entitled to the protection of the city-State. No laws were made for -her benefit. She had to look after her own interests herself or get -some man to do it for her by her own arts of persuasion. The one object -that the State kept before it in regard to these stranger-women was -to see to it that they did not in any way corrupt the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span> purity of the -citizen blood. The statesmen thought that great dangers might arise -from their presence in a community. Political peril might threaten -the very existence of the State if strangers, with strange traditions -and foreign interests, were to take even the slightest part in the -management of public affairs. And the gods might be fearfully insulted, -and inflict dreadful vengeance, if any one of these stranger-women -were to find her way into the secret recesses of ancestral worship and -perform some of the sacred functions which only the citizen-women could -perform. The Spartans accordingly did not permit any strangers, male or -female, to reside in their city. These strangers might come to certain -festivals for a few days, but the period of their stay was strictly -limited.</p> - -<p>Athens pursued a different policy. She was a commercial city. She was -at the head, and ultimately ruler, of a larger confederacy of Greek -States which sent their taxes to her. Besides, the city itself was full -of attractions for the stranger, with its innumerable works of art, its -brilliant dramatic exhibitions, its splendid religious processions, -its gay festivals, its schools of philosophy, and its keen political -life. Athens could not exclude strangers. It had, therefore, to take -the most stringent precautions that this concourse of strangers should -not corrupt the pure citizen blood. Accordingly, laws were enacted -which prohibited any citizen-man from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span> marrying a stranger-woman or -any stranger-man from marrying a citizen-woman. If the stranger-man -or woman ventured on such a heinous offence any one could inform -against him or her. The culprit was seized, all his or her property was -confiscated, and he or she was sold into slavery. The citizen-man or -woman involved in such an offence had to suffer very severe penalties. -The stranger-women, therefore, could not marry. Marriage was the only -sin that they could commit politically in the eye of an Athenian -statesman. They might do anything else that they liked.</p> - -<p>Now it is not conceivable that in such circumstances a numerous class -of women would betake themselves to perpetual virginity. If any one -had propounded such a sentiment the Greek mind would have recoiled -from it as unnatural, and plainly contrary to the will of the gods. -And accordingly these women might form any other connexions with men, -temporary or permanent, except marriage, and the Greek saw nothing -in this but the ordinary outcome of human nature under the peculiar -circumstances of the case. Besides, in Athens a special sphere lay open -for them to fill. The citizen-women were confined to their houses, -and did not dine in company with the men. But the men refused to -limit their associations with women to the house. They wished to have -women with them in their walks, in their banquets, in their military -expeditions.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span> The wives could not be with them then, but there was no -constraint on the stranger-women. The Greek men did not care whether -the offspring of stranger-women was pure or not. It mattered not either -to the State or to religion. There was no reason for confining them. -And accordingly they selected these stranger-women as their companions, -and “Hetaira,” or companion, was the name by which the whole class -was designated. Thus arose a most unnatural division of functions -among the women of those days. The citizen-women had to be mothers -and housewives—nothing more; the stranger-women had to discharge the -duties of companions, but remain outside the pale of the privileged and -marriageable class. These stranger-women applied their minds to their -function, with various ideas of it, and various methods. Many adopted -the lowest possible means of gaining the good-will of men; but many set -about making themselves fit companions for the most intellectual and -most elevated among men.</p> - -<p>They were the only educated women in Athens. They studied all the -arts, became acquainted with all new philosophical speculations, and -interested themselves in politics. Women who thus cultivated their -minds were sure to gain the esteem of the best men in Greece. Many of -them also were women of high moral character, temperate, thoughtful, -and earnest, and were either unattached or attached to one man,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span> -and to all intents and purposes married. Even if they had two or -three attachments, but behaved in other respects with temperance and -sobriety, such was the Greek feeling in regard to their peculiar -position, that they did not bring down upon themselves any censure from -even the sternest of Greek moralists. One of these women<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> came to -Athens when Socrates was living, and he had no scruple in conversing -with her on her art, and discussing how she could best procure true -friends. And, in fact, these were almost the only Greek women who -exhibited what was best and noblest in woman’s nature. One of these, -Diotima of Mantinea,<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> must have been a woman of splendid mind, for -Socrates speaks of her as his teacher in love, when he gives utterance, -in the ‘Symposium,’ to the grandest thoughts in regard to the true -nature and essence of divine and eternal beauty.</p> - -<p>Almost every one of the great men of Athens had such a companion, -and these women seem to have sympathized with them in their high -imaginations and profound meditations. Many of them were also -courageously true to their lovers. When the versatile Alcibiades had -to flee for his life, it was a “companion”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span> that went with him,<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> -and, being present at his end, performed the funeral rites over him. -But of all these women there is one that stands prominently forward -as the most remarkable woman of antiquity, Aspasia of Miletus. We -do not know what circumstance induced her to leave her native city -Miletus. Plutarch<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> suggests that she was inflamed by the desire -to imitate the conduct of Thargelia, another Milesian, who gained a -position of high political importance by using her persuasive arts on -the Greeks whom she knew, to win them over to the cause of the King -of Persia. This may have been the case, but a good deal that is said -about Aspasia must be received with considerable scepticism. Like -Sappho, she became the subject of comedies, but, unlike Sappho, she was -bitterly attacked by the comic poets and others during her lifetime. -The later Greek writers were in the habit of setting down the jests of -the comic writers as veritable history, and modern commentators and -historians have not been entirely free from this practice. Whatever -brought her to Athens, certain it is that she found her way there, -and became acquainted with the great statesman Pericles. She made a -complete conquest of him. He was at the time married, but there was -incompatibility of temper between him and his wife. Pericles therefore -made an agreement with his wife to have a divorce, and get her married -to another, and so they separated to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span> the satisfaction of both. He -then took Aspasia as his companion, and there is no good reason for -supposing that they were not entirely faithful to each other, and -lived as husband and wife till death separated them. Of course husband -and wife they could not be according to Athenian law, but Pericles -treated her with all the respect and affection which were due to a -wife. Plutarch tells us, as an extraordinary trait in the habits of a -statesman who was remarkable for imperturbability and self-control, -that he regularly kissed Aspasia when he went out and came in.</p> - -<p>Her house became the resort of all the great men of Athens. Socrates -was often there. Phidias and Anaxagoras were intimate acquaintances, -and probably Sophocles and Euripides were in constant attendance. -Indeed, never had any woman such a <i>salon</i> in the whole history -of man. The greatest sculptor that ever lived, the grandest man of all -antiquity, philosophers and poets, sculptors and painters, statesmen -and historians, met each other and discussed congenial subjects in her -rooms. And probably hence has arisen the tradition that she was the -teacher of Socrates in philosophy and politics, and of Pericles in -rhetoric.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> Her influence was such as to stimulate men to do their -best, and they attributed to her all that was best in themselves. -Aspasia seems especially to have thought earnestly on the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span> duties and -destiny of women. The cultivated men who thronged her assemblies had -no hesitation in breaking through the conventionalities of Athenian -society, and brought their wives to the parties of Aspasia, and she -discussed with them the duties of wives. She thought that they should -strive to be something more than mere mothers and housewives. She urged -them to cultivate their minds, and be in all respects fit companions -for their husbands. Unfortunately we know very little more. Did she -come to any definite conclusion as to the functions of woman? It is -difficult to say. The hints are very obscure. But in all probability -the conclusion to which she came was that neither man nor woman can -adequately perform their mission in life separately, that a man can -never do his best without the inspiration and support of a congenial -woman, and that woman should seek her work in vigorous and sympathetic -co-operation with some congenial man. Probably Plato has put into -the mouth of Aristophanes the sentiments which the philosopher had -heard often in the Socratic circles, which regarded Aspasia as their -instructress in those matters. Referring to the myth that man was -split in two, and that his two halves go in search of each other, he -says,<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> “For my part, I now affirm, in reference to all human beings, -both men and women, that our race would become happy if we were able -to carry out our love perfectly, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span> each one were to obtain his -own special beloved, thus returning to his original nature. And if -this is best, the best in present circumstances is to come as near as -possible to this, and this occurs when we obtain the beloved that is -by nature meet for us.” There is no reason to suppose that Aspasia had -any romantic notions in regard to love or the destiny of woman. She -was, on the whole, practical, and thought that woman should find her -satisfaction in work, not in dreams. She did not imagine that one could -have only one love, and that if she did not get that, or lost it, she -should repine and turn from life. She was in the world to be an active -being, and, accordingly, when Pericles died, she formed a connexion -with Lysicles, a sheep-seller, believing him to be the best citizen -she could obtain, and made him, though not a bright man, the foremost -politician in Athens for a time.<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> - -<p>The entire activity of Aspasia, her speculations, her intercourse with -men whose opinions were novel and daring, and who were believed, like -Anaxagoras and Socrates, to be unsparing innovators; her own hold -over the noblest married women in Athens, and her introduction of -greater social liberty among them,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span> were all calculated to outrage the -conventional spirit. Almost all the prominent members of her coterie -were assailed. The greatest sculptor of all ages was meanly and falsely -accused of theft, and died in a prison. The outspoken Anaxagoras was -charged with impiety, and had to flee. And at length Aspasia was -brought to trial on the same accusation. It was easy to get up such an -accusation against her. She might have visited some temple, and taken -part in some religious ceremony, impelled by truly pious motives; but -such an act on the part of a stranger, whatever her motives might be, -would have been deemed a great impiety by orthodox Athenians; or she -may have induced some Athenian citizen-ladies to go with her and engage -in some foreign worship. The Athenians permitted foreigners to observe -their own religious rites in their city, without let or hindrance, -but they had strong objections to genuine Athenian women becoming -converts to any foreign worship. The Athenian ladies did not look on -religious matters with the same eyes as the men. They yearned to have -the benefit of the more enthusiastic worships which came from Asia -Minor; and, accordingly, if Aspasia had been inclined to lead them that -way, she would no doubt have had many eager followers. Or, finally, -and most probably, she may have been supposed to share the opinions -of the philosophers with whom she was on such intimate terms, and to -have aided and abetted their opposition to the national<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span> creed. What -were the grounds of the charge we do not know. All we know is that she -was acquitted, but that she owed her acquittal to the earnest pleading -of Pericles, who on this one occasion accompanied his entreaties with -tears.</p> - -<p>There can be no doubt that Aspasia exercised a powerful political -influence during her residence in Athens. This fact is assured to us -by the abuse which she received from the comic poets. They called her -Hera, queen of the gods, wife of Olympian Zeus, as they named Pericles. -They also called her Dejanira, wife of Hercules, and the new Omphale, -whom Hercules slavishly served—all pointing at the power which she -had over Pericles. Aristophanes, in his ‘Acharnians’ asserts that -Pericles brought about the Peloponnesian war to take vengeance for an -insult offered to Aspasia, and others affirmed that the Samian war was -undertaken entirely to gratify her. These are absurd statements on -the face of them, and were probably never meant to be anything else -than jokes; but they render unquestionable the profound influence -of Aspasia. It is probable that this influence was exercised in an -effort to break down the barriers that kept the Greek city-States from -each other, to create a strong Hellenic feeling, to make a compact -Hellenic confederacy.<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> But whatever were the aims of her politics, -it may be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span> safely asserted that no woman ever exercised influence by -more legitimate means. It was her goodness, her noble aims, her clear -insight, that gave her the power. There was probably no adventitious -circumstance to aid her. It is not likely that she was beautiful.</p> - -<p>I think Sappho was beautiful. The comic poets said that she was -little,<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> and had a dark complexion. Littleness was incompatible -with beauty in the eye of a Greek, and a dark complexion would also be -against her. But all that we can gather about Sappho’s form leads to -the conclusion that the comic poets traduced her in this as in other -matters. Plato calls her “beautiful,” an expression which most have -taken to refer to her poetic genius; but this interpretation is at -least doubtful. A vase of the fifth century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, found in -Girgenti, gives us representations of Alcæus and Sappho, and on these -Sappho is taller than Alcæus, and exceedingly beautiful. We have also a -portrait of Sappho on the coins of the Mytilenæans; and here again the -face is exquisite in feature, and suggests a tall woman. If it has any -defect, it is that it is rather masculine. At first one might hesitate -to believe that it is the face of a woman, but there can be no doubt as -to its beauty. On the other hand, no ancient writer speaks of Aspasia -as beautiful. She is called the good, the wise, the eloquent, but -never the beautiful. We have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span> one bust bearing her name certainly not -beautiful. It represents a comfortable meditative woman, but I doubt -very much whether it is genuine. And I am far more inclined to believe -that we have a true portrait of Aspasia in a marble bust of which there -are two copies, one in the Louvre and one in Berlin. The bust evidently -belongs to the best times of Greek sculpture, and, as Bernoulli in -the <i>Archæologische Zeitung</i><a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> argues, can well be that of no -other than Aspasia. The face is not altogether beautiful according to -Greek ideas. It has an expression of earnest and deep thought; but what -strikes one most of all is the perplexed and baffled look which the -whole face presents—as of some life-long anguish, resulting from some -contest which no mortal could wage successfully—not without a touch of -exquisite sweetness, tenderness, and charity. Could it be the struggle -in behalf of her own sex?</p> - -<p>If ever there was a case which might have suggested to the Athenians -the propriety of extending the sphere of marriageability, surely it -was this case of Aspasia. But we cannot affirm that any one thought of -this. The Athenian women, even the citizens, had no political standing. -They were always minors, subject to their fathers, or to their -husbands, or to some male. Aristotle always classes women and children -together. But such was the force of character of these companions, or -such their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span> hold on powerful men, that not unfrequently their sons were -recognized as citizens, and attained to the full rights of citizenship. -This could take place in three ways. There might exist between Athens -and another Greek or foreign state a right of intermarriage (ἐπιγαμία), -established by treaty. Strange to say, there is no clear instance -of such a treaty in the history of the Athenians. There was no such -treaty between Athens and Sparta, or Argos, or Corinth, or any other -of the famous towns of Greece. The privilege was indeed conferred on -the Platæans, but it was when they became citizens of Athens, and -were likely in a generation or two to become undistinguishable among -the rest of the Athenian citizens. A passage in Lysias<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> has been -taken to intimate that the right of intermarriage was ceded to the -Eubœans, but the passage occurs only in a fragment preserved in the -writings of Dionysius of Halicarnassus.<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> The text exhibits marks -of corruption, and the entire history of the relations between Athens -and Eubœa speaks strongly against the possibility of the establishment -of such a treaty.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> Mention is also made of the proposal of such a -treaty between Athenians and Thebans in the speech of Demosthenes on -the Crown,<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> but the decree is unquestionably spurious, as Grote -has most conclusively<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span> shown and as is now universally acknowledged. -It is now agreed that all the decrees in the speech on the Crown are -forgeries.<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> In that same speech a decree is quoted in which the -Byzantines bestow on the Athenians the right of intermarriage, and it -is likely that other States would confer the same privilege on the -Athenians, but there is no proof that they ever returned the favour.</p> - -<p>A second method of rendering the son of a foreign woman legitimate -was by decree of the Athenian Assembly: and it was probably in this -way that Pericles, the son of Aspasia, became an Athenian citizen -with full rights. There was a third way, not acknowledged by law, by -which many such children must have found their way into the ranks of -citizens. The ordinary process by which a legitimate child came to -the possession of his full rights was by his being presented by his -father to the <i>phratria</i> and acknowledged by the φράτερες as a -genuine member of their class or brotherhood. The father had to swear -that the child was his legitimate child. In many cases fathers had no -difficulty in swearing that children born to them of a beloved stranger -were legitimate, and the φράτερες doubtless winked at the deception. -This was specially the practice with the aristocratic party. In earlier -times there had been no such strict law as afterwards prevailed in the -democratic period. Indeed, the theory seems to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span> have been held that -the blood of a mother could not affect the purity of the birth of a -child, because there was really nothing of the mother in the child. She -had nothing to do with the production of the child. She was merely its -recipient and nurse. Æschylus has very strongly expressed this idea in -the ‘Eumenides,’ and we have good reason for thinking that the opinion -was held by large numbers of the aristocratic party to the end. It was -Pericles that established the law that the child to be legitimate must -be the son or daughter of an Athenian male citizen with full rights -and an Athenian female citizen with full rights, legally betrothed to -each other. It is when a distribution of corn takes place, or similar -advantages are reaped, that the law is strenuously applied by the -democratic party, and all the children of strangers disfranchised. -But always when investigation is made many are found enjoying the -privileges of citizens unchallenged, whose mothers were not genuine -Athenian citizens. Themistocles was the son of a Thracian stranger, -and so was the general Timotheus, according to one account. It was -probably through the φρατρία that Sophocles got his favourite grandson -through Theoris the Sicyonian, recognized as an Athenian citizen.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span> -But though the women may have gained recognition for their children, no -interest was taken in their own case, and mankind had to pay dearly for -this exclusiveness.</p> - -<p>Probably the condition of women in Athens had much to do with the decay -of that city. The effort which Aspasia made to rouse the Athenian wives -to higher mental exertions must have lost much of its effect after her -death. The names of these wives are not to be found in history. But the -influence of the Companions came more and more into play. Almost every -famous man, after this date, has one Companion with whom he discusses -the pursuits and soothes the evils of his life. Plato had Archeanassa, -Aristotle Herpyllis, Epicurus Leontium, Isocrates Metaneira, Menander -Glycera, and others in like manner. And some of them attained the -highest positions. Princes can do as they like. In the earlier days of -Athens, when tyrants ruled, princes frequently married foreigners. And -now again princes married their Companions, and several of them thus -sat on thrones. The beauty of some, especially of Phryne, the most -beautiful woman that ever lived, attracted the eyes of all Greece; -Apelles painted her, and Praxiteles made her the model for the Cnidian -Aphrodite, the most lovely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span> representation of woman that ever came -from sculptor’s chisel. Some were renowned for their musical ability, -and a few could paint. They cultivated all the graces of life; they -dressed with exquisite taste; they took their food, as a comic poet -remarks, with refinement, and not like the citizen-women, who crammed -their cheeks, and tore away at the meat. And they were witty. They -also occupied the attention of historians. One writer described one -hundred and thirty-three of them. Their witty sayings were chronicled -and turned into verse. Their exploits were celebrated, and their beauty -and attractiveness were the theme of many an epigram. But it must not -be forgotten that hundreds and thousands of these unprotected women -were employed as tools of the basest passions; that, finding all true -love but a prelude to bitter disappointment, they became rapacious, -vindictive, hypocritical ministrants of love, seeking only, under the -form of affection, to ruin men, and send them in misery to an early -grave. Nothing could be more fearful than the pictures which the comic -poets give of some of these women. But what else could have been -expected in the circumstances? There was no reason in the nature of the -women themselves why they should not have been virtuous, unselfish, -noble beings; but destiny was hard towards them; they had to fight a -battle with dreadful odds against them. They succumbed; but which of us -could have resisted?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span></p> - -<p>I have already remarked that no one claimed political rights for -either the citizen-women or the strangers. I must make a slight -exception, and I am not sure but the exception may be owing to the -influence of Aspasia. We have seen that she was said to be the teacher -of Socrates. Indeed, Socrates appeals to her as his teacher in the -‘Memorabilia.’<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> She was one of the great characters in the Socratic -dialogues. She appeared several times in those of Æschines; and in -the Menexenus, a Socratic dialogue, if not a Platonic, she prepares a -model funeral oration. Is it not likely then that she influenced the -opinions of Plato; and in the ‘Republic’ of Plato we have the strongest -assertion of the equality of woman with man. Plato, and many others -with him who lived after the ruin of Athens at Ægospotami, had become -discontented with the Athenian form of government, and probably with -the treatment of the women.</p> - -<p>Accordingly, in his ideal State, which, however, still remained a -city-State he took for his groundwork the Spartan system of education. -The State was to be all in all. He went so far as to remove the -monogamy which formed the barrier in the Spartan system to communistic -principles, and he recommended the same mode of gymnastic exercises -for both sexes. But he went further. He affirmed that there was no -essential difference between man and woman.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“‘And so,’ he says, ‘in the administration of a State neither a -woman as a woman nor a man as a man has any special function, -but the gifts of nature are equally diffused in both sexes; all -the pursuits of men are the pursuits of women also, and in all -of them woman is only a lesser man.’ ‘Very true.’ ‘Then are we -to impose all our enactments on men and none of them on women?’ -‘That will never do.’ ‘One woman has a gift of healing, another -not; one is a musician and another is not?’ ‘Very true.’ ‘And -one woman has a turn for gymnastic and military exercises, while -another is unwarlike and hates gymnastics?’ ‘Beyond question.’ -‘And one woman is a philosopher, and another is an enemy of -philosophy; one has spirit and another is without spirit?’ ‘That -is also true.’”<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p> -</div> - -<p>From these premises he draws the conclusion that the women endowed with -the higher gifts should have the same education as the gifted men, and -that they should have the same duties, even to fighting in defence of -their country, only that in the distribution of labour the lightest -tasks should be assigned to the women, as being naturally weaker in -body. Some think that Plato’s community of wives was ridiculed the same -year that it was propounded, by Aristophanes, in his comedy of the -‘Ecclesiazusæ or Parliament of Women’; but it is far more probable that -the comedy was exhibited before Plato’s ‘Republic’ was written.<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> In -fact there is a likelihood that woman’s position was a subject much -agitated. Clemens Alexandrinus quotes a line from the ‘Protesilaus’ -of Euripides, in which community of women<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span> seems to be indicated.<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> -Xenophon certainly puts into the mouth of Socrates a decided assertion -of woman’s equality with man. “Woman’s nature,” he says,<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> “happens -to be in no respect inferior to man’s, but she needs insight and -strength.” And it is likely that many others held the same opinion, and -proposed methods for elevating the position of women.</p> - -<p>It was some communistic theory of the day that Aristophanes attacked, -but he was not bitter in his ridicule. It has always to be remembered -that it was the business of the Dionysiac priests, as we may call the -comic poets, to show the laughable side of even the most solemn things, -and often little harm was meant by these merry outbursts. Aristophanes, -moreover, had changed greatly from what he was in the time when, in the -‘Acharnians,’ he had bitterly attacked Aspasia. He had become gentle -to strangers. He did not dislike the Spartans and their ways. Though -he said many harsh things against women, he also said many good things -for them. It was through them that, in the ‘Lysistrata,’ he urged on -the Athenians the duty of reconciliation and peace. And now, in the -‘Ecclesiazusæ,’ he gives a kindly picture of what the women would do -if they had the reins of power in their hands. This was the only form -of government that the Athenians had not tried, and as all the rest -had notoriously failed, there could<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span> be no great harm in entrusting -the women with the administration of affairs. The gentle spirit of -women might prevail. And surely under such a government men would be -happy. The women would see to it that there would be no poor in the -city, theft and slander would cease, and all would be content. Plato’s -speculations and Aristophanes’s fun, however, were of no use. The -city-State was too small an organization for the progress of man. It -was destined to give way before a more humanizing government. And so -the petty States had to yield to the Empire of Alexander, and with the -change began a great change in the position of women. But this change -had to be carried out under another and greater rule. The Romans swept -over Greece and established a firmer and more comprehensive empire than -that of Alexander.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span></p> - -<h2>BOOK II.<br /> -<span class="subhed">THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN ANCIENT ROME.</span></h2></div> - -<h3>CHAPTER I.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">THE GOOD SIDE.</span></h3> - -<p>In early Rome we find the same state of matters as we have found in -Greece. The city is the unit. This city-State consists of citizens who -have all equal rights and privileges. All outside of the city have at -first no rights within its territories, and if they come within the -city, they have no claim to justice or consideration except what they -can obtain through a citizen. In all ancient cities there was always -a large number of slaves, men or women who either themselves or whose -ancestors had been taken captive in war or stolen from their homes. -Thus there were three classes of the population—citizens with full -rights and privileges, aliens with no rights of their own, and slaves -who were regarded as mere property. But the development of the city of -Rome follows a different course from that of the Greek cities. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span> -Romans gradually extended the privileges of citizenship till the unit -was no longer a city, but a nation, and finally it became the civilized -world. Aliens make no prominent figure in Rome, as they did in Athens, -unless we consider the plebeians as aliens, and in the process of time -the plebeians became citizens, and every civil distinction between -them and the original citizens vanished. Besides, the Censor had the -right to put the name of an alien on the list of citizens, and no doubt -many foreigners became Roman citizens in this way. The slaves also had -a more advantageous position in Rome. The road to citizenship was at -an early period laid open for them. Their masters manumitted many of -them, and they became freedmen. These freedmen came to be numerous and -influential, and the Censor Appius Claudius in 312 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span><a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> -admitted them all to the full rights of citizenship. They were not, -indeed, allowed to enjoy the honours of the State, but this same Appius -Claudius granted to the sons of freedmen admission into the Senate, -and his right-hand man, Cn. Flavius, curule ædile of the year 304, was -the son of a freedman. Thus, in course of time, the slave became the -freedman, the freedman’s son became an <i>ingenuus</i>, or freeborn -citizen, with all the rights and privileges of Roman citizenship.</p> - -<p>In Roman society there were these same three<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span> classes of women—the -full citizen, the alien, and the slave. The Roman citizen could marry -only a woman who was the daughter of a Roman citizen. Marriage with -any other was impossible. The very object of marriage was to produce a -race of citizens, and, therefore, both father and mother must belong -to the class of citizens. It was for this reason that such care was -taken of the purity of Roman women, and such a broad distinction was -drawn between the conduct of the man and the woman. There must be no -suspicion of spuriousness in regard to the Roman citizen. But the -offspring of the man with a foreign woman or a slave did not become a -citizen, and, therefore, the State was perfectly indifferent as to what -relations might exist between a male citizen and alien women or slaves, -and society was equally indifferent.</p> - -<p>We have already seen what was the result of this state of matters in -Greece. In Rome the result was different. The alien women attained -to less prominence even than the alien men, and in this account of -the position of women in Roman society we may pass them without -notice. A few foreign women appear in the early history of Rome, and -play a prominent part; but the tales are borrowed from Greek stories -of the times of the Tyrants, and do not fit in with strictly Roman -ideas. During the best period of Roman history alien women are never -mentioned, except in plays borrowed from the Greek, and it is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span> only -when we come to the later days of the Republic that we begin again to -hear the names of a few. But their presence is owing to the prevalence -of Greek ideas and Greek customs, and even the few that are mentioned -keep in the background.</p> - -<p>The female slaves also do not demand our attention. The female -slave was treated simply as a cow or sheep. If she produced healthy -offspring, it was so much gain to her master, and he did not care -who was the father. Of course she could not marry, and all her -children were the property of her owner. Sometimes a male slave and -a female slave were allowed or compelled to live together, and there -was something like a marriage. But they had no right to their own -children, and no obligations towards them except such as were imposed -upon them by their proprietors. At the same time, as their fertility -was a source of revenue to their masters, they were often treated -very kindly. In olden times, the female slave who had three children -was allowed a dispensation from hard work, and if she had more she -sometimes obtained her freedom. The Romans had a great liking for the -slaves who were born within their households, and often brought them -up along with the younger members of the family, with whom they thus -became intimate. This close connexion tended to lessen the sense of -absolute proprietorship in many cases, and the slave woman was treated -with consideration. It was no doubt through such influences<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span> that the -lot of the slave woman was ameliorated, and when we come to the times -of the Empire, we see laws made to protect them, and freedom frequently -conferred upon them.<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p> - -<p>It is, then, the matrons alone who are conspicuous in Roman history. -Every citizen girl married and became a matron, and it is that class -exclusively which we shall discuss.</p> - -<p>Now, the first remark that has to be made is that Rome gave the same -expansion to marriage as to citizenship, and thereby produced a -revolution in the position of woman: a revolution, however, gradual -in its extension and gradual in its effects, but of most momentous -consequence to the world, for it broke down completely the old -constitution of city-States, by which their privileges were conferred -on men as members of families, and established a new and world-wide -constitution by which men obtained their privileges as men. In the -earliest stages it is possible that the right of intermarriage may have -existed between Roman citizens and citizens of various towns of Latium. -Certainly the legends make Roman princes marry into Latin families. But -on the establishment of the Republic the right of intermarriage existed -only between patricians of the city. A patrician man could not marry a -plebeian woman, nor a plebeian man a patrician woman. The children of -either marriage could not be patricians; they could<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span> only be plebeians, -and were not under the control of the father. But after various -struggles this wall of separation between patrician and plebeian was -broken down, and the Lex Canuleia, in 442 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, conferred -the conubium, or right of intermarriage, on the plebeians. Livy puts -speeches into the mouths of the proposers and opposers of this measure. -They have no claim to be historical; but they reveal the fact that Livy -thought the objections to the extension of the conubium were as much -religious as civil.<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> - -<p>There was a further extension of the conubium when Rome, in the middle -of the fourth century before Christ, admitted to its citizenship some -of the Italian, especially Latin, towns which it had subdued. The -bestowal of the citizenship on the <i>libertini</i>, or freedmen, -still further extended the conubium. In 89 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> the Italians -received the conubium by the Lex Julia and Plautia. During the later -days of the Republic, and in the time of the Empire, the citizenship -was conferred on men in various parts of the world, and especially on -various towns in the provinces. Soldiers also, who had served for a -certain time, and had allied themselves to foreign women, had these -alliances converted into legitimate marriages. In fact, the right -of intermarriage had become of much less value. In early days the -privileges of patricians were great, and it was worth while<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span> to take -care that these should be secured only to genuine patrician offspring, -especially as only genuine patrician offspring could perform due -sacrifice and worship to the gods of the family and the State. Even -in the days from the Punic wars to the end of the Republic, Roman -citizenship was at once valuable and honourable; for the Roman citizen -paid no taxes, and in an indirect way might share in the plunder of the -world, and he enjoyed peculiar advantages in the eye of the law. But -these advantages vanished with the advance of the Empire, which reduced -all to a dead level of subjection, and at length, in 212 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, -one of the most hated of tyrants, Caracalla, conferred the citizenship -on all the inhabitants of the Roman Empire, and with it the conubium. -After this, any man might marry any woman, and the factitious -distinctions which had ruled the ancient world vanished for ever. The -world owes no gratitude to Caracalla for this grand consummation; for -his only motive in conferring the citizenship on all was that all might -be compelled to pay taxes, and that aliens might not escape, as some of -them had hitherto done.</p> - -<p>The outline of the history of what we may call the external -emancipation of woman now given is, we have no doubt, substantially -correct and based on trustworthy sources; but when we come to deal with -the moral progress of women, and their position in the midst of Roman -society, great difficulties meet us, which attach to all early Roman -history.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span></p> - -<p>Rome, according to the usual account, was founded in 753 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> -There is no trace of any regular literature between that date and 390 -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, when the city was burned to the ground. The Romans, no -doubt, knew the art of writing at an early period; but any records kept -by them were of the most meagre kind, and nearly all of them must have -perished in the conflagration of 390. One hundred and seventy years -have to pass before regular histories of Rome began to be written, and -nearly all the literature and monuments during these 170 years have -disappeared. We are thus without authentic documents for the minute -history of the Roman people for 500 years of their existence. During -this period the position of women underwent important changes; but, -owing to this absence of documents, we are unable to explain these -changes. We have, however, a very definite tradition to start with. -This tradition presents itself everywhere in the works of Roman poets -and historians, and pervades the ideas even of the late jurists, and we -may feel confident that it is substantially correct. This tradition is -to the effect that the position of the Roman matron was quite different -from that of the Greek matron in the time of Pericles. The Roman -matron was mistress in her own household. As the husband took charge -of all external transactions, so the wife was supreme in household -arrangements. The marriage was a community in all affairs, and within -the home the utmost diligence, reverence, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span> harmony prevailed. -The wife sat in the atrium, or principal hall, dispensing the wool -to the maidservants, and herself making the garments of her husband -and family. She did not cook or do what was regarded as menial work. -She dined with her husband, sitting while he reclined, when they were -alone. She received the friends of her husband, and dined with them -also. She walked in and out with great freedom, and she nursed and -brought up her own children.</p> - -<p>This is a bright and beautiful picture, and some of the traits -remained true to the end of Roman history. Many stories are told of -the affection of husband for wife, wife for husband, children for -parents, and parents for children. Thus we are informed of the father -of the Gracchi, that he caught a couple of snakes in his bed, and, on -consulting the haruspices, or diviners, he was told that he must not -kill or let go both: that if he killed the male, he himself (Tiberius) -would die; if he killed the female, his wife Cornelia would die. -Tiberius did not hesitate in his choice. He loved Cornelia. He was -elderly, she was young. He therefore killed the male snake, and a short -time after this occurrence he died. The story is no doubt true, as the -authority for it was his famous son Caius.<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> - -<p>Nothing could be more striking than the affection of Cicero for his -daughter. He writes to her in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span> most endearing terms, cared for her -every want, and was inconsolable for her loss when death carried her -away. There are numerous instances in which wives resolved to share the -ill-fortune of their husbands to endure calamity along with them, and -to die rather than survive them.</p> - -<p>This ideal remained with Roman men till the end of the Empire. It is -the standard by which Juvenal metes out his criticism on the women of -his own day, and many of the ill-natured judgments uttered against -the sex are based on the old-fashioned conception of a Roman matron’s -duties.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER II.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">THE OTHER SIDE.</span></h3></div> - -<p>But there is quite another side to this picture. In the early stages -of Roman history there is reason to believe that the Roman wife was -completely under the control of her husband. The Roman idea of a -family made the father a despot, with power of life and death over his -children, who could do nothing without his consent. This was the case -in regard to male children, even after they had reached a considerable -age. Women, according to the opinion of the early Romans, were always -children. They required protection and guidance during their whole -life, and could never be freed from despotic control. Accordingly, -when a Roman girl married, she had to choose whether she would remain -under the control of her father, or pass into the control or—as it -was called—into the hands of her husband. It is likely that in the -early ages of the city she always passed from the power of her father -into the hands of her husband, and the position she occupied was that -of daughter to her husband. She thus became entirely subject to him, -and was at his mercy. Roman history supplies many instances of the -despotism which husbands exercised over their wives. The slightest -indiscretion<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span> was sometimes punished by death, while men might do what -they liked without let or hindrance. “If you were to catch your wife,” -was the law laid down by Cato the Censor, “in an act of infidelity, -you would kill her with impunity without a trial; but if she were to -catch you, she would not venture to touch you with her finger, and -indeed she has no right.” Wives were prohibited from tasting wine at -the risk of the severest penalties. The conduct of Egnatius was praised -who, surprising his wife in the act of sipping the forbidden liquid, -beat her to death.<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> The same sternness appears in the reasons which -induced some of the Romans to dismiss their wives. Sulpicius Gallus -dismissed his because she appeared in the streets without a veil; -Antistius Vetus dismissed his because he saw her speaking secretly to -a freedwoman in public; and P. Sempronius Sophus sent his away because -she had ventured to go to the public games without informing him of her -movements.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> - -<p>I think that we may see that the Roman matrons did not like this -arbitrary treatment, and that they protested against the assumption -that they were beings quite different from their husbands, and entitled -to no rights and privileges as against them. And the interesting -feature in the history of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span> Roman matron is the gradual emancipation -which she effected for herself from these fetters of Roman tradition -and usage. Unfortunately, we are not able, as I have explained, to -trace fully the processes of this emancipation, but we can indicate -some influences which worked in this direction.</p> - -<p>First, the Roman records show that it was not safe to trifle with the -feelings of Roman women. They were, like Roman men, possessed of great -decision of character, and, when provoked, could do the most daring -deeds, reckless of the consequences. If they were treated kindly, -and on equal terms, they were the best of wives; and I am convinced -that their goodness and firmness were the most effectual causes of -the freedom which they attained. But if husbands put into force their -traditional power, and claimed supreme domination over them, they were -exactly the women to resist. And the history of Rome throws a lurid -light on this aspect of their character; for occasionally they took -stern and wild vengeance, when husbands went too far in their despotic -actions. I will adduce one or two instances of this.</p> - -<p>In the year 331 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> many of the Roman citizens, and -especially many of the Roman nobles, were attacked by an unknown -disease, which showed the same symptoms in all, and nearly all -perished. The cause was wrapped in obscurity, but at length a -maid-servant went to a curule ædile, and said that she could explain -the origin of the disease, but would not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span> do so unless security were -given her that she would suffer no harm in consequence. The curule -ædile brought the matter before the consuls, the consuls consulted -the Senate, and a resolution was passed guaranteeing safety to the -maid-servant. Whereupon she declared that the deaths arose from poison; -that the matrons were in the habit of compounding drugs, and she could -take the officials to a house in which they would come upon the matrons -while engaged in the operation. The officials accepted her offer, -followed her, and found, as she said, the matrons compounding drugs. -About twenty of them were conveyed to the Forum, and were subjected -to an examination on their doings. Two of them, of noble family, and -with patrician names, Cornelia and Sergia, affirmed that the drugs were -perfectly wholesome. That could be easily tested, and the two matrons -were requested to prove their truthfulness by drinking the mixture. -The two matrons begged for a few moments of private talk with the rest -of their associates, but within sight of the people. Permission was -granted, a few words were exchanged, and then all the twenty matrons -came back, boldly quaffed the liquor, and died in consequence. Then -a search was made for all the matrons who had been engaged in this -conspiracy, and 170 of them were found guilty. The men explained the -occurrence by asserting that the women were infatuated; but probably -they knew well why recourse was had to such violent measures,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span> and that -Roman matrons were not likely to be subjected to tyranny without making -an effort in one way or another to put an end to it.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p> - -<p>An occurrence of a similar nature took place in 180 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> In -this case there can scarcely be a doubt that a real plague raged, -for it lasted for three years, and decimated Italy. But the women -were enraged with the men for the harsh measures which had been -taken against them in connexion with the Bacchanalian mysteries, -and they seem to have regarded the plague as affording a favourable -opportunity for the use of poison. In 180 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> the prætor, -the consul, and many other illustrious men died.<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> A judge was -appointed to inquire into these deaths, and especially to examine if -poison had been employed. The historians do not narrate the results -of this investigation, but we are told that the wife of the consul -was tried and condemned to death. Thirty-six years after this, two -men of consular rank were poisoned by their wives. In subsequent -times the use of poison became frequent; and particularly in the -early days of the Empire, the matrons about the Court were accused of -having constant recourse to it to get out of the way men whom they -did not like, husbands, and sons, and others connected with them, as -well as strangers. And one writer remarks that wherever there were -irregularities there were poisonings. Some historians have rejected -these tales of poisoning as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span> the inventions of credulous annalists, I -think without good reason. But whether the stories are true or false, -the Romans believed them, and they embody the Roman belief in regard -to what women could do. And it seems to me that we must regard them as -indicating that the Roman matrons felt sometimes that they were badly -treated, that they ought not to endure the bad treatment, and that they -ought to take the only means that they possessed of expressing their -feelings and wreaking their vengeance by employing poison.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER III.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">RELIGION.</span></h3></div> - -<p>In the history of civilization, religion often acts as a liberator of -women. Sometimes, indeed, it acts in an opposite direction, when, by -false conceptions of humanity, it restricts the duties and privileges -of women. But, on the other hand, religion generally excites the -mind to a wild state of enthusiasm, and in this enthusiasm the ideas -and prescriptions of conventionality are set aside, the pleasures -of liberty are felt, and by degrees a permanent gain in freedom is -established. We find this to be the case in Greece, where almost the -only occasions on which the women came in contact with the outer world -were supplied by the observance of religious festivals. The Roman -religion was in many respects unlike the Greek. It was not brightened -by genial fancies, it afforded no scope for emotional outpourings, its -prayers were confined to fixed formulas, and its ritual was strictly -prescribed. It was, like the Romans themselves, solemn and sedate. The -Roman religion, therefore, did not contain those elements which could -contribute to enlarge the freedom of women. There were, indeed, various -festivals which were celebrated by matrons alone, into which it was -death for a male to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span> intrude, and these afforded women opportunity to -consult with each other. But it may be doubted whether the Roman women -ever used these meetings for any other than purely religious purposes, -and whether these gatherings were ever characterized by fervour and -frenzy. It was in the introduction of foreign gods and worships that -the craving of the Roman women for religious excitement was gratified, -and in the celebration of these worships we see that the women were -sometimes as daring as in their poisonings. They naturally took to -the foreign gods, whose worship was accompanied by great elevation -of the spirit and outward demonstrations. Thus we are told that the -worship of the Idæan Mother, the goddess whose priests danced wildly, -cutting their bodies until the blood streamed down, was introduced in -204 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, and that on that occasion the highest matrons of -the city went forth to receive the goddess, and, amidst prayers and -incense, and in the sight of the whole population, carried the goddess -to her temple.<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> In this case there was no irregularity in the -introduction of the new worship, for the act had been ordered by the -Senate at the instigation of the Decemviral College, the keepers of the -Sibylline books.<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> - -<p>But the women did not always wait for the sanction of the State, but -acted on their own impulse. The most notable instance of this nature -was the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span> introduction of the Bacchanalia, or worship of Bacchus, in 186 -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> The historian Livy gives us details of this event, and -his account is confirmed by a contemporary tablet of brass, containing -a decree, or rather a letter of the Senate, found in Southern Italy -in 1640. The narrative throws great light on the effects produced -by the introduction of a new worship, and therefore I will relate -the circumstances with some minuteness. A Greek of low birth came to -Etruria, offering to initiate the people in the mysteries of Bacchus. -The rites of that god were often celebrated in Greece by night, and -were accompanied by feast, dance, and song. This was to some extent a -new feature of worship to the Italians, and the people of Etruria were -seized with a fury for it as by a plague. It spread from Etruria to -Rome. At first the worship was carried on in secret, but at length the -matter reached the ears of the consul. A woman who had been initiated, -testified that at first women alone were admitted to the celebration of -the rites, that they met in the day time thrice in the year on fixed -days, and that matrons were elected priestesses.<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> - -<p>At length, however, a priestess, acting as if by the advice of the -god, initiated her sons, changed the festival from the day time to -night, and appointed the celebrations to take place five times every -month. At the rites the men leapt and tossed their arms<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span> about in the -most frantic manner, amidst the clashing of cymbals and the beating of -drums, and they uttered prophecies; while the women, dressed as the -worshippers of Bacchus, howled and yelled, rushed with dishevelled hair -and blazing torches down to the river Tiber, plunged their torches -into the river, drew them forth still blazing as if by miracle, and -returned, still howling and yelling, to their celebrations. The woman -also declared that the frenzy had taken hold of a large portion of the -population, including many of the nobility; but that for some reason or -other, very recently a resolution had been passed that none should be -initiated who were above twenty years of age. The consuls, on receiving -this information from the woman, brought the matter before the Senate, -an inquiry was instituted, and it was discovered that above 7,000 men -and women had engaged in these secret celebrations. The feature in this -case which interests us, and at that time attracted the notice of the -Senate, was that persons of both sexes and various ages met together at -night and engaged in orgies, in which wine was freely drunk. The Roman -citizen was forbidden to practise any worship not sanctioned by the -State; but here the women defied the law of their country and outraged -the old Roman notions of propriety. Stories soon got abroad, as they -always do in such matters, that it was not merely for the worship of -the god that these nocturnal assemblies were held; that, in fact, -these<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span> meetings were scenes of revelry, and that in them poisonings -and fabrications of wills were concocted. The worship thus became, -according to these reports, an immoral conspiracy, and all who had -taken any part in it were searched out and punished. Many were thrown -into prison: some were put to death. The women were handed over to -their relatives to be punished in private, and if no relatives could be -found, then they were punished in public.</p> - -<p>It may be doubted whether the immoral character of this religious -outburst was not grossly exaggerated, and whether the scandals -attributed to it did not arise simply from the fact that it was the -work of women. “First of all,” said the Consul, in his public harangue -on the subject, “a great portion of the initiated were women, and -that was the source of this evil.” Such ebullitions of women were -regarded by the stern old-fashioned Romans as in the highest degree -discreditable, and they must be repressed even by the severest measures.</p> - -<p>For a time the religious mania seems to have subsided; but in the later -days of the Republic and the commencement of the Empire, the Roman -matrons displayed the same rage for foreign worships. The temples of -the Egyptian goddess Isis were crowded, and her priests were caressed -and revered. Many women became adherents of the Jewish faith, and -Eastern divinities had numerous devotees.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span></p> - -<p>In these cases the women claimed for themselves the right to worship -whatever god pleased them. Often, in carrying out this worship, they -had to break through the rules of conventionality, and they thus -asserted for themselves a freedom which nothing but a religious impulse -would had led many of the more sensitive to claim.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER IV.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">LEGISLATION AND MARRIAGE LAWS.</span></h3></div> - -<p>The women of Rome were also roused to self-assertion by the -interference of the laws with their special concerns, and they did not -hesitate to step out of their usual routine to oppose such laws. Thus, -for instance: a law had been proposed in 215 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> by Oppius, -a tribune of the people, to the effect that no woman should be allowed -to possess more than a half ounce of gold, to wear a parti-coloured -garment, to ride in a chariot within the city of Rome or a town -occupied by Roman citizens, or within a mile of these places, except -for religious purposes. The exact object which this law had in view -is not made clear to us. Long before this, at the time of the Gallic -invasion 392, the liberty to ride in a chariot had been conferred on -Roman matrons as a special privilege, because, when the Roman State -had not sufficient money to pay the ransom demanded by the Gauls, -the Roman matrons came forward and presented their gold and other -ornaments to the treasury. It is possible that Oppius may have thought -that the Roman matrons in 215 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> were too slow in imitating -the generosity of their ancestors, and the law may thus have implied -an insulting rebuke. But there<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span> cannot be a doubt that the law was -specially designed to put a curb on the extravagant expenditure of the -women at a time when all the resources of the community were required -to meet the dreadful emergencies which had befallen the State. It was, -therefore, one of those sumptuary laws which make their appearance -in early stages of government, examples of which are to be met with -in Scottish legislation; as, for instance, when the Estates in 1567 -passed a law that “no woman should adorn herself with dress above what -was appropriate to her rank.” But whatever may have been the object, -the law became peculiarly galling to the matrons. They might submit -patiently while distress prevailed, but the terrible Punic war had now -ended gloriously, success crowned all the military expeditions of the -Romans, wealth flowed in from the East, the men had taken advantage -of the prosperity, and it seemed singularly hard that women alone -should not share in the indulgences which riches had carried in their -train.<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> - -<p>Probably many complaints had been uttered in private, but the full -current of feeling did not come to light until two tribunes of the -people proposed the abrogation of the Oppian law. Then the subject -seized the public mind. It became the topic of conversation at the -baths and the barbers’ shops, at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span> the public and the private gatherings -of men. Some were for the abrogation, some were against it, and -intense bitterness prevailed on both sides. It was not likely that -the matrons would remain silent on such an occasion. They, no doubt, -plied their husbands, sons, and other relatives with every possible -argument, by every form of entreaty. But their ardour could not be -confined within the limits of the house. They left house-keeping to -take care of itself, and issued forth into the streets and public -places to waylay every man that had a vote. They did not wait till -they became acquainted with the men. They assailed strangers as well -as friends. They also held meetings among themselves and had secret -deliberations. Each day their numbers swelled. Roman citizenesses -from distant towns and villages flocked in to help their sisters of -the city. No stone was left unturned. They went to the nobles, they -interviewed prætors and consuls. At length the day drew near when the -vote was to be taken in the public assembly. A great meeting was held -on the previous evening. One of the consuls, the obstinate red-haired -Cato, delivered a savage speech against the matrons. Others joined in -his resistance. The tribunes who had proposed the abrogation spoke -in their favour, and they were well supported. But the matrons must -have spent that night in great anxiety. They knew that two of the -tribunes were ready to oppose the abrogation, and that their veto was -sufficient<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span> to prevent the abrogation passing. And therefore their -resistance must be overcome. The women were determined. They rose -early; they gathered in vast crowds; they surrounded the houses of the -obstinate tribunes; they coaxed, they threatened, they employed every -form of womanly persuasiveness on these two tribunes, and at last the -tribunes gave way. The abrogation of the law was formally put to the -meeting; there was no opposition, and the women gained their point. One -historian (Zonaras) asserts that, on hearing the news, they burst into -the assembly, donned their ornaments once more, and then marched out, -dancing joyously from the legislative buildings into the streets.</p> - -<p>The historian Livy, to whom we owe the most vivid account of this -outbreak of the matrons, furnishes us with a report of the public -meeting held on the day before the vote was taken. Especially he -supplies us with the speeches of the principal opponent, Cato the -Consul, and of L. Valerius the Tribune, who proposed the abrogation. -We can have no hesitation in believing that these speeches are the -productions of the historian himself. Cato, we may be sure, did -speak on the occasion, and the speech which Livy puts in his mouth -is in harmony with his character. The stern lover of old ways had a -detestation of woman’s rights and a contempt for woman herself, mixed, -doubtless, with a sneaking dread of her power. One of his sayings -handed down to us is: “Had there<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span> been no women in the world, the -gods would still have been dwelling with us.”<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> But another is also -attributed to him—a modification of a saying of Themistocles: “All -men rule their wives, we rule all men, and <i>we</i> are ruled by our -wives.” The speech in Livy shows little of his ferocity. It contains -the arguments that would have been used in the time of Livy, and for -his time it is valuable:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“If men,” he says, “had retained their rights and dignity within -the family, the women would never have broken out publicly in -this manner. If women had only a proper sense of shame, they -would know that it was not becoming in them to take any interest -in the passing or annulling of laws. But now we allow them to -take part in politics. If they succeed, who knows where they -will end? As soon as they begin to be equal with us, they will -have the advantage over us. And for what object are they now -agitating? Merely to satisfy their inordinate craving for luxury -and show, which will become only the more intense the more it is -gratified.”</p> -</div> - -<p>The reply of L. Valerius was, like many of the replies of men in behalf -of women, I am afraid, far from satisfactory to them:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Cato is wrong in asserting that women make a public appearance -on this occasion for the first time. The wives of the first -Romans stepped publicly between fathers-in-law and sons-in-law. -Roman matrons went on deputation to Coriolanus, they interfered -at the Gallic invasion, they performed public services in -religious matters. Then the prosperity following the Punic Wars -has brought advantages to all classes of the community; why -should the matrons alone be excepted from this good fortune? -And why should men grudge them their ornaments and dress? Women -cannot hold public offices or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span> priesthoods, or gain triumphs; -they have no public occupations. What, then, can they do but -devote their time to adornment and dress? Surely, then, men -ought to let them have their own way in these matters.”</p> -</div> - -<p>On another occasion the women of Rome gathered in numbers, and made a -public appeal. The circumstances were these. The triumvirs, Octavianus, -Antony and Lepidus, had proscribed a large number of citizens, and -they confiscated and sold their estates in order to meet the expenses -of a war then going on. But land was a drug in the market, and, -besides, people were unwilling to purchase property exposed to sale -in consequence of violent acts. The sum, therefore, obtained from the -sales fell far short of the amount required, and the triumvirs had to -look to other sources of revenue. They accordingly passed a decree that -1,400 of the richest women in the city should lay before them an exact -statement of their means, with severe penalties against concealment or -undervaluation; and they claimed the power to employ any portion of -the wealth thus reported to them for paying the expenses of the war. -The women were thrown into the utmost perplexity and distress, but -they could find no man daring enough to plead their cause before the -triumvirs. Left to their own resources, they went first of all to the -sister of Octavianus and the mother and wife of Antony. The sister of -Octavianus and the mother of Antony gave them a kindly reception, but -Fulvia, the wife of Antony, drove them from her door.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span> Thus insulted, -they turned to the tribunal of the triumvirs. Hortensia, the daughter -of the famous orator Hortensius, spoke in their name. She delivered -a powerful speech, which is highly praised by the great Latin critic -Quintilian, and she succeeded in getting the demands of the triumvirs -reduced to a comparatively small sum.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p> - -<p>These public appearances of women were, of course, only occasional; but -they were frequent enough to show that women had interests of their -own, and had resolution enough to assert them when such a course was -necessary.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the cause which altered the position of women most of all, -next to their own goodness, was the change in the circumstances of the -Romans, brought about by the extension of their empire and the increase -of wealth. I have already said that it was held as a maxim that woman -can do nothing of herself; that she must be under the guardianship of -her father, her husband, or some tutor; and that in the earliest period -the girl, on being married, passed from the power of her father into -the hands of the husband. It has been inferred by some, from one form -of the Roman marriage rite, that there was a time when the Roman bought -his wife from her father or guardian, and thus acquired full power -over her. He did not treat her as a slave. His own respect for Roman -citizenship and the mother of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span> Roman citizens would prevent this; but -his power over his slaves could scarcely be greater than that over the -wife for whom he had paid. Then there was a time when religion required -that the wife should pass into the hands of her husband. Every family -in Rome had special gods of its own, who were supposed to protect it, -and these gods could be worshipped properly only when the sacrifices -were offered by members of the family. It was profanation for others to -attempt this service. So if the wife had not been taken into the family -of her husband, she could not have shared in his worship, she would -not be present at the family festivals, and she would be bound to go -to the worship of the gods and celebrate the festivals of her father, -to whose family she would still belong. Thus pecuniary and religious -considerations would create a transference of the wife into the family -of the husband. But when we come to historical times we find both of -these influences dying out or dead. The pecuniary influence was gone. -The wife was no longer bought. And the religious influence existed only -in a few families whose members might attain to the highest priesthoods -of the State. In fact, the Romans had given up, to a large extent, -their special family gods, and therefore transference of the wife into -the family of the husband became unnecessary.</p> - -<p>What, then, took the place of this transference into the family? To -answer that we must look into the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span> condition of the Romans in respect -of wealth. At the earliest stage the Romans lived in humble cottages. -The consul might command armies, but he dwelt within a house of few -chambers, and might often be seen ploughing his own land. The household -lived on the produce of its own farm. In these circumstances the wife -could be nothing else than an economic housekeeper, working with her -hands and entirely dependent on her husband for her maintenance. -Probably her father would not wish to have her sent back to him, as -he might have enough to do for the rest of his family, and he would -be very unwilling to pay back the sum which he had received for her, -and so the wife had to make up her mind to submit. But a change in her -position took place when wealth began to flow into Rome. Then the men -obtained ample means, and money would be to them no consideration. The -fathers scorned in such circumstances to sell their daughters; but, on -the contrary, came to feel that it was their duty to provide for them -for life. The daughters would thus no longer wish to be in the power of -their husbands, but in that of their fathers.</p> - -<p>A further development took place when the women themselves came to -possess wealth. Fathers left large sums to their daughters, husbands -left large sums to their widows, and thus arose a class of rich women. -This seemed such an anomaly to some of the Romans that they tried to -check it. A<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span> law<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> was passed (the Lex Voconia) in 169 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, -by which it was illegal to make a woman heir to a fortune above 100,000 -asses, and she was never to get more than the heir appointed in the -will. But the necessity of the law might have proved its futility. -Throughout Roman history a marked feature is the strong affection of -fathers for their daughters and of husbands for their wives, and no -law could effectively restrain them from contriving to give the most -part of their goods to those whom they loved. Accordingly, the fathers -and husbands invented devices by which all such laws might be evaded. -A father, for instance, named as his heir some man who had solemnly -promised that he would hand over all the fortune to the daughter. -The heir thus became a mere trustee, and the Roman law at length -sanctioned such trusteeships. In this manner, although the woman was -nominally under the power of a guardian, she had yet full liberty to -do with her property as she liked, and she gained the importance and -influence which belong to wealth. These changes produced a revolution -in the nature of marriage. Marriage now became a contract. It was the -invariable custom for the father to give a dowry with his daughter. The -interest of this dowry was sufficient to support her, so that she could -be no burden on her husband. In fact, the husband was not liable for -her support except remotely; the duty<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span> fell on the father first, and -then on various kinsmen, coming only at a late stage on the husband. -The husband had the right to the use of the dowry while the marriage -continued, but if it was dissolved, without blame on the wife’s part, -he had to return the entire dowry. Of course the wife might have money -of her own besides the dowry. That remained entirely in her own power, -or the power of her father or guardian; the husband could not meddle -with it. He might persuade her to bestow some of it on him, but he had -no legal control over it.</p> - -<p>Marriage was thus a contract which came into full force when the woman -was led to the house of the man. It was a contract which must be made -in the presence of witnesses, and it could be dissolved, but again, -the dissolution of it must be carried out legally—<i>i.e.</i>, in -the presence of competent witnesses. Religious ceremonies accompanied -the marriage, but the religious ceremonies had nothing to do with -the contract, and therefore were not essential to the marriage. It -was necessary in this contract that husband and wife should give -their consent, and when they were under control, that their parents -or guardians also should consent. Generally each family had a family -council, consisting of friends and relatives, and this council would -be summoned to decide on the terms of the contract, and it was deemed -disreputable in a man to dissolve his marriage without invoking this -council. Husband or wife might<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span> dissolve the marriage for any reason, -but precipitation was guarded against by the necessity of legal forms -and by the practice of asking the advice of this council, at the head -of which was the father of the husband or wife.</p> - -<p>Such, then, was the position of woman in respect to marriage in the -last centuries of the Roman Republic, and it will be seen that she -was on a practical equality with man. This state of matters sometimes -caused curious combinations in life. The most singular case, one -throwing much light on the ideas of marriage prevalent among the -nobility of Rome, is that of Hortensius, which has been related by -Plutarch. Hortensius, the great Roman orator, was anxious to be allied -to Cato, the champion of Roman liberty, who died at Utica, and to marry -Cato’s daughter. There was one difficulty in the way. Cato’s daughter, -by name Porcia, was already married to Bibulus. But Hortensius did not -regard this as a serious obstacle. He went to Bibulus, told him his -wish, and begged him to dissolve his marriage with Porcia, and thus -afford himself an opportunity of marrying her. He stated that after she -had borne him two children he would relinquish his marriage claims, and -she might remarry Bibulus. Cato, the father, was consulted, and refused -his consent. But Cato suggested a way out of the difficulty. He himself -would yield up his own wife Marcia to Hortensius on condition that her -father<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span> did not object. Her father agreed, but on one stipulation, that -her former husband should be present at the marriage. Cato accepted -this stipulation, and Marcia was married to Hortensius. Hortensius -died and Marcia became a widow. But she did not remain a widow long, -for she soon married her former husband, bringing with her the fortune -of Hortensius. In this case there is no constraint of any one and no -illegality. Cato and Marcia dissolve their marriage voluntarily and -legally; Hortensius and Marcia marry voluntarily and legally; and Cato -and Marcia marry again voluntarily and legally. Marriage existed so -long as both parties were fully agreed; and the only obstacle to a -dissolution of the marriage was the necessity of carrying it out in a -strictly legal manner, and the duty of consulting near relatives.<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> - -<p>In our next chapter we shall discuss what was the effect of this -arrangement on the happiness and character of women.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER V.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">THE EFFECTS OF MARRIAGE AND OTHER ARRANGEMENTS.</span></h3></div> - -<p>We are to consider in this chapter the effect of the marriage -arrangements of Rome on the happiness, character, and influence of -the Roman women. It is needless to say that it is impossible to reach -incontestable conclusions on such a subject. Our evidence cannot but -be fragmentary and one-sided, whatever be the nation or period whose -happiness or morals we choose for the subject of our investigations. -Even in our own day it would be easy, from the reports of the divorce -and police courts and newspaper paragraphs, to draw together such -materials as might lead one to assert that women were treated with the -greatest cruelty, and that the age was one of the most licentious. But -the evidence in the case of the Romans is peculiarly fragmentary. Only -this has to be said for it: that it is not selected, that the facts -which bear on the subject have been recorded for other reasons, and -that therefore they may be expected to give a fair average picture of -the state of matters into which we are inquiring.</p> - -<p>It is necessary to deal at the outset with a prejudice which has -influenced the views of many modern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span> writers. It is supposed that -Christianity must have appeared at a time when the ancient world -was falling to pieces; when, therefore, morals were particularly -low, society was in an utterly corrupt condition, and licentiousness -universally prevailed. There is no sure foundation for this opinion. -There is no picture of the last days of the Republic or the first -years of the Empire that is so black as that painted by Ammianus -Marcellinus<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> of his own times. And the licentiousness of Pagan -Rome is nothing to the licentiousness of Christian Africa, Rome, and -Gaul,<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> if we can put any reliance on the description of Salvian. I -may adduce one instance of the effects of this prejudice. Drumann, in -his laborious work of six volumes, has collected all the biographical -facts that records have sent down to us in connexion with the last -period of the Republic. In his index to this book he has a very short -list of passages that refer to the virtues of women, and a very long -one referring to their degeneracy. We turn to the first of these -latter passages, and what do we find? Drumann<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> is describing -the proscriptions carried out by the triumvirs, Octavian, Antony, -and Lepidus, and he narrates how the Roman trembled before his own -wife, children, slaves, and freedmen, and adduces instances in which -Romans were betrayed by their relatives or slaves. He mentions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span> three -instances of the treachery of wives, and we may be sure that these -were all the instances with which the records of the period furnished -him, for it is not likely that any one has escaped his most diligent -search. But he allows that another side of human nature was brought to -light, and, in exhibiting it to his readers, he quotes eight instances -in which wives saved their husbands at the risk of their lives or -followed them into exile. It would be rash to draw an inference from -these facts; but, if inference is to be drawn, it is that, even in the -midst of wild disorders in the State and a general reign of terror in -which each one feared for his life, wives were far more frequently true -to their husbands and ready to share every peril with them, and that, -therefore, we have really no proof of degeneracy, but, on the contrary, -of strong affection between husband and wife.</p> - -<p>In considering the effect of the marriage customs of the Romans we -think naturally first of the fact that consent was the essence of -a Roman marriage. No woman could be compelled to marry. It is true -that women very frequently married when they were exceedingly young, -often when they were only fourteen or fifteen years old, and that we -must suppose that in these cases the influence of the fathers was -predominant. But even in these cases the girl had to give her consent, -and consent remained the essence of the obligation to a married life. -Whenever there arose a feeling of bondage, the woman as well as the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span> -man could arrange for a dissolution of the connexion. And the woman had -no pecuniary difficulties in the way. Every father provided for the -support of his daughters for life by the dowries which he bestowed on -them; and, therefore, no woman was compelled to put up with a faithless -and cruel husband because she was entirely dependent on him for her -subsistence. The complaints which we hear of Roman marriages are not -from the female, but the male side. The women were too independent. A -Roman marries a Roman woman who has ample means of her own. He finds -that the old times are gone, and he cannot now lay hold of her money or -property without her consent. He must now humour her if he is to enjoy -her wealth, and the effort to gain her over in this way is held up as -degrading and humiliating to a man, and it is represented that it is -better for a man to be without a wife than to be subject to all the -imperious whims of a wealthy woman.</p> - -<p>Then, again, there was no shame attached to a dissolution of marriage. -Marriage was a contract. Religious ceremonies were connected with it, -but they did not constitute the marriage, and they were not essential -to it. No sacredness invested the idea of marriage. It was an agreement -between two parties, and, whenever this agreement began to gall the one -or the other, there was no reason why the agreement should not come to -an end. The strength of the Roman feeling on this point is seen in the -attitude<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span> towards breach of promise. In Latium actions for breach of -promise were common, as we are told by Servius Sulpicius in his book -‘De Dotibus,’ quoted by Gellius (iv. 4), and they continued till the -citizenship of Rome was conferred on the Latins by the Lex Julia. But -the Romans never seem to have allowed them. Sometimes the sponsalia or -betrothal, though a private act, was celebrated with great pomp; but -the Romans thought that “it was dishonourable that marriages should -be held together by the bond of a penalty, whether future or already -contracted,”<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> and “if,” says Juvenal, “you are not going to love the -woman who has been by a legal agreement betrothed and united to you, -there seems to be no reason why you should marry her.”<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p> - -<p>Appeal is often made in this connexion to the frequency of divorce. In -early days the Romans did not divorce their wives, and this fact is -exhibited as a proof of the virtue of early times and the degeneracy -of the later period. The first Roman divorce is said to have occurred -about the year 231 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, when Spurius Carvilius dismissed his -wife because she bore him no children. One writer represents Spurius as -fond of his wife, but every citizen had to answer the Censor’s question -“Have you a wife for the purpose of procuring children?” Spurius’s -wife was by nature incapable of bearing children, and he therefore -felt conscientious scruples<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span> in answering the Censor’s question in -the affirmative, as he was bound to do, and so dismissed his wife, -according to the advice of the family council. It is not likely that -this was the first divorce. At least, it is recorded that the Censors -of 307 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> removed L. Annius from the Senate because he had -divorced his wife without consulting the family council, and there -is no reason to doubt the truth of the statement. But it is probable -that divorces came into vogue about the middle of the third century -before the Christian era. The Roman Catholic lady, Mlle. Bader,<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> -who has lauded the virtue of the Romans because no divorces took place -before this time has suggested an explanation of the fact. “The Roman -husbands,” she says, “did not divorce their wives; they killed them.” -As long as the Roman wives were under the control or in the hands of -the husband, the husband unquestionably could kill his wife under -certain restrictions; but when this state of matters ceased, then the -obvious course was, unless the wife committed great crimes, and thereby -incurred severe punishment, to dissolve the marriage quietly. And it -seems to us that women would prefer divorce to death, and that, instead -of a degeneracy, the altered state of matters implies a softening of -manners and an advance in civilization.<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span></p> - -<p>It cannot be denied that divorces became frequent after women attained -freedom, but much exaggeration prevails in regard to this matter. It -is only about the men and women who occupied a prominent position -in society that we get information, and their political interests -often led to marriages and divorces. To form an estimate of general -society from these would be as erroneous as to form an estimate of -English and French society from Henry VIII. and the Napoleonic family. -Marquardt<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> notes the cases of frequent marriages. “Ovid,” he says, -“and the younger Pliny married three times, Cæsar and Antony four -times, Sulla and Pompey five times, Cicero’s daughter Tullia three -times.” It is needless to say that there is nothing wonderful in this. -Many men and women in modern times marry three times, and there are -some who have married four and five times, and one Moderator of the -General Assembly of the Church of Scotland had seven wives.<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Yet -these cases have not been deemed indicative of an exceptional state -of low morality. The satirists and moralists are fond of employing -exaggerated language in regard to women in this connexion. Juvenal -talks of a woman having eight husbands in five years, and Martial of a -woman being married to her tenth husband.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span> Seneca describes some noble -women as reckoning their years, not by the names of the Consuls, but -by the names of their husbands. And it is possible that a few women -may have become notorious in this way. The Augustan marriage laws -offered strong temptations to go through the form of marriage, when -there was no real union, and thereby elude the penalties inflicted on -the unmarried state. But there are no clear instances recorded. Some -suppose that in the inscription on the tomb of a woman it is affirmed -that she had seven husbands; but the interpretation is incorrect, as -Wilmanns has conclusively shown. The authentic case of the largest -number of husbands is that of the woman of Samaria, who had five -husbands, and was living with one who was not her husband. But her case -may have been quite peculiar; and, strangely enough, it is to this -notorious woman to whom the grandest revelation of universal worship -ever made to mortal was vouchsafed. There is no good reason to suppose -that divorces were very frequent in ordinary society. There were not -the same causes at work as prevailed in the circles in which political -power was the predominant motive of action. From the earliest times -of subjection came down, the idea that, while the man might marry -frequently, the woman ought to marry only once, and this idea had its -influence even to the last period of Paganism. In the later period -the woman was not forced into marriage, and if her first marriage, -owing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span> to her early age, may generally have been the result of parental -arrangement, the second would almost certainly be one made with her own -free will, and with her eyes open to all the consequences of the act, -and therefore it was likely to be a marriage of permanent affection.</p> - -<p>Examining history, then, I think we must come to the conclusion -that the Roman ideas of marriage had not a bad effect either on the -happiness, or morals of the women. If we take the period of Roman -history from 150 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> to 150 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, we shall be -surprised at the number of the women of whom it is recorded that they -were loved ardently by their husbands, exercised a beneficial influence -on them, and helped them in their political or literary work. Many of -these women had received an excellent education, they were capable and -thoughtful, and took an active interest in the welfare of the State. -It is well known that it was Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, who -inspired her sons with the resolution to cope with the evils that beset -the State, and her purpose did not waver when she knew that they had -to face death in their country’s cause. Julia, the daughter of Julius -Cæsar, and the wife of Pompey, kept the two leaders on good terms -as long as she lived, and acted with great sweetness, and prudence. -Cornelia, Pompey’s second wife, was a woman of great culture, and a -most faithful and devoted wife. Plutarch thus describes her<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span> -“The young woman possessed many charms besides her youthful beauty, -for she was well instructed in letters, in playing on the lyre, and -in geometry, and she had been accustomed to listen to philosophical -discourses with profit. In addition to this, she had a disposition free -from all affectation and pedantic display, which such acquirements -generally breed in women.” The intervention of Octavia, the wife of -Antony, in affairs of State was entirely beneficial and judicious. -The first Agrippina displayed courage and energy, herself crushed a -mutiny among the soldiers, and was in every way a help to her husband. -Tacitus praises his mother-in-law, the wife of Agricola, as a model of -virtue, and he describes her as living in the utmost harmony with her -husband, each preferring the other in love. And Pliny the younger gives -a beautiful picture of his wife Calpurnia, telling a friend how she -showed the greatest ability, frugality, and knowledge of literature. -Especially “she has my books,” he says; “she reads them again and -again; she even commits them to memory. What anxiety she feels when -I am going to make a speech before the judges, what joy when I have -finished it. She places people here and there in the audience to bring -her word what applauses have been accorded to my speech, what has been -the issue of the trial. If I give readings of my works anywhere, she -sits close by, separated by a screen, and drinks in my praises with -most greedy ears. My verses also she sings,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span> and sets them to the music -of the lyre, no artist guiding her, but only love, who is the best -master.”<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> - -<p>These are only a few of the numerous instances that might be adduced, -in which wives behaved with a gentleness or courage or self-abnegation -worthy of all praise. It is true that they took an active part in the -management of affairs, but, on the whole, it must be allowed that they -acted with great good sense. And there is a curious proof of this -in the times of the Empire. Wives went with their husbands to their -provinces, and often took part in the administration of them. Some -of the old stern moralists were for putting an end to this state of -matters, and proposed that they should not be allowed to accompany -their husbands to their spheres of duty; but, after a debate in the -Senate, the measure was rejected by a large majority, who thereby -affirmed that their help was beneficial.<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p> - -<p>No doubt it was their good sense, their kindliness, and their -willingness to co-operate with men, that led to their freedom and -power in political matters. And this power was sometimes very great. -Cicero,<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> in a letter to Atticus, relates an interview which he had -at Antium 44 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> with Brutus and Cassius. Favorinus was also -present, and besides him there were three women—Servilia, the mother -of Brutus; Tertulla, the wife of Cassius and sister of Brutus; and -Porcia,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span> the wife of Brutus and daughter of Cato. Servilia strikes -in twice in the course of the discussion, and it is evident that her -words carried weight. On one of the occasions she promises to get a -clause expunged from a decree of the Senate. There must have been many -such deliberations where women were present. Even in earlier times -the influence of women is represented as great. Livy<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> asserts that -Licinius was induced to propose his laws to gratify the ambition of a -daughter of M. Fabius Ambustus, whom he had married.</p> - -<p>It is true that some of the women who engaged in political affairs were -reckless and disagreeable. A woman played a most important and daring -part in the Catilinarian conspiracy, and it was through a woman that -the plot was revealed. Cicero’s wife, according to his own account -of her, knew more of political affairs than he knew of her household -arrangements, and when his love grew cold to her, partly perhaps on -account of her temper, but partly because he had become fond of a rich -young lady, who might help him out of his pecuniary straits, a divorce -took place, and Terentia married the political enemy of her former -husband. Livia, the wife of Augustus and the mother of Tiberius, was, -according to some, the prime mover of most of the public deeds during -the reigns of both; but a doubt still remains whether we ought to -place her among the good or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span> the bad. But even these women had much -enjoyment from their careers and the companionship of their own choice. -At all events, the women enjoyed great freedom, and a wide field for -the exercise of their power. And many of them certainly made a good -use of their opportunities and wealth. Some of them were charitable. -They bestowed public buildings and porticoes on the communities among -which they lived; they received public honours, and one woman<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> in -Africa so impressed her fellow-citizens with her excellence that she -was elected one of the two chief magistrates of the place. Especially -in Asia Minor did women display public activity. Their generosity took -the most various forms, even to bestowing considerable sums on each -citizen in their own cities. They erected baths and gymnasia, adorned -temples, put up statues, and contributed in every way to the enjoyment -of their fellow countrymen. They often presided at the public games or -over the great religious ceremonies, having been regularly appointed to -this position, and they paid the expenses incurred in these displays. -In consequence of this they received the most marked distinctions, and -were elected to the highest magistracies. They also held priesthoods, -and several of them obtained the highest priesthood of Asia—perhaps -the greatest honour that could be paid to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span> any one. And they were -admitted to aristocratic clubs, such as the “gerousia” is generally -supposed to have been.</p> - -<p>It cannot be said that all the professions were thrown open to them, -because many of the professions were not open to the men. Medicine and -teaching and similar arts were still to a large extent practised by -slaves or freedmen, and were deemed unworthy occupations for freeborn -citizens. Law was not a profession, and women had a wide range of -action in legal matters.</p> - -<p>Valerius Maximus<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> mentions that Amaesia—or Maesta (the name is -uncertain)—of Sentinum, when accused, pled her own cause amidst a -vast concourse of people, and managed the transaction with accurate -knowledge of the forms of procedure as well as with bravery. She was -acquitted almost unanimously. For her masculine mind they called her -Androgyne, or Man-woman. He also mentions Afrania, the wife of the -senator Licinius Bucco, whom he brands as fond of getting up lawsuits -and pleading her own cause before the prætor, not because she could not -procure advocates, but because she had an over-supply of impudence. -He says that her name became a byword for a woman of unexampled -forwardness and immorality. He states that she died in the first -consulship of C. Cæsar, and the second consulship of P. Servilius, that -is, in 48 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, remarking that her death<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span> was the one event -in the life of such a monster that deserved record. In the ‘Digests,’ -a quotation is made from Ulpian<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> to the effect that women were -not allowed to prosecute on behalf of others, because it was not in -harmony with the modesty becoming the sex to mix themselves up with -other people’s affairs, and assume to themselves functions appropriate -to men. The origin of the restriction is assigned to the conduct of a -most impudent woman, Carfania, who, by pestering the prætor with her -shameless prosecutions, obliged him to issue the prohibition. Some -have identified this Carfania with Afrania, but it is likely that the -prohibition was made at a later date than 48 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span></p> - -<p>As we have already seen, the women of Rome sometimes held meetings -among themselves in early times, and Livy mentions instances to which -I have not alluded. Under the Empire we hear of a regular assembly -or corporation of women (<i>Conventus matronarum</i>). On the first -occasion on which this Conventus crops up in history, we get a glimpse -of the lively scenes which must have occasionally taken place in it. -Agrippina, the mother of Nero, had been trying to seduce Galba, who -afterwards became Emperor, from fidelity to his wife. His mother-in-law -was very wroth with her for this, and when Agrippina came to a meeting -of the Conventus she rated her soundly, adding force to her words by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span> -vigorous blows with her hands. Afterwards, the Conventus appears again -in the reign of Elagabalus, who assigned his mother a place among the -senators. He built on the Quirinal a meeting-place for the Conventus, -which his biographer calls a Senate, and the matrons decided there the -various points of court etiquette, such as precedence and the dresses -to be worn by ladies of different ranks. Probably this senate of women -came to an end through its absurdity, and we do not hear of it again -till the reign of Aurelian, who is said to have restored to women their -senate, and to have made the priestesses take first rank in it.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p> - -<p>Many Roman women devoted themselves to philosophy and literature, and -showed considerable ability in these subjects. But there is no proof -that any one of them attained a great reputation. Only one literary -work of a Roman woman has come down to us, the Satire of Sulpicia. It -is creditable to her good sense and ability, but it does not take a -high place among satires.</p> - -<p>What, then, are we to say in regard to the morality of the Roman women? -Unquestionably some of the Roman writers depict their morals in the -blackest colours, but the facts that I have adduced seem to me to -prove that the accounts are greatly exaggerated. It would be absurd to -deny that there<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span> were many bad women in Roman society, just as there -have been bad men and women in all societies, but we are apt to form -too gloomy a picture of the conduct of the women, because it has been -the delight of writers, who wish to demonstrate the superiority of -Christianity to heathenism, to bring out into special prominence the -supposed vices and humiliations of pagan women. But in regard to this -matter it is of great importance that we view the facts from the right -point.</p> - -<p>First of all we must be on our guard against confounding Pagan with -Christian notions of morality. The Romans highly esteemed purity in a -woman, but they confined these ideas of purity to the female citizens, -and their notions were based on the necessity of having a pure and -unadulterated breed of citizens. Their notions of purity did not extend -to the male citizens, and therefore, when the woman was still under the -control of the husband, the woman could not divorce her husband, though -her husband could divorce her without assigning a reason to her. There -was, indeed, an institution among the Romans which has been thought to -exalt the idea of purity and virginity. But a slight knowledge of Roman -thought shows the error of this opinion. Every sacrifice offered to a -god required to be pure. The ox that was to be sacrificed must not have -dragged the plough or undergone any toil. It must be reared and kept -exclusively for the homage that was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span> paid to the god. And so the vestal -virgins consecrated to the goddess Vesta must be pure and undefiled -by subjection to any one, as long as they were in the service of the -goddess. But this was not a moral but a ritual purification. Marriage -was not an obstruction to service to a god, if the god presided over -functions that were consistent with it and, indeed, in all the great -priesthoods in Rome it was essential that the priest should be married, -for his wife acted as the priestess, and it was advantageous that the -priest should have a family, as his children were expected to assist in -his various priestly functions. Even the vestal virgins were allowed to -marry, after they had served the goddess for the prescribed period of -thirty years. The Roman women were not therefore restrained by a sense -of moral wrong in connexion with this matter. And accordingly when -they escaped from the firm grasp of the husband’s power, they could -not see why that which was allowed to the man should not be allowed to -the woman; why, if he gratified his passions without restraint or the -condemnation of society, the same indulgence should not be conceded -to her. And, accordingly, some of them did plunge into the wildest -careers of licentiousness and shamelessness. They adopted the prevalent -philosophy of the day, Epicureanism, with their fathers and brothers -and husbands; they abjured all belief in a future state and in moral -distinctions, and they acted as the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span> men who held the same creed did. -Others of them took to Platonism,<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> and were particularly fond of -“The Republic,” because it advocated community of wives. But these -women were not worse than the men of their day, and there were much -fewer bad women than bad men.</p> - -<p>Then our ideas of the immorality of Roman women are often drawn from -what is said of the women connected with the Court of the early Empire. -But our accounts of these women are derived from a bitter satirist, -a pessimist historian, and a scandal-mongering biographer. And there -can be no doubt that the most notorious of the licentious women of -the Court had, like the men, a strong taint of insanity. If we take -into consideration what I have already said about all Pagan notions -of purity, and along with this keep in sight the state of matters -at the end of the Republic and the beginning of the Empire, I think -that a milder view of the case will present itself to us. The Roman -Republic came to an end through the rivalry of the great houses, whose -matrons are the subjects of history. These houses were divided against -each other, even though they were sometimes closely related by blood -and marriage. Occasionally, even son was arrayed against father, and -nephew against uncle. The lives of the principal men were in continual -jeopardy. Very many of them died violent deaths. Their homes were thus<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span> -frequently broken up, and selfish feelings were brought prominently -into play. In these circumstances women had to act a difficult part, -and their motives were often misconstrued.</p> - -<p>Thus the suspicion is suggested that Livia, the wife of Augustus, -had frequent recourse to poison; but surely the circumstances of the -case render this suspicion doubtful. Livia was unquestionably a bold, -resolute woman, and took an active part in the management of the -Empire. She had been married before, and by her former husband had two -sons, one of whom was Tiberius. Augustus also had been married before, -and had one daughter, Julia. It was natural that Augustus should seek -to establish his dynasty through his own daughter Julia, and not -through his stepson. Accordingly he gave her in marriage to his nephew -Marcellus, whom he intended to be his successor, but Marcellus died at -an early age without offspring. Augustus then gave the widowed Julia -in marriage to Agrippa, in whom he had great confidence, but Agrippa -died also. Agrippa left a family, two of whom were youths of much -promise, and Augustus naturally looked to these grandsons as possible -successors, but they died also. Meantime Augustus gave his daughter -in marriage to his stepson Tiberius, who by no means valued the gift; -for he had to part from a wife whom he loved to unite himself with a -wife whom he detested, and whom all the world knew to be dissolute. -And in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span> the end Tiberius succeeded to his throne. Now it was suggested -that Livia from the first had made up her mind to make Tiberius the -successor of Augustus, and that, with this object, she employed -poison—poisoning Marcellus, poisoning Agrippa and his two sons, and -probably poisoning Augustus himself. But we must suppose the acts of -poisoning to be most fitful; for Marcellus died in 23 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, -Agrippa in 12 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, the sons of Agrippa in 2 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> -and 4 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, and Augustus himself in 14 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, each at -a considerable interval of years from the other; and it seems to me -impossible that, if a woman had made up her mind that her son should -succeed, she would follow out her plan only at widely separate periods.</p> - -<p>Some of the other women who are notorious for their bad conduct were -unquestionably bad. But in the case of Messalina, whose name has become -a byword, it has to be remembered that she was only twenty-six years of -age when she died. The second Agrippina, who is equally infamous for -her wickedness, may be paying the penalty for having written memoirs, -in which she blackened the characters of her contemporaries. And nearly -all the women who are gibbeted as monsters of iniquity belonged to the -imperial family. The Emperor held a position of power and glory such as -never had fallen to the lot of any mortal before him. The wealth and -honours that were heaped on him were such as might turn the head of -any man. They could not but have a very<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span> injurious effect on the women -of the family. The descendants of this family intermarried cousins -with cousins, or even in closer connexion, and, between the unique -exaltation of their lot and the frequent intermarriages, need we wonder -that a taint of insanity infected them? I think that in this way we may -account for a considerable number of the wild excesses that are laid to -their charge.</p> - -<p>I do not deny that there were many licentious women outside of the -imperial circle; I do not deny that there may have been some foundation -for the railing accusations which Juvenal brings against the sex; but I -am confident that these accusations are exaggerated in a high degree.</p> - -<p>And if there were women who plunged into vice because they saw their -husbands and brothers claim and exercise the wildest licence for -themselves, there were other women who took an opposite course. They -argued that the equality was right, but that men and women were equally -bound to abstain from licentiousness, that the same law prevailed -for the man as for the woman. This opinion was a tenet of the Stoic -philosophy, and it was to this sect of philosophers that many of -the noblest Roman women belonged. I will mention but two of them. -Porcia, the daughter of Cato and the wife of Brutus, was a Stoic—“a -philosopher,” as Plutarch says,<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> “full of spirit and good<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span> sense.” -When married to Brutus, she perceived that her husband did not -communicate to her his political movements and secrets. So she removed -all her attendants, took a knife, and inflicted a deep wound in her -thigh so that the blood flowed out copiously and then fever ensued. Her -husband, in alarm, came to her, and she then addressed him: “I, Brutus, -Cato’s daughter, was given unto thy house, not, like women who serve -as concubines, to share thy bed and board only, but to be a partner -in thy happiness and a partner in thy sorrows. But, with respect to -thy marriage, everything is blameless on thy part; but as to me what -evidence is there, or what affection, if I must neither share with thee -a secret sorrow nor a care which demands confidence? I know that a -woman’s nature is considered too weak to carry a secret, but, Brutus, -there is a certain power towards making moral character in a good -nurture and an honest life: and I am Cato’s daughter and also Brutus’s -wife, whereon hitherto I had less relied, but now I know that I am -also invincible to pain.”<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Then she showed her husband the wound. -He admired the deed, and, stretching out his hands, he prayed the gods -“that they would render him worthy of so noble a wife.”</p> - -<p>The other Stoic woman whom I shall mention is the well-known Arria, -the wife of Pætus. Pliny gives the following narrative, received from -her granddaughter:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span> “Her husband, Cæcina Pætus, was sick; her son -also was sick, both, to all appearance, by a fatal attack. The son -died; a youth of exquisite beauty, of equal modesty, and dear to the -parents as much because he was their son as for other reasons. She -made all the preparations for the funeral, and paid the last rites -to him, in such a way that her husband remained in ignorance of what -was going on. Whenever she entered his chamber she pretended that her -son still lived and was even improving in health. And when he often -asked, ‘How is my boy?’ she would answer, ‘He had a good night, he -took a little food eagerly.’ But when the tears, long kept in check, -overcame her and began to stream forth, she would go outside and give -herself up to a flood of grief, and then come back with dry eyes and -calm countenance.”<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> It was this same woman who taught her husband -how to die. He had received commands from the Emperor Claudius to put -himself to death. He hesitated. His wife thereupon took a dagger, -plunged it into her breast, drew it out and offered it to her husband, -with the words, “Pætus, it does not pain.” There were many such Stoic -women. What opinions did they entertain in regard to the education and -position of their sex? We are well informed on this point.</p> - -<p>A Stoic philosopher, C. Musonius Rufus, who flourished in the time -of Nero, spoke or wrote treatises<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span> on the education of women and on -marriage, and large fragments of his sayings or writings have come -down to us. He argues that the same training and education must be -suitable for both sexes. He affirms that this ought to be the case for -training in all the mental qualities, but that possibly certain tasks -may in some cases be more appropriate for man or for woman. The sum -of his exposition is perhaps contained in the following words:<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> -“I say that, as in the human race men have a stronger and women a -weaker nature, each of these natures should have the tasks assigned -to it which are most suited to it, and the heavier should be allotted -to the stronger, and the lighter to the weaker. Spinning, as well as -house-keeping, would, therefore, be more suitable for women than for -men; while gymnastics, as well as out-of door work, would be fitter for -men than for women; though sometimes some men might properly undertake -some of the lighter tasks and such as seem to belong to women; and -women, again, might engage in the harder tasks, and those which appear -more appropriate for men, in cases where either bodily qualities or -necessity or particular occasions might lead to such action. For -perhaps all human tasks are open to all, and common both to men and -women, and nothing is necessarily appointed exclusively for either; -not that some things may not be more suitable for one, and others for -the other<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[137]</span> nature, so that some are called men’s and others women’s -occupations. But whatever things have reference to virtue, these one -may rightly affirm to be equally appropriate to both natures, since -we say that virtues do not belong more to the one than to the other.” -Musonius applies his principle of equality to sexual relations and to -marriage. He held that what was wrong in a woman was equally wrong in -a man, or rather was more disgraceful to a man, inasmuch as he claimed -to be a stronger being, and therefore more capable of controlling his -passions. He therefore denounced all illicit amours as unjust and -lawless. He also propounded a view which was afterwards adopted by -the Christian writers, that all indulgence of the flesh not requisite -for the propagation of the race was unworthy of a philosopher. But he -differed from the great mass of the Christian writers, and regarded -marriage as the happiest condition of life. He describes it as a -community of life, and a mutual care for each other in health and -sickness, and in every occurrence of life, and he brands a marriage -when there is no community of feeling as worse than a desert. He argued -that the man who does not marry must be inferior in his experience and -usefulness to the man who does, and that therefore the solitary life is -not advantageous even for the philosophers. And he urges that the whole -of civilization rests upon the institution of marriage. “For,” says he, -“the man who takes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[138]</span> away marriage from the human race takes away the -household, takes away the State, takes away the human race.”</p> - -<p>The opinions of Musonius and the Stoics greatly influenced subsequent -legislation in regard to marriage. But this is an obscure and -disputable subject, and we can refer here only to the commencement of -legislation on marriage. It was the Emperor Augustus who first drew up -laws in regard to it. Before his time marriage was deemed essentially a -private transaction, and no enactments had taken place in reference to -it except as to the disposition of dowries. Family councils controlled -it, and, like all other private acts, it was subject to the judgment -of the Censors, who in this matter followed prevalent opinion. The -prevailing opinion was that all Romans were bound to marry. The Censors -put the question to every Roman, “On your word of honour have you a -wife?” If the answer was in the negative the Censor weighed all the -circumstances of the case, and, if he deemed the man negligent of -his duty, he imposed on him a fine called <i>uxorium</i>. From the -earliest times it had been reckoned a Roman’s imperative duty to marry. -Dionysius embodies this practice in the statement that the “ancient -law compelled all adults to marry.” The historians mention several -instances in which the penalty for neglect of this custom was imposed -by the Censors.<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span></p> - -<p>We are told<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> that the Censors, M. Furius Camillus and M. Postumius -Albinus, in 403 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, obliged all who had reached old age -without marrying to pay a sum of money to the public treasury, and -Valerius Maximus, in stating this fact, puts into their mouths words to -the following effect: “As nature imposes on man the necessity of being -born, so it imposes on him the obligation to produce birth, and your -parents bind you by maintaining you to the obligation of maintaining -their grandchildren. In addition to this, fortune has given you a long -period to listen to her appeals to you to perform this duty, while, -in the meantime, your years have wasted away, and you have remained -without the name of either husband or father. Go, then, and pay the -knotty coin which will be useful to a numerous posterity.” We need -place no implicit belief in the exact details of this narrative, and -Plutarch may be nearer the truth when he relates that the Censors -induced, either by persuasion or penalties, the unmarried Romans of -their day to wed the women who had been made widows by the devastating -wars of Veii. But, whatever may have been the particular occurrences, -there can be no doubt that the sentiments put by Maximus into the -mouths of the Censors were the genuine sentiments of the Roman people, -and they continued to be the same till the latest days of the Republic. -We are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span> told<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> that Quintus Metellus in his censorship, the date -of which is uncertain, but it was either 131 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> or 101 -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>—according as we accept the statement of Livy that it was -Quintus Metellus Macedonicus, or the statement of Gellius that it was -Quintus Metellus Numidicus—urged that all should be forced to marry -<i>liberorum creandorum causa</i>, and delivered a speech on marriage -which Augustus<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> deemed so convincing that he read it aloud in -the Senate, and drew the attention of the people to it by edict. And -Cicero, in his treatise ‘De Legibus,’<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> makes it part of the duty of -Censors to prevent people being bachelors.</p> - -<p>There would not be the same obligation on females to marry, but it is -likely that every Roman citizen girl married. It is probable that the -number of the females was not so great as that of the males. Every -father had the right to expose his children, and, while he had no -reason to make away with his male children, the necessity of providing -dowries for females would induce him to think seriously before he took -up and reared the female children that were born to him.</p> - -<p>This, then, was the state of matters in the best times of the Republic; -but this state was changed by the violent civil wars that preceded -the establishment of the Empire. Then the great families of the -commonwealth were decimated and family ties broken up. A feeling of -the utter uncertainty of life and an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span> indifference to its continuance -pervaded all classes. Moreover, luxurious habits had become prevalent. -Formerly sons with their wives lived in the house of their father, -and constituted, in fact as in law, one family. Instances of this -conjoint family life are recorded so late as the second century -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> But now the expense of bringing up a family had come -to be felt by many as a burden, and the trouble of family cares was -regarded as an encroachment on the enjoyments of life. And hence arose -an unwillingness to marry. People saw no good and felt no pride in -having families. Their children might be a curse to them, or they -might be exposed to lives of poverty, accusations, harassment, and -proscription—lives, in fact, which were miseries, and not blessings. -But Augustus held that the prevalence of such sentiments and practices -was fatal to the welfare of a State, and the special circumstances of -the time made them peculiarly dangerous to Rome. For the State had -suffered enormous loss by its civil wars. Appian<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> asserts that at -the census of Julius Cæsar it was said that the population was only -half of what it had been before these wars. Dio Cassius<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> describes -the scarcity of the population as terrible, and the number of women had -decreased. Friedländer<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> estimates the free population of Rome in 5 -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, omitting senators, knights, and soldiers, as consisting -of 320,000 males and 265,600 females.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span></p> - -<p>A remedy for this state of matters was urgently required, and -Augustus believed that a remedy could be found only in legislation. -Accordingly legislation was the remedy which he adopted. The accounts -of this legislation are very confused. Mention is made of three -Bills—one, Julia de adulteriis coercendis; a second, Julia de -maritandis ordinibus; and a third, Lex Papia Poppæa. He commenced his -legislation in the very beginning of his reign, in 28 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>; -but as, on assuming the supreme power, he abrogated the decrees of -the triumvirate, and claimed to be restoring the Republic, his Bills -had to go through the ordinary processes of discussion in the Senate -and proposal to the Assembly. This afforded scope for every form of -obstruction, and, besides difficulties in passing the Bills, the laws -met with fierce private resistance. The Lex Papia Poppæa probably -embodied all the regulations which Augustus had made in regard to -marriage, with such additions and amendments as experience had proved -to be necessary. Its great object, was to encourage and reward -marriage, and punish and prevent celibacy. Before passing his final -law, the Lex Papia Poppæa, in 9 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, Dio Cassius<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> states -that Augustus, knowing that the equites were eager for the abrogation -of his previous laws, summoned the whole of them to a meeting. He -divided them into two classes—those who had married and those who had -not. He deplored the fact that the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span> latter class was more numerous, -and addressed to them strong words of reproof, and at the same time -expounded the reasons why marriage should be praised and rewarded, and -bachelors condemned and fined. The principal points of this speech are -contained in the first two chapters of Dio Cassius, 56. “That first and -greatest god,” he says, “who fashioned us divided the mortal race into -two, the male and the female, in order, through the instinctive love -of the one to the other, he might make that which was mortal eternal -after a fashion from continual new births. And he who is born of a -father is bound to become a father if the race is to continue. Every -feeling of patriotism makes this a sacred duty. And what better means -could there be than a chaste wife, guardian and manager of the house, a -rearer of children, for cheering the man when he is in good health and -attending to him when he is ill, sharing with him his good fortune and -consoling him in misfortune, restraining the mad impulses of the young -and tempering the unseasonable austerity of the old? What could be more -delightful than to take up a child, the offspring of both, and rear and -educate him, an image of the body and an image of the soul, so that the -man himself reappear in this child when he grows to maturity.”</p> - -<p>Julius Cæsar, painfully alive to the effects of the civil wars on the -destiny of the Empire, had already offered rewards for a numerous -offspring, and we find<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span> that in his agrarian law for the distribution -of lands in Campania, he gave the lots to fathers of three or more -children, of whom at the time there were twenty thousand. Augustus -resolved to carry out this idea systematically. Any married woman who -had three children received special privileges, and the jus trium -liberorum became an honour, which was also conferred at first by the -Senate, and subsequently by the Emperors, on distinguished women on -whom nature had not bestowed the requisite number of children. Four -children released a freedwoman from the guardianship of her patron, and -three children put a free patroness on an equality with a patron.<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> - -<p>Similar privileges were conferred on men. The consul who had the -greater number of children had precedence over him who had fewer, and -the married consul took precedence of the unmarried. The candidate -for office who had children was permitted to assume certain offices -of state at an earlier age than the unmarried, and other privileges -were bestowed on the married. Fines and disabilities were imposed on -bachelors. The ages fixed for males were twenty and sixty, and for -women twenty and fifty and whoever was unmarried within these ages was -subjected to a tax, and could not become heir except to near relatives -and could not receive legacies.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span></p> - -<p>Such were some of the provisions of this Lex Papia Poppæa for the -encouragement of marriage. Our information in regard to it is in many -respects defective and unsatisfactory. The law was much discussed -by subsequent jurists, and it is likely that some of the clauses, -which are represented as the work of Augustus, were inserted by later -legislators.</p> - -<p>Augustus did in regard to adultery what he did in regard to marriage. -He translated ordinary private practice into public law, and on the -whole made the conduct of the Romans milder than it had been, though -he was strongly tempted by the licentiousness of his daughter to -prescribe stern punishment for the crime. His law required that the -divorce should take place in regular form. The freedman of the man who -wished to divorce must hand over the repudium, or bill of divorce, in -the presence of seven Romans of full age, and the wife who wished a -divorce must do the same. The law ordained, that a woman who was found -guilty of adultery should be banished to an island, and lose half of -her dowry and a third of her property, and similar punishments were -inflicted on a faithless husband. In the case of the wife, it still -lay with the husband to inflict the penalty, and he himself was liable -to be punished if he did not carry out the sentence. The husband could -still kill his wife if he found her in the act; but he could execute -vengeance only if he put to death both the guilty parties.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span></p> - -<p>The Lex de maritandis ordinibus, which was no doubt embodied in the Lex -Papia Poppæa, brings to light a new phase of Roman life. Distinctions -had arisen among the Roman citizens, and more anxiety was felt to -maintain the honour and purity of the highest of these classes than to -preserve the ordinary Roman citizen from the outside world. Senators -were forbidden to marry freedwomen, but all other citizens were allowed -to marry them, owing to the scarcity of free women, but prohibited from -marrying prostitutes, procuresses, condemned criminals, and actresses.</p> - -<p>The legislation of Augustus in regard to marriage has generally been -regarded as a failure. Horace celebrated the success of the Lex Julia -de adulterio cohibendo in Ode iv. 5:—</p> - - <div class="poetry-container"> - <div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="ileft">“Nullis polluitur casta domus stupris,</div> - <div>Mos et lex maculosum edomuit nefas”—</div> - </div> - </div> - </div> - -<p class="p-left">words which seem to me to prove that the accounts of the degeneracy of -the women were grossly exaggerated—for no legislation could produce -effects in any way approaching to those described by Horace, if the -evil were deeply seated. From Horace’s words we may gather that the law -had some good effect; and the prominence of the Lex Papia Poppæa in the -discussions of jurists, renders it likely that it continued to act for -some time with considerable force. The general effect of legislation -based on it, and of the course of events, was to alter the basis of -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span> Roman State, and to make the individual, and not the family, the -unit. Husband and wife became more closely connected together, the -wife becoming to some extent the heir of the husband, and her children -being entitled to inherit her property. But causes were working, in -combination with the aversion to marriage, which rendered the Lex Papia -Poppæa nugatory. In the Christian Church arose an inordinate estimate -of the virtue of celibacy. A large family came to be regarded almost as -a disgrace, as a proof of lasciviousness. And thus, when Constantine, a -Christian Emperor, ascended the throne, he abolished most of the pains -and penalties of celibacy and childlessness, and Justinian abolished -all the clauses that dealt with inheritance.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span></p> - -<h2>BOOK III.<br /> -<span class="subhed">THE POSITION AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY.</span></h2></div> - -<h3>CHAPTER I.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">HIGH POSITION OF WOMEN AND THEIR SUBSEQUENT DEGRADATION.</span></h3> - -<p>The opinion has been continually expressed that woman owes her present -high position to Christianity, and the influences of the Teutonic -mind. But an examination of the facts seems to me to show that there -was no sign of this revolution in the first three centuries of the -Christian era, and that the position of women among Christians was -lower, and the notions in regard to them were more degraded than -they were in the first. Unquestionably in the Gospels women occupy a -prominent position. Many of them followed Christ and ministered to -Him. With a woman who had had five husbands and was living with a man -not her husband, He holds the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span> most profound conversation, and to her -He proclaims the grandest truths of His revelation. And the women of -His day and country seem to have had great liberty of movement and -action. One of them, described by St. Luke as “a sinner in the city,” -finds her way into the house of a Pharisee with whom He was dining, -pours a box of ointment on His feet, and washes His feet with tears -and wipes them with the hairs of her head. Christ mingles freely in -the marriage festivities where His mother and doubtless other female -residents were present. His intercourse with the family of Bethany is -of the most unrestrained character, and He talks to both sisters on -the highest subjects. And, according to St. John, His first appearance -after His resurrection is made to a woman, Mary of Magdala, from whom -he had expelled seven demons. But in the Gospels there is no special -doctrine propounded in regard to women, and if there is any approach -to this, it exhibits great mildness, if we take the story of the woman -caught in adultery as genuine. It is when we come to the writings of -St. Paul that opinions are pronounced in regard to marriage and the -conduct of women, and there can be no doubt that these opinions are -of a stern and restrictive nature. The Ebionites<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> explained the -Apostle’s conversion by stating that he was, as he himself allowed, -a native of Tarsus, that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span> he was not a Jew, but a Greek with a Greek -father and a Greek mother; that he went up to Jerusalem and stayed -there for some time; that he fell in love with the high priest’s -daughter, became in consequence a proselyte, and asked her in marriage, -but on being refused he was enraged, and wrote against circumcision, -the Sabbath, and the law. Some have thought that there is a bitterness -against women in the writings of St Paul, which can be explained only -by some such rejection as that related by the Ebionites. Perhaps, -also, the character of the women of Tarsus, his native city, may have -had an effect upon him. At an early time they were particularly prim -and modest. They were in the habit of covering the entire body with -clothing, so that no one could see a single part of their face or the -rest of their body, and they themselves could see nothing except the -road on which they were walking. This habit continued till the time of -Dio Chrysostom,<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> who relates the fact. But he regards the habit as -a remnant of a chastity which no longer existed. Impurity rushed in -upon the women through the ears as well as the eyes, and the most of -them became thoroughly licentious and corrupt. “They walk,” he says, -“with their faces covered, but with soul uncovered, and indeed wide -open.” St. Paul’s words had a great influence on the formation of -opinion in regard to women in the ancient Church.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span> They fell in with -the tendencies of the times, and were made the groundwork and support -of the depreciation of marriage, which became prevalent in the third -and fourth centuries of our era.</p> - -<p>Christianity also soon brought with it a new state of feeling in regard -to questions relating to sex. Acts that had been indifferent before, -now became morally wrong, and the Christian writers inquire minutely -into points which had not previously been discussed. The Christian -writers are particularly frank in their treatment of these questions. -Their sense of decency is quite different from that of the moderns, and -the consequence is that it is not possible for a modern writer to give -a full exposition of their ideas and reasonings.</p> - -<p>There are two Christian books belonging, the one to the beginning of -the third century, the other to the beginning of the fourth, that -make large reference to the duties and position of women. The first -is the “Pædagogus,” or Instructor, of Clement of Alexandria. In this -work the Alexandrian Father guides the Christian in all the affairs of -common life. He exhibits how the Christian ought to behave at meals, -what food and drink he ought to take, how long he should sleep, what -kind of clothes he ought to wear, how he ought to conduct himself in -church, and similar matters. Now in dealing with the duties of women -he refuses to employ any euphemism. A spade with him must be a spade -or it is a lie. God<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span> created man and woman, every part of them, and -“no one,” he says, “ought to be ashamed of naming what God was not -ashamed to create,” and to go about the bush is to act in disrespect -of Him. Besides, he thought it very important that every detail of the -Christian life should be directed according to the instructions of -Divine Reason, and therefore he would have regarded it a dereliction of -duty if he had not discussed all that concerns the functions of women. -But the feeling of the present age is for euphemism and concealment, -and accordingly when we had to translate Clement’s work into English, -in the Ante-Nicene Library, there were portions so completely opposed -to modern ideas of decency that we considered it better to present them -in a Latin and not an English dress. The same peculiarity characterizes -the other work which I mentioned—‘The Banquet of the Ten Virgins,’ -by Methodius. In this book ten virgins praise virginity; but the -virgins show a remarkably intimate acquaintance with the physiology -and aberrations of women. Now in the case of Clement no one can doubt -the purity and simplicity of his mind, and his expositions, though -they have been denounced by some divines, are absolutely devoid of all -pruriency. Perhaps there is a little of the meretricious in the style -of the Banquet, for the writer is imitating somewhat unsuccessfully the -Banquet of Plato; but the language is entirely consistent with perfect -purity, and the difference<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span> from our own times is to be attributed to -the sentiments of the age, not to a debasement of character.</p> - -<p>There is another remark that has to be made before we proceed with our -subject. We may have to employ the term Christianity frequently; but -a great mistake would be committed if it were assumed that the term -has always the same meaning. There is the Christianity of Christ, the -Christianity of the first century, the Christianity of Hildebrand, -of Luther, and of Calvin. Christianity is different as it appears in -different ages and persons. In the early centuries the Christianity -of Rome differed from that of Greece and of Africa, and it is not to -be assumed that because one Christian writer mentions a practice, -that practice was therefore universal in the Church. So when we quote -a writer, that writer is of good authority for his own opinion or -practice, of tolerably good authority for the doctrine and practice of -the Christianity of his own country and age, but more faintly for the -Christianity of other countries and ages.</p> - -<p>At the time when Christianity dawned on the world women had attained, -as we have seen in our chapters on Roman women, great freedom, -power, and influence in the Roman Empire. Tradition was in favour of -restriction, but by a concurrence of circumstances women had been -liberated from the enslaving fetters of the old legal forms, and they -enjoyed freedom<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span> of intercourse in society; they walked and drove -in the public thoroughfares with veils that did not conceal their -faces, they dined in the company of men, they studied literature and -philosophy, they took part in political movements, they were allowed -to defend their own law cases if they liked, and they helped their -husbands in the government of provinces and the writing of books. One -would have imagined that Christianity would have favoured the extension -of woman’s freedom. For Christianity itself was one of the most daring -revolutions which the world has ever seen. It defied all past customs, -it aimed at the overthrow of the religions of the world, it overleapt -the barriers of nationality, and it desired to fuse all mankind into -one family and one faith. Necessarily, such a movement was accompanied -by much excitement and agitation; but when enthusiasm sways any -association of men, and they live in a state of ferment, they break in -pieces the bonds of custom—those very bonds which most firmly chain -women down to a slavish position of routine. Accordingly, at the very -first stage women take a prominent part in the spread of Christianity -and all the activities of Christians.<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> But in a short time this -state of matters ceases in the Church, and women are seen only in two -capacities—as martyrs and as deaconesses.</p> - -<p>As martyrs they presented a magnificent spectacle of what poor weak -woman can dare and do when<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[155]</span> under the impulse of an inspiring faith. -There are especially two genuine Ante-Nicene writings which relate -the courage of women under the agonies of trial. The first is the -letter of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne, written in the reign of -Marcus Aurelius, and the second narrates the martyrdom of Perpetua and -Felicitas in the beginning of the third century. In the letter of the -Church of Lyons the most conspicuous woman is a delicate young slave -of the name of Blandina, to whom every possible kind of torture was -applied, until her body was a mass of deformity, but no word could be -wrung out of her in denial of her Lord. “I am a Christian,” she said, -“and there is no evil done amongst us.” The torturers, finding her -resolution immovable, allowed her a short respite. After an interval -of a day or two she was taken to the amphitheatre to be exposed to the -wild beasts. She was hung up fastened to a stake in the midst of these -animals, but they did not touch her, and she was conveyed back to the -noisome and dark dungeons of her prison. Neither wild beast nor prison -altered her determination. The magistrates were very anxious that she -should recant, and day by day they led her to the scenes of torture, in -the hope that she would be frightened by the terrible sufferings which -she saw her companions endure, and on each occasion they urged her to -swear by the gods. Blandina remained steadfast, and on the last day of -the gladiatorial shows she was taken to the amphitheatre. There she -was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[156]</span> scourged and roasted on a red-hot iron chair, then enclosed in a -net and tossed by a bull, and finally stabbed, triumphant in the faith -of a glorious resurrection and a blessed union with her Lord.</p> - -<p>The martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas was carried out in similar -circumstances. Felicitas was a slave. Vivia Perpetua belonged to the -higher ranks. She had received a good education, and was married at -the time of her apprehension, and had a child at the breast. She was -only twenty-two years of age. Her father was still a heathen, and urged -her by every possible form of argument and appeal to renounce her -faith, but she was firm. She was then cast into a dungeon, and suffered -agonies on account of the darkness and separation from her child. But -her friends were influential enough to procure an alleviation of her -hardships, and she was permitted to have her infant and to receive -visits from her Christian brethren. After some days the prisoners were -taken to the town hall and tried. Perpetua’s father again assailed her -with entreaties to swear by the gods, and so did the Roman procurator. -“Spare,” said the latter, “the grey hairs of your father, spare -the infancy of your boy, offer sacrifice for the well-being of the -emperors.” But Perpetua was unmoved, and to the fatal question “Are -you a Christian?” she replied “I am a Christian,” and was condemned -to the wild beasts. She returned to her dungeon, there to await the -day of the games. On that day the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span> various prisoners were conveyed to -the amphitheatre, and when the turn of the young women came, Felicitas -and Perpetua were placed in nets and exposed to the attacks of a mad -cow. Perpetua was first tossed up in the air and fell on her loins, -but was not injured so much as to be unable to help Felicitas when she -was crushed to the ground, for she gave her hand to her companion and -lifted her up. The savage fury of the populace was appeased for a time, -and a demand was made for other combatants. As the evening drew on, all -the Christians alive were summoned to receive the final sword-thrust; -they kissed each other and then submitted to their fate. Then the -writer of the narrative exclaims, “O most brave and blessed martyrs, -O truly called and chosen unto the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ.” -Every honour was heaped after death on the women who thus suffered -for Christ’s sake, and their ashes and other relics were supposed to -exercise a sanctifying and miraculous influence; but during their lives -it was their duty to stay at home and manage the affairs of their -household and not meddle in teaching or any spiritual function.</p> - -<p>Let us look now at the organization of the church. Various ideas are -entertained in regard to this subject. The view that I take of it -is that the organization was the outcome of the necessities of the -case directed by the institutions of the age and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span> the place. The idea -that regulated the forms of organization was that each member should -contribute to the Church, in an orderly way, any gift that God had -given him. And, in the first enthusiasm of the Christian movement, -women were allowed to do whatever they were fitted to do. Accordingly, -we meet in the early Church with prophetesses. Special mention is -made of the four daughters of Philip.<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> The women combine with -the men in spreading the Gospel. St. Paul calls several of them his -fellow-labourers, and one he designates a minister or deaconess (as -some have translated it) of the Church in Cenchreæ. But not many -generations elapse when all this comes to an end, and we hear only of -two classes of women in connexion with the administration of Church -affairs. The first is that of widows. The Church supported its own -poor, and took upon itself especially the maintenance of widows and -orphans. For the widows work was found. Some persons were required -to visit sick women, to convey assistance to poor women, and to rear -orphan children. Widows were selected for this service, but not all -widows. Certain qualifications were deemed essential. The widow -must be at least sixty years of age; she must have made up her mind -not to marry again, and she must have experience in the nursing of -children, so as to give suitable advice to mothers in their distress -and difficulties. And, of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[159]</span> course, she must have a good character -for sobriety, discretion, and piety. In process of time the widows -no longer are prominent, and, at length, the institution passes -out of sight. A new class arose. This new class received the name -of deaconesses. Some have thought that deaconesses existed in the -apostolic times, and others have supposed that the office was of early -origin but confined to special localities.</p> - -<p>It seems to me that the passages on which these opinions have been -based do not substantiate a fixed and definite office, but mere -casual and sporadic services. It is towards the middle of the third -century that in all probability the new order became common in all the -Churches of the East, for then the circumstances were such as to demand -its existence. First of all widowhood had fallen in the spiritual -market and virginity had risen. It was not wrong for the widow to -have married, but the act implied a certain weakness and she thereby -contracted a stain which rendered her less fit for the service of the -Church. Accordingly, even in the time of Tertullian<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>, virgins were -elected for the duties and called widows. “I know plainly,” he says, -“that in a certain place a virgin of less than twenty years of age -has been placed in the order of widows.” He himself objects in the -strongest manner to this innovation, and speaks of this virgin as a -monster—a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[160]</span> virgin-widow, and unfit for the work, because she had not -had experience in the married life and in the training of children. -But the respect for virginity was at that time growing, and other -circumstances combined to evoke the new order. To the end of the second -century there were no public buildings for Christian worship. The -Christians met in private houses, and the tenants of the houses made -all the arrangements necessary for the meetings. But when churches -began to be built, officials had to look after them, and this duty was -assigned to the deacons. In the advance of ascetic ideas, the women -sat or stood apart from the men, and entered by a separate door. And -at this door stood the deaconess to direct the worshippers to their -places, and to see that all behaved quietly and reverently. This was -the great work of women in the Church, and in the end became nearly -their only work. But they had also to help the deacons in any service -which was deemed more suitable for women. Thus, in baptism, the women -were immersed, but it was not seemly that all the preparations for the -ceremonial should be made by the men, and the dressing and undressing -were committed to the care of the deaconess. At the same rite the -deacon anointed only the forehead of the Christian woman with oil; the -deaconess then anointed her whole body. The deaconess also undertook -the work which the widows had done in carrying messages and ministering -to the temporal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span> wants of poor women. “Thou shalt send a woman a -deaconess, on account of the imaginations of the bad,” is the order -given in the Apostolical Constitutions.<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a></p> - -<p>The widows had no spiritual function. They were not to teach. How -jealous the Church was in this matter is seen from the instructions -given to them: “Let the widow,” is the commandment in the -Constitutions, “mind nothing but to pray for those that give and -for the whole Church, and when she is asked anything by any one let -her not easily answer, excepting questions concerning the faith and -righteousness and hope in God.... But of the remaining doctrines let -her not answer anything rashly, lest by saying anything unlearnedly -she should make the word to be blasphemed.” And the occupation of the -widow is summed up in these words, “She is to sit at home, sing, pray, -read, watch and fast, speak to God continually in songs and hymns.” And -if she wishes to go to any one to eat or drink with him, or to receive -anything from any one, she must first ask the deacon’s consent, and -if she acts without first consulting him she is to be punished with -fasting or separated on account of her rashness.<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p> - -<p>The deaconesses also were prohibited from teaching. They were superior -to the widows in the liberty of movement which they had, and the widows -were enjoined to be obedient to them; but they had no<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span> spiritual -function, and while there is no doubt that they were ordained for their -service, as the widows also were, they had no sacred character, and -could perform no priestly office. To take one instance from Tertullian. -In discussing the administration of baptism, he states that the -bishop has the right of conferring it first of all, then presbyters -and deacons, and then, if none of these are at hand, a layman might -administer, but a woman never. Tertullian thus appeals to the Apostle -Paul. “For how credible would it seem that he who has not permitted a -woman even <i>to learn</i> with over-boldness, should give a female the -power of teaching and baptizing. ‘Let them be silent,’ he says, ‘and at -home consult their own husbands.’”<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> - -<p>In the West it is likely that the Church never assigned any -ecclesiastical functions to women, as they were deemed in every respect -inferior to men, and it was regarded as dishonourable to a man to -receive any instruction, direction, or ecclesiastical blessing from a -woman. But it is possible that even in some of the orthodox churches -of the East, probably in remote regions, women may have been entrusted -with the duty of teaching. In the ‘Testamentum of our Lord,’ recently -published by Rahmani, and translated into English by Canon Maclean, -“the widows who had front seats” were enjoined to instruct women, to -prove deaconesses, and to exercise a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span> general superintendence over -the conduct of all the women in the Church.<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> They also seem to be -included in the clergy. But this honour shown to women, some scholars -deem to be indicative of heresy. Bishop Wordsworth<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> regards it as a -proof of semi-Montanism. It is not certain that the Testament was ever -used by any part of any Church called orthodox, or that it represents -actual institutions, though it is more probable that it did represent -the Church order of some small division which considered itself to be -among the orthodox.</p> - -<p>The entire exclusion of women from every sacred function stands in -striking contrast with both heathen and heretical practice. The -contrast was present to the minds of the early Christians. “But if,” -says the ‘Constitutions,’<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> “we have not permitted them [women] to -teach, how will any one allow them, contrary to nature, to perform -the office of a priest? For this is one of the ignorant practices of -the atheism of the Greeks (Gentiles) to appoint priestesses to the -female deities.” Priestesses had a high and honoured position among the -Greeks. In early times the Argives dated the events of their history -from the priestesses of Hera, and erected statues to them. Equal -honours were paid to priestesses of Hera in other Doric states, and -to those of Athena Polias, Demeter and Core and many more divinities. -These priestesses took part in the celebrations of festivals, and -were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span> treated with every mark of respect.<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> In Rome the wife of the -Pontifex Maximus took the lead in the worship of Bona Dea, and in the -religious rites which specially concerned women. The most honoured -priest attached to a particular god in Rome, the Flamen Dialis, must be -married, and must resign his office when his wife died, for his wife -was also a priestess, and his family were consecrated to the service -of the god. And the vestal virgins received every mark of respect -that could be bestowed on them, and the amplest liberty. The highest -officials made way for them as they passed along the streets, they -banqueted with the College of Pontifices, they viewed the games in the -company of the Empress, and statues were erected in their honour. The -same respect is accorded to women by many of the heretical Christians. -Nearly every founder of a sect has a woman to aid him. Simon Magus -has his Helene, Montanus his Maximilla, Apelles his Philumene, and so -in the case of other sects. One sect<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> belonging to the Montanists -deserves special notice for the energy with which it supported the -claims of women. It bore various names, such as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span> the Quintiliani, the -Pepuziani, the Priscilliani, and the Bread-and-Cheesites because they -celebrated their mysteries with bread and cheese. They gave special -thanks to Eve because she first ate of the tree of knowledge. They -lauded the sister of Moses and the four daughters of Philip, because -they asserted the right of women to prophesy—that is, to speak in -public the message of God. Frequently in their church seven virgins, -clothed in white and bearing torches, stood up and addressed the -people, and spoke so eloquently that tears of repentance ran down the -cheeks of the audience. In this sect women held the place of bishops -and elders and deacons as well as men,<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> and they appealed to St. -Paul for their practice: for he says, “In Christ Jesus there is neither -male nor female.” It is against this sect that Tertullian, or one -assuming his name, launches his thunderbolts. “The very women,” he -says, “of these heretics how wanton they are! For they are bold enough -to teach, to dispute, to enact exorcisms, to undertake cures, it may be -even to baptize.”</p> - -<p>In describing another sect, Epiphanius states the reasons why -women should have no priestly functions. The sect was that of the -Collyridians. Epiphanius<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> asserts that there are some who make the -Virgin God. “For they relate,” he says, “that some women in Arabia -[ἐκεῖσε, not intelligible]<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>, from the parts of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span> Thrace have -introduced this new dogma, so as to offer up a cake (κολλυρίδα) to -the name of the Ever-Virgin, and assemble together and attempt—going -beyond all bounds—to perpetuate an unlawful and blasphemous deed to -the name of the Holy Virgin, and to her name to perform sacrifice -through women, which is an action entirely impious and unlawful, -alien to the preaching of the Holy Spirit; so that the whole is an -energy of the devil, and the teaching of an unclean spirit.” He then -mentions<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> that worship was paid in some places to the daughter of -Jephtha and the daughter of Pharaoh, and Thermutis, the daughter of -Amenoph, the Pharaoh, because she reared Moses. In ‘Haer.’ 79, c. i., -he says that those who exalted Mary above humanity are none else than -women: “for the race of women is prone to slip, and is unstable and low -in their thoughts.” The thought comes from the devil, as formerly the -devil inspired Quintilla, Maximilla, and Priscilla. And he proceeds, -“For some women, adorning a curicum or four cornered seat, and covering -it with a cloth on some special day of the year, place out bread on -some days and offer it to the name of Mary; and all of them partake -of the bread, as we have already explained partially in the letter -which we wrote to Arabia.” He then refutes the heresy, the principal -point attacked being that the heretics made women priestesses. No -woman was at any time a priestess<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span> to God: Eve herself was not; none -in the Old Testament, none in the New. No woman was ever made a bishop -or presbyter, and a deaconess is not a priestess, but a servant of -the Church appointed for special purposes. Christ made none of the -women who served Him priestesses—not Salome, not even His mother, nor -Martha, nor Mary, &c.</p> - -<p>Such, then, was the position which woman occupied in the Church in -the course of the first three centuries of Christianity. The highest -post to which she rose was to be a doorkeeper and a message-woman, and -even these functions were taken away from her during the Middle Ages. -Was there a reason for this? Perhaps we may find some clue to this -phenomenon in the conceptions which the Fathers of the Church formed of -the nature of woman.</p> - -<p>It is one of the curious features of early Christianity that it did -not discuss some of those social problems which would naturally have -suggested themselves. Thus no objection is taken to slavery, though -the Therapeutæ had already denounced it as unlawful and inhuman. -Christianity proclaimed a gospel of love, which had no limit but -that of the human race. And it applied this gospel to all classes. -The Christian slave thus became the brother of all members of the -community, received kindness from all, and was admitted to equal rights -and privileges. But Christianity also enjoined on him submission to -the will of his proprietor urging the belief that man is bound<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span> to -be content with the position in which he is, to bear patiently all -the ills of this life in the certain hope of a glorious future. The -marriage laws and customs prevalent throughout the Roman world in -the first ages of Christianity ought to have created difficulty, but -nothing is said of this difficulty. Thus a Christian slave woman was -the property of her master, her children were a source of gain to him, -and he took entire control over this matter, as over the breeding -of cattle. Yet we do not hear of any discussion in regard to this -arrangement, nor of any attempt to rescue the slave woman from the -treatment to which she must have been subjected. Again, the Roman law -recognized marriages only between citizen and citizen; but a very large -number of the early Christians had not the rights of citizenship until -the beginning of the third century, and if they made associations of -the nature of marriage, their children were deemed illegitimate by -the civil law. Probably the Church defied the civil law. It became -a maxim that Christians were not to go to law with each other, and -the Church established laws and a jurisdiction of its own. In the -case of marriage this was peculiarly necessary, as the marriage of a -believer with an unbeliever caused to the former great inconvenience -in carrying out his faith, and, indeed, supplied strong temptations -to apostasy. Such marriages were therefore from the first forbidden, -on pain of expulsion. It is likely, then, that any Christian man and -woman<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span> were regarded as duly married, notwithstanding the civil law, -if they had got the consent of the bishop; and secret connexions—that -is, connexions not first professed in the presence of the Church—were -considered akin to vice.</p> - -<p>The questions that occupied the Christian mind related rather to the -moral character of marriage. These questions were raised first of all -by the heretical sects, which applied philosophy to the tenets and -practice of the Church. And it is one of the most interesting facts -in early Christian history that the Church, in combating these sects, -succeeded in defeating them, but always carried off a large portion -of their heretical opinions for its own permanent use. The sects may -be divided into two classes. Some<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> affirmed that marriage was -unnecessary, that full liberty had been conceded to them of indulging -the passions, and that, indeed, the way to rise to perfection was by -a practical acquaintance with all forms of action possible to man. -Others<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> held that marriage was immoral, that the flesh was corrupt, -that those who sowed to the flesh must reap corruption, and that in -the kingdom of God on earth, as in heaven, there is neither marrying -nor giving in marriage. It is difficult to trust all that is said -about these heretical sects—for our accounts are derived from the -orthodox alone—and in regard to this matter of marriage the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span> orthodox -invariably accuse the heterodox of licentiousness. But there was no -class of people who ought to have been more careful in their assertions -than the orthodox, as they themselves were accused of the vilest crimes.</p> - -<p>It is one of the most striking facts in all history that in the second -century the Christians were universally believed by Pagans to be secret -conspirators combined for immoral purposes, and at their trials it was -sufficient for a man to confess that he was a Christian to be condemned -as a licentious villain. The assertions made in regard to them were -that they met in secret, that slaughtering an infant they poured his -blood into a cup, and that passing this cup round they all drank of -it; that then the lights were extinguished, and the men and women -proceeded to indiscriminate licentiousness. How could such ideas have -arisen? An explanation of this reveals to us marked peculiarities of -the early Church in the treatment of women, and may help us to see how -the later opinions arose. Christianity came at first in the fervour -of an overpowering love—love to God and love to man, irrespective -of his race, position, or belief. But this fervour of love directed -itself with special force to those who accepted the same faith. They -called each other fathers and sons, mothers and daughters, brothers -and sisters. They were in the habit of assembling before dawn or at -night, men and women together, in private houses, to conduct<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span> their -worship. The assembly consisted of a strange assortment of characters -and grades. The Apostle Paul,<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> in writing to the Corinthian Church, -says to them: “Be not deceived: neither fornicators, nor idolaters, nor -adulterers, nor effeminate, nor sodomites, nor thieves, nor cheats, nor -drunkards, nor revilers, nor plunderers, shall inherit the Kingdom of -God: and these things were some of you.” And there were in the assembly -the bond and the free, the rich and the poor, the high and low, but -with a large preponderance of the low. It was natural for a heathen -to suppose that an assembly composed, as he would consider it, of the -dregs of society, and meeting in hours of darkness, had no good object -in view. And the account which they themselves gave of their worship -sounded to a Pagan equally contemptible. The Christians affirmed that -they worshipped a poor carpenter, a son of despised Galilee, the child -of a husbandless mother. Then they spoke of eating a body and drinking -blood. But perhaps colour was given to the accusation most of all by -two institutions which have now passed away, except in the case of one -or two small sects.</p> - -<p>In the days of the first fervour the Christian brethren set up a plan -of voluntary socialism, and wished to have all things in common; but -the plan did not work, and they had recourse to a systematic relief of -the poor. One feature of this relief was what<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span> were called Love-feasts. -It was not unusual in ancient times for large bodies of men to dine -together, and large dinner-parties were often made up by each man -bringing his contribution to the feast. With some such idea as this -the Christians met, men and women together, the rich bringing the -supplies, and they all dined together. Probably they did this every day -at the earliest period, and some think that these meals constituted -the celebration of what is called the Lord’s Supper. The love-feasts -were unquestionably associated with this institution; but in the course -of time they became less frequent, and generally took place after the -administration of the Eucharist. They continued till the fifth century -at least, and were often held in the churches after churches were -erected. These dinners were not always scenes of perfect propriety, -as St. Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians shows, and on some -occasions intoxication and riotousness prevailed. These feasts went by -the name of Loves, or Love-feasts, as we now translate the word. We -need not wonder that Pagans should suspect that the Loves were not of -the purest.</p> - -<p>Then there was another practice, still more foreign to our Christian -ideas. There is no command in the New Testament to keep the Sunday, -or to stand or sit at singing, or to repeat the Creed or to keep -Good Friday or Christmas, or to do a hundred other things about -which Christians have wrangled with all earnestness; but there is -a commandment five times<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span> repeated in the Apostolic Epistles, and -indicative of the strong bond of brotherhood which bound Christian -brothers and sisters to each other, to this effect: “Salute the -brethren with a holy kiss,” or in another form, “Salute the brethren -with a kiss of love.” It is likely that at first this kiss was imparted -at every meeting, but gradually it became limited to the great -sacramental occasions, such as baptism and the Eucharist. At first, -too, and for a considerable time, the Christian brothers and sisters -kissed each other. It is easy to see that such a practice would give -rise to scandalous reports, and there is evidence in the ecclesiastical -writers that the early Christians did not always make it a holy kiss, -as it should have been. Athenagoras<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> quotes a saying which he -attributes to our Lord, and which evidently deals with an abuse of -this practice. It is to this effect: “Whoever kisses a second time, -because he has found pleasure in it, commits a sin.” And Clement<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> -of Alexandria thus speaks of the matter: “Love is not tested by a kiss, -but by kindly feeling. But there are those that do nothing but make the -churches resound with a kiss. For this very thing, the shameless use of -the kiss, which ought to be mystic, occasions foul suspicions and evil -reports.”</p> - -<p>These customs prove that considerable freedom prevailed among the -earliest Christians, and doubtless sometimes this freedom was abused. -In the very<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span> first epoch some of the Corinthian Christians sided with -a man who committed incest and persisted in it after rebuke, and the -Apostle had to exert himself to the utmost to repress the sympathy -and the sin, but the accusations, speaking generally, were hideously -false and unfounded. They are of some consequence for our purpose, for -they must have acted powerfully on the minds of Christians in inducing -them to avoid everything that might furnish even the semblance of -justification for them.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER II.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">EXPLANATION OF THE DEGRADATION.</span></h3></div> - -<p>From a very early date two currents can be traced in the Church—one -in the direction of upholding marriage, another in that of despising -and rejecting it. No one with the New Testament as his guide could -venture to assert that marriage was wrong, and the tradition remained -firm in the Church during the Ante-Nicene period that it was unlawful -and heretical to forbid marriage. The Apostolic Fathers<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> offer -exhortations to wives to love their own husbands truly, and to love -all others with no partiality for any one and in all chastity, and to -train up their children in the knowledge and fear of God. As time moves -on, such exhortations become less frequent, but still marriage is held -up as a modified blessing. Tertullian,<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> whose words in an opposite -direction are very strong and numerous, has this passage, “Whence are -we to find language adequate to describe the happiness of that marriage -which the Church cements and the oblation confirms, and the benediction -signs and seals, which angels report and the Father holds as ratified?” -And then he describes the joys of the couple: “Together they pray, -together prostrate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span> themselves, together perform their fasts, mutually -teaching, mutually exhorting, mutually sustaining.” But Tertullian, it -has to be noticed, is not here insisting on the blessings of marriage, -but on the blessedness of a marriage between two believers celebrated -in the face of the Church, in contrast with a marriage between a -believer and an unbeliever not sanctioned by the Church. The duties of -the wife were simple: She had to obey her husband, for he was her head, -her lord and superior; she was to fear him, reverence him, and please -him alone; she had to cultivate silence; she had to spin and take care -of the house, and she ought to stay at home and attend to her children. -The only occasions for her going out were when she went to church, or -with her husband to visit a sick brother.<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p> - -<p>The other current of thought which I mentioned ran against marriage, -and it was of an ascetic nature. The seeds of it occur in the -‘Republic’ of Plato, and it attached itself to the Pauline conception -of flesh. I can explain it best by a reference to food. We take food -in order to sustain the body. But various kinds of dainties please the -palate, and we may take the food not merely for health, but for the -pleasure that it gives. In the first instance we are acting rightly and -under an irresistible necessity. In the second instance we are sinning, -for we are yielding<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span> to a base appetite, the outcome of the flesh. The -flesh, its appetites and passions, are the sources of human corruption, -and gratification of the flesh is a sin. In like manner the sole object -of marriage is that children may be born, and if any other object is -sought, it is a gratification of lust; and, therefore, while marriage -is allowable, man may be nearly as licentious in marriage as out of -it. These inferences are drawn with the utmost precision by Christian -writers of the second and third centuries, and the opinions I have -mentioned will be found expressed in numerous passages. But it is easy -to see that the mind could not halt in this position. Marriage, even -for the sake of children, was a carnal indulgence, and such thinkers -could not help feeling that the arrangement of the Creator was not -altogether satisfactory. They did not venture on saying this. They did -not dare to condemn marriage. But they held that it was much better -not to marry at all, that the man or woman who had never married was a -nobler and more exalted being than the man or woman who had married. -Of course these ideas did not spring into vogue at once, but gradually -forced their way. They were aided by the increasing rigour in the -distinction between clerical and lay. The clerical man must possess a -peculiar sanctity. A man who aspired to a clerical office in the church -must, above all, show control over the lusts and passions of earth, -and so refrain from marriage. The lay brother might be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span> unable to free -himself from the trammels of earth; the cleric could rise to the throne -of heaven only on the wings of virginity. There thus arose a gradation -of merit which had its counterpart in the evolution of the world’s -history. “For the world,” says Methodius,<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> “while still unfilled -with men, was like a child, and it was necessary that it should first -be filled with these, and so grow to manhood. But when hereafter -it was colonized from end to end, the race of man spreading to a -boundless extent, God no longer allowed man to remain in the same ways, -considering how they might now proceed from one point to another and -advance nearer to heaven until, having attained to the very greatest -and most exalted lesson of virginity, they should reach to perfection, -that first they should abandon the intermarriage of brothers and -sisters and marry wives from other families, and then that they no -longer should have many wives, like brute beasts, as though born for -the mere propagation of the species, and then that they should not be -adulterers, and then that they should go on to continence, and from -continence to virginity, when having trained themselves to despise the -flesh, they sail fearlessly into the peaceful haven of immortality.” -Marriage, according to this writer, was not abolished by Christ, but -it was a state of inferiority. “For I think,” he makes a virgin say, -“I have gathered clearly from the Scriptures that after<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span> the Word had -brought in virginity, He did not altogether abolish the generation of -children; for though the moon may be greater than the stars, the light -of the other stars is not destroyed by the moonlight.” There thus arose -the gradation of virgins, widows, and wives. Tertullian<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> speaks of -wives as women of the second degree of modesty who have fallen into -wedlock.</p> - -<p>The current of thought which I have exhibited displays itself, first -of all, in the condemnation of second marriages. The Apostle Paul -permitted these, and the Church could not forbid them. In the Pastor of -Hermas they are not condemned, but Athenagoras<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> raises his voice -against them. “He who deprives himself,” he says, “of his first wife, -even though she be dead, is a cloaked adulterer.” The argument used -against them was that God made husband and wife one flesh, and one -flesh they remained, even after the death of one of them. If they were -one flesh, how could a second woman be added to them? She could not -become <i>one</i> flesh. Tertullian,<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> diverging from the Catholic -to the Montanistic faith, maintained that a second marriage was equal -to a marriage with two wives at one time, and therefore forbidden. -But whatever their arguments were, at the root of the opinion lay the -ascetic tendency of thought. This is seen in Tertullian<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>, who -wrote a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span> treatise addressed to his wife, admonishing her not to marry -again if he died first. In speaking of the resurrection he says to -her: “There will at that day be no resumption of voluptuous disgrace -between us”; and in another treatise he remarks: “Let us ponder over -our consciousness itself to see how different a man feels himself when -he chances to be deprived of his wife. He savours spiritually.”<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p> - -<p>Tertullian, for his age, is exceptional in the strength of his -denunciations, and the Church so far adhered to the Apostolic -permission as to allow laymen to marry twice.</p> - -<p>This antagonism to marriage had a great influence on family life. It -is strange how seldom children are mentioned in the Christian writings -of the second and third centuries. Almost nothing is said of their -training; no efforts are mentioned as being made for their instruction. -The Christians had come to the belief that the world had enough of -children, and was fully stocked, and that every birth was a cause of -sorrow and not of joy. One writer<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> interprets the wail of the -infant as he enters the world thus: “Why, O mother, didst thou bring -me forth to this life, in which prolongation of life is progress to -death? Why hast thou brought me into this troubled world, in which, -on being born, swaddling bands are my first experience? Why hast -thou delivered me to such a life as this, in which a pitiable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span> youth -wastes away before old age, and old age is shunned as under the doom -of death? Dreadful, O mother, is the course of life which has death as -the goal of the runner. Bitter is the road of life we travel, with the -grave as the wayfarer’s inn.” Tertullian<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> says: “Further reasons -for marriage which men allege for themselves arise from anxiety for -posterity, and the bitter, bitter pleasure of children. To us this is -idle. For why should we be eager to bear children, whom, when we have -them, we desire to send before us to glory (in respect, I mean, of the -distresses that are now imminent); desirous as we are ourselves to -be taken out of this most wicked world and received into the Lord’s -presence.” He describes children as “burdens which are to us most -of all unsuitable, as being perilous to faith.” And again: “Let the -well-known burdensomeness of children, especially in our case, suffice -to counsel widowhood—children whom men are compelled by laws to have, -because no wise man would ever willingly have desired sons.” And he -exclaims,<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> “A Christian forsooth will seek heirs, disinherited as -he is from the entire world.”</p> - -<p>Such ideas had necessarily a very powerful effect on the place and -position of woman and on the conception of her nature. What was that -effect? I will attempt to describe it in a few words. I may define man -to be a male human being, and woman to be a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span> female human being. They -are both human beings, both gifted with reason and conscience, both -responsible for their actions, both entitled to the freedom essential -to this responsibility, and both capable of the noblest thoughts and -deeds. As human beings they are on an equality as to their powers, -the differences in individuals resulting from the surroundings and -circumstances of spiritual growth. But man is a male and woman is a -female, and this distinction exists in Nature for the continuance of -the race. Now what the early Christians did was to strike the male out -of the definition of man, and human being out of the definition of -woman. Man was a human being made for the highest and noblest purposes; -woman was a female made to serve only one. She was on the earth to -inflame the heart of man with every evil passion. She was a fire-ship -continually striving to get alongside the male man-of-war to blow him -up into pieces. This is the way in which Tertullian<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> addresses -women: “Do you not know that each one of you is an Eve? The sentence -of God on this sex of yours lives in this age: the guilt must of -necessity live too. You are the devil’s gateway; you are the unsealer -of that forbidden tree; you are the first deserter of the divine law; -you are she who persuaded him whom the devil was not valiant enough -to attack. You destroyed so easily God’s image, man. On account of -your desert, that is, death, even the Son of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span> God had to die.” And the -gentle Clement of Alexandria<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> hits her hard when he says: “Nothing -disgraceful is proper for man, who is endowed with reason; much less -for woman, to whom it brings shame even to reflect of what nature she -is.” Gregory Thaumaturgus<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> asserts: “Moreover, among all women I -sought for chastity proper to them, and I found it in none. And verily, -a person may find one man chaste among a thousand, but a woman never.” -The Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> makes a similar statement, -and adds: “By means of their adornment they deceive first the minds of -men, and they instil poison by the glance of their eye, and then they -take them captive by their doings,” and therefore “men should guard -their senses against every woman.” “The angel of God showed me,” it -says in another passage, “that for ever do women bear rule over king -and beggar alike; and from the king they take away his glory, and from -the valiant man his strength, and from the beggar even that little -which is the stay of his poverty.”<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p> - -<p>How, then, were men to treat this frivolous, dress-loving, -lust-inspiring creature? Surely the best plan was to shut her up. Her -clear duty was to stay at home, and not let herself be seen anywhere. -And this duty the Christian writers impress upon her again and again. -She is not to go to banquets, where<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span> her looks are sure to create evil -thoughts in the minds of men who are drinking largely of wine. She is -not to go to marriage feasts, where the talk and the songs may border -on licentiousness. Of course, she is not to wander about the streets in -search of sights, nor to frequent the theatre, nor the public baths, -nor the spectacles. Does she want exercise? Clement of Alexandria -prescribes for her:<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> “She is to exercise herself in spinning and -weaving, and superintending the cooking, if necessary.” He adds: “Women -are with their own hand to fetch from the store what we require; and -it is no disgrace for them to apply themselves to the mill. Nor is it -a reproach to a wife—housekeeper and helpmeet—to occupy herself in -cooking, so that it may be palatable to her husband. And if she shake -up the couch, reach drink to her husband when thirsty, set food on -the table as neatly as possible, and so give herself exercise tending -to sound health, the Instructor will approve of a woman like this.” -During the only occasions on which she may quit her own house—namely, -when visiting the sick or going to church—she must be veiled; not a -portion of her face must be seen, and when she is in church she must -remain covered. These are the injunctions which occur repeatedly in the -Christian writers. Voices were raised against this ascetic treatment, -among them that of one Bishop of Rome,<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> but they were drowned in -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span> current of invectives that were directed against woman’s love -of dress and finery and show. These invectives and discussions on -the dress of women and veiling of virgins are numerous. Tertullian, -Cyprian, Clement of Alexandria, Commodian, and the Apostolic -Constitutions deal minutely with the subject—all on the idea that -woman is a most inflammatory being. Is a woman beautiful? “Natural -grace,” says Tertullian,<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> “must be obliterated by concealment -and negligence, as being dangerous to the glances of the beholder’s -eyes.” Then she must clothe herself from head to foot. In speaking of -her going to church, Clement of Alexandria says: “Let her be entirely -covered, unless she happen to be at home. For that style of dress is -grave, and protects from being gazed at. And she will never fall who -puts before her face modesty and her shawl; nor will she invite another -to fall into sin by uncovering her face. For this is the wish of the -Word, since it is becoming for her to pray veiled.”<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></p> - -<p>Then she must not adorn herself in any way. “It is not right in -God,” says Commodian,<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> “that a faithful Christian woman should -be adorned.” The purpose of clothing is to defend the body against -excess of cold and intensity of heat, and the simplest materials are -sufficient for this purpose. The Christian woman must therefore bid -farewell to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span> embroidery of gold and Indian silks; she is strictly -forbidden to wear gold ornaments of any kind, and she is to avoid all -dyed clothes, as the dye is unnecessary for health, afflicts greedy -eyes, and, moreover, it is false; for God would have made the sheep -purple if He had wished the woollen clothes to be purple. Strong -condemnation is uttered against any attempt to trick out the person. -“Head-dresses,” says Clement<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> of Alexandria, “and varieties of -head-dresses, and elaborate braidings, and infinite modes of dressing -the hair, and costly mirrors in which they arrange their costume, -are characteristic of women who have lost all shame.” And if the -adornment of the natural body is thus condemned, the endless variety -of artificial contrivances employed by the Roman and Greek ladies is -necessarily considered abominable. In regard to the hair, Cyprian<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> -addresses virgins thus: “Are sincerity and truth preserved when what is -sincere is polluted by adulterous colours, and what is true is changed -into a lie by the deceitful dyes of medicaments? Your Lord says, ‘Thou -canst not make one hair black or white,’ and you, in order to overcome -the word of your Lord, will be more mighty than He, and stain your hair -with a daring endeavour and with profane contempt; with evil presage -of the future, make a beginning to yourself already of flame-coloured -hair.” And he uses equally<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span> strong expressions in regard to tinting -the eyes, “You cannot see God, since your eyes are not those which God -made, but those which the devil has spoiled. You have followed him, -you have imitated the red and painted eyes of the serpent. As you are -adorned in the fashion of your enemy, with him also you shall burn -by-and-by.” And he thus sums up the exhortations which he addresses -to the virgins: “Let your countenance remain in you incorrupt, your -neck unadorned, your figure simple; let not wounds be made in your -ears, nor let the precious chain of bracelets and necklaces circle -your arms or your neck; let your feet be free from golden bands, -your hair stained with no dye, your eyes worthy of beholding God.” -Notwithstanding all the exhortations which were showered upon the wives -and virgins, the Christian writings prove that human nature often had -its own way. Both Clement and Cyprian tell dreadful stories of some of -the virgins, and in the treatise of Cyprian from which I have quoted -there are lamentations like this: “For this reason, therefore, the -Church frequently mourns over her virgins; hence she groans at their -scandalous and detestable stories; hence the flower of her virgins is -extinguished, the honour and modesty of continency are injured, and all -its glory and dignity are profaned.” At the same time we ought to do -justice to the self-control and perseverance with which many pursued -their high ideal—for the ideal was a high one, as the purity<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span> aimed at -was not corporeal merely, but extended over the whole range of life. -“For it would be ridiculous,” says one of the virgins in Methodius, “to -preserve the lustful members pure but not the tongue, or to preserve -the tongue but neither the eyesight, the ears, nor the hands, or, -lastly, to preserve these pure but not the mind, defiling it with pride -and anger.”<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p> - -<p>Such, then, was the position of women among the early Christians. We -have said nothing of Christian legislation, for we have been treating -of a period when the legislation was carried on entirely by pagans. But -we ought to mention two facts, or two phases of one fact, which had -a great effect on the destinies of mankind, but especially of woman, -and which have found their way into modern legislation. The Roman -father had absolute power of life and of death over his children in -the primitive times of Rome. Gradually this power slackened, but he -retained to the end of heathendom the right to expose his children, -and pagan sentiment supported him in such conduct. The infants, on -their birth, might be drowned or exposed to the cold air, or starved, -or abandoned to wild beasts. In this way deformed and weakly children -were left to perish. A very large number of the children who were -thus disposed of were girls. Christianity condemned this practice -from the first as murder. It went further. It was a question with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[189]</span> -the ancients at what time the human fœtus became a living being, -and many maintained that the soul came to it only when it was born. -Tertullian has discussed this subject fully in his ‘Treatise on the -Soul.’<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> He says: “This view [that the fœtus has no soul] is -entertained by the Stoics, along with Aenesidemus, and occasionally by -Plato himself, when he tells us that the soul, being quite a separate -formation, originating elsewhere and externally to the womb, is inhaled -when the new-born infant first draws breath.” This was the opinion -prevalent among all classes of the Pagan world, and the practice was -universal and avowed of killing the fœtus by drugs. But Christianity -took the other view, that the soul came at the earliest stage, and -maintained that it was equally sinful “to take away a life that is -born, or destroy one that is coming to birth.”<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> Accordingly the -heathen practice was forbidden by the Church. The prohibition made -its appearance at an early period in Christianity, for it occurs in -the Epistle of Barnabas,<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> written about the beginning of the -second century, and we are told that Peter says in the Apocalypse (an -apocryphal writing probably of early date) “that abortive infants shall -share the better fate: that these are committed to a guardian angel, so -that, on receiving knowledge, they may obtain the better abode, having -had the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[190]</span> same experiences which they would have had had they been in -the body.”<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> This view of the Christians in regard to infanticide -would tend largely to increase the number of women in the world, as -infant girls were the most frequent victims of the practice.</p> - -<p>The ascetic tendency, on the other hand, repressed the growth of -population. It had also a deteriorating effect on posterity. The less -spiritual classes of the people, the laymen, being taught that marriage -might be licentious, and that it implied an inferior state of sanctity, -were rather inclined to neglect matrimony for more loose connexions, -and it was these persons alone that then peopled the world. It was -the survival of the unfittest. The noble men and women on the other -hand, who were dominated by the loftiest aspirations and exhibited the -greatest temperance, self-control, and virtue, left no children. During -this period there is a striking absence of home life in the history of -Christians. No son succeeds his father, no wife comforts the wearied -student, no daughter soothes the sorrow of the aged bishop. Perhaps -this absence of domestic affection, this deficiency in healthy and -vigorous offspring, this homelessness, may account in some degree for -the striking features of the next century, and especially the prevalent -hardness of heart. Then men disputed with the utmost bitterness and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[191]</span> -ferocity about minute points of doctrine which are now incomprehensible -almost to every one, and matters of absolute indifference to this -generation, and they pronounced sentence of eternal damnation without -the slightest compunction on all who differed from them. Then treatises -were written to show why every heretic should be put to death in this -life and tortured eternally in the life to come. And there is scarcely -a champion of the faith, orthodox or heterodox, who was not accused of -fearful crimes. If a lesson is to be drawn, it surely is that, as with -individuals there is no place like home, so with a State there is no -institution like home; that a community can be great only where there -are happy, harmonious, and virtuous homes, and that homes cannot be -happy and harmonious and virtuous unless woman is accorded a worthy -place in these homes, with freedom of action, with a consciousness -of responsibility, and with the right, unfettered by circumstance or -prejudice, to develope all that is best and noblest in her to the -utmost perfection.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[192]</span></p> - -<h2>BOOK IV.<br /> -<span class="subhed">SUPPLEMENTARY.</span></h2></div> - -<h3>CHAPTER I.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">WOMEN IN THE HOMERIC PERIOD.</span></h3> - -<h4>(1) THE GENTLENESS OF THE PERIOD.</h4> - -<p>A remarkable mildness pervades all that Homer says of women. The Greeks -were monogamous, but they were so not by law, but from affection, or -principle. Homer, accordingly, finds no fault with the polygamy which -presents itself in the palace of Priam, King of Troy. “He had fifty -sons, nineteen from the same womb, and the rest were borne to him by -women in his halls.”<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> Some of these women are spoken of as if they -were considered the wives of Priam—Laothoe,<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> for instance, and -the beautiful Castianeira,<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> though Hecabe appears as if she were -the only wife. But, in fact, there was no clear line drawn between -marriage and other associations of men with women in Homeric times. -Achilles calls Briseis his wife (ἄλοχος), though she was acquired by -the spear.<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> And Ulysses promises<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[193]</span> that he will give wives to his -slaves, Melanthius the goatherd and Eumæus the swineherd.<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> Some -have supposed that the words imply that Ulysses would make them free, -but there is no hint of this in Homer. The ordinary wife, or what in -later times might be called the legal wife, is distinguished by the -epithet κουριδίη; but there is no certainty as to the exact meaning of -this word.</p> - -<p>Homeric society knows nothing of a degraded class of women. There are -some instances in which what would be called concubinage occurs, but -only twice in the ‘Iliad’ does the word occur (παλλακίς) which was used -to designate this in later ages, both times in the same passage.<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> -And it occurs once in the ‘Odyssey,’<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> in a passage in which Ulysses -invents a tale about himself to prevent recognition. It is evident that -the word involved no idea of blame or reproach.</p> - -<p>Still more evident is this gentleness in the treatment which the -children of these women experienced. When a name is assigned them they -are called nothoi (νόθοι), but the name, whatever its meaning might be, -had, as Eustathius points out,<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> and the facts show, no depreciatory -association. The children whose mothers were not the ordinary wives -were still treated as children of the house. When Helen had no hopes -of a son, Menelaus had a son born to him<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[194]</span> from a slave,<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> and he -married this son to the daughter of Alector with great festivities. -Medesicaste is described as the daughter of Priam nothen (νόθην). She -was married to Imbros, a great warrior who lived with Priam, and that -king “honoured him equally with his sons.”<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> Pedaios was a nothos -to Antenor, “but the divine Theano reared him with great care, like to -her dear children, to please her husband.”<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> Agamemnon addresses -the Telamonian Teucros thus: “Telamonian Teucros, dear head, ruler of -peoples, strike thus if you are to become a light to the Greeks and to -your father Telamon, who reared you when you were little, and though -you were a nothos (νόθος) took care of you in his own house.”<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> -Medon the nothos (νόθος) of Oileus was a leader among the Greeks, and -brother of Ajax.<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p> - -<p>The nothoi most frequently mentioned are those of Priam.<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> All -of them occupy high positions as warriors, and one of them is the -charioteer of his brother Hector, a position which only the foremost -men could occupy. In the ‘Iliad’<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> two sons of Priam are killed, -a nothos and a gnesios (son of the acknowledged wife), both in one -chariot, the nothos being the charioteer and the gnesios the fighter.</p> - -<p>No mention is made in the ‘Odyssey’ of the nothoi. In the passage -already alluded to, in which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[195]</span> Ulysses gives a false account of -himself,<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> that hero says that he was the son of a rich man in -Crete, who had many other sons reared in his house, “gnesioi from a -wife; but me a purchased mother, a pallakis, bore, but he honoured me -equally with those who were directly born.” When he died, the haughty -sons divided the livelihood among themselves, casting lots. “But they -gave me very little, and assigned me a house, and I married a wife from -among very rich people, on account of my excellence.” From this passage -we gather that kindness was shown to children born outside the ordinary -marriage, and provision was made for them.</p> - -<p>The gentleness of the treatment of the pallakis (παλλακίς) and the -nothoi (νόθοι) has been frequently portrayed with praise in books on -Homer. One of the last who has discussed the subject, Hruza,<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> says: -“This relatively so favourable condition of the nothos and his mother, -both socially and legally (juristisch), is wonderful enough from the -Roman and modern standpoint; but these customs of the age of Hellenic -chivalry find their image in the institutions of mediæval chivalry, in -whose sphere the birth outside of wedlock does not appear as a stain on -mother or child, as it does in the present day.”<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a></p> - -<p>Lasaulx<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> tries to show that the kind treatment of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[196]</span> nothoi and -pallakis was Asiatic, but his arguments fail, though it is probable -that where polygamy prevailed such treatment would be more common. -Morillot asserts that “according to the later law contained in the -Talmud, all infants whatsoever, even those of a prostitute or an -outcast, had a right to the succession of their father. The sole -exception to this rule referred to infants born of female slaves or -strangers.” In Egypt, no one was regarded as νόθος, not even the child -of a purchased mother. No civil disadvantages attached to illegitimate -children, and the Egyptian papyri of Roman times recognize no social -distinction between the legitimate and illegitimate.<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a></p> - -<p>Κουριδίη ἄλοχος in all probability means the wife who belonged by -birth to the predominant and free race to which the husband also -belonged. She was κουριδίη in opposition to the stranger and slave, -who however, might have belonged to an equally free and predominant -race in their own country,<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> and who might be, as Agamemnon says of -Chryseis,<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> “not inferior to the regular wife in form or stature or -in mind and skill in works.” The word does not signify, as many of the -scholiasts influenced by later customs suggested, the lawfully wedded -wife, as there was no law, but only custom, in Homeric<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[197]</span> times. In the -same way the word nothos (νόθος) was afterwards taken to mean, and -in later Greek did mean, illegitimate and spurious. But it could not -mean illegitimate in Homeric times, for there was no law in regard to -offspring. And it is doubtful if it could be spurious, for as Hruza has -pointed out in the passage referred to, the Homeric Greeks, like some -later Greeks mentioned hereafter, were probably of opinion that the son -partook of the substance of the father and derived nothing essential -from the mother, her function in birth being conceived to be very -much that of the modern incubator. The sons were therefore always the -genuine sons of their fathers. The word γνήσιος which in later Greek -signified genuine, occurs only once in the ‘Iliad’<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> and once in the -‘Odyssey.’<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> Both passages may be later interpolations and the text -of the passage in the ‘Odyssey’ is uncertain, for the Harleian MS. of -the scholia has “born of wives” instead of “born of a wife.” It also -contains a word which occurs nowhere else in Homer, ἰθαιγενής, “born in -the straight line,” probably meaning born of a mother who belonged to -the predominant race or, as moderns would say, to the good society of -her city or country. The chance of text corruptions in this matter is -seen in a passage in the ‘Iliad’<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> where one transcriber, not being -able to understand the words καβησόθεν ἔνδον, altered them into Ἑκάβης -νόθον υἱόν: “the nothic son of Hecabe”!</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[198]</span></p> - - -<h4>(2) THE DARKER SIDE OF THE QUESTION.</h4> - -<p>Some students of Homer may think that I have drawn too mild a picture -of the life and character of Homeric women. They would base their -criticism on some passages of which I have not taken note. These would -be the following:—</p> - -<p>In the ‘Odyssey’ a number of women behave badly. They take the side of -the suitors, and act insolently to Ulysses on his return. Especially -the slave Melantho, to whom Penelope had been particularly kind, is -shameless and forward, and Ulysses applies to her epithets that express -strong contempt. But such cases are exceedingly few, and are well -accounted for by special circumstances.</p> - -<p>Then, again, a passage occurs in the twenty-fourth Book of the -‘Iliad,’<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> which has excited much discussion. Thetis the goddess -advises her son to find consolation for his distress in the arms of a -woman, and he follows her advice, and seeks out Briseis. Perhaps it -is the direct way in which the statement is made that has offended -critics (ἀγαθὸν δὲ γυναικί περ ἐν φιλότητι μίσγεσθ’), though it is -to be noticed that here, as throughout Homer, the physical enjoyment -is always blended with the notion of friendship. The passage forms a -feature in the dispute whether the last book of the ‘Iliad’ was written -by the author of most of the other books. Some condemned it because<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[199]</span> -it was unworthy of Homer. Among these was Aristarchus, the great -Alexandrian critic, who was followed by other Alexandrian critics. -But the passage seems to have the simplicity of early thought and -expression. Koechly appears to me to be right when he says in regard to -it: “It is self-evident that we must not let ourselves be deprived of -verses 130–132, which are characteristic, and required by line 675 and -following, through the prudery of the Alexandrians which occurs also -sometimes in other places, although my honoured friend Faesi appears to -approve of striking them out, more, I think, as a gymnasial director -than as a critic of Homer.”<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> Düntzer says<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> “that there is a -similar sentiment in Goethe’s ‘Hermann and Dorothea,’ and that it is -entirely in harmony with old naïve times, ‘der alten naiven Zeit.’”</p> - -<p>The last classes of passages that require to be adduced in this -connexion relate how the women washed the men. They are all like each -other, and so only one need be quoted. In the ‘Odyssey’<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> it is said -that “the beautiful Polycaste, youngest daughter of Nestor, son of -Neleus, washed Telemachus; and after she had washed him and anointed -him with olive oil, and cast upon him a beautiful cloak and tunic,” -&c. A similar act is attributed to Calypso.<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> A servant of Circe -bathes Ulysses “out of a great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[200]</span> caldron, pouring the water over head -and shoulders.”<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> The δμωαί, or slaves, bathed Peisistratos and -Telemachus,<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> and the exact words used in this passage are repeated -in 8, 454; 17, 88, and similar words occur in the ‘Odyssey.’<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> -Only once is reference made to the custom in the ‘Iliad,’<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> where -it is said Hebe bathed Ares. Mr. Gladstone says the natural meaning -of the words would seem to be that the women actually poured water -over the men, and actually washed them and anointed them with oil. -But he was shocked by the idea that young maidens should perform such -acts, and some critics, both before and after him, have spoken of the -immodesty of the acts.<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> Mr. Gladstone thought that “it is almost -of itself incredible that habitually, among persons of the highest -rank and character, and without any necessity at all, such things -should take placed,<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> and as it is not credible, so neither, I -think, is it true.” And he gets rid of all difficulties by explaining -the words to mean that the maidens brought the water and oil to the -men and left them to wash and anoint themselves. Mr. Gladstone finds -support for his opinion in the ‘Odyssey,’<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> where Ulysses says: -“Nausicaa washed me in the river and gave me these clothes”; and -Ameis agrees with him. In fact, the words must<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[201]</span> mean that Nausicaa -supplied him with the means of bathing, for Ulysses plainly refers -to the narrative in the ‘Odyssey,’<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> where Nausicaa orders her -maidservants to give food and drink to the stranger, and to wash him -in the river, where there is shelter from the wind. And then it is -related how the attendant maidens brought Ulysses to a sheltered part -of the river, placed clothes beside him, gave him the moist oil in a -golden flask, and urged him to bathe in the currents of the stream. -But the circumstances of Nausicaa and Ulysses, as described in the -episode, are altogether unique. Ulysses comes entirely unawares on the -princess. She is completely disconcerted at first, and shows unusual -presence of mind in facing the strange adventure. Ulysses himself is -also embarrassed, as he shrinks from appearing nude before a beautiful -princess, disfigured as he was by the brine of the sea and by his long -wrestling with the waves. It could not be expected, therefore, that -Ulysses, in concisely narrating what had taken place, should be precise -in the exact use of words. And, therefore, though λοῦσε (bathed) may -be employed loosely in this passage in summing up what had been told -in detail in the previous book, this is no warrant for attributing the -same meaning to it in ordinary occurrences where no expansion of the -subject is made or explanation furnished. And there is one very strong -case against<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[202]</span> Mr. Gladstone’s notion. In the ‘Odyssey’<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> Helen -says: “I myself was washing him and anointing him with oil.” Emphasis -here is evidently laid on the ἐγώ. Ulysses had penetrated into the -city of the Trojans as a beggar, and no one recognized him but Helen; -but he eluded every test that she employed to make herself sure. She -therefore washed him herself, and she did this probably because she -knew that she could find absolute proof of his identity if she could -but see the scar above the knee, by which afterwards, on his return -home from Troy, Eurycleia recognized him. In all likelihood, therefore, -the natural interpretation is right, and the remark of Schneidewin -on the subject<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> is true: “Die Entblössung scheint für den Zweck -des Badens so sehr ihre Unstatthaftigkeit zu verlieren wie etwa in -der modernen Gesellschaft die Umfassung einer Dame zum Tanz.” And he -might have added that modern nurses and doctors in our own times have -no hesitation in doing what the Homeric maidens did when there is any -necessity, and no one imagines that there is any impropriety in so -doing. Certainly, whatever was the mode, there is no taint of immodesty -in the action. The Homeric maidens, princess and slave, acted with -perfect and unconscious innocence.</p> - -<p>I may notice here, as I am dealing with clothes, another case that -comes later—that of the Spartan girls. The testimony is very decided -that these girls<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[203]</span> wrestled with each other in a state of nudity. -The testimony itself, indeed, is not contemporaneous, though it is -good, and therefore it is possible that it may be erroneous. It is -possible, also, that the word translated “nude” may not in some of the -authorities imply absence of all clothing. Some scholars have rejected -the statements with scorn.<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> One writer has devoted a monograph -to the subject, and his conclusions are of the moderate type. “Illud -pro certo habendum esse puto non in omnibus exercitationibus virgines -prorsus fuisse nudatas neque ulla vestimenta exceptis fortasse iis, -quae ad pudenda tegenda opus essent, retinuisse. Quod quidem in una -exercitatione luctandi factum esse verisimile est. Quoniam enim -virgines luctantes more virorum, ut ait Theocritus poeta, corpora -oleo unguere solebant, fieri non potuit, quin corpora nudarent atque -etiam tunicam, vestimentum interius, exuerent.”<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> But whatever may -be the conclusions reached on this point, testimony is unanimous that -the Spartan girls were modest, and the very opposite of licentious. -“Their stripping,” says Plutarch, “had nothing disgraceful about it, -for modesty was present and incontinence absent”; and he censures -Herodotus for saying that the woman in putting off her tunic puts -off modesty, “for, on the contrary, the chaste woman puts modesty on -instead.” And this was the opinion<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[204]</span> of the conservative Greeks of the -time of Aristophanes, for they regarded the addition of clothing to -men and women, and the wrapping the limbs up in Ionic dress as a vile -innovation, tending to luxury and lasciviousness.<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p> - -<p>Bekker points out<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> that the custom of women washing men prevailed -in the middle ages, and he quotes passages in which women bathe the -men and then clothe them. He also supplies a parallel to the Spartan -girls divesting themselves of their clothes. One passage describes the -baptism of damsels by an archbishop, when it is said that the maidens -were stripped of all their clothing before all the barons, and they -were whiter than the flower of the eglantine.</p> - -<p>The question has not yet been finally settled whether shame in regard -to the uncovering of parts of the body is or is not a mere social -convention. It is a point which anthropologists should decide. A -curious contribution to it occurs in a recent book of travels by G. F. -Scott Elliot. “These people,” he says of the Wakavirondo,<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> “are -dressed chiefly in air, and, as one always finds in scantily clothed -native races, are peculiarly moral as compared with the decently -attired Waganda and other races. In Madagascar, West Africa, and the -Cape I have always found the same rule. Chastity varies inversely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[205]</span> as -the amount of covering.” Mr. Henry T. Finck discusses the question -fully in his chapter on nudity and bathing, with copious illustrations -from the sentiments and practices of various countries, in his -‘Lotos-Time in Japan.’<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> But whatever the results of such inquiries -may be, they seem to me to bear only slightly on the determination of -the influence which women have exercised in past times.</p> - - -<h4>(3) LOVE-MAKING IN HOMER’S TIME.</h4> - -<p>There is no trace in Homer of that passionate and bewildering love -of a man for a woman which is the favourite theme of modern novels. -Buchholz, in discussing the feelings of the Homeric Greeks in regard to -sexual passion, thus describes this love: “Von der Ueberschwänglichkeit -der modernen Gefühlsschwärmerei, vermöge deren zwei Individuen -verschiedenen Geschlechts mit himmelhochjauchzendem Entzücken im -Gefühle des ewigen Füreinanderexistirens und Ineinanderaufgehens sich -berauschen und selige Wonne schlürfen, haben die homerischen Menschen -keine Idee.”<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p> - -<p>There has been much discussion as to when Greek writers began to treat -of this love. There is a full treatment of the subject in Rohde’s -‘Der Griechische Roman’ (p. 14), where he refers to the essay of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[206]</span> -Bulwer Lytton on the influence of love and real life, and quotes his -opinion that it is in Euripides that first appears the distinction -between love as a passion and love as a sentiment. Bennecke devotes a -large portion of his chapter on ‘Women in Greek Poetry’ to show that -“there is no trace in literature of what we now understand by the word -‘love’ earlier than the end of the fourth century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>” “The -general consensus of opinion,” he says, “has agreed to ascribe this -great change, the greatest change, perhaps, that has ever come over -art, to the influence of two men, Euripides and Menander. My object in -writing now is to endeavour to show, firstly, that this general view -is a mistaken one, arising from an insufficient appreciation of the -true nature of the change; and, secondly, that the real originator of -the new feeling which we encounter in Alexandrian literature—in other -words, the first man who had the courage to say that a woman is worth -loving—was Antimachus of Colophon.”<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> It is evident that Bennecke’s -appreciation of modern love is widely different from that of Buchholz.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[207]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER II.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">WOMEN IN THE GREEK PERIOD.</span></h3></div> - -<h4>(1) ON THE CHARACTER OF SAPPHO.</h4> - -<p>In 1816 Welcker published a pamphlet entitled ‘Sappho von einem -herrschenden Vorurtheil befreyt,’ in which he endeavoured to show that -the principal accusation against the poetess was totally unfounded. It -was republished in his ‘Kleine Schriften.’<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> He carried most of the -scholars of his own day with him. But Col. Mure renewed the accusations -in his ‘History of Greek Literature,’<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> and especially in an article -in the ‘Rheinisches Museum.’<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> Mure was much influenced by what -he had seen of society in the courts of European capitals, where, -according to him, the courtly ladies were stained with every vice. -The German scholar Kock (1862) defended the same opinions as those -of Mure. Welcker replied to both critics, but especially to Kock, in -an article in the ‘Rheinisches Museum’ (1863), which was afterwards -republished in his ‘Kleine Schriften.’<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> Since that time judgment -has generally been given in favour of Sappho, though the subject has -been noticed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[208]</span> rather than discussed in most treatises on Sappho and her -works. Among those who have examined the subject carefully, Kublinski -and Brandt deserve special attention. Kublinski subjects to minute -criticism the notices in ancient writers regarding those historians -and critics who were the first to concern themselves with Sappho. -Some of these flourished at a very early date, and were natives of -Mytilene. They all speak of her poetry and her virtue in the highest -terms. The Mytileneans honoured her though she was a woman,<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> and -it was said that she united splendour and grace of diction with all -that was honourable.<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> Brandt in his charming book on Sappho brings -vividly before us the spirit and the life of the poetess. He refuses to -discuss the details of the accusations against her, which he describes -as the “chatter of a later, unpoetic and degenerate period,” “because -through Welcker’s excellent treatise the honour of the poetess has -been vindicated, and we are firmly convinced that the accusations -are untenable.” Then he shows how the writers of the later age were -incapable of appreciating the warmth of her friendships, her passionate -love of beauty, and her delight in all that is fair and lovely in this -lovely world.</p> - -<p>The vile insinuations of the later times against Sappho arose from the -misrepresentations which the writers of the new comedy made of her. She -was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[209]</span> one of their stock characters. Kock<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> quotes one play called -‘Sappho,’ written by an ancient comic writer, and five by writers of -the new comedy. Unfortunately, the fragments are meagre in the extreme, -and do not furnish us with any idea of the contents of the plays. They -show, however, that the writers paid no regard to chronology, for one -of them represented the poets Archilochus (700 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) and -Hipponax (546 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) as in love with Sappho. In other plays -also, named ‘Leucadia,’ Sappho was the subject, and in one of these -Menander describes the poetess as madly in love with Phaon, and in -consequence, throwing herself from the Leucadian rock. This is no doubt -a pure invention, and it is likely that all the late stories about -Sappho owed their origin to the unbridled and loose imaginations of -the comic poets. Some of these stories are embodied in a Latin letter -from Sappho to Phaon. This letter has been attributed to Ovid, and -appears in the modern editions of the ‘Heroides.’ But its genuineness -has been rejected by many scholars. It does not appear in the best MSS. -of the ‘Heroides.’ It imagines Sappho to be furiously in love with -Phaon, and in her passion she throws away all sense of self-respect -and decency. But it does not support the contentions of Col. Mure and -Kock. The two scholars who have lately defended the ascription of it to -Ovid<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> insist that the verses of the letter which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[210]</span> give a colour to -the accusations have been wrongly interpreted, and that on the contrary -they imply that she was entirely innocent.</p> - - -<h4>(2) ASPASIA.</h4> - -<p>Schmidt believes these statements, and attributes the making of -Pericles and Socrates to Aspasia. Similar opinions are expressed -by Filleul, who will not allow that she was a courtesan. And Lloyd -is equally emphatic on her merits. Only one voice, as far as I -know, has been raised against her, that of Ulrich von Wilamowitz in -his ‘Aristoteles und Athen.’ In a note in vol. ii. p. 99, he uses -extraordinary language in regard to Aspasia, calling her a prostitute, -and strangely describing the ideas about her salon, and about her being -in a kind of way the wife of Pericles, as the invention of German -romantic Philhellenism. He is equally contemptuous towards Phidias, -whom he describes as a low mechanic, and Pericles, who he asserts had -no friends, guests, or concubines after he separated from his wife. In -a later production<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> he employs less coarse language, and tries to -defend the historical position which he assumes. But it seems to me -that a complete answer to his assumption is to be found by anticipation -in Müller, ‘Attisches Bürgerrecht.’<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> Meyer and Bruns have discussed -his opinions on this subject adversely.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[211]</span></p> - - -<h4>(3) PORTRAITS OF SAPPHO AND ASPASIA.</h4> - -<p>There is, as is usual in matters connected with art, no end of -differences of opinion. The two principal monographs on the portraits -of Sappho are those of Jahn and Comparetti. Comparetti remarks on the -image of Sappho on the Girgenti vase, “Sappho is here anything but -small in stature; she is as tall as Alcæus.” But both writers are -inclined to regard the figures as ideal. Even if they, however, should -be ideal, they represent the notions of the poetess prevalent at the -time of their production. There is much discussion about the coins. -Those of them which have the name stamped on them belong to the period -of the empire. Some have supposed that the head on an early Lesbian -electrum and another on an autonomous bronze of Mytilene are those of -Sappho, but Wroth, who has gone into the subject carefully, agrees with -Furtwängler that the head is probably that of Aphrodite. Furtwängler -thinks that the bust assigned to Aspasia is also really that of a -goddess.<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a></p> - - -<h4>(4) RIGHT OF INTERMARRIAGE—<span class="larger">ἐπιγαμία.</span></h4> - -<p>The corruptions in the text of Lysias as quoted by Dionysius, are well -seen in the recent edition of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[212]</span> Dionysius’s minor works by Usener and -Radermacher.<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> The words also may mean only “We were for granting -the right of intermarriage with the Eubœans.” It is the imperfect that -is used, and the context suggests this meaning of the imperfect.</p> - -<p>No mention is made of ἐπιγαμία with the Eubœans elsewhere. One might -have expected notice of it in some decree, but the decrees referring -to the Eubœans are of such a nature that the existence of an epigamic -agreement is rendered doubtful.<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> From the extract from Lysias, -Philippi<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> infers that the ἐπιγαμία was given to the Eubœans -without citizenship. Otto Müller, also on the strength of the same -extract, believes that there was ἐπιγαμία granted by the Athenians to -the Eubœans<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> not only before 404, but before the failure of the -Sicilian expedition, but he does not argue the question.</p> - - -<h4>(5) ATHENIAN CITIZENSHIP.</h4> - -<p>Doubts have been raised<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> as to whether Pericles was the author of -this law, because a supposed Solonian law decreed that he only should -be a citizen who was the child both of a citizen and of a citizeness,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[213]</span> -and it is maintained that Pericles merely insisted on the observance of -the law. But Aristotle<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> says distinctly that it was on the motion -of Pericles that the Athenians resolved that no one should partake of -citizenship unless both his parents were citizens. He further states -that the law was passed on account of the great number of citizens (451 -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>). In c. 42, in describing the constitution of Athens -as it existed at the time of the composition of the book, Aristotle -says that they partake of the citizenship who are born of parents -both of them citizens. Aristotle nowhere mentions that there was any -suspension or alteration of this law from 451 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> to his own -time. Müller thinks that there was an alteration, and no doubt the -aristocratic party would be inclined to abrogate it. But probably they -thought it sufficient to treat the law as obsolete when it suited them, -and then it was renewed in 403 by Aristophon or Nicomenes.<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p> - -<p>The importance of this law of Pericles in the history of women cannot -well be overestimated. It practically led to the distinction which is -expressed in the Oration against Neæra, attributed to Demosthenes. “For -we,” it says, “have the Companions (Hetairae) for the sake of pleasure, -the concubines for the daily care of the body, and the wives that -genuine children may be born to us, and that we may<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[214]</span> have a trustworthy -guardian of our household property.”<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> At the time no moral stain -was attached either to Hetairae or to the concubines. Their position -was one that could not but arise out of their destiny and the law of -Pericles. But these two classes were not treated with the same respect -as the women who were citizens. The Romans adopted the same law as that -of Pericles. They did not encourage concubines, and the Companions were -for the most part degraded women or slaves. The Church subsequently -followed the practice of the Romans, the restrictions on marriage, -however, leading to the frequency of concubinage among the clergy. But -what had formerly been regarded as the result of inevitable destiny was -now deemed proof of a depraved disposition.</p> - -<p>The law also produced distinctions in the male population. They were -divided into two classes—citizens to whom many privileges were -assigned—and outcasts who had no rights nor privileges. This was a -great change from the Homeric times. The subsequent history of the two -classes of men is curious and suggestive, but this is not the place -to deal with it. Morillot in his treatise on the subject exclaims, -“Strange circumstance! It is nearly always on the person of the infants -that the law strikes those who transgress its ordinances.” This is -true of the Christian era; but at first the law<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[215]</span> looked solely to the -interests of the citizens who made it, and did not suggest culpability -on the part of those who were not citizens.</p> - - -<h4>(6) DATE OF ‘ECCLESIAZUSÆ.’</h4> - -<p>The date of the comedy is clearly ascertained within two years. The -date of the ‘Republic’ cannot be so definitely ascertained. Accordingly -there have always been writers who have maintained that Aristophanes -held up to ridicule the communistic ideas of Plato expressed in the -‘Republic.’ In recent times Chiappelli<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> has advocated this opinion, -and Rogers, in his edition of the ‘Ecclesiazusæ,’<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> supports it by -appealing to the exact resemblances in the words used by both. But -Platonic scholars have generally held strongly that the ‘Republic’ -is considerably later than the play. The date of the play must be -somewhere between 390 and 393. But Stallbaum, in his ‘Prolegomena -to the Republic,’<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> adduces what seem to me convincing arguments -that that work could not have been published before 385 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> -Lutoslawski, in his ‘Origin and Growth of Plato’s Logic,’<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> -maintains that all the parts of the ‘Republic’ except the first book -were written after the ‘Phædo,’ which he places between 384 and 383 -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, and that they occupied<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[216]</span> Plato for about six years -up to nearly his fiftieth year. He and others have remarked that -the coincidences between Aristophanes and Plato are slight and that -the comedy does not really deal with the special proposals of the -philosopher. The ideas in the comedy are too general.</p> - -<p>The date of the comedy is discussed fully in Kaehler’s ‘De Aristophanis -Ecclesiazuson tempore et choro Quæstiones Epicriticæ.’ Jenæ, 1889, -which gives the literature and history of the discussion. He holds -that there is no connexion between the play and the ‘Republic.’ Prof. -Ritchie<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> says of the ‘Republic,’ “Probably written at various times -between 387 and 368 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>”<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a></p> - - -<h4>(7) THE WOMEN OF PLAUTUS.</h4> - -<p>Perhaps we can best see the representations of the Greek new -comedy<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> in the plays of Plautus, for no complete Greek comedy of -this class has come down to us. Terence no doubt transferred more -literally from these plays, but his selections do not bring us so -closely into contact with the life of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[217]</span> period. It is difficult, -however, in Plautus to know whether his pictures refer to Greek or to -Roman life—for he unquestionably introduced many allusions to the -habits of his Roman audience.</p> - -<p>Most of the women that appear in the pages of Plautus belong to the -slave class. Often, when the Greeks took a city, they razed it to -the ground, killed nearly all the men, and carried off the women to -be slaves in lands far away from their own homes. These women had to -submit to the greatest cruelties and indignities. Plautus borrows -his scenes from Greek plays—and accordingly most of his women have -become slaves in this way. There can be no doubt, however, that the -Romans trafficked in female slaves as well as the Greeks—and thus -the picture of the female slaves in the one nation will hold good -for the other. When superior officers made these women captive they -generally kept them in their own houses; but as such slaves brought a -large sum, there were men who made a livelihood by stealing them away. -These sold them to persons whose occupation was again to sell them to -the rich inhabitants of the cities, sometimes lending them only for a -year, and sometimes giving them up for life. The laws regulated the -conveyance, if I may so speak, of these women-slaves, and one of the -plays turns upon a scoundrel of a slave pretending to be an Eastern, -and coming to the slave-dealer’s house with the daughter of another<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[218]</span> -man, a parasite, and selling her at an enormous loss, but without a -legal form. The parasite goes at once to the slave-dealer and claims -back his illegally sold daughter. These slave-women were employed in -various ways. Sometimes they were kept as household servants, sometimes -as nurses; but most frequently they were used at banquets to dance -before the festive gentlemen, and to sing, play the lyre, and amuse -them with witty sayings. They were often, therefore, highly cultivated, -conjoining the accomplishments of our most expert acrobat with those -of an opera singer and an educated lady. Some of them descend to the -lowest degree of coarseness in Plautus; while a few are exceedingly -sweet, modest, and gentle.</p> - -<p>The women of the plays of Plautus are naturally divisible into two -classes: those who were free, and those who were or had been slaves. -It is important to keep in mind that this distinction reached far into -all the social relations. The slave-girl, however nobly descended she -might be, could not marry a free citizen. The free man could only -marry the daughter of a free fellow-citizen. In consequence of this -the choice of a wife was narrowly restricted, and a large class of -women were necessarily thrown out beyond the social pale. The women -who could marry were closely confined. They grew up in the recesses -of the women’s quarter of the house. They had seldom opportunities of -seeing any one but their most<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[219]</span> intimate relatives. They rarely gazed -upon the general public except when they marched in some religious -procession and took part in religious festivals. Their higher education -was neglected, and for the most part their society was despised. Their -marriages were arranged by the fathers. They had no voice in the matter -themselves, and frequently the main question was as to the dowry which -they could bring to their future husbands. In these circumstances -we could not expect to see marriageable young girls in the Plautine -plays. They did not appear in public or mingle in society. Only one -is to be found acting a part in the plays of Plautus, and that, too, -in extraordinary circumstances. Her father is the parasite in the -‘Persa.’ This wretch is ready to do anything for the sake of a good -dinner, and his daughter is a small matter if placed in competition -with that. So he compels her to play the part of slave-girl. She -objects very strongly. She sees that it is not a proper act for her. -She sees also that it will damage her prospects of marriage. But the -authority of a father was paramount. He commands and she must obey, and -obeys gently and meekly. Mention is made of other marriageable girls. -In the ‘Trinummus,’ the good youth Lysiteles seeks the hand of the -sister of Lesbonicus the spendthrift. His father, Philto, undertakes -to see Lesbonicus on the subject, and an interesting dialogue ensues. -Lesbonicus cannot believe that Philto is in earnest in asking<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[220]</span> a -portionless daughter, and when at last he is convinced that Philto -is not making a fool of him, he states that he will part with the -only remaining little property he has in order to give some dowry to -his sister. It would be such a disgrace to him, if she were to bring -nothing to the family stock. Another marriageable girl appears in the -‘Aulularia.’ Her father, the miser Euclio, is very glad to get her off -his hands without dowry, and the man who wishes to marry her prefers to -have an undowried wife. His reasons for this preference are notable. -Megadorus, the suitor, is rich. He has lived with his widowed sister -for some time, but she thinks that he ought now to marry. She is not, -however, very favourable in her account of women. “We are,” she says, -“deservedly regarded as very garrulous, and people strongly affirm -that not a single silent woman has been found in any age up to this -day.” She further informs him that there is no chance of his getting -a good wife: he can merely have a selection out of bad: “alia alia -pejor, frater, est.” However, she ends with recommending one whom she -knows and deems suitable in age and circumstances. He does not accept -her proposal, but says that he wishes to marry the daughter of Euclio, -and he is very glad that she is so poor. The dowried wives have become -wildly extravagant and insolent, and if the rich were to do as he -intends, that is, marry undowried wives, there would be more concord in -the state; the women<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[221]</span> would pride themselves more on their manners than -their dowry, they would have less reason to fear punishment than they -now have, and the husbands would have less expense. In one word, “the -undowried wife is in the power of her husband, the dowried one tortures -and ruins him.” In the course of this discussion Megadorus expatiates -on the extravagances of the women of his day. “They must have purple -and gold given them, maidservants, mules, mule-drivers, attendants, -salutation boys, and carriages.” And then he gives a list of the -various artisans who wait upon the matrons. Here it is in the Latin, -for an exact translation would require a dissertation:<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>—</p> - - <div class="poetry-container"> - <div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="ileft">“Stat fullo phrugio aurifex linarius</div> - <div>Caupones patagiarii indusiarii,</div> - <div>Flammarii violarii cararii,</div> - <div>Propolæ linteones calceolarii,</div> - <div>Sedentarii sutores diabathrarii—</div> - <div>Solearii astant, astant molocinarii,</div> - <div>Petunt fullones, sarcinatores petunt,</div> - <div>Iam hosce absolutos censeas: cedunt petunt</div> - <div>Trecenti: circumstant phulacistæ in atriis,</div> - <div>Textores linbularii, arcularii:</div> - <div>Aut aliqua mala crux semper est quæ aliquid petat.”</div> - </div> - </div> - </div> - -<p>The extravagance of the women is rather a favourite subject of attack -with Plautus. Adelphasium, in a beautiful passage in the ‘Pœnulus,’ -describes how the whole day is frittered away in bathing, polishing, -painting, and such operations, and in ‘Epidicus’ we<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[222]</span> have an -enumeration of the vast variety of dresses which they wore. It may be -questioned how far these descriptions were taken from the Greek, and -how far they are applicable to Roman women. Wagner supposes that the -passage in the ‘Aulularia’ refers to Roman women, and bases on it an -argument for the date of the play. It is scarcely possible to imagine -that Plautus would have introduced such passages if they did not tell, -but it would be difficult to fix the date of the commencement of -extravagance among the Roman ladies. All we can affirm with certainty -is that there must have been extravagance in some shape or other, -and it is interesting to note how, at this early stage of it, it had -already begun to frighten men from marriage. Here are the reasonings of -a bachelor, somewhat compressed from ‘Miles Gloriosus’:<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<i>Pe.</i> By Hercules, it is a splendid thing to be a -bachelor. If a good wife were to be got anywhere in the world, -that would alter the case; but where am I to find such an one? -And do you think, am I to bring to my house a woman who will -never say to me, ‘Buy a nice warm coat for yourself, to keep the -cold away this winter,’ but, on the contrary, who will awake -me out of sleep before the cocks crow, and say to me, ‘Now, -dear, give me some money to make a present with to my mother on -the calends of March; or give me some money to buy stuff for -making sweetmeats; give me some money to give to the witch and -the dream interpreter,’ &c.? Then I don’t need children. I have -plenty of relatives. I live as I like—no one to interfere with -me—and when I die I shall leave my possessions to my friends; -they know that, and take good care of me. They<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[223]</span> come and see -what I am doing and what I wish. Before daybreak they are at -my door, asking how I slept in the night. They sacrifice, and -then send the best part to me. They invite me to breakfast and -dinner, to all their feasts, and they all vie with each other in -sending me gifts. Of course I know why—but what matters that? -They nurse me and bestow gifts on me.”</p> -</div> - -<p>The wives, then, in Plautus, are not represented in the most amiable -colours. The old men stand in most awful dread of their old girls, -as they called them. Dæmones, for instance, is afraid to look at -Palæstra and Ampelisca, lest his wife fly upon him. Menæchmus gives a -most vivid picture of the prying propensities of his wife. And some -of them have wonderful command of abusive language, and rate their -husbands in no measured terms. They even play most insolent tricks -on them, as in the ‘Casina.’ But bad as some of these wives may have -been with their extravagance and their tongues, they are not accused -of unfaithfulness. The Romans and Greeks agreed with the French in -making the fathers select the wives for their sons, but they differed -from them in having divorce procurable on comparatively easy terms. -And this circumstance makes a wide difference in the plots of their -respective dramas. The plot of such a piece as ‘La petite Mariée’ would -be as utterly repulsive to a Roman audience as to an English. There -is not one instance throughout the twenty plays of Plautus in which -the virtue of a married woman is assailed. We might except, from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[224]</span> a -modern and an early Christian point of view,<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> Jove’s amour with -Alcmena, but in the Roman opinion Alcmena and her husband were honoured -by this marked token of a god’s favour. There is one instance in which -the man himself, the braggart soldier, supposes that he has committed -the crime. He is led to believe that a courtezan is really a married -woman and that she is dreadfully in love with him, and he yields to the -deception. He is severely punished for it in the end, and acknowledges -that he has well merited what he has received.</p> - -<p>The absence of freedom before marriage is not, however, without its -evil consequences. The young men had generally got attached to some -handsome slaves before they married, and the old men seemed very much -inclined to renew their youthful recollections by pranks of a similar -nature. This is the cause of the most serious quarrels between husband -and wife. In one passage the unfairness of the position of husband -and wife in this respect is set forth, though not by a wife, but by a -slave:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“By Castor, wives live on hard terms, and much more unfair—poor -wretches that they are—than their husbands. For if the husband -has his courtezan without the knowledge of his wife, and she -comes to know, he gets off scot-free; but if the wife go but to -the outside without the knowledge of her husband, the husband -has a case made for him, and she is divorced. Would that there -were the same law for husband as for wife!<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[225]</span> For a good wife is -content with one husband, why should not a husband be content -with one wife?”<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a></p> -</div> - -<p>When the wife thinks that she is badly used, she generally sends -for her father. She expects him either to effect a reconciliation, -or procure the return of her dowry and a divorce. In some cases, as -in that of Menæchmus, the father takes the side of the husband and -counsels submission.</p> - -<p>Though there are some bad wives, there are also some very good. -Foremost among these is Alcmena in the ‘Amphitruo.’ She is a true, -loving, faithful wife. She greets her supposed husband on his return -from war with the kindliest welcome. She is never impure even in any -single thought, but is simply chaste throughout, even in scenes which -might have tempted the poet to pander to his rough audience. She is -astonished and amazed at the suspicions of her real husband, but no -consideration will make her confess to a crime which she has not -committed. She always retains the dignity of stainless purity. But if -jealousy is to rule his soul, she is willing to part from him, and asks -her dowry:—</p> - - <div class="poetry-container"> - <div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="ileft">“Valeas: tibi habeas res tuas, reddas meas.</div> - <div>Juben’ mihi comites?</div> - <div class="i1">“<i>Jup.</i><span style="margin-left: 6em">Sanan’ es?</span></div> - <div class="i1">“<i>Al.</i><span style="margin-left: 11em">Si non jubes,</span></div> - <div>Sinito: Pudicitiam egomet comitem duxero.”</div> - </div> - </div> - </div> - -<p>When at length her husband confesses that he was wrong, she is ready -at once to receive him back into her affection, and restore him -all the old love. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[226]</span> resemblance between her character and some -of the circumstances of her life and those of Desdemona has struck -some critics, and is worth examination. Both Molière and Dryden have -imitated the ‘Amphitruo’ of Plautus, but there cannot be a doubt that -the play of the Roman is the purest of the three and that of the -Englishman the most impure, and that the character of Alcmena is not -improved by Molière, if not deteriorated, and is certainly made worse -by the handling of Dryden. There is another wife in Plautus whose -character is very beautiful, so far as we have a glimpse of it. In the -opening scenes of the ‘Stichus,’ there are two married sisters, bearing -the names of Panegyris and Pinacium in the old editions, but those of -Philumena and Pamphila in the Ambrosian palimpsest. Their husbands have -been a considerable time away from them, and their father thinks that -they might now come under his protection, and marry again according to -a liberty allowed by law in the case of absconding husbands. Pamphila -(Pinacium) has strong affection for her husband, and refuses. She thus -urges her sister to continue faithful:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“It is reasonable, in my opinion, that all wise people should -attend to and do their duty. Wherefore, I, though I am younger -than you, warn you to remember your duty; and if our husbands -should be wicked, and should act otherwise than is right, so -much the more, by Pollux, does it become us to remember to do -our duty with might and main.”<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[227]</span></p> - -<p>She is resolved also to be firm towards her father, but at the -same time, as she has a true affection for him and respect for his -authority, she will not have recourse to any other means than earnest -entreaty. Unfortunately Pamphila disappears from the play after the -introductory scenes, or if she appeared again, that portion of the play -has been lost.</p> - -<p>There is one other free woman who deserves special notice—the -priestess of the Temple of Venus in the ‘Rudens.’ Priestesses, as -Benoist has remarked, had much more liberty of movement than ordinary -matrons, and could appear in public on many occasions on which the -others could not. When Palæstra and Ampelisca flee to her temple for -refuge, she is astonished to find that they have not come in white -garments, and with victims, as visitors to a temple should; but no -sooner does she learn the real state of the case than she remembers -mercy, and not sacrifice, and gives them a hearty welcome. With all the -power she possesses she will defend and help them.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I don’t think,” says Ampelisca, in regard to her, “that I ever -saw any old woman more deserving the blessing of gods and men. -How tenderly, frankly, honourably, and ungrudgingly did she take -us to herself—trembling, needy, wet, shipwrecked, and fainting -creatures that we were; not otherwise than if we were her own -daughters. How she tucks up her dress and herself warms the -water that we may bathe.”<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">A truly Christian woman, and not merely, as Benoist makes her, “Fere -Christiana et Christianis sensibus animata.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[228]</span></p> - -<p>The second class of women were practically outcasts from society, and -they knew it, and acted accordingly. Some might take to spinning and -other feminine occupations; but a large number were either definitely -set apart by the slave-dealers for the pleasure of men, or applied -themselves to the trade as the easiest means of livelihood. Very -frequently they strove to attain their liberty, and through their -influence with their lovers they often succeeded. But they could not -marry, and therefore continued to live the life in which they had been -trained, or dealt in slave-girls. The whole mode of life of such women -could not but brutalize them. And some of the characters which Plautus -gives us exhibit the lowest coarseness and utter and irredeemable -selfishness. They looked upon men as their victims. Men are the sheep -that they have to fleece. The courtezan woman who would dream of being -faithful to one man is a fool. She must have money. As soon as a man -is ruined he must be turned out of doors; and the next rich idiot -that comes must be fleeced in a similar manner. Such sentiments are -common to the whole class; but there are shades of differences in the -characters. Some are absolutely mercenary. They have no heart, and know -and allow that they have none. They are fond of coarse language. They -are strongly addicted to wine; and they have almost no interest in -anybody. Others, on the contrary, are fond of one man above another, -so long as he has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[229]</span> money. They are cultivated and witty. They know -how to dress well, and have studied all the arts that can attract. -They can give nice little dinner-parties; they take an interest in -their serving-maids; they have kindly feelings towards those who have -brought them up. But there is still, in Plautus’s portraiture of them, -a radical hardness of heart. They are selfish to the backbone, fond of -dress, and inclined to wine, and will probably end like the others in -becoming free, drunken, and traffickers in young slave-girls.<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></p> - -<p>There is one curious and notable series of exceptions to this -degradation. The Greeks viewed these outcasts from society with a very -friendly eye. They recognized the fact that it was their destiny that -had put them into the difficult circumstances with which they had to -struggle. And when these women happened to have great powers of mind, -or were particularly pleasing, the Greeks chose them as companions -for life, and if they could not make them their wives, they treated -them as such, and were very kind to them. Thus Pericles lived with -Aspasia, and Sophocles with the mother of the father of his favourite -grandson. But in Plautus there is not one instance of such a connexion. -There are, however, three or four beautiful characters among the -slave-girls—Selenium, Planesium, Adelphasium, and Palæstra. They are -modest and kindly. They wish<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[230]</span> to live with one man. Like the Mirah of -‘Daniel Deronda,’ they move about in bad society, and are exposed to -every temptation, but by a miraculous providence they remain pure. -M. Benoist, probably touched by compassion, thinks that Palæstra is -the most lovely of these characters. We are inclined to give the palm -to Adelphasium in the ‘Pœnulus,’—though perhaps she is somewhat -prim—because we can judge her better, since the play affords more -scope for the development of her character. All these girls are found -in the end to be freeborn. They have been exposed or stolen in early -childhood. Marks of identification go with them in their wanderings. -And at last the happy father recognizes his long-lost child, and the -lover is delighted with the thought that he can marry.</p> - -<p>These, then, were the girls with whom the young Greeks and the young -Romans had to fall in love, and fall in love they did. But this love -was rarely anything else than a mad, headstrong, and even bestial -passion. Rarely could the Romans have come in contact with such women -that they could realize the fine remark of Steele, “To have loved her -was a liberal education.” And indeed the Romans seem to have looked -on love as one of those fits which come upon a man once or twice in -his life, and which, like too much wine, made him stagger and reel -for a time, and then left him in his older years a more sedate and -indifferent person. Some such love intrigue occurs<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[231]</span> in almost every -play of Plautus. There are three plays in which no female character -appears—the ‘Captivi,’ the ‘Pseudolus,’ and the ‘Trinummus’; but -even into two of these love is introduced. In the second the whole -play is concerned with the acquisition of a courtezan girl, and in -the ‘Trinummus’ Lesbonicus has lost his property through love, and -Lysiteles has one or two long speeches on the ruin that attends the -lover.</p> - -<p>Several writers have adduced many passages from Plautus to show that he -did not think it a wrong thing for a young, or even for an old man, on -a rare occasion, to have intrigues with these courtezans.<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> The fact -cannot be denied. But it is also true that Plautus uniformly represents -the residences of these women as the jaws of ruin. The ‘Truculentus’ is -throughout a powerful representation of the utter selfishness of the -class. The young man Diniarchus wastes his means on them, is ruined, -and receives no pity from them. And the upright pedagogue, Lydus, in -the ‘Bacchides,’ describes the house of the courtezans in language -which might have suggested to Dante his inscription over the portals -of hell. “Unbar and throw open quickly this gate of hell (Orcus), I -beseech you, for I deem it no other, for no one comes here but he whom -all hopes have abandoned of being virtuous.”<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[232]</span></p> - -<p>We may take a glance at the mode in which love-making went on in those -days. Gaston Boissier thinks that Plautus is peculiarly happy in -his portrayal of a lover’s feelings. He appeals to a passage in the -‘Curculio’ where Phædromus, a young man, thus addresses the door of his -sweetheart’s house:<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a>—</p> - - <div class="poetry-container"> - <div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="ileft">“Pessuli, heus pessuli, vos saluto lubens,</div> - <div>Vos amo, vos volo, vos peto atque opsecro,</div> - <div>Gerite amanti mihi morem amœnissumi;</div> - <div>Fite caussa mea ludii barbari,</div> - <div>Sussulite, opsecro, et mittite istinc foras,</div> - <div>Quæ mihi misero amanti exbibit sanguinem,</div> - <div>Hoc vide ut dormiunt pessuli pessumi</div> - <div>Nec mea gratia conmovent se ocius.”</div> - </div> - </div> - </div> - -<p>Or the language of Diniarchus when Phronesium appears:<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>—</p> - - <div class="poetry-container"> - <div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i8">“Ver vide</div> - <div>Ut tota floret, ut olet, ut nitide nitet.”</div> - </div> - </div> - </div> - -<p>He affirms that such passages justify the opinion of Ælius Stilo that -if the muses wished to speak Latin, they would have used the language -of Plautus.</p> - -<p>I shall quote two of the passages in which Plautus exhibits -love-making. The one is from the ‘Asinaria’ (664), and gives the -epithets which women used towards men.</p> - -<p>A slave, Leonidas, has contrived to get possession of a sum of money -which a slave-girl requires, in order that she may be permitted to have -interviews with his young master. The slave is conscious of his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[233]</span> power -over the girl, and wishes to tease her by keeping the money from her -for some time. So she says to him:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Give me the money, my dear little eye, my rose, my soul, my -delight: do not, I entreat you, separate us lovers.</p> - -<p>“<i>Leon.</i> Come now, just call me your little sparrow, your -chick, your quail, your lambkin, your little kid, or your little -calf. Just seize me by the dear little ears, and put dear little -lips to dear little lips.”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">And so the slave goes on bantering her. The last expression I may -explain by the way. It refers to a curious mode of kissing practised -by Greeks and Romans. When a person wished to give a good hearty kiss -to one very dearly beloved, he seized her by the ears and performed -the operation with more comfort and heartiness. Another slave, partner -with Leonidas, afterwards asks her to call him by some other sweet -names. The girl addresses him, “My Libanus, my golden little eye, the -gift and glory of love, if you please, I’ll do what you wish: only do -give me the money.” “Just then,” he says, “call me your duckling, your -dove, your puppy, your swallow, your jackdaw, your little sparrow, your -little boy.” Such were the endearing epithets which the young women -addressed to the young men. Now for those addressed to the young women -by the young men. In the scene I am to adduce, a young man has asked -his slave to try to gain for him the affections of a slave-girl of -whom he is enamoured. The slave<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[234]</span> sets to work at once. The young man -Agorastocles asks Milphio the slave,<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Why is this girl angry with me?</p> - -<p>“<i>Mil.</i> Why is this girl angry with you? Why should I care -about that? That is your look-out.</p> - -<p>“<i>Ag.</i> By Hercules, you may drown yourself if you don’t -make her as tranquil as the sea used to be when the halcyon led -forth its young ones on it.</p> - -<p>“<i>Mil.</i> What am I to do?</p> - -<p>“<i>Ag.</i> Entreat her, butter her, stroke her.</p> - -<p>“<i>Mil.</i> I will do it carefully. Only take you care that you -don’t afterwards heckle with your fists the man here who now -acts as your ambassador.</p> - -<p>“<i>Ag.</i> I won’t.”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">The girl here says, addressing Agorastocles:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Let us go now. Are you still hesitating? You make big promises; -but nothing ever comes of them. You have sworn to free me, not -once, but a hundred times: alas, I am still a slave.”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">The bashful lover utters the sad ejaculation:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“It’s all up with me—eho!”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">And then, bethinking him of his ambassador and spokesman, he says to -Milphio:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“What are you about, Milphio?”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">Milphio begins the attack thus:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“My delight, my darling, my life, my pleasure, my little eye, my -little lip, my health, my kiss, my honey, my heart, my sweet new -milk, my nice little soft cheese.”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">Agorastocles can’t stand this, and he can’t help speaking to himself:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Am I to endure these things being said in my presence? I am -tortured, if I don’t order him off to the hangman.”</p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[235]</span></p> - -<p class="p-left">Milphio goes on:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Do not, I beseech you, be angry with my master. If I don’t—now -I see you are angry—I am sure he will make you free.</p> - -<p>“<i>The Girl.</i> Why won’t you let me go? What do you mean?</p> - -<p>“<i>Mil.</i> If my master has formerly played false with you, -ever after this he will be true to you.</p> - -<p>“<i>The Girl.</i> Get away with you.</p> - -<p>“<i>Mil.</i> I’ll go; but only on one condition: just let me -entreat you, let me seize you by the ears, let me give you a -kiss. By Hercules, I shall make him lament, if I don’t make -you merciful. And I fear he will thrash me soundly, that will -he, unless I win you to him. I know the bad habits of the -cross-tempered fellow. Wherefore, my delight, I do beg you, be -prevailed on.”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">Agorastocles turns to Milphio in a rage:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I am not worth a farthing if I don’t kick that rascal’s eyes -and teeth out. Hem! there is a pleasure for you [gives him a -blow]! there’s honey! there’s a heart for you! there’s a little -lip for you! there’s health for you! there is a kiss!</p> - -<p>“<i>Mil.</i> Oh, master; you are committing sacrilege in beating -your ambassador.</p> - -<p>“<i>Ag.</i> There’s some more for you then [lays into him]. I’ll -give you also your little eye, and your little lip, and your -tongue to the bargain.</p> - -<p>“<i>Mil.</i> What in the world are you going to do?</p> - -<p>“<i>Ag.</i> Did I not order you to entreat her?</p> - -<p>“<i>Mil.</i> How then should I do it?</p> - -<p>“<i>Ag.</i> Why, you scoundrel, you should have said, ‘The -delight of this man, I entreat you, his honey, his heart, his -little lip, his tongue, his kiss, his sweet new milk, his -pleasant health, his merriness, his sweet little cheese,’ you -whip-dog; ‘his heart, his desire, his kiss,’ you whip-dog. All -that you said were yours you should have called mine.”</p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[236]</span></p> - -<p class="p-left">Milphio acts at once on his instructions, and addresses the -slave-girl:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“By Hercules, I beseech you, his pleasure and my hatred, his -most dearly beloved friend, my enemy and ill-wisher—his eye, my -blear eye, his honey, my vinegar. Don’t be angry with him; or if -that can’t be——”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">The girl stops him and says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Take a rope and hang yourself with your master and -fellow-slaves.</p> - -<p>“<i>Mil.</i> It is no go. I’ll have to live on gruel, and now -bear a back streaked like an oyster, with marks of the lash, all -on account of your love.”</p> -</div> - -<p class="p-left">And so poor Milphio gives love-making up as a bad job.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[237]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER III.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">WOMEN IN THE ROMAN PERIOD.</span></h3></div> - -<h4>(1) WOMEN IN ASIA MINOR.</h4> - -<p>The information about these women comes out in the inscriptions which -have been collected in the various towns and provinces of Asia Minor. -M. P. Paris has brought together the facts that can be obtained from -these inscriptions in his thesis “Quatenus feminæ res publicas in Asia -Minore, Romanis imperantibus, attigerint, Parisiis, 1891.” M. Paris -is inclined to think that the magistracies during the Imperial times -had no important duties assigned to them except those of religion, -and that therefore women could well perform them. If there were civil -duties, he thinks that they were not asked to discharge these. He is -guided much in this opinion by his sense of what it becomes a woman -to do, but in the end of his thesis he has to acknowledge that women -did take part in political and civil matters, though these were not -becoming to them. He allows that at least one woman did discharge all -the duties of a magistrate. The inscription recording the fact is -as follows: “The senate and people honoured Aurelia Harmasta, also -called Tertia, the daughter of Medon and chaste wife of Artemas, of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[238]</span> -the highest birth, who acted as priestess of Hera the Queen, and as -demiourgos, and as chief priest, and did all that was usual in such -occasions. Aur. Arteimianus Dileitrianus Arteimas, her husband, erected -the statue.”<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> The demiourgos was one of the chief magistrates.</p> - -<p>M. Paris draws special attention to these inscriptions which he himself -and M. Radet discovered at Sillyium, in which a woman of the name of -Menodora is praised. The first inscription begins: “The senate and -people honoured her as a priestess of all the gods and a hierophantis -for life and a decaprote, also as demiourgos and gymnasiarch.” Then the -inscription details the extraordinary gifts which she bestowed on her -native city, including a large sum for the maintenance of children. The -other two inscriptions are of a similar nature.</p> - -<p>M. Paris can find no other explanation of the activity of woman in -Asia than in the altered and decaying state of affairs in that country -during the Roman Empire. But it is remarkable that the matriarchate -existed in Lycia longer than in most places.<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></p> - - -<h4>(2) THE SPEECH OF AUGUSTUS ON MARRIAGE.</h4> - -<p>The opinions expressed in the speech of Augustus were to be found in a -series of works on marriage,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[239]</span> which appeared from the time of Zeno to -that of Libanius. They all agreed that it was the duty of every citizen -to marry, and they assigned nearly the same reasons as those adduced -by Augustus. A slight exception is made by Theophrastus, who came to -the conclusion that the philosopher ought not to marry, on account of -the entanglements and distractions which marriage generally brought -along with it. As most of the philosophers who wrote on the subject of -marriage were Stoics, Praechter supposes that at the earliest period -of Stoicism marriage became a topic of regular discussion, and so the -commonplaces of the school were handed down from one to the other. -Bock, on the other hand, thinks that the initiative is due to Aristotle.</p> - -<p>Clemens Alexandrinus made use of the Stoic materials, and especially -of the works of Musonius, but he differed from the Stoics in thinking -that men were not bound to marry: marriage was lawful and beneficial, -but not obligatory. He agreed with Zeno,<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> Musonius, Plutarch, and -other writers in the opinion that women ought to receive the same kind -of education as men, due regard being paid to the peculiar physical -constitution of women.<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a></p> - -<p>Praechter gives a list of the various writers who have discussed -marriage.<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[240]</span></p> - - -<h4>(3) MEDICAL WOMEN.</h4> - -<p>Women from an early date tried to cure diseases, and in Homer special -mention is made of Hecamede who mixed potions. Frequent notice is taken -in post-Homeric times of midwives and their art, and doubtless some -women applied themselves to a complete study of medicine, practised the -art whenever they had opportunity, and contributed to the advancement -of medical science. Mélanie Lipinska has written an interesting account -of these women. A story in the work bearing the name of Hyginus (Hygini -Fabulæ),<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> written probably in the reign of Augustus, with later -interpolations, proves that in the time of its production it was -believed that women had practised in Greece. The fable states that -Chiron the Centaur first founded the art of the surgeon from herbs, -Apollo first introduced the cure of the eyes, and Asclepius discovered -clinical medicine. The ancients, it goes on to say, had no midwives, -in consequence of which women, through modesty, perished, for the -Athenians had decreed that no slave or woman should learn the art of -medicine. A girl of the name of Agnodice longed to learn this art, and -cutting off her hair, and putting on the dress of a man, she went to a -person named Hierophilus, and learned from him the art. After making -this acquisition she happened<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[241]</span> to hear a woman crying out in the pangs -of labour, and she went up to her. The woman refused her proffered aid, -because she thought that Agnodice was a man—but Agnodice at once gave -clear proof of her sex, and was allowed to cure her. Somehow the women -of Athens came to know of this, and Agnodice was constantly called -in. The doctors were furious at her success, for of course the women -refused them admission, and they accused her before the Areopagus of -corrupting her patients; Agnodice would have been condemned, had she -not taken off her male garments before the judges and proved her sex. -But the doctors were only the more infuriated. Whereupon the chief -women of Athens went to the court and said, “You are not husbands -but enemies, for you condemn her who has saved our lives.” Then the -Athenians amended their law, making it legal for freeborn women to -learn the art of medicine.</p> - - -<h4>(4) WOMEN IN EGYPT.</h4> - -<p>In a complete survey of the influence of women in ancient times notice -would have to be taken of a remarkable set of women who appeared in -Macedonia, Epirus, and especially in Egypt from about 333 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> -to the beginning of the Christian era. These women took a prominent -part in public affairs. Some of them led armies and fought personally -on the battle-field. They entered into alliances, carried on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[242]</span> endless -intrigues, and wielded much power. But they were all members of royal -families, wives or daughters of kings, and often styled queens. Justin -says in regard to one reign that the government was carried on in the -name of the son, but it was the mother that exercised the sway. In -Egypt there was a continuous effort on the part of the women of the -royal family to mingle in public affairs. And finally they succeeded -in obtaining the mastery. The most famous of them, Cleopatra the -VIIth, though governing nominally along with her brother, was the -supreme ruler, and possessing all the rights of an absolute ruler, as -Strack says, held in her hand for many years the Sceptre of Egypt, and -directed the rudder of the Ship of State according to her own good -pleasure.</p> - -<p>But the public influence of these women was not shared by those who did -not belong to the royal families. And the history of their lives is -gathered from imperfect notices and from historians who have no claim -to implicit confidence.</p> - -<p>Helbig was among the first to draw attention to this subject. Rohde -enlarged his notices with critical insight; the details are to be -found scattered in Droysen, Mahaffy, and Strack. An excellent account -of the position of women in Ptolemaic Egypt is given by Miss Rachel -Evelyn White in her article in the ‘Journal of Hellenic Studies.’<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> -Mahaffy supplies a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[243]</span> fair idea of the nature and difficulty of the -subject in his remarks on Cleopatra:<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> “We shall have more to say -of the younger Cleopatra, this queen’s sister, who spent her life in -Egypt. When modern people wonder at the daring of the last of the -series, who has been embalmed in the prose of Plutarch and the verse -of Shakespeare, they seldom know or reflect that she was but the last -of a long series of princesses, probably beautiful and accomplished, -certainly daring and unscrupulous, living every day of their lives -in the passions of love, hate, jealousy, ambition, wielding the -dominion over men or dying in the attempt. But, alas! except in the -dull and lifeless effigies on coins, we have no portraits of these -terrible persons, no anecdotes of their tamer moments, no means of -distinguishing one Cleopatra from the rest, amid the catalogue of -parricides, incests, exiles, bereavements!”</p> - -<p>The papyri recently discovered throw much new light on the position -of women in Egypt, but some difficult questions will not be settled -until further discoveries of papyri are made. Especially perplexing is -it to settle what is purely Egyptian and what changes were introduced -by Greek and Roman usages. Some points, however, are quite clear. It -is certain, for instance, that it was usual for brother and sister -to marry, and the arrangement was deemed particularly suitable when<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[244]</span> -inheritance of property was concerned. The marriage of the sister to -the brother smoothed the way to satisfactory settlements. It is also on -all hands allowed that the rights of women are protected and the wife -holds an advantageous position in the marriage contracts which have -come down to us. “A predominance,” says Ruggiero, “of the man over the -woman, a suggestion of such an idea in its earliest stage, any hint, in -fine, of marital authority is entirely wanting.”<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p> - -<p>There were two kinds of marriages, the ἄγραφος γάμος and the ἔγγραφος -γάμος, the marriage without a full written contract and the marriage -with a full written contract. The first seems like a Scotch marriage, -where the parties agree to marry and to live with each other, but do -not make complete stipulations as to property and children. With regard -to this form the information is deficient and the opinions of scholars -are divided in regard to some details of it.</p> - -<p>The ἔγγραφος γάμος implied a fully drawn-out contract of marriage. -Express mention is made of the dowry and the means of supporting the -wife and the conditions of a dissolution of the marriage in regard to -property and often in regard to children. The early Egyptians do not -seem to have made wills, and they embodied the substance of what would -have been their wills in their marriage contracts.</p> - -<p>Marriage was a matter of purely civil contract.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[245]</span> Each party entered -on the marriage without any constraint, and each party could cancel -the contract and thereby the marriage. In the strict sense of the -word there could be no divorce. No legal judgment was required for -cancelling the marriage contracts. It is a remarkable circumstance -that in all the documents cancelling the marriage contracts which have -come down to us no mention is made of the reason which led to the -annulling of the contract. Only once it is suggested that “some evil -daimon” may be at the bottom of it.<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> The arrangements in cancelling -marriage contracts are strongly in favour of the wife. Nietzold, after -describing in detail the conditions laid down in such documents, says: -“According to all these arrangements the wife takes a very favourable -position. She has by the separation absolutely nothing to lose, even -when she is the guilty party.”</p> - -<p>The reader may form a good idea of what was involved in a regular -marriage from a marriage contract which, with Dr. Grenfell’s -permission, I subjoin. It is a contract (92 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>) belonging to -the period of the Ptolemies, when Greek influence was strong, but at -the same time it well represents generally the contents of all Egyptian -contracts. It appears in the ‘Tebtunis Papyri,’ Part 1., p. 452.</p> - -<p>“The 22nd year, Mecheir 11. Philiscus son of Apollonius, a Persian -of the Epigone, acknowledges to Apollonia, also called Kellauthis, -daughter of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[246]</span> Heraclides, Persian, with her guardian, her brother -Apollonius, that he has received from her in copper money 2 talents -4,000 drachmae, the amount of the dowry for Apollonia agreed upon with -him.... The keeper of the contract is Dionysius.”</p> - -<p>“In the 22nd year of the reign of Ptolemy, also called Alexander, the -god Philometor, in the priesthood of the priest of Alexander, and the -rest as written in Alexandria, the 11th of the month Xandicus, which -is the 11th of Mecheir, at Kerkeosiris in the division of Polemon of -the Arsinoite nome. Philiscus, son of Apollonius, Persian, of the -Epigone, acknowledges to Apollonia, also called Kellauthis, daughter of -Heraclides, Persian, with her guardian, her brother Apollonius, that -he has received from her in copper money 2 talents 4,000 drachmae, -the dowry for Apollonia agreed upon with him. Apollonia shall remain -with Philiscus, obeying him as a wife should her husband, owning their -property in common with him. Philiscus shall supply to Apollonia all -necessaries and clothing, and whatever is proper for a wedded wife, -whether he is at home or abroad, so far as their property shall admit. -It shall not be lawful for Philiscus to bring in any other wife but -Apollonia, nor to keep a concubine or lover, nor to beget children by -another woman in Apollonia’s lifetime, nor to live in another house -over which Apollonia is not mistress, nor to eject, or insult, or -ill-treat her, nor to alienate any of their property to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[247]</span> Apollonia’s -disadvantage. If he is shown to be doing any of these things, or does -not supply her with necessaries and clothing, and the rest, as has -been said, Philiscus shall forfeit forthwith to Apollonia the dowry -of 2 talents 4,000 drachmae of copper. In the same way it shall not -be lawful for Apollonia to spend the night or day away from the house -of Philiscus without Philiscus’ consent, or to have intercourse with -another man, or to ruin the common household, or to bring shame upon -Philiscus in anything that causes a husband shame. If Apollonia wishes -of her own will to separate from Philiscus, Philiscus shall repay her -the bare dowry within ten days from the day it is demanded back. If -he does not repay it as has been stated, he shall forthwith forfeit -the dowry he has received increased by one half. The witnesses are -Dionysius son of Patron, Dionysius son of Hermaiscus, Theon son of -Ptolemaeus, Didymus son of Ptolemaeus, Dionysius son of Dionysius, -Heracleus son of Diodes, all six Macedonians of the Epigone; the keeper -of the contract is Dionysius. (Signed) I, Philiscus, son of Apollonius, -Persian of the Epigone, acknowledge the receipt of the dowry, the 2 -talents 4,000 drachmae of copper, as above written, and I will act -with regard to the dowry as ... I, Dionysius, son of Hermaiscus, the -aforesaid, wrote for him as he was illiterate. I, Dionysius, have -received the contract, being valid. Registered the 22nd year, Mecheir -11.”</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[248]</span></p> - -<h3>CHAPTER IV.<br /> -<span class="subhed1">WOMEN IN THE ANTE-NICENE PERIOD.</span></h3></div> - -<h4>(1) INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY ON WOMEN.</h4> - -<p>One of the most recent utterances on this point occurs in Bishop -Wordsworth’s book ‘The Ministry of Grace.’ He says,<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> “Of all -the revolutions introduced by Christianity into the social life of -mankind the new position given to women has been, perhaps, the most -remarkable and the most fruitful in results.” Zscharnack, who has -written by far the most thorough book on the subject, speaks with much -more caution.<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> “In the first place,” he says, “it cannot be proved -that to Christianity alone is due the honour of the emancipation of -women and the realization of the true conception of marriage; rather -had Greece as well as the social relations in Rome prepared the way in -this matter, as in the question of the emancipation of slaves, to no -inconsiderable degree. And second, it ought not to be overlooked that -this socalled<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">[249]</span> (Christian) appreciation of marriage did not at all -succeed in putting aside the ancient immediately and everywhere.”</p> - - -<h4>(2) CALLISTUS.</h4> - -<p>The bishop referred to is Callistus, who was bishop of Rome from 218 -to 223. Hippolytus, in his ‘Refutation of all Heresies,’ denounces him -as an unmitigated scoundrel. Among other accusations he reproaches him -with his opinions and conduct in regard to marriages.<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> “This man,” -he says, “issued a decree that, if a bishop was guilty of any sin, if -even a sin unto death, he ought not to be deposed. In his time bishops, -priests, and deacons, who had been twice married and thrice married, -began to be appointed to their orders. If, also, any one who is among -the clergy should marry, he decreed that such an one should continue -among the clergy as a person who had not sinned.”</p> - -<p>Further on, he continues: “And the hearers of Callistus being delighted -with his decrees (doctrines), continue deluding themselves and many -besides, crowds of whom flock together in his place of teaching. -Therefore their numbers increase, they boasting of their multitude, -on account of the pleasures which were not permitted by Christ, whom<span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">[250]</span> -despising they do not put restraint on any sin, alleging that they -pardon those who are pleased with his (Callistus’s) opinions. For he -even permitted women <i>of high rank</i>, if they were unmarried and -<i>burned with passion through their time of life, and if they were not -disposed to lose their own rank through a legal marriage, to have</i> -one man whom they might choose as a bedfellow, whether a slave or free, -and to deem him in place of a husband, though she had not been married -to him legally. Whence women, reputed believers, began to resort to -drugs for producing sterility, and to gird themselves round so as to -expel what was being conceived on account of their not wishing to have -a child either by a slave or by a mean fellow, on account of their -family connexions and their excessive wealth. Behold into how great -impiety that lawless person has proceeded, teaching adultery and murder -at the same time, and withal, after such audacious acts, they, lost to -all shame, attempt to call themselves a Catholic Church.”</p> - -<p>The printed part in italics is based on an amended text. The text -adopted is that proposed by Abbé de Hir and approved by de Rossi. It -embodies the emendations of several critics and contains the fewest -changes. But though the text is corrupt, there can be no doubt of the -general sense. Callistus claimed for women the privilege which was -accorded to men.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">[251]</span> Senators were not allowed to form a legal marriage -with freedwomen, but they might have them as concubines. Callistus -allowed a similar liberty to women of senatorial families. These women -could not marry a freeman who was an actor or whose father or mother -had been actors, nor could they marry a freedman, and no Roman could -marry a slave. If they went through any form of marriage with such -persons, the marriage was null and void. But Callistus declared that -a permanent union of a senatorial woman with a man of the humbler -class or with a slave was a real marriage, notwithstanding the law. -Probably he extended the permission more widely, and declared that any -permanent union between one Christian and another was a real marriage. -He might reason that a marriage between two people who were citizens -of heaven was as valid as a marriage between two citizens of Rome, -and if it was carried out with the sanction of the bishop and the -church it mattered not whether it was according to Roman law or not. -And thus a senator might marry a freedwoman or a slave, though the -law regarded such marriages as null and void. It is not unlikely that -the <i>lex de maritandis ordinibus</i>, while forbidding senators to -marry freedwomen, laid down no special directions in regard to the -marriage of daughters of senators.<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> But when some of these became -Christian,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[252]</span> they would find it difficult to marry in their own rank, -and, adopting the Christian ideas of brotherhood and the equality of -all men in the sight of God would ally themselves with the forbidden -classes. If any of them formed a union with a converted actor or with -the converted son of an actor or with a slave, her conduct would -excite the utmost indignation among the aristocratic classes. Some -such incidents may have induced Marcus Aurelius to take the matter -up—for the legislation prohibiting the daughters, granddaughters, and -great-granddaughters of a senator from marrying a freedman occurred -first in a speech of that emperor which was followed by a decree of the -senate.<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a></p> - -<p>The statements of Hippolytus in regard to the motives of senatorial -women for marrying actors or freedmen or slave may be regarded as mere -calumnies. The senatorial women could legally marry men of equestrian -or plebeian rank, but they and their children took the rank of the -husband, and they were subject to the contracts involved in the -marriage. But if they married an actor, freedman, or slave, it was -no legal marriage, there was no contract and no loss of rank or of -property. Such marriages had their disadvantages. The children were -illegitimate and the husband might at any time refuse to acknowledge -his wife. Besides this, if the woman did not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[253]</span> lose her rank legally, no -doubt she would be repudiated by all her aristocratic friends. There -was, therefore, no great temptation to enter on such marriages.</p> - -<p>Allard<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> maintains, as a good Catholic, that Pope Callistus, in -issuing such decrees, and declaring such unions legitimate before -God, proclaimed loudly the distinction between the civil law and the -religious law, and the independence of Christian marriage. But though -it is likely that many Christians in the earlier period of Christianity -agreed with the opinions of Callistus, yet there is nowhere any -definite statement of this, and Callistus stands unique in the matter -in the first three centuries. The passages which have been adduced by -Allard prove nothing. In the Epistle to Polycarp,<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> attributed to -Ignatius, occur the words, “It becometh men and women who marry to -make their union with the consent of the bishop, that the marriage may -be according to the Lord, and not according to lust.” But here, and -in all other passages adduced, there is nothing said of the nature of -the marriage. Certainly Hippolytus speaks in the strongest language -against Callistus, and it is likely that Callistus is the person -attacked by Tertullian in his ‘De Pœnitentia.’ Allard is forced to -allow that the legislation of the Christian emperors did not follow the -suggestions of Callistus. The laws may be read in Bingham’s chapter -on the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[254]</span> impediments of marriage in his ‘Antiquities of the Christian -Church.’<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p> - -<p>Though Hippolytus is very severe on Callistus, he speaks of Marcia, -the concubine of Commodus, as “a God-loving concubine.”<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> He states -that Callistus was a slave, and if this were the case the bishop’s own -experiences would be a strong stimulus to his action.<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a></p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">[255]</span></p> - -<h2 class="smaller">BIBLIOGRAPHY.</h2> -</div> - - -<p>This is not a bibliography in the strict sense of the term. It does -not aim at completeness. It is a list of the works specially relating -to the subject of the book which have been used during its composition -and revisal, and it includes only those treatises in which some -contribution is made towards the elucidation of important points. I -have omitted a considerable number of programmes which seem to me in -no way to advance our knowledge. I have also omitted a large number of -text-books, and of books such as Becker’s ‘Charicles,’ and ‘Gallus,’ -and ‘The Life of the Greeks and Romans,’ by Guhl and Koner.</p> - -<p>There is a large number of books that deal with the history of woman -in general, such as those of Alexander and Lord Kames. I have placed -Mr. Lecky’s book in my list because it mentions most of the works of -this class. There are also numerous books treating of the history -of marriage. Mr. Howard’s able and comprehensive work has a full -bibliography on this subject. Those who are interested in Sappho will -find a list of books in Wharton’s edition, though, of course, he does -not include the latest collections of the Greek lyric poets,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[256]</span> such as -those of Farnell and Smith. The revelations made in the papyri of Egypt -well deserve the attention of scholars. An enumeration of the marriage -contracts contained in the papyri is to be found in ‘Nietzold,’ p. 26. -Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt have admirably discussed the questions that -arise out of the matrimonial documents. The tables of contents and the -indexes in their edition of the papyri make them accessible to the -scholar without trouble.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="hangingindent">Achelis, N.—Virgines subintroductae. Ein Beitrag zum VII -Kapitel des I. Korintherbriefs.—8vo, Leipzig, Hinrichs 1902.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Aristophanes.—Specimen literarium inaugurale de Aristophane -Euripidis Censore, quod annuente summo numine, ex auctoritate -Joh. Henr. Scholten, publico ac solemni examini submittet -Johannes van Leeuwen....—8vo, Amstelaedami, Spin, 1876.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Armellini, T.—De prisca refutatione Haereseon Origenis nomine -ac philosophumenon titulo recens vulgata Commentarius.—8vo, -Romae, 1862.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bachofen, J. J.—Das Mutterrecht. 2 te Aufl.—4to, Basel, -Schwabe, 1897.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Backer, Louis de.—Le droit de la femme dans l’antiquite; Son -devoir au moyen age.—12mo, Paris, Claudin, 1880.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bader, Mlle. Clarisse.—La femme Grecque. Étude de la vie -antique, 2me éd., 2 tom.—12mo, Paris, Didier, 1873.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bader, Mlle. Clarisse.—La femme Romaine. Étude de la vie -antique.—8vo, Paris, Didier, 1877.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bartsch, Dr. Robert.—Die Rechtsstellung der Frau als Gattin und -Mutter.—8vo, Leipzig, Veit, 1903.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Becq de Fouquières, L.—Aspasie de Milet. Étude historique et -morale.—12mo, Paris, Didier, 1872.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bekker, Immanuel.—Homerische Blätter, 2 Bde.—8vo, Bonn, -Marcus, 1863–72.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[257]</span></p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Benecke, E. F. M.—Antimachus of Colophon and the position of -women in Greek poetry.—12mo, London, Sonnenschein, 1896.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bennecke, Hans.—Die strafrechtliche Lehre vom Ehebruch in -ihrer historisch-dogmatischen Entwickelung. Abth. I. Das -römische, canonische und das deutsche Recht bis zur Mitte des 15 -Jahrhunderts.—8vo, Marburg, Elwert, 1884.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Benoist, L. E.—De personis muliebribus apud Plautum.—8vo, -Massilia, Barile, 1862.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Blaze de Bury, Henri.—Les femmes et la société au temps -d’Auguste.—12mo, Paris, Didier, 1876.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Blume, Ludwig.—Das Ideal des Helden und des Weibes bei Homer, -mit Rücksicht auf das deutsche Alterthum.—8vo, Hölder, Wien, -1874.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bock, Felix.—Aristoteles Theophrastus Seneca de -matrimonio.—8vo, Lipsiae, Hirschfeld, 1898.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bonwetsch, G. Nathanael.—Die Geschichte des Montanismus.—8vo, -Erlangen, Deichert, 1881.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Böttiger, C. A.—Sabina; oder, Morgenszenen im Putzzimmer einer -reichen Römerin.—2 th., 12mo, Leipzig, Göschen, 1806.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Brandt, P.—Sappho. Ein Lebensbild aus den Frühlingstagen -altgriechischer Dichtung.—Leipzig, Rothbarth, 1905.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Brinkmann, Wilhelm.—Die Bedeutung der Frau für die sittlichen -Aufgaben der Familie.—8vo, Berlin, Hertz, 1892.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Brohm, Rudolphus.—De jure virginum vestalium.—12mo, Thoruni, -Grunauer, 1835.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Brouwer, P. van Limburg.—Histoire de le civilisation morale -et religieuse des Grecs, tom. 4. Part 2, Depuis le retour des -Héraclides jusqu’à la domination des Romains, tom. 2.—8vo, -Groningue, Bockeren, 1838.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bruns, Ivo.—Frauenemancipation in Athen, Ein Beitrag zur -attischen Kulturgeschichte des 5 u. 4 Jahrhunderts.—8vo, -Kiliae, Schmidt, 1900.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Buchholz, E.—Die Homerischen Realien, in 6 parts, Zweiter -Band, Zweite Abtheilung, Das Privatleben der Griechen im -heroischen Zeitalter, Auf Grundlage der Homerischen Dichtungen -dargestellt.—8vo, Leipzig, Engelmann, 1883.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[258]</span></p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Buermann, H.—Drei Studien auf dem Gebiet des attischen -Rechts.—8vo, Leipzig, Teubner, 1878.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Bunsen, Christian C. J.—Hippolytus and his age; or, the -beginnings and prospects of Christianity.—2nd ed., 2 vols. 8vo, -London, Longmans, 1854.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Caillemer, E.—Le droit de succession légitime à Athènes.—8vo, -Paris, Thorin, 1879.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Caspari, Otto.—Das Problem über die Ehe!—12mo, Frankfurt, -Sauerländer, 1899.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Chasles, Philarète.—L’antiquité.—12mo, Paris, Charpentier, -1876.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Ciccotti, Ettore. Donne e politica negli ultimi anni della -repubblica romana. Un saggio.—8vo, Milano, 1895.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Comparetti, Domenico.—Saffo, nelle antiche rappresentanze -vascolari.—4to, Estratto dal Museo italiano di antichita -classica. (Vol. 2, Punt. 1<sup>a</sup> a. 1886.)</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Cornwallis, Caroline F.—Selections from her letters. Also some -unpublished poems, &c.—8vo, London, Trübner, 1864.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Cruice, M. l’Abbé.—Études sur de nouveaux documents -historiques.—8vo, Paris, Perisse, 1853.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Decker, Friedrich.—Über die Stellung der hellenischen Frauen -bei Homer.—Square 8vo, Magdeburg, Friese, 1883.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">De Vries, Scato.—Epistula Sapphus ad Phaonem.—8vo, Doesburgh, -Lugd.-Bat., 1885.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Dobschütz, Ernst von.—Die urchristlichen Gemeinden, -Sittengeschichtliche Bilder. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1902.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Döllinger, J.—Hippolytus und Kallistus; oder, Die römische -Kirche in der ersten Hälfte des dritten Jahrhunderts.—8vo, -Regensburg, Manz, 1853.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Drerup, Engelbert.—Über die bei den attischen Rednern -eingelegten Urkunden.—8vo, Leipzig, Teubner, 1898.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Droysen, Joh. Gust. Geschichte des Hellenismus, 2te Aufl., 3 -th.—Gotha, Perthes, 1877–78.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Drumann, Wilhelm.—Geschichte Roms in seinem Uebergange von der -republikanischen zur monarchischen Verfassung. 6 thle.—8vo, -Königsberg, Bornträger, 1834–44.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Elliot, G. F. Scott, M.A.—A naturalist in Mid-Africa. Being -an Account of a journey to the Mountains of the Moon and -Tanganyika.—8vo, London, 1896.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[259]</span></p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Es, A. H. G. P. van den.—Die jure familiarum apud Athenienses, -libri tres.—8vo, Lugduni Batavorum, Brill, 1864.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Feithius, Everhardus.—Antiquitatum Homericarum, libri 4. Editio -nova.—16mo, Argentorati, Steinius, 1743.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Fêtes et courtisanes de la Grèce. Supplement aux voyages -d’Anacharsis et d’Antenor ... 4me éd., tom. 1.—8vo, Paris, 1821.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Ficker, Dr. Gustav, &c.—Eltern-Abende.—8vo, Wien, Deuticke, -1903.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Finck, H. T.—Lotos-time in Japan, 2nd ed.—8vo, London, -Laurence & Bullen, 1896.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Forbiger, Dr. Albert.—Hellas und Rom. Populäre Darstellung des -öffentlichen u. häuslichen Lebens der Griechen u. Römer.—2 bde. -8vo, Leipzig, Reisland, 1876.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Foucart, P.—Les grands mystères d’Éleusis: -Personnel—Cérémonies.—4to, Paris, Klincksieck, 1900.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Friedlaender, Ludwig.—Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte -Roms in der Zeit von August bis zum Ausgang der Antonine, 5te -Aufl.—Th. 1, 8vo, Leipzig, Hirzel, 1881.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Friedreich.—Realien in Iliade und Odyssee. S. 196 ff.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Furtwängler, Adolf.—Masterpieces of Greek sculpture. A -series of essays on the history of art. Ed. by Eugénie -Sellers.—London, Fol., 1895.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Gage, Matilda Joslyn—Woman, Church, and State. A historical -account of the status of woman through the Christian ages, 2nd -ed.—8vo, New York, Truth Seeker Co., 1899.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Geffcken, Dr. Heinrich.—Zur Geschichte der Ehescheidung vor -Gratian.—8vo, Leipzig, Veit, 1894.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Geppert, C. E.—Ueber den Ursprung der Homerischen Gesänge.—2 -th. 8vo, Weigel, Leipzig, 1840.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Gide, Paul.—Étude sur la condition privée de la femme -dans le droit ancien et moderne et en particulier sur le -sénatus-consulte velléien ... 2me éd. par A. Esmein.—8vo, -Paris, Larose et Forcel, 1885.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Glotz, Gustave.—La solidarité de la famille dans le droit -criminel en Grèce.—8vo, Paris, Fontemoing, 1904.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Grasberger, Lorenz.—Die Ephebenbildung; oder, Die musische -und militärische Ausbildung der griechischen und römischen -Jünglinge.—8vo, Würzburg, Stahel, 1881.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">[260]</span></p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Grupen, Christian Ulric.—Tractatio de uxore Romana.—12mo, -Hanoverae, Foerster, 1727.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Harnack, A.—Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christenthums in -den ersten drei Jahrhunderten.—8vo, Leipzig, 1902, 1st ed.; -translated by Moffat, 2 vols. 8vo, London, 1904–5.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Heineccius, Jo. Gottlieb.—Ad legem Juliam et Papiam Poppæam -commentarius.—16mo, Venetiis, 1741.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Helbig.—Die sittlichen Zustände des griech. Heldenalters, S. 73 -ff.—8vo, Leipzig, Beyer, 1839.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Henne am Rhyn, Otto.—Die Frau in der Kulturgeschichte.—8vo, -Berlin, Verein f. deutsche Litt., 1892.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Hermann, Karl Friedrich.—Lehrbuch der griechischen -Privatalterthümer mit Einschluss der Rechtsalterthümer, 2te -Aufl.... von Dr. Karl Bernhard Stark.—8vo, Mohr, Heidelberg, -1870; 3te Auflage von Hugo Blümner, 8vo, Freiburg I.B. und -Tübingen, Mohr, 1882.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Hermannus, Ioannes J. H.—De virginum vestalium jure deprecandi -pro reis.—8vo, Lipsiae, 1762.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Hir.—Abbé de Hir on Callistus in Études religieuses, -historiques et littéraires par des Pères de la Compagnie de -Jesus, 3 Series for the year 1865, Octobre, Novembre.—Paris.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Hirmer, Joseph.—Entstehung u. Komposition der platonischen -Politeia.—8vo, Leipzig, Teubner, 1897.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Hogg, Rev. J.—An essay on the benefits conferred by -Christianity on the condition of women....—8vo, London, -Hatchard, 1816.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Howard, George Elliott, Ph.D.—A history of matrimonial -institutions.... Vol. I.—8vo, Chicago, 1904.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Hruza, Ernst.—Die Ehebegründung nach attischem Rechte.—8vo, -Erlangen u. Leipzig, Deichert, 1892.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Hruza, Ernst.—Polygamie und Pellikat nach griechischem -Rechte.—8vo, Erlangen u. Leipzig, Deichert, 1894.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Jacob, P. L.—Les courtisanes de l’ancienne Rome.—12mo, -Bruxelles, Brancart, 1884.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Jacobs, Friedrich.—Vermischte Schriften, IV. Theil, -Abhandlungen über Gegenstände des Alterthums.—12mo, Leipzig, -Dyk, 1830.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[261]</span></p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Jacoby, Felix.—Das Marmor Parium.—8vo, Berlin, Weidmann, 1904.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Jahn, Otto.—Ueber Darstellungen griechischer Dichter auf -Vasenbildern, Aus. Abhandl. d. K. S. Ges. d. Wiss. Bd. 8.—4to, -Leipzig, 1865.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Jörs, Paul.—Die Ehegesetze des Augustus.—8vo, Marburg, Elwert, -1894.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Jurenka, H.—Zur Klärung der Sappho-Frage, Wiener -Studien.—Wien, 1897.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Kaehler, Fridericus.—De Aristophanis Ecclesiazuson tempore et -choro quaestiones epicriticae.—8vo, Jena, 1889.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Kahn, Franz.—Zur Geschichte des römischen Frauen—Erbrechts, -Eine von der Juristen—Facultät Leipzig, gekrönte -Preisschrift.—8vo, Leipzig, Breitkopf u. Härtel, 1884.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Karlowa, Otto.—Die Formen der römischen Ehe und Manus.—8vo, -Bonn, Cohen, 1868.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Keller, Albert Galloway.—Homeric Society, a sociological study -of the Iliad and Odyssey.—8vo, London, Longmans, 1902.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Kiesling, Johannes Rudolphus.—De stabili primitivae ecclesiae -ope litterarum communicatoriarum connubio.—8vo, Lipsiae, Takkii.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Klugmann, N.—Vergleichende Studien zur Stellung der Frau im -Altertum, Bd. 1, Die Frau im Talmud.—8vo, Wien, 1898.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Kock, Theodor.—Alkäos und Sappho.—8vo, Berlin, Weidmann, 1862.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Koechly, Hermann.—Ueber Sappho, mit Rücksicht auf die -gesellschaftliche Stellung der Frauen bei den Griechen, -Akademische Vorträge und Reden I., S. 153–217.—8vo, Zürich, -Meyer u. Zeller, 1859.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Kreise, Dr. Johann Heinrich.—Plotina, oder, Die Kostüme des -Kaupthaares bei den Volkern der alten Welt.—8vo, Leipzig, Dyk, -1858.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Kublinski, J.—De Sapphus vita et poesi Progr.—Premisliae, 1897.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Laboulaye, Édouard.—Recherches sur la condition civile -et politique des femmes, depuis les Romains jusqu’à nos -jours.—8vo, Paris, Durand, 1843.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[262]</span></p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lacombe, Paul.—La famille dans la société romaine, Étude de -moralité comparée.—8vo, Paris, Lecrosnier et Babé, 1889.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lasaulx, E. v.—Zur Geschichte und Philosophie der Ehe bei -den Griechen, in den Abh. der Bayr. Akad. f. 1852, Phil. Cl. -Bd. VII., Abth. 1, S. 21 ff. and in Studien des Classischen -Alterthums p. 374.—4to, Regensburg, Manz, 1854.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lecky, William Edward Hartpole, M.A.—History of European -Morals, from Augustus to Charlemagne, 2 vols.—8vo, London, 1869.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lefevre, Maurice.—La femme à travers l’histoire.—8vo, Paris, -Fontemoing, 1902.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Legouvé, Ernest.—Histoire morale des femmes, 6ème éd.—12mo, -Paris, Didier, 1874.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lenz, Carl Gotthold.—Geschichte der Weiber im heroischen -Zeitalter.—12mo, Hannover. Helwing, 1790.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Letourneau.—La condition de la femme dans les diverses races et -civilisations.—8vo, Paris, 1903.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lévy, Louis-Germain.—La famille dans l’antiquité -israélite.—Paris, Alcan, 1905.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lewy, Henricus.—De Civili condicione mulierum Graecarum.—8vo, -Vratislaviae, Grassus, Barthius et Soc., 1885.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lilie, Dr.—De hominum vita et moribus quales sint apud -Homerum.—4to, Breslau, Grass, 1841.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lipinska, Mélanie.—Histoire des femmes médecins depuis -l’antiquité jusqu’à nos jours.—Paris, Jacques & Cie, 1900.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lipsius, Justus.—De vesta et vestalibus Syntagma.—8vo, -Antuerpiæ, Moret, 1603.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Luňák, Joannes.—Quaestiones Sapphicae. Accedit corollarium -criticum atque exegeticum ad ovidianam Sapphus epistulam.—8vo, -Kazaniae, 1888.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Lytton, Edward Bulwer, Lord.—Miscellaneous Prose Works, 3 vols. -Vol. II. p. 341. The influence of love upon literature and real -life.—London, Bentley, 1868.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">McCabe, Joseph.—The religion of woman. An historical -study.—8vo, London, Watts, 1905.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Mackintosh, John.—The history of civilization in Scotland. Vol. -I.—8vo, London, Nimmo, 1878.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">[263]</span></p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Mähly, J. A.—Die Frauen des griechischen Alterthums.—8vo, -Basel, Mast, 1853.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Mahaffy, J. P.—Social Life in Greece, from Homer to -Menander.—London, Macmillan, 1874.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Mahaffy, J. 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Christian.—Poetriarum octo Erinnae, Myrus, Myrtidis, -Corinnae, Telesillae, Praxillae, Nossidis, Anytae, fragmenta et -elogia.—4to, Hamburgi, Vandenhoeck, 1734.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Wolf, Jo. Christian.—Sapphus, poetriae Lesbiae, fragmenta et -elogia.—4to, Hamburgi, Vandenhoeck, 1733.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Wordsworth, Chr.—St. Hippolytus and the Church of Rome, in the -earlier part of the third century.—8vo, London, Rivington, 1853.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Wordsworth, J., Bp. of Salisbury.—The ministry of Grace, Ch. V. -pp. 257–303, Women’s work: Widows, Presbyteresses, Deaconesses, -Virgins.—8vo, London, Longmans, 1901.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Wroth, Warwick, F.S.A.—Catalogue of the Greek coins of Troas, -Aeolis, and Lesbos.—8vo, London, 1894.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Wünsche, Dr. August.—Jesus in seiner Stellung zu den -Frauen.—12mo, Berlin, Henschel, 1872.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Zimmerman, Richardus.—De Nothorum Athenis condicione.—12mo, -Berlin, Mayer.</p> - -<p class="hangingindent">Zscharnack, L.—Der Dienst der Frau in den ersten Jahrhunderten -der Christlichen Kirche.—8vo, Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & -Ruprecht, 1902.</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">[269]</span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="smaller">INDEX.</h2> -</div> - -<ul> - <li>Achilles, his connexion with Briseis, - <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, - <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, - <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - <li id="Adultery">Adultery, unknown in Sparta, - <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">severely punished in Athens, - <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and in Roman wives, - <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Augustus’s legislation, - <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Divorce"><span class="smcap">Divorce</span></a> and <a href="#Marriage"><span class="smcap">Marriage</span></a>.</li> - <li class="hangingindent">Afrania, wife of Licinius Bucco, her fondness for law, - <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li> - <li>Agesistrata, her efforts to reform Sparta, - <a href="#Page_35">35–8</a></li> - <li>Agiatis, wife of Cleomenes, - <a href="#Page_38">38–9</a></li> - <li>Agis, his efforts to reform Sparta, - <a href="#Page_35">35–7</a></li> - <li>Agnodice, first Athenian midwife, - <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li> - <li>Agrippina, the first, crushes a mutiny, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Agrippina, the second, the mother of Nero, at the Conventus Matronarum, - <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her character, - <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> - <li>Alcibiades and his hetaira, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - <li>Amæsia of Sentinum pleads her own cause, - <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li> - <li>Appius Claudius admits slaves to citizenship, - <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> - <li>Ares bathed by Hebe, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> - <li>Arete, her influence, - <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> - <li>Aristophanes, on Aspasia, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on community of wives, - <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on women, - <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and Plato’s ‘Republic,’ - <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> - <li>Aristotle, on unfaithful husbands, - <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on Spartan women, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on Athenian citizenship, - <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - <li>Arria, wife of Pætus, her fortitude, - <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - <li>Asia, women elected to priesthood in, - <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li> - <li>Asia Minor, honours conferred on women in, - <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">inscriptions in honour of women, - <a href="#Page_237">237–8</a></li> - <li>Aspasia, her connexion with Pericles, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her immense influence, - <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on the duties of wives, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and Lysicles, - <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">tried, but acquitted, - <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the comic poets on, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">was she beautiful? - <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in the Socratic dialogues, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">modern critics on, - <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her portraits, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - <li>Athenagoras, on kissing, - <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">condemns second marriages, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - <li id="Athens">Athens: two classes of free women in, - <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">restrictions on the citizen-woman, - <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her life as maiden and wife, - <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">strangers in, - <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the stranger-woman forbidden to marry, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Aspasia’s influence in, - <a href="#Page_60">60–65</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">treaties of intermarriage, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">sons of an hetaira admitted to citizenship, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">changes in law of citizenship, - <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li> - <li>Augustus, was his wife a poisoner? - <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">his marriage legislation, - <a href="#Page_140">140–43</a>, - <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">rewards for large families, - <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Bacchus, his worship introduced into Rome, - <a href="#Page_95">95–7</a></li> - <li>Bachelors, fined by the Censors, - <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">disabilities imposed on, - <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Plautus, - <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li> - <li>Bader (Mlle.) on divorces in Rome, - <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> - <li>Baptism not to be administered by a woman, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li> - <li>Benecke, E. F. M., on love in Greek poetry, - <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Benoist, L. E., on female characters in Plautus, - <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, - <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, - <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li> - <li>Blandina, her terrible martyrdom, - <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> - <li>Brandt, P., on Sappho, - <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Breach of promise, actionable in Latium, but not in Rome, - <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - <li>Bread-and-Cheesites, heretical sect, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> - <li>Briseis, beloved by Achilles, - <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, - <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Buchholz, E., on sexual passion among the Homeric Greeks, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - <li>Byzantines, intermarriage with Athenians, - <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Callistus, Bp., on marriage, - <a href="#Page_249">249–54</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Calpurnia, wife of Pliny the younger, her ability, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - <li>Caracalla greatly extends Roman citizenship, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li> - <li>Carfania, woman lawyer, - <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li> - <li>Carvilius, Spurius, divorces his wife, - <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - <li>Cato the Censor, on adultery, - <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">opposes Roman matrons, - <a href="#Page_101">101–3</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Cato Uticensis divorces his wife and remarries her, - <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li> - <li>Chelonis, her noble character, - <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent" id="Children">Children, Roman father had power to make away with, - <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">looked upon as an evil, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">regarded as burdens by Christian ascetics, - <a href="#Page_180">180–81</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">infanticide condemned by Christianity, - <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the fœtus and the soul, - <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">“nothoi” in Homer, - <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">notable instances, - <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">legitimate and illegitimate, - <a href="#Page_195">195–7</a></li> - <li>Christ, his conduct towards women, - <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li> - <li id="Christianity">Christianity, its early influence on Rome, - <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and on marriage, - <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">women in the Gospels, - <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">reason of St. Paul’s sternness to women, - <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">Christian views of morality: Clement of Alexandria, - <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Methodius, - <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">various meanings of the term Christianity, - <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">women at first prominent in, - <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">martyrdom of Blandina, - <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and of Perpetua and Felicitas, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">position of widows, - <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">deaconesses and virgins, - <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">women forbidden in the West to teach or baptize, - <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">allowed by some Eastern churches to teach, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">views on slavery, - <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">opposite views on marriage, - <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">pagan ideas of Christianity, - <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Love-feasts, - <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the “holy kiss,” - <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">marriage as a blessing, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the ascetic view of marriage, - <a href="#Page_176">176–9</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">of children, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">of woman’s nature, - <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">gold, ornaments, dyed clothes, and mirrors condemned, - <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">infanticide condemned, - <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the fœtus and the soul, - <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">asceticism and the survival of the unfittest, - <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">concubinage of the clergy, - <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">influence of Christianity on the position of woman, - <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Bp. Callistus’s views, - <a href="#Page_249">249–254</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Paganism"><span class="smcap">Paganism</span></a> and <a href="#Religion"><span class="smcap">Religion</span></a>.</li> - <li>Chrysostom, Dio, on women of Tarsus, - <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li> - <li>Cicero, his affection for his daughter, - <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on women in politics, - <a href="#Page_122">122–3</a></li> - <li>Clement of Alexandria, his ‘Pædagogus,’ - <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on kissing, - <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on children, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on woman, - <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her duties, - <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her dress, - <a href="#Page_185">185–6</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on marriage, - <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> - <li>Cleombrotus, his wife’s faithfulness, - <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> - <li>Cleomenes, efforts to reform Sparta, - <a href="#Page_38">38–40</a></li> - <li>Cleopatra as ruler, - <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Clytemnestra, reasons why her conduct was condemned, - <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> - <li>Collyridians, honours paid to the Virgin by, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> - <li>Commodian on feminine adornment, - <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> - <li>Companion. See <a href="#Hetaira"><span class="smcap">Hetaira</span></a>.</li> - <li>Comparetti, D., on portraits of Sappho, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - <li id="Concubines">Concubines, their rights in Athens, - <a href="#Footnote_41">51n.</a>, - <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the “pallakis” and her children in Homer, - <a href="#Page_193">193–7</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">concubinage among Christian clergy, - <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">a “God-loving concubine,” - <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Hetaira"><span class="smcap">Hetaira</span></a>, <a href="#Marriage"><span class="smcap">Marriage</span></a>, and <a href="#Wives"><span class="smcap">Wives</span></a>.</li> - <li>Conventus Matronarum, its history, - <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, her devotion to the State, - <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> - <li>Cornelia, Pompey’s second wife, her culture, - <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> - <li id="Courtezans">Courtezans in Plautus, their heartlessness, - <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, - <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">some exceptions, - <a href="#Page_229">229–30</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Concubines"><span class="smcap">Concubines</span></a> and <a href="#Hetaira"><span class="smcap">Hetaira</span></a>.</li> - <li>Cratesicleia, her noble conduct, - <a href="#Page_38">38–40</a></li> - <li>Cyprian, on hair dyes, - <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and tinting the eyes, - <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li class="hangingindent">Deaconesses, their position in the early Church, - <a href="#Page_159">159–60</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">forbidden to administer baptism, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li> - <li>Deacons, in the early Church, - <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> - <li>Dejanira on a husband’s unfaithfulness, - <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li> - <li>Demosthenes on the Crown, forgeries in, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li> - <li>Diotima and Sophocles, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - <li id="Divorce">Divorce: Pericles divorces his wife, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Roman wives divorced for trifling offences, - <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">dissolution of marriage contract by husband or wife, - <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, - <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">first Roman divorce, - <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">divorces become frequent, - <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">legislated for by Augustus, - <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">provision for wife’s dowry in Egyptian contract, - <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Adultery"><span class="smcap">Adultery</span></a> and <a href="#Marriage"><span class="smcap">Marriage</span></a>.</li> - <li class="hangingindent">Drumann, W., on the virtues and vices of Roman women, - <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> - <li>Düntzer on Thetis and Achilles, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Education:</li> - <li class="i1">Athenian wives little educated, - <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the hetaira often highly educated, - <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Plato on woman’s education, - <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Pompey’s second wife highly educated, - <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">also the wife of Pliny the younger, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Clement of Alexandria on women’s education, - <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> - <li>Egypt, illegitimacy not recognized in, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Cleopatra as ruler, - <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">typical marriage contract, - <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li> - <li>Elagabalus and the Conventus Matronarum, - <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> - <li>Elliot, G. F. Scott, on nakedness and morality, - <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - <li>Epiphanius on the Collyridians, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> - <li>Erinna, pupil of Sappho, - <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Eubœa and treaty of intermarriage with Athens, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - <li>Euripides, on women, - <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on Spartan women, - <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Felicitas, story of her martyrdom, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - <li>Finck, H. T., on nudity and bathing, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Furtwängler, A., on portraits of Sappho and Aspasia, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Gladstone, W. E., on Homeric women, - <a href="#Footnote_10">11n.</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on men washed by women, - <a href="#Page_200">200–202</a></li> - <li>Gracchus, Tiberius, his affection for his wife, - <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li> - <li>Greece, ancient, honour paid to priestesses in, - <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">sexual passion in, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - <li>Greece, modern, early maturity of woman in, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - <li>Greeks, their standard of conduct, - <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">views of love, - <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">their admiration of beauty of form, - <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, - <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Athens"><span class="smcap">Athens</span></a>, <a href="#Homer"><span class="smcap">Homer</span></a>, and <a href="#Sparta"><span class="smcap">Sparta</span></a>.</li> - <li>Gregory Thaumaturgus, on chastity in woman, - <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Hebe bathes Ares, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> - <li>Helen, not blamed by men, - <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">washes Ulysses, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent" id="Hetaira">Hetaira, companion or stranger-woman, forbidden in Athens to marry, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her interest in philosophy and politics, - <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Aspasia, - <a href="#Page_62">62–7</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">children of an hetaira sometimes admitted to citizenship, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">influence on notable men, - <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her social position, - <a href="#Page_213">213–214</a>.</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">See <a href="#Concubines"><span class="smcap">Concubines</span></a>, <a href="#Courtezans"><span class="smcap">Courtezans</span></a>, <a href="#Marriage"><span class="smcap">Marriage</span></a>, and <a href="#Wives"><span class="smcap">Wives</span></a>.</li> - <li>Hippolytus on Bp. Callistus and marriage, - <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> - <li>Hipponax on women, - <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - <li id="Homer">Homer:</li> - <li class="i1">his women submissive, - <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">no flirtation in, - <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Greeks monogamists in, - <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">married life in, - <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">influence of women, - <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">wives and concubines and their children, - <a href="#Page_192">192–7</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Melantho’s insolence, - <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Thetis’s advice to Achilles, <i>ib.</i>;</li> - <li class="i1">men washed by women, - <a href="#Page_199">199–202</a></li> - <li>Horace on the Lex Julia de adulterio cohibendo, - <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li> - <li>Hortensia’s speech to the triumvirs, - <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li> - <li>Hortensius marries Cato’s wife, - <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li> - <li>Hruza, E., on the “nothoi” in Homer, - <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Husbands, their unfaithfulness tolerantly viewed by Greek wives, - <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">power over their wives in Rome, - <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">poisoned by their wives, - <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, - <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">wives bought by, - <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Marriage"><span class="smcap">Marriage</span></a> and <a href="#Wives"><span class="smcap">Wives</span></a>.</li> - <li>Hyperides, his defence of Phryne, - <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Illegitimacy. See <a href="#Children"><span class="smcap">Children</span></a>.</li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Julia, daughter of Julius Cæsar, her tact, - <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> - <li>Julia, daughter of Augustus, her marriages, - <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - <li>Julius Cæsar gives rewards for large families, - <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Kissing, in the early Church, - <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">peculiar Roman custom, - <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li> - <li>Kock, T., attacks Sappho, - <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li> - <li>Koechly, H., on Thetis and Achilles, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> - <li>Kublinski, J., on Sappho, - <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Lampito, her physical strength, - <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - <li>Lasaulx on “nothoi” and “pallakis,” - <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> - <li>Laws. See <a href="#Lex"><span class="smcap">Lex</span></a>.</li> - <li>Lawyers, women as, - <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li> - <li>Leonidas opposes reform in Sparta, - <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> - <li id="Lex">Lex:</li> - <li class="i1">Canuleia, - <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Julia and Plautia, <i>ib.</i>;</li> - <li class="i1">Oppia, - <a href="#Page_99">99–103</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Voconia, - <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Papia Poppæa, - <a href="#Page_142">142–5</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">De maritandis ordinibus, - <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, - <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li> - <li>Livia, wife of Augustus, her share in politics, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">was she a poisoner? - <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - <li>Livy on woman’s influence in politics, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> - <li>Love-making, among the Greeks, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and the Romans, - <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">lovers’ terms of endearment, - <a href="#Page_232">232–6</a></li> - <li>Lysias on Eubœans and intermarriage, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - <li>Lysicles, his connexion with Aspasia, - <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Mæsta of Sentinum pleads her own cause, - <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li> - <li>Mahaffy, J. P., on the Cleopatras, - <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Marcia dissolves her marriage with Cato, and remarries him, - <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li> - <li id="Marriage">Marriage:</li> - <li class="i1">Greeks monogamists in Homer, - <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">happiness of married life, - <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">obligatory in Sparta for girls, - <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and for men, - <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">restrictions on the citizen-woman in Athens, - <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">matches arranged by old women, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the hetaira not allowed to marry, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Athenian treaties of intermarriage, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">intermarriage in Rome, - <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">effect of Caracalla’s action, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">status of the Roman wife, - <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">effect of wealth on marriage, - <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, - <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">as a contract, - <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">curious dissolutions of marriage, - <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">consent the essence of Roman marriage, - <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">could be dissolved by husband or wife, - <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Romans who married several times, - <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Musonius’s defence of, - <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">regulated by Emperor Augustus, - <a href="#Page_138">138–43</a>, - <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">rewards for large families, - <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">large families a disgrace, - <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">effect of marriage on slaves, - <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">two Christian views of marriage, - <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">marriage as a blessing, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the ascetic view, - <a href="#Page_176">176–181</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">second marriages condemned, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">children a burden, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">dowried and undowried wives in Plautus, - <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">effects of extravagance, - <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">philosophers on, - <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">between brother and sister in Egypt, - <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">equality of the Egyptian woman in marriage, - <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">typical contract, - <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">Bp. Callistus’s views condemned by Hippolytus, - <a href="#Page_249">249–54</a>.</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">See <a href="#Adultery"><span class="smcap">Adultery</span></a>, <a href="#Concubines"><span class="smcap">Concubines</span></a>, <a href="#Divorce"><span class="smcap">Divorce</span></a>, and <a href="#Hetaira"><span class="smcap">Hetaira</span></a>.</li> - <li>Maximus Tyrius on Sappho, - <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li> - <li>Medicine, first Athenian woman to practise, - <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li> - <li>Melantho’s insolence to Ulysses, - <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - <li>Men washed by women, - <a href="#Page_199">199–202</a>, - <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - <li>Menander on Sappho, - <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li> - <li>Messalina, her death, - <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> - <li>Metellus, Quintus, on duty of marriage, - <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li> - <li>Methodius, his ‘Banquet of the Ten Virgins,’ - <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on the blessedness of virginity, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on virgin purity, - <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> - <li>Midwife, first Athenian, - <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li> - <li>Monogamy universal among Greeks in Homer, - <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li> - <li>Montanists, honours paid to women by, - <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Morillot, L., on legitimate and illegitimate children, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - <li>Müller, O., on Athenian intermarriage, - <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on Athenian citizenship, - <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - <li>Mure, Col. W., attacks Sappho, - <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li> - <li>Musonius Rufus on the education of women, - <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Nausicaa, her industry and accomplishments, - <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">washes Ulysses, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> - <li>Nothoi. See <a href="#Children"><span class="smcap">Children</span></a>.</li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li class="hangingindent">Octavia, wife of Antony, her interest in affairs of State, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - <li>Oppius, his legislation against women, - <a href="#Page_99">99–103</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li id="Paganism">Paganism, its code of morality in Rome, - <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">position of women under, - <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">priestesses in Greece, - <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Rome, - <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">its ideas of Christianity, - <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">priestess in Plautus, - <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Religion"><span class="smcap">Religion</span></a>.</li> - <li>Pallakis. See <a href="#Concubines"><span class="smcap">Concubines</span></a>.</li> - <li>Panteus, his wife’s devotion, - <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li> - <li>Paris, P., on woman in Asia Minor, - <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Paul, reasons of his sternness towards women, - <a href="#Page_149">149–50</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on the members of the Corinthian Church, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Penelope, her love for Ulysses, - <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li> - <li>Pericles, on Athenian women, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and Aspasia, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Wilamowitz on, - <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and law of Athenian citizenship, - <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li> - <li>Periktione on wife’s duty, - <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li> - <li>Perpetua, story of her martyrdom, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - <li>Phidias, Wilamowitz on, - <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li> - <li>Philemon on women, - <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> - <li>Philosophy in Rome:</li> - <li class="i1">Epicureanism, - <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Platonism, - <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Stoicism, - <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - <li>Phratria and citizenship, - <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li> - <li>Phryne, influence of her beauty, - <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, - <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li> - <li>Platæa, treaty of intermarriage with Athens, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li> - <li>Plato, on unfaithful husbands, - <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on Spartan women, - <a href="#Footnote_29">33n.</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on Diotima, - <a href="#Footnote_47">59n.</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on Aspasia, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">his views on women, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and the ‘Ecclesiazusæ’, - <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> - <li>Plautus, women in his plays:</li> - <li class="i1">as slaves, - <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">the citizen-wife, - <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">marriageable girls, - <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">dowried and undowried wives, - <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">woman’s extravagance, - <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">its effect on marriage, - <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">wives faithful, - <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">husbands and female slaves, - <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">exemplary wives, - <a href="#Page_225">225–6</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">a notable priestess, - <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">character of the courtezan, - <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, - <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">some exceptions, - <a href="#Page_229">229–230</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">terms of endearment used by lovers, - <a href="#Page_232">232–6</a></li> - <li>Pliny, the younger, praise of his wife, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - <li>Plutarch, on Spartan women, - <a href="#Footnote_27">31n.</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on Aspasia, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on girls wrestling naked, - <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li> - <li>Poisoning by Roman wives, - <a href="#Page_89">89–92</a>, - <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - <li>Politics, Aspasia’s influence on, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">Athenian citizen-wives without political standing, - <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">influence of Roman matrons on, - <a href="#Page_99">99–104</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">notable instances, - <a href="#Page_120">120–24</a></li> - <li>Polycaste washes Telemachus, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> - <li>Polygamy: Priam’s wives, - <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Porcia, wife of Brutus, her appeal for her husband’s confidence, - <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - <li>Priam, his wives, - <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and his “nothoi,” - <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li class="hangingindent" id="Religion">Religion, its effect on the condition of women in Greece and Rome, - <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">worship of the Idæan Mother in Rome, - <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">introduction of the Bacchanalia, - <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and of Isis and other faiths, - <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Christianity"><span class="smcap">Christianity</span></a> and <a href="#Paganism"><span class="smcap">Paganism</span></a>.</li> - <li>Rohde, E., on love-making among the Greeks, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - <li>Rome:</li> - <li class="i1">citizens, aliens, and slaves, - <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">treatment of female slaves, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">patricians and plebeians, - <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">extension of the conubium, - <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">position of the Roman matron, - <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">religion in, - <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">worship of Bacchus introduced, - <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">its condition on the introduction of Christianity, - <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">pagan ideas of morality, - <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Romans bound to marry, - <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">decrease of population, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">position of women in, - <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">honours paid to priestesses, - <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li> - <li class="i1">See <a href="#Christianity"><span class="smcap">Christianity</span></a>.</li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Sappho, testimonies to her ability, - <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her poetry, - <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">close friendship with her pupils, - <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her attitude towards marriage, - <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">honoured by her contemporaries, - <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">ridiculed by Athenian comic writers, - <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">was she beautiful? - <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">modern writers on her character, - <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Greek plays on her career, - <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her portraits, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - <li>Schneidewin, M., on men washed by women, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Servilia, mother of Brutus, her influence in politics, - <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> - <li>Simonides of Amorgos on women, - <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - <li>Slaves in Rome:</li> - <li class="i1">become citizens, - <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">treatment of female slaves, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">slaves as Christians, - <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">female slaves in Plautus, - <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">amours with, - <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li> - <li>Sophocles, on Athenian wives, - <a href="#Footnote_44">53n.</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">his relations with Theodota and Diotima, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">his grandson admitted to citizenship, - <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li> - <li id="Sparta">Sparta, idea of the State in, - <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">training of women in, - <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">their gymnastic contests, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">marriage obligatory for girls, - <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and for men, - <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">physical development of men and women, - <a href="#Page_29">29–30</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">no adultery, - <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">effects of Spartan system of training, - <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">influence of women in, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">decay and efforts at reform, - <a href="#Page_35">35–41</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">strangers not allowed to reside in, - <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">girls wrestling naked, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> - <li>Strabo on Sappho, - <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> - <li>Sulpicia, her Satire, - <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Tacitus, his praise of his mother-in-law, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - <li>Tarsus, character of its women, - <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li> - <li>Telemachus washed by Polycaste, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> - <li>Terentia, wife of Cicero, her share in politics, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> - <li>Tertullian, on virgins and widows, - <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">forbids deaconesses to baptize, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">denounces women who speak in church, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on marriage between Christians, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on wives and wedlock, and second marriages, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on children as burdens, - <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on woman as a temptress, - <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, - <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on the fœtus and the soul, - <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Thebans and Athenians, question of intermarriages, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li> - <li>Theodota and Sophocles, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - <li>Thessaly, land of the beautiful women, - <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - <li>Thetis, her advice to Achilles, - <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - <li>Tiberius, his mother’s plans for him, - <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Ulysses, his love for Penelope, - <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">promises wives to his slaves, - <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">washed by Nausicaa, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and by Helen, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Valerius, L., proposes abrogation of Lex Oppia, - <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li> - <li>Valerius Maximus, on women as lawyers, - <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">on bachelors, - <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li> - <li>Vestal Virgins, allowed to marry, - <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">honours paid to them, - <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> - <li>Virgin Mary honoured by the Collyridians, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> - <li>Virgins, their position in the early Church, - <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">virginity extolled, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Cyprian’s advice to, - <a href="#Page_186">186–7</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Welcker, F. G., defends Sappho, - <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li> - <li>Widows, their position in the Christian Church, - <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">prohibited from teaching, - <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">allowed to teach by some Eastern churches, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li> - <li>Wilamowitz, U. von, condemns Aspasia, - <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li> - <li>Williamson (Rev. David), his seven wives, - <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li> - <li>Wine, Athenian wives fond of, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">forbidden to Roman wives, - <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">drunk during the Bacchanalia, - <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent" id="Wives">Wives, in Homer, tolerant of husbands’ unfaithfulness, - <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">their faithfulness in Sparta, - <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">restrictions on, in Athens, - <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">fond of wine, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Plato on community of wives, - <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, - <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">their position in Rome, - <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in early Rome, - <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">forbidden to taste wine, - <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">severe restrictions on, <i>ib.</i>;</li> - <li class="i1">many husbands poisoned, - <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">later cases, - <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">bought by husband, - <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">transferred to husbands’ family, - <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">effect of wealth on, - <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, - <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, - <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">their interest in politics, - <a href="#Page_120">120–124</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Christian view of wifely duties, - <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">wives and concubines in Homer, - <a href="#Page_193">193–7</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">wives in Plautus, - <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">their extravagance, - <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">its effect on marriage, - <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">faithful to husbands, - <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">model wives, - <a href="#Page_225">225–6</a>.</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">See <a href="#Adultery"><span class="smcap">Adultery</span></a>, <a href="#Concubines"><span class="smcap">Concubines</span></a>, <a href="#Hetaira"><span class="smcap">Hetaira</span></a>, and <a href="#Marriage"><span class="smcap">Marriage</span></a>.</li> - <li>Woman in Greece:</li> - <li class="i1">reverence for her beauty of form, - <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her history written by and for men, - <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">satirists on, - <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">her culture in modern Greece, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - <li>Woman:</li> - <li class="i1">In Homer:</li> - <li class="i2">her meekness, - <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">her influence, - <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">her freedom, - <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">her open-air life, - <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">causes of her beauty, - <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">mildness of Homeric women, - <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">two kinds of wives, - <a href="#Page_193">193–7</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">Melantho’s insolence, - <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">Thetis’s advice to Achilles, <i>ib.</i>;</li> - <li class="i2">men washed by women, - <a href="#Page_199">199–202</a>, - <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">girls wrestling naked, - <a href="#Page_203">203–4</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">love-making, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - <li class="i1">In Sparta:</li> - <li class="i2">legislation for motherhood, - <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">gymnastic exercises, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">marriage obligatory, - <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">physical development, - <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">moral courage, - <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">faithfulness to husband, - <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">land held by women, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">heroic women—Agesistrata and Chelonis, - <a href="#Page_35">35–8</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">Agiatis and Cratesicleia, - <a href="#Page_38">38–9</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">the wife of Panteus, - <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li> - <li class="i1">Sappho:</li> - <li class="i2">her unique position, - <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">her friendship with her pupils, - <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">praised by contemporaries, - <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">ridiculed by Athenian comic writers, - <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, - <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">modern critics on, - <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">her portraits, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - <li class="i1">In Athens:</li> - <li class="i2">restrictions on the citizen-woman, - <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">her life as maid and wife, - <a href="#Page_52">52–4</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">the stranger-woman or hetaira, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">her interest in philosophy and politics, - <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">Aspasia’s life and influence, - <a href="#Page_60">60–67</a>, - <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">notable “companions,” - <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">Plato on the education of women, - <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">Aristophanes on women, - <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - <li class="i1">In Rome:</li> - <li class="i2">as full citizen, as alien, and as slave, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">female slaves, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">effect of the conubium on, - <a href="#Page_82">82–3</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">position of matrons, - <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">severe restrictions in early Rome, - <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">worship of the Idæan Mother, - <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">of Bacchus, - <a href="#Page_95">95–97</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">and of other gods, - <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">opposition to sumptuary laws, - <a href="#Page_99">99–103</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">appeal to the triumvirs, - <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">in power of father or husband, - <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">effect of wealth on, - <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">married several times, - <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">active interest in politics, - <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent3">elected to magistracies and priesthoods, - <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, - <a href="#Page_237">237–8</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">as lawyers, - <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">and law-makers, - <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">their ideas of morality, - <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">noble Stoic women, - <a href="#Page_133">133–5</a></li> - <li class="i1">Under Christianity:</li> - <li class="i2">women in the Gospels, - <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">St. Paul’s sternness towards, - <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">Clement of Alexandria on, - <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">Methodius on, - <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent3">contrast under paganism and under Christianity, - <a href="#Page_153">153–4</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">martyrdom of Blandina, - <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">and of Perpetua and Felicitas, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">position of widows, - <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">deaconesses and virgins, - <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent3">widows and deaconesses forbidden to teach, - <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">women and teaching in the Eastern Church, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">honours paid to women under paganism, - <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">and by heretical sects, - <a href="#Page_164">164–6</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">Christianity and women-slaves, - <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">the ascetic view of woman as a temptress, - <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">her duties, - <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">must not wear dyed clothes or use mirrors, - <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">value of woman in the home, - <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">effect of Christianity on, - <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li> - <li class="i1">In Plautus:</li> - <li class="i2">women-slaves, - <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">the citizen-wife, - <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">marriageable girls, - <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">effects of dowries, - <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li> - <li class="i1">Philosophers on woman’s education, - <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">the first woman doctor in Greece, - <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li> - <li class="i1">In Egypt:</li> - <li class="i2">Cleopatra, - <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li> - <li class="i2">equality of the woman in marriage, - <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> - <li class="i2">See <a href="#Wives"><span class="smcap">Wives</span></a>.</li> - <li class="hangingindent">Wordsworth, Bp. J., on women under Christianity, - <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Zscharnack, L., on women under Christianity, - <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li> -</ul> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> ‘Trach.,’ 438.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> Stob., ‘Flor.,’ 85, 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> De Legg. viii. p. 841 D. (Jowett’s translation).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> Pol. iv. (vii.) 16, 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> δεισιδαιμονῆσαι. Athenæus, xiii. c. 59, p. 590. There are -two versions of the story, which are given with all the authorities in -Wagner’s edition of ‘Alciphron,’ vol. i. p. 178.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> Stob. 73, 61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> These passages are all given from the large collections -in Stobæus (Flor. Tituli, 68–74). The genuineness of the fragment of -Susarion is justly doubted; but the sentiment is no doubt correctly -ascribed to him.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> Stob. 68, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> Stob. 68, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> Discussions on the Homeric women are very numerous. I -give a list of the most notable works in the bibliography. Special -praise is due to Lenz’s ‘Geschichte der Weiber im Heroischen -Zeitalter’: Hannover, 1790. The fullest and ablest account in English -is in Mr. Gladstone’s ‘Homeric Studies,’ vol. ii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> And according to the ideas of later Greeks, see -especially Isocrates’s Encomium on Helen.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> The later Greeks attributed to Cecrops, or some other -Attic hero, the introduction of monogamy. The state of women in Greece -before the time of Homer is discussed in Bachofen’s ‘Mutterrecht,’ and -in Mr. McLennan’s ‘Kinship in Ancient Greece.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> Il. ix. 336.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> Il. xix. 297.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> Od. vi. 182.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> Il. vi. 429.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Od. xxiii. 210.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Lasaulx (‘Zur Geschichte und Philosophie der Ehe bei -den Griechen,’ p. 30) adduces Laodamia as an instance of the same -constancy; but the case is not so clear.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> See Mr. Gladstone’s ‘Homeric Studies,’ vol. ii. p. 507.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Il. vi. 442.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> Od. i. 433.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Od. iii. 450.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Il. vi. 301.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Euripides, ‘Andromache’ 597; Propertius iv. 14; Athenæus, -xiii. 20, p. 566 e.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Ath. xiii. 2, p. 555c.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> ‘Lysist.’ 78.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> Plutarch discusses the women of Sparta in the ‘Life -of Lycurgus,’ and in a treatise on ‘Sayings of Spartan Women.’ He -discusses women generally in ‘Conjugal Precepts,’ ‘Consolation to his -Wife,’ ‘Erotic Discourse,’ ‘Erotic Narratives,’ and ‘Virtues of Women.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Especially in his ‘Andromache,’ but, as Paley remarks, -this play is animated throughout by a bitter hostility to Sparta, -and it may therefore be regarded as an expression merely of a strong -temporary feeling.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Plato shows his approbation by adopting the questionable -features into his own ideal commonwealth. “Then,” he says, “let the -wives of our guardians strip, having virtue for their robe.... And -as for the man who laughs at naked women exercising in gymnastics -for the sake of the highest good, his laughter is ‘A fruit of unripe -wisdom,’ which he gathers, and he himself is ignorant of what he is -laughing at, or what he is about; for that is, and ever will be, the -best of sayings—that the useful is the noble, and the hurtful the -base.”—‘Rep.’ v. p. 457 (Professor Jowett’s translation). Plato -discusses the objections to the Spartan method in ‘Legg.’ i. p. 637 C.; -vi. p. 781 A.; vii. p. 806 C.; p. 814 A.; and tacitly in ‘Rep.’ viii. -p. 548.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> ‘Polit.’ ii. 9, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Plutarch, ‘Life of Agis.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> Plutarch ‘Life of Cleomenes.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Stob., 29, 58.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> xiii. c. 2, sec. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> Diss. 24, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> ‘Athenæus,’ 14, 19, p. 624e.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> “To attack a woman’s reputation is the ready resort -of the blockhead who is jealous of her talents.”—<span class="smcap">Miss -Cornwallis.</span></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> ii. 135.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> Rhet. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Luňák, p. 71 note, and Boech, ‘Greek Inscriptions,’ 2374 -(51).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> It seems to have been possible for an Athenian to -take a free Athenian woman as a concubine; but the rights of such -concubines and children, and indeed the whole subject, are involved in -difficulties. See Van den Es: ‘De Jure Familiarum apud Athenienses.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Xen. ‘Œc.’ iii. 13; vii. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> v. 641.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> The verses in Sophocles (‘Antig.’ 905–13) are probably -interpolated, but the interpolation was as early as Aristotle (‘Rhet.’ -3, 16, p. 1417 A, 32), and the same ideas are placed by Herodotus (3, -119) in the mouth of the wife of Intaphernes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> ii. 45.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> Theodota, Xen. ‘Mem.,’ iii. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Some have affirmed Diotima to be a fiction of Plato -(Mähly, ‘Die Frauen des Griechischen Alterthums,’ p. 14), but this -supposition has been amply refuted: Stallbaum on the ‘Symposium,’ p. -201 D. Otto Jahn collects all the references to Diotima by ancient -writers in his edition of the ‘Symposium.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Timandra, Plut. ‘Alcib.’ c. 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Pericles, 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> See Book iv. c. 2 s. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> ‘Symp.,’ xvi. p. 193 C.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> Chronological difficulties have been suggested in the way -of this statement being true (see especially a beautiful monograph on -Aspasia, ‘Aspasie de Milet,’ par L. Becq de Fouquières, p. 342), but -I do not think that the difficulties are insuperable. Müller-Strübing -(Aristophanes, p. 585) has found an allusion to this connexion with -Lysicles in Aristophanes with greater ingenuity than success.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> See especially Miss Cornwallis’s able defence of Aspasia: -Letters, p. 181.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> Ovid, ‘Ep. ad Phaon.’ 33; Max. Tyr. Diss. 24, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> ‘Jahrgang,’ xxxv. 1877, p. 56.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> P. 920.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Opuscula ‘Lysias,’ c. 33, ed. Usener and Radermacher.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> See Book 4 c. 2 sec. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> p. 291.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> ‘Drerup,’ p. 223, especially 247.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> Some have doubted the existence of this grandson -Sophocles, because an inscription was found in 1849, “Sophocles the son -of Iophon” (Rangabe, ‘Antiq. Hell.,’ ii. p. 997); but there is nothing -to prevent the supposition that Sophocles had two grandsons named -Sophocles. If Iophon had a son, he would naturally be called Sophocles; -and if the son of Theoris had a son, Sophocles also would be the name -that would certainly be given to him.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> 2, 6, 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Jowett, p. 285; ‘Rep.,’ p. 455.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> See Book iv. c. 2, sect. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> Cl. Alex. p. 751, ‘Strom.,’ vi. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> ‘Symp.,’ c. ii. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> Dionysius makes Servius Tullius admit the freedman to -citizenship (iv. 22).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> Columella, i. 8, 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> Livy, 4, 1 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Plutarch, ‘Tib. Gracchus,’ i.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> The story may not be historical, but the Romans regarded -it as such.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Gell. x. 23; Val. Max. vi. c. 3, 9–12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> Livy, viii. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Livy, xl. 37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Livy, xxix. 14, 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Livy, xxix. 10, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Livy, xxxix. 8 ff. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Livy xxxiv. 1–8; Val. Max. ix. 1, 3; Zonaras ix. 17; Livy -v. 25; Mackintosh ii. 345.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Plutarch, ‘Cato Major,’ viii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Val. Max. viii. 3, 3; Quint. i. 1, 6; App. ‘Bell. Civ.,’ -iv. (6), 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Livy, Epitome, xli.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Plutarch, ‘Cato Minor.’ 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> xiv. 6, 17, &c.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> ‘De Gubernatione Dei,’ vii. 65–91.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> i. 376.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> Paulus in ‘Digest,’ 45, l. 134.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> vi. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> P. 133.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> Val. Max., 2, 1, 4; Dionys. Hal., ‘Antiqu. Rom.,’ ii. 25; -Plutarch, ‘Quæst Rom.,’ 14, compar. Thes. c. Rom. 6; Lycurg., c. Numa -3; A. Gellius, iv. 3, xvii. 21, 44; Rein, ‘Rom. Privatrecht,’ 451 note; -Val. Max. 2, 9, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> P. 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> Rev. David Williamson died 6 August, 1706. “After -threescore he married the seventh wife.” Many lampoons were made on -this divine, collected by Maidment; he refers to Kirkton’s ‘Church -History’, p. 349.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> Long’s translation.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Ep., iv. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Tac. ‘Ann.,’ 3, 33, 34 (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 21).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> xv. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> vi. 34, 5–11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> Corp. Inscript. Lat., vol. viii. part ii. n. 9407; -Renier, 3914, ‘Messia Castula duumvira.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> viii. 3, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> Book iii. 1, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Suet., ‘Galba,’ 5; Lampridius, ‘Heliogabalus,’ 4; Flav. -Vopis. ‘Aurelianus,’ 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Epict. fr. 53, Schw., vol. iii. p. 84.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> ‘Brutus,’ 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> Long’s translation.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> Pliny, ‘Epist.,’ 3, 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> Translation by Dr. John Muir.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Paulus Diaconus, ‘Uxorium,’ 379 (Müller).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> Val. Max. 2, 9, 1, cf. Plutarch, ‘Cam.,’ ii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Livy, Epitome, lix.; Gell., i. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Suet. ‘Aug.,’ 89.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Lib. iii. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Civil. Bell, ii. 102.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> xliii. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Darst., 1<sup>5</sup>, p. 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> lvi. 1–10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> Dio. Cass., xliii. 25; Cicero pro Marcello, viii. 23; -Suet. ‘Cæs.,’ 20; Appian ‘Bell, Civ.,’ ii. 10; Dio. Cass., xxxviii. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> Epiph., ‘Haer.,’ xxx. 16, p. 140.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> Tarsica prior Orat., xxxiii. p. 408 M.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> Zscharnack, p. 22, 45; Harnack Mission, 395–407.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> Eusebius, ‘Hist. Eccl.,’ iii. 31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> All the translations are taken from Clark’s Ante-Nicene -Library, but altered when the meaning can be expressed more exactly. De -Virg. Veland., c. ix.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> Apost. Const., Book iii. 15, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> iii. 5 and 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> Tertull., De Baptismo, c. xvii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> C. 40.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> P. 274.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> Book iii. c. ix.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> For Athena Polias, C. O. Müller, Minervæ Poliadis Sacra, -&c., p. 13, where he enumerates the honours paid to the priestess. For -Demeter and Core, Mommsen, ‘Feste der Stadt Athen,’ 1898, p. 265, M. F. -Foucart, ‘Les Grands Mystères d’Éleusis,’ Paris, 1900, p. 62. Weniger -discusses priestesses in Delphi and Elis in his programmes, mentioned -in Bibliography.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> Epiphanius ‘Haer.,’ 49. Augustine de Haeresibus, c. 27.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Bonwetsch regards these statements as strictly -historical, p. 168.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> ‘Haer.,’ 78, c. 23; 79.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Probably the reading should be οἰκοῦσαι.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> C. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Carpocrates Irenæus, i. 25, 4; Cainites Iren., i. 31, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> Marcion, Tertull. contra Marcionem, i. 29; Iren., i. c. -28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> 1 Cor. vi. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> Supplic. c. 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> Pæd., iii. 81, 301 P.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Polycarp, Ep., c. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> Ad Ux., ii. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> Apost. Const., i. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> Conviv., i. 2, 17; ii. 1, 29.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> De Virg. Veland., c. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> Supplic., c. 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> De Exhort. Cast., 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> Ad Ux., i. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> De Exhort. Cast., 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> Clem. Alex. Frag., 1012 P.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> Ad Ux., i. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> De Monogamia, 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> ‘De Cultu Feminarum,’ i. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> Pæd., ii. 2, 83, 186 P.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Metaphrasis in Ecclesiasten, c. 7, 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> Test. of Reuben, c. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> Test. of Judah, c. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> Pæd. iii. 10, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> See p. 249.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> ‘De Cult. Fem.’ ii. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> Pæd., iii. 11, 79.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> Instruct. 60 or Book ii. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> Pæd., iii. 2, 11, p. 258 P.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> De Habitu Virg., 16, 17, 21, 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Conviv., xi. 1, 282.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> De Anima, 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> Tert. Apol. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> C. 19, 5; Didache c. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> Clem. Alex. Eclog., 48 and 41; Method. Conviv. 2, 6; -Harnack, ‘Bruchstücke des Evangeliums und der Apokalypse des Petrus,’ -p. 48 in ‘Texte und Unters.,’ vol. 9, part 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> Il., 24, 495.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> Il., 21, 85; 22, 48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> Il., 8, 305.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> Il., 9, 340.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> Od., 21, 214; 14, 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> Il., 9, 449, 452.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> 14, 203.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> Il., on viii. 284.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> Od., 4, 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> Il., 13, 174.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> Il., 5, 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> Il., 8, 282.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> Il., 2, 727; 13, 694; 15, 333.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Il., 4, 499; 11, 490; 16, 738.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> 11, 101.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> 14, 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> ‘Polygamie und Pellikat nach Griechischem Rechte von Dr. -Ernst Hruza’ (Erlangen and Leipzig, 1894).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> P. 72.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> P. 27 or 394.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> Diodorus Siculus, 1, 80, 3; Wessely Karanis, 30; -Nietzold, p. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> Curtius, ‘Grundzüge,’ 1st ed., vol. i. p. 128, and -Schmidt, ‘Synonymik der Griechischen Sprache,’ 67, 7, vol. ii. p. 408.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> Il., i. 113.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> 11, 102.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> 14, 202.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> 13, 363.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> 130, 676.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> ‘Opuscula Philologica,’ vol. ii. p. 59.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> ‘Homerische Abhandlungen,’ p. 341.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> 3, 464.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> Od. 5, 264.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> 10, 362.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> 4, 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> 23, 154; 24, 366.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> 5, 905.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> See Nägelsbach, ‘Homerische Theologie,’ 2nd ed., p. 251.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> ‘Studies of Homer,’ ii. 514.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> 7, 296.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> 6, 210.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> 4, 252.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> ‘Naivetät,’ p. 152.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> Grasberger, &c.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> ‘Meyer de virginum exercitationibus apud veteres’ -(Clausthal, 1872), p. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Aristoph., ‘Clouds,’ 965; ‘Thesm.,’ 163.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> ‘Homerische Blätter,’ 2, p. 128.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> P. 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> P. 286 (London, 1896).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> Vol. ii. part 2 das Privatleben, ‘Die Homerischen -Realien,’ p. 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> Pp. 1 and 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> Vol. ii. (1845) with an appendix.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> Vol. iii. p. 272.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Vol. xii. p. 564 (1857).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> Vol. v. p. 228.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> P. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> P. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> ‘Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> De Vries and Luňák.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> Lesefrüchte in Hermes, vol. 53.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> P. 814.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> ‘Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture,’ by Adolf Furtwängler, -edited by Eugénie Sellers (London, Heinemann, 1895), Sappho, p. 71, -Aspasia, 81.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> P. 50.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> See the decree of the Athenians in regard to Chalcis, -‘Ἀθήναιον,’ t. v. p. 76; ‘Mittheilungen des Deutschen Archæol. Inst. -in Athen,’ vol. i. p. 184; ‘Revue Archéologique,’ April, 1877, p. -242; Nos. 70 and 87 in ‘Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques,’ par Charles -Michel.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> P. 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> P. 812.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> See Sandys on c. 26 of Aristotle’s ‘Politeia.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> ‘Constitution of Athens,’ c. 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> The authorities are given in Müller, p. 666.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> Sect. 122, p. 1386.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> ‘Ancora sui rapporti fra l’Ecclesiazusæ d’Aristofane e -la Repubblica Platonica’ (Torino, Loescher, 1886).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> Bell, 1902.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> P. xcviii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> P. 325 (Longmans, 1897).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> ‘Plato,’ p. 225.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> See also ‘The Republic of Plato,’ edited, with critical -notes, commentary, and appendices, by James Adam, M.A. (Cambridge, -1902), vol. i. Appendix, p. 345, ‘On the relation of the fifth Book of -the Republic to Aristophanes’s “Ecclesiazusæ.”’ Mr. Adam favours the -priority of the play to the ‘Republic.’ Maurice Croiset, ‘Aristophane,’ -p. 286 (Paris, 1906), is of the same opinion.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Some divide Greek comedy into ancient and middle and -new. Kock follows Aristotle in speaking only of old and new comedy.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> ‘Aulularia,’ 504–15. We give Wagner’s text.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> Verses 676–707, Lorenz.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> See ‘Arnobius adversus Nationes,’ vii. 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> ‘Mercator,’ v. 805–13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> ‘Stich.,’ 39–46.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> ‘Rudens,’ 406–11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> M. Benoist has gone over separately the characters of -the women in Plautus in his thesis, ‘De Personis Muliebribus apud -Plautum’ (Massiliæ, 1862).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Édélestand du Méril, ‘Histoire de la Comédie Ancienne,’ -vol. ii. p. 211; Gaston Boissier, ‘Quomodo Græcos Poetas Plautus -transtulerit’ (Parisiis, 1857).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> Verses 368–70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> ‘Cur.,’ 146–54.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> ‘Truc.,’ 354.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> ‘Pœn.,’ 353.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> ‘Journal of Hellenic Studies,’ vol. viii. (1887), p. -256.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> See Bachofen’s ‘Mutterrecht.’</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> Pearson, p. 53.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> ‘Strom.,’ iv. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> P. 121.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> ‘Fabulæ,’ 274.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> Vol. xviii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> ‘The Ptolemies,’ vii., p. 374.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> P. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> Nietzold, p. 79; Grenfell, ‘Greek Papyri,’ ii. 76.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> P. 257.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> P. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> ix. 12, Schn.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> Paulus, however, in ‘Dig.,’ 23, 2, 44, attributes this -to a “lex Julia.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> ‘Digest,’ 23, 2, 16; the extract is quoted from Paulus. -See also ‘Dig.,’ 23, 1, 16; 23, 2, 23; 1, 9, 9; 1, 9, 10; 1, 9, 8; 24, -1, 3, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> ‘Les Esclaves Chrétiens,’ p. 293.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> C. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> Book xxii. c. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> ‘Refut.,’ ix. II.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> The action of Callistus is discussed by Abbé de Hir, -de Rossi, Armellini, Bunsen, Wordsworth, Volkmar, Döllinger, Cruice, -Meyer, and Neumann.</p> - -</div> -</div> - -<p class="transnote">Transcriber’s Note:<br /> - -1. Greek words/phrases have been corrected where necessary.<br /> - -2. Obvious printers’, spelling and punctuation errors have been -silently corrected.<br /> - -3. 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