summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
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<H1>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Philip Dru: Administrator,
<br>by Edward Mandell House</H1>

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Title: Philip Dru:  Administrator

Author: Edward Mandell House

Release Date: Oct, 2004  [EBook #6711]
[This file was first posted on January 17, 2003]
[Date last updated: July 17, 2006]

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Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, PHILIP DRU: ADMINISTRATOR ***
</pre>

<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Philip Dru: Administrator</h1>

<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">A Story of Tomorrow</h2>

<p align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">1920-1935</p>

<blockquote>
<p>&#8220;No war of classes, no hostility to existing
wealth, no wanton or unjust<br />
violation of the rights of property, but a constant
disposition to<br />
ameliorate the condition of the classes least favored
by fortune.&#8221;<br />
<span style="font-variant: small-caps">--Mazzini.</span></p>
</blockquote>

<p>This book is dedicated to the unhappy many who have
lived and died lacking opportunity, because, in the starting, the
world-wide social structure was wrongly begun.</p>

<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Contents</h1>

<ol style="font-variant: small-caps;list-style-type: upper-roman;">
<li><a href="#I">Graduation Day</a></li>
<li><a href="#II">The Vision of Philip Dru</a></li>
<li><a href="#III">Lost in the Desert</a></li>
<li><a href="#IV">The Supremacy of Mind</a></li>
<li><a href="#V">The Tragedy of the Turners</a></li>
<li><a href="#VI">The Prophet of a New Day</a></li>
<li><a href="#VII">The Winning of a Medal</a></li>
<li><a href="#VIII">The Story of the Levinskys</a></li>
<li><a href="#IX">Philip Begins a New Career</a></li>
<li><a href="#X">Gloria Decides to Proselyte the Rich</a></li>
<li><a href="#XI">Selwyn Plots with Thor</a></li>
<li><a href="#XII">Selwyn Seeks a Candidate</a></li>
<li><a href="#XIII">Dru and Selwyn Meet</a></li>
<li><a href="#XIV">The Making of a President</a></li>
<li><a href="#XV">The Exultant Conspirators</a></li>
<li><a href="#XVI">The Exposure</a></li>
<li><a href="#XVII">Selwyn and Thor Defend Themselves</a></li>
<li><a href="#XVIII">Gloria's Work Bears Fruit</a></li>
<li><a href="#XIX">War Clouds Hover</a></li>
<li><a href="#XX">Civil War Begins</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXI">Upon the Eve of Battle</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXII">The Battle of Elma</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXIII">Elma's Aftermath</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXIV">Uncrowned Heroes</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXV">The Administrators of the Republic</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXVI">Dru Outlines His Intentions</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXVII">A New Era at Washington</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXVIII">An International Crisis</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXIX">The Reform of the Judiciary</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXX">A New Code of Laws</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXXI">The Question of Taxation</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXXII">A Federal Incorporation Act</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXXIII">The Railroad Problem</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXXIV">Selwyn's Story</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXXV">Selwyn's Story, Continued</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXXVI">Selwyn's Story, Continued</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXXVII">The Cotton Corner</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXXVIII">Universal Suffrage</a></li>
<li><a href="#XXXIX">A Negative Government</a></li>
<li><a href="#XL">A Departure in Battleships</a></li>
<li><a href="#XLI">The New National Constitution</a></li>
<li><a href="#XLII">New State Constitutions</a></li>
<li><a href="#XLIII">The Rule of the Bosses</a></li>
<li><a href="#XLIV">One Cause of the High Cost of Living</a></li>
<li><a href="#XLV">Burial Reform</a></li>
<li><a href="#XLVI">The Wise Disposition of a Fortune</a></li>
<li><a href="#XLVII">The Wise Disposition of a Fortune, Continued</a></li>
<li><a href="#XLVIII">An International Coalition</a></li>
<li><a href="#XLIX">Uneven Odds</a></li>
<li><a href="#L">The Broadening of the Monroe Doctrine</a></li>
<li><a href="#LI">The Battle of La Tuna</a></li>
<li><a href="#LII">The Unity of the Northern Half of the Western Hemisphere Under the New Republic</a></li>
<li><a href="#LIII">The Effacement of Philip Dru</a></li>
</ol>

<ul style="font-variant: small-caps;">
<li><a href="#copartnership">What Co-Partnership Can Do</a></li>
</ul>

<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Philip Dru: Administrator</h1>

<a name="I"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter I</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Graduation Day</h2>

<p>In the year 1920, the student and the statesman saw
many indications that the social, financial and industrial
troubles that had vexed the United States of America
for so long a time were about to culminate in civil
war.</p>

<p>Wealth had grown so strong, that the few were about
to strangle the many, and among the great masses of
the people, there was sullen and rebellious discontent.</p>

<p>The laborer in the cities, the producer on the farm,
the merchant, the professional man and all save organized
capital and its satellites, saw a gloomy and hopeless
future.</p>

<p>With these conditions prevailing, the graduation exercises
of the class of 1920 of the National Military Academy
at West Point, held for many a foreboding promise
of momentous changes, but the 12th of June found the
usual gay scene at the great institution overlooking
the Hudson. The President of the Republic, his Secretary
of War and many other distinguished guests were there
to do honor to the occasion, together with friends,
relatives and admirers of the young men who were being
sent out to the ultimate leadership of the Nation&#8217;s
Army. The scene had all the usual charm of West Point
graduations, and the usual intoxicating atmosphere
of military display.</p>

<p>There was among the young graduating soldiers one
who seemed depressed and out of touch with the triumphant
blare of militarism, for he alone of his fellow classmen
had there no kith nor kin to bid him God-speed in
his new career.</p>

<p>Standing apart under the broad shadow of an oak, he
looked out over long stretches of forest and river,
but what he saw was his home in distant Kentucky--the
old farmhouse that the sun and the rain and the lichens
had softened into a mottled gray. He saw the gleaming
brook that wound its way through the tangle of orchard
and garden, and parted the distant blue-grass meadow.</p>

<p>He saw his aged mother sitting under the honeysuckle
trellis, book in hand, but thinking, he knew, of him.
And then there was the perfume of the flowers, the
droning of the bees in the warm sweet air and the
drowsy hound at his father&#8217;s feet.</p>

<p>But this was not all the young man saw, for Philip
Dru, in spite of his military training, was a close
student of the affairs of his country, and he saw
that which raised grave doubts in his mind as to the
outcome of his career. He saw many of the civil institutions
of his country debased by the power of wealth under
the thin guise of the constitutional protection of
property. He saw the Army which he had sworn to serve
faithfully becoming prostituted by this same power,
and used at times for purposes of intimidation and
petty conquests where the interests of wealth were
at stake. He saw the great city where luxury, dominant
and defiant, existed largely by grace of
exploitation--exploitation of men, women and children.</p>

<p>The young man&#8217;s eyes had become bright and hard,
when his day-dream was interrupted, and he was looking
into the gray-blue eyes of Gloria Strawn--the one
whose lot he had been comparing to that of her sisters
in the city, in the mills, the sweatshops, the big
stores, and the streets. He had met her for the first
time a few hours before, when his friend and classmate,
Jack Strawn, had presented him to his sister. No comrade
knew Dru better than Strawn, and no one admired him
so much. Therefore, Gloria, ever seeking a closer
contact with life, had come to West Point eager to
meet the lithe young Kentuckian, and to measure him
by the other men of her acquaintance.</p>

<p>She was disappointed in his appearance, for she had
fancied him almost god-like in both size and beauty,
and she saw a man of medium height, slender but toughly
knit, and with a strong, but homely face. When he
smiled and spoke she forgot her disappointment, and
her interest revived, for her sharp city sense caught
the trail of a new experience.</p>

<p>To Philip Dru, whose thought of and experience with
women was almost nothing, so engrossed had he been
in his studies, military and economic, Gloria seemed
little more than a child. And yet her frank glance
of appraisal when he had been introduced to her, and
her easy though somewhat languid conversation on the
affairs of the commencement, perplexed and slightly
annoyed him. He even felt some embarrassment in her
presence.</p>

<p>Child though he knew her to be, he hesitated whether
he should call her by her given name, and was taken
aback when she smilingly thanked him for doing so,
with the assurance that she was often bored with the
eternal conventionality of people in her social circle.</p>

<p>Suddenly turning from the commonplaces of the day,
Gloria looked directly at Philip, and with easy self-possession
turned the conversation to himself.</p>

<p>&#8220;I am wondering, Mr. Dru, why you came to West
Point and why it is you like the thought of being
a soldier?&#8221; she asked. &#8220;An American soldier
has to fight so seldom that I have heard that the insurance
companies regard them as the best of risks, so what
attraction, Mr. Dru, can a military career have for
you?&#8221;</p>

<p>Never before had Philip been asked such a question,
and it surprised him that it should come from this
slip of a girl, but he answered her in the serious
strain of his thoughts.</p>

<p>&#8220;As far back as I can remember,&#8221; he said,
&#8220;I have wanted to be a soldier. I have no desire
to destroy and kill, and yet there is within me the
lust for action and battle. It is the primitive man
in me, I suppose, but sobered and enlightened by civilization.
I would do everything in my power to avert war and
the suffering it entails. Fate, inclination, or what
not has brought me here, and I hope my life may not
be wasted, but that in God&#8217;s own way, I may be
a humble instrument for good. Oftentimes our inclinations
lead us in certain directions, and it is only afterwards
that it seems as if fate may from the first have so
determined it.&#8221;</p>

<p>The mischievous twinkle left the girl&#8217;s eyes,
and the languid tone of her voice changed to one a
little more like sincerity.</p>

<p>&#8220;But suppose there is no war,&#8221; she demanded,
&#8220;suppose you go on living at barracks here and
there, and with no broader outlook than such a life
entails, will you be satisfied? Is that all you have
in mind to do in the world?&#8221;</p>

<p>He looked at her more perplexed than ever. Such an
observation of life, his life, seemed beyond her years,
for he knew but little of the women of his own generation.
He wondered, too, if she would understand if he told
her all that was in his mind.</p>

<p>&#8220;Gloria, we are entering a new era. The past
is no longer to be a guide to the future. A century
and a half ago there arose in France a giant that
had slumbered for untold centuries. He knew he had
suffered grievous wrongs, but he did not know how
to right them. He therefore struck out blindly and
cruelly, and the innocent went down with the guilty.
He was almost wholly ignorant for in the scheme of
society as then constructed, the ruling few felt that
he must be kept ignorant, otherwise they could not
continue to hold him in bondage. For him the door
of opportunity was closed, and he struggled from the
cradle to the grave for the minimum of food and clothing
necessary to keep breath within the body. His labor
and his very life itself was subject to the greed,
the passion and the caprice of his over-lord.</p>

<p>&#8220;So when he awoke he could only destroy. Unfortunately
for him, there was not one of the governing class
who was big enough and humane enough to lend a guiding
and a friendly hand, so he was led by weak, and selfish
men who could only incite him to further wanton murder
and demolition.</p>

<p>&#8220;But out of that revelry of blood there dawned
upon mankind the hope of a more splendid day. The
divinity of kings, the God-given right to rule, was
shattered for all time. The giant at last knew his
strength, and with head erect, and the light of freedom
in his eyes, he dared to assert the liberty, equality
and fraternity of man. Then throughout the Western
world one stratum of society after another demanded
and obtained the right to acquire wealth and to share
in the government. Here and there one bolder and more
forceful than the rest acquired great wealth and with
it great power. Not satisfied with reasonable gain,
they sought to multiply it beyond all bounds of need.
They who had sprung from the people a short life span
ago were now throttling individual effort and shackling
the great movement for equal rights and equal opportunity.&#8221;</p>

<p>Dru&#8217;s voice became tense and vibrant, and he
talked in quick sharp jerks.</p>

<p>&#8220;Nowhere in the world is wealth more defiant,
and monopoly more insistent than in this mighty republic,&#8221;
he said, &#8220;and it is here that the next great
battle for human emancipation will be fought and won.
And from the blood and travail of an enlightened people,
there will be born a spirit of love and brotherhood
which will transform the world; and the Star of Bethlehem,
seen but darkly for two thousand years, will shine
again with a steady and effulgent glow.&#8221;</p>

<a name="II"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter II</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Vision of Philip Dru</h2>

<p>Long before Philip had finished speaking, Gloria saw
that he had forgotten her presence. With glistening
eyes and face aflame he had talked on and on with
such compelling force that she beheld in him the prophet
of a new day.</p>

<p>She sat very still for a while, and then she reached
out to touch his sleeve.</p>

<p>&#8220;I think I understand how you feel now,&#8221;
she said in a tone different from any she had yet
used. &#8220;I have been reared in a different atmosphere
from you, and at home have heard only the other side,
while at school they mostly evade the question. My
father is one of the &#8217;bold and forceful few&#8217;
as perhaps you know, but he does not seem to me to
want to harm anyone. He is kind to us, and charitable
too, as that word is commonly used, and I am sure
he has done much good with his money.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I am sorry, Gloria, if I have hurt you by what
I said,&#8221; answered Dru.</p>

<p>&#8220;Oh! never mind, for I am sure you are right,&#8221;
answered the girl, but Philip continued--</p>

<p>&#8220;Your father, I think, is not to blame. It is
the system that is at fault. His struggle and his
environment from childhood have blinded him to the
truth. To those with whom he has come in contact, it
has been the dollar and not the man that counted.
He has been schooled to think that capital can buy
labor as it would machinery, the human equation not
entering into it. He believes that it would be equivalent
to confiscation for the State to say &#8217;in regard
to a corporation, labor, the State and capital are
important in the order named.&#8217; Good man that
he means to be, he does not know, perhaps he can never
know, that it is labor, labor of the mind and of the
body, that creates, and not capital.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;You would have a hard time making Father see
that,&#8221; put in Gloria, with a smile.</p>

<p>&#8220;Yes!&#8221; continued Philip, &#8220;from the
dawn of the world until now, it has been the strong
against the weak. At the first, in the Stone Age, it
was brute strength that counted and controlled. Then
those that ruled had leisure to grow intellectually,
and it gradually came about that the many, by long
centuries of oppression, thought that the intellectual
few had God-given powers to rule, and to exact tribute
from them to the extent of commanding every ounce
of exertion of which their bodies were capable. It
was here, Gloria, that society began to form itself
wrongly, and the result is the miserable travesty
of to-day. Selfishness became the keynote, and to
physical and mental strength was conceded everything
that is desirable in life. Later, this mockery of justice,
was partly recognized, and it was acknowledged to
be wrong for the physically strong to despoil and
destroy the physically weak. <i>Even so, the time
is now measurably near when it will be just as reprehensible
for the mentally strong to hold in subjection the
mentally weak, and to force them to bear the grievous
burdens which a misconceived civilization has imposed
upon them."</i></p>

<p>Gloria was now thoroughly interested, but smilingly
belied it by saying, &#8220;A history professor I
had once lost his position for talking like that.&#8221;</p>

<p>The young man barely recognized the interruption.</p>

<p>&#8220;The first gleam of hope came with the advent
of Christ,&#8221; he continued. &#8220;So warped and
tangled had become the minds of men that the meaning
of Christ&#8217;s teaching failed utterly to reach
human comprehension.  They accepted him as a religious
teacher only so far as their selfish desires led them.
They were willing to deny other gods and admit one
Creator of all things, but they split into fragments
regarding the creeds and forms necessary to salvation.
In the name of Christ they committed atrocities that
would put to blush the most benighted savages. Their
very excesses in cruelty finally caused a revolution
in feeling, and there was evolved the Christian religion
of to-day, a religion almost wholly selfish and concerned
almost entirely in the betterment of life after death.&#8221;</p>

<p>The girl regarded Philip for a second in silence,
and then quietly asked, &#8220;For the betterment
of whose life after death?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I was speaking of those who have carried on
only the forms of religion. Wrapped in the sanctity
of their own small circle, they feel that their tiny
souls are safe, and that they are following the example
and precepts of Christ.</p>

<p>&#8220;The full splendor of Christ&#8217;s love, the
grandeur of His life and doctrine is to them a thing
unknown. The infinite love, the sweet humility, the
gentle charity, the subordination of self that the
Master came to give a cruel, selfish and ignorant
world, mean but little more to us to-day than it did
to those to whom He gave it.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;And you who have chosen a military career say
this,&#8221; said the girl as her brother joined the
pair.</p>

<p>To Philip her comment came as something of a shock,
for he was unprepared for these words spoken with
such a depth of feeling.</p>

<p>Gloria and Philip Dru spent most of graduation day
together. He did not want to intrude amongst the relatives
and friends of his classmates, and he was eager to
continue his acquaintance with Gloria. To the girl,
this serious-minded youth who seemed so strangely
out of tune with the blatant military fanfare, was
a distinct novelty. At the final ball she almost ignored
the gallantries of the young officers, in order that
she might have opportunity to lead Dru on to further
self-revelation.</p>

<p>The next day in the hurry of packing and departure
he saw her only for an instant, but from her brother
he learned that she planned a visit to the new Post
on the Rio Grande near Eagle Pass where Jack Strawn
and Philip were to be stationed after their vacation.</p>

<p>Philip spent his leave, before he went to the new
Post, at his Kentucky home. He wanted to be with his
father and mother, and he wanted to read and think,
so he declined the many invitations to visit.</p>

<p>His father was a sturdy farmer of fine natural sense,
and with him Philip never tired of talking when both
had leisure.</p>

<p>Old William Dru had inherited nothing save a rundown,
badly managed, heavily mortgaged farm that had been
in the family for several generations. By hard work
and strict economy, he had first built it up into
a productive property and had then liquidated the indebtedness.
So successful had he been that he was able to buy
small farms for four of his sons, and give professional
education to the other three. He had accumulated nothing,
for he had given as fast as he had made, but his was
a serene and contented old age because of it. What
was the hoarding of money or land in comparison to
the satisfaction of seeing each son happy in the possession
of a home and family? The ancestral farm he intended
for Philip, youngest and best beloved, soldier though
he was to be.</p>

<p>All during that hot summer, Philip and his father
discussed the ever-growing unrest of the country,
and speculated when the crisis would come, and how
it would end.</p>

<p>Finally, he left his home, and all the associations
clustered around it, and turned his face towards imperial
 Texas, the field of his new endeavor.</p>

<p>He reached Fort Magruder at the close of an Autumn
day. He thought he had never known such dry sweet
air. Just as the sun was sinking, he strolled to the
bluff around which flowed the turbid waters of the
Rio Grande, and looked across at the gray hills of
old Mexico.</p>

<a name="III"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter III</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Lost in the Desert</h2>

<p>Autumn drifted into winter, and then with the blossoms
of an early spring, came Gloria.</p>

<p>The Fort was several miles from the station, and Jack
and Philip were there to meet her. As they paced the
little board platform, Jack was nervously happy over
the thought of his sister&#8217;s arrival, and talked
of his plans for entertaining her. Philip on the other
hand held himself well in reserve and gave no outward
indication of the deep emotion which stirred within
him. At last the train came and from one of the long
string of Pullmans, Gloria alighted. She kissed her
brother and greeted Philip cordially, and asked him
in a tone of banter how he enjoyed army life. Dru
smiled and said, &#8220;Much better, Gloria, than you
predicted I would.&#8221; The baggage was stored away
in the buck-board, and Gloria got in front with Philip
and they were off. It was early morning and the dew
was still on the soft mesquite grass, and as the mustang
ponies swiftly drew them over the prairie, it seemed
to Gloria that she had awakened in fairyland.</p>

<p>At the crest of a hill, Philip held the horses for
a moment, and Gloria caught her breath as she saw
the valley below. It looked as if some translucent
lake had mirrored the sky. It was the countless blossoms
of the Texas blue-bonnet that lifted their slender
stems towards the morning sun, and hid the earth.</p>

<p>Down into the valley they drove upon the most wonderfully
woven carpet in all the world. Aladdin and his magic
looms could never have woven a fabric such as this.
A heavy, delicious perfume permeated the air, and
with glistening eyes and parted lips, Gloria sat dumb
in happy astonishment.</p>

<p>They dipped into the rocky bed of a wet weather stream,
climbed out of the canyon and found themselves within
the shadow of Fort Magruder.</p>

<p>Gloria soon saw that the social distractions of the
place had little call for Philip. She learned, too,
that he had already won the profound respect and liking
of his brother officers. Jack spoke of him in terms
even more superlative than ever. &#8220;He is a born
leader of men,&#8221; he declared, &#8220;and he knows
more about engineering and tactics than the Colonel
and all the rest of us put together.&#8221; Hard student
though he was, Gloria found him ever ready to devote
himself to her, and their rides together over the
boundless, flower studded prairies, were a never ending
joy. &#8220;Isn&#8217;t it beautiful--Isn&#8217;t it
wonderful,&#8221; she would exclaim. And once she
said, &#8220;But, Philip, happy as I am, I oftentimes
think of the reeking poverty in the great cities, and
wish, in some way, they could share this with me.&#8221;
Philip looked at her questioningly, but made no reply.</p>

<p>A visit that was meant for weeks transgressed upon
the months, and still she lingered. One hot June morning
found Gloria and Philip far in the hills on the Mexican
side of the Rio Grande. They had started at dawn with
the intention of breakfasting with the courtly old
haciendado, who frequently visited at the Post.</p>

<p>After the ceremonious Mexican breakfast, Gloria wanted
to see beyond the rim of the little world that enclosed
the hacienda, so they rode to the end of the valley,
tied their horses and climbed to the crest of the
ridge. She was eager to go still further. They went
down the hill on the other side, through a draw and
into another valley beyond.</p>

<p>Soldier though he was, Philip was no plainsman, and
in retracing their steps, they missed the draw.</p>

<p>Philip knew that they were not going as they came,
but with his months of experience in the hills, felt
sure he could find his way back with less trouble
by continuing as they were. The grass and the shrubs
gradually disappeared as they walked, and soon he realized
that they were on the edge of an alkali desert. Still
he thought he could swing around into the valley from
which they started, and they plunged steadily on,
only to see in a few minutes that they were lost.</p>

<p>&#8220;What&#8217;s the matter, Philip?&#8221; asked
Gloria. &#8220;Are we lost?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I hope not, we only have to find that draw.&#8221;</p>

<p>The girl said no more, but walked on side by side
with the young soldier. Both pulled their hats far
down over their eyes to shield them from the glare
of the fierce rays of the sun, and did what they could
to keep out the choking clouds of alkali dust that
swirled around them at every step.</p>

<p>Philip, hardened by months of Southwestern service,
stood the heat well, except that his eyes ached, but
he saw that Gloria was giving out.</p>

<p>&#8220;Are you tired?&#8221; he asked.</p>

<p>&#8220;Yes, I am very tired,&#8221; she answered,
&#8220;but I can go on if you will let me rest a moment.&#8221;
Her voice was weak and uncertain and indicated approaching
collapse. And then she said more faintly, &#8220;I
am afraid, Philip, we are hopelessly lost.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Do not be frightened, Gloria, we will soon
be out of this if you will let me carry you.&#8221;</p>

<p>Just then, the girl staggered and would have fallen
had he not caught her.</p>

<p>He was familiar with heat prostration, and saw that
her condition was not serious, but he knew he must
carry her, for to lay her in the blazing sun would
be fatal.</p>

<p>His eyes, already overworked by long hours of study,
were swollen and bloodshot. Sharp pains shot through
his head. To stop he feared would be to court death,
so taking Gloria in his arms, he staggered on.</p>

<p>In that vast world of alkali and adobe there was no
living thing but these two. No air was astir, and
a pitiless sun beat upon them unmercifully. Philip&#8217;s
lips were cracked, his tongue was swollen, and the
burning dust almost choked him. He began to see less
clearly, and visions of things he knew to be unreal
came to him. With Spartan courage and indomitable
will, he never faltered, but went on. Mirages came
and went, and he could not know whether he saw true
or not. Then here and there he thought he began to
see tufts of curly mesquite grass, and in the distance
surely there were cacti. He knew that if he could hold
out a little longer, he could lay his burden in some
sort of shade.</p>

<p>With halting steps, with eyes inflamed and strength
all but gone, he finally laid Gloria in the shadow
of a giant prickly pear bush, and fell beside her.
He fumbled for his knife and clumsily scraped the needles
from a leaf of the cactus and sliced it in two. The
heavy sticky liquid ran over his hand as he placed
the cut side of the leaf to Gloria&#8217;s lips. The
juice of the plant together with the shade, partially
revived her. Philip, too, sucked the leaf until his
parched tongue and throat became a little more pliable.</p>

<p>&#8220;What happened?&#8221; demanded Gloria. &#8220;Oh!
yes, now I remember. I am sorry I gave out, Philip.
I am not acclimated yet. What time is it?&#8221;</p>

<p>After pillowing her head more comfortably upon his
riding coat, Philip looked at his watch. &#8220;I--I
can&#8217;t just make it out, Gloria,&#8221; he said.
&#8220;My eyes seem blurred. This awful glare seems
to have affected them. They&#8217;ll be all right
in a little while.&#8221;</p>

<p>Gloria looked at the dial and found that the hands
pointed to four o&#8217;clock. They had been lost
for six hours, but after their experiences, it seemed
more like as many days. They rested a little while
longer talking but little.</p>

<p>&#8220;You carried me,&#8221; said Gloria once. &#8220;I&#8217;m
ashamed of myself for letting the heat get the best
of me. You shouldn&#8217;t have carried me, Philip,
but you know I understand and appreciate. How are
your eyes now?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Oh, they&#8217;ll be all right,&#8221; he reiterated,
but when he took his hand from them to look at her,
and the light beat upon the inflamed lids, he winced.</p>

<p>After eating some of the fruit of the prickly pear,
which they found too hot and sweet to be palatable,
Philip suggested at half after five that they should
move on. They arose, and the young officer started
to lead the way, peeping from beneath his hand. First
he stumbled over a mesquite bush directly in his path,
and next he collided with a giant cactus standing
full in front of him.</p>

<p>&#8220;It&#8217;s no use, Gloria,&#8221; he said at
last. &#8220;I can&#8217;t see the way. You must lead.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;All right, Philip, I will do the best I can.&#8221;</p>

<p>For answer, he merely took her hand, and together
they started to retrace their steps. Over the trackless
waste of alkali and sagebrush they trudged. They spoke
but little but when they did, their husky, dust-parched
voices made a mockery of their hopeful words.</p>

<p>Though the horizon seemed bounded by a low range of
hills, the girl instinctively turned her steps westward,
and entered a draw. She rounded one of the hills,
and just as the sun was sinking, came upon the valley
in which their horses were peacefully grazing.</p>

<p>They mounted and followed the dim trail along which
they had ridden that morning, reaching the hacienda
about dark. With many shakings of the hand, voluble
protestations of joy at their delivery from the desert,
and callings on God to witness that the girl had performed
a miracle, the haciendado gave them food and cooling
drinks, and with gentle insistence, had his servants,
wife and daughters show them to their rooms. A poultice
of Mexican herbs was laid across Philip&#8217;s eyes,
but exhausted as he was he could not sleep because
of the pain they caused him.</p>

<p>In the morning, Gloria was almost her usual self,
but Philip could see but faintly. As early as was
possible they started for Fort Magruder. His eyes
were bandaged, and Gloria held the bridle of his horse
and led him along the dusty trail. A vaquero from
the ranch went with them to show the way.</p>

<p>Then came days of anxiety, for the surgeon at the
Post saw serious trouble ahead for Philip. He would
make no definite statement, but admitted that the
brilliant young officer&#8217;s eyesight was seriously
menaced.</p>

<p>Gloria read to him and wrote for him, and in many
ways was his hands and eyes. He in turn talked to
her of the things that filled his mind. The betterment
of man was an ever-present theme with them. It pleased
him to trace for her the world&#8217;s history from
its early beginning when all was misty tradition,
down through the uncertain centuries of early civilization
to the present time.</p>

<p>He talked with her of the untrustworthiness of the
so-called history of to-day, although we had every
facility for recording facts, and he pointed out how
utterly unreliable it was when tradition was the only
means of transmission. Mediocrity, he felt sure, had
oftentimes been exalted into genius, and brilliant
and patriotic exclamations attributed to great men,
were never uttered by them, neither was it easy he
thought, to get a true historic picture of the human
intellectual giant. As a rule they were quite human,
but people insisted upon idealizing them, consequently
they became not themselves but what the popular mind
wanted them to be.</p>

<p>He also dwelt on the part the demagogue and the incompetents
play in retarding the advancement of the human race.
Some leaders were honest, some were wise and some
were selfish, but it was seldom that the people would
be led by wise, honest and unselfish men.</p>

<p>&#8220;There is always the demagogue to poison the
mind of the people against such a man,&#8221; he said,
&#8220;and it is easily done because wisdom means
moderation and honesty means truth. To be moderate
and to tell the truth at all times and about all matters
seldom pleases the masses.&#8221;</p>

<p>Many a long day was spent thus in purely impersonal
discussions of affairs, and though he himself did
not realize it, Gloria saw that Philip was ever at
his best when viewing the large questions of State,
rather than the narrower ones within the scope of the
military power.</p>

<p>The weeks passed swiftly, for the girl knew well how
to ease the young Officer&#8217;s chafing at uncertainty
and inaction. At times, as they droned away the long
hot summer afternoons under the heavily leafed fig
trees in the little garden of the Strawn bungalow,
he would become impatient at his enforced idleness.
Finally one day, after making a pitiful attempt to
read, Philip broke out, &#8220;I have been patient
under this as long as I can. The restraint is too
much. Something must be done.&#8221;</p>

<p>Somewhat to his surprise, Gloria did not try to take
his mind off the situation this time, but suggested
asking the surgeon for a definite report on his condition.</p>

<p>The interview with the surgeon was unsatisfactory,
but his report to his superior officers bore fruit,
for in a short time Philip was told that he should
apply for an indefinite leave of absence, as it would
be months, perhaps years, before his eyes would allow
him to carry on his duties.</p>

<p>He seemed dazed at the news, and for a long time would
not talk of it even with Gloria. After a long silence
one afternoon she softly asked, &#8220;What are you
going to do, Philip?&#8221;</p>

<p>Jack Strawn, who was sitting near by, broke out--&#8220;Do!
why there&#8217;s no question about what he is going
to do. Once an Army man always an Army man. He&#8217;s
going to live on the best the U.S.A. provides until
his eyes are right. In the meantime Philip is going
to take indefinite sick leave.&#8221;</p>

<p>The girl only smiled at her brother&#8217;s military
point of view, and asked another question. &#8220;How
will you occupy your time, Philip?&#8221;</p>

<p>Philip sat as if he had not heard them.</p>

<p>&#8220;Occupy his time!&#8221; exclaimed Jack, &#8220;getting
well of course. Without having to obey orders or do
anything but draw his checks, he can have the time
of his life, there will be nothing to worry about.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;That&#8217;s just it,&#8221; slowly said Philip.
&#8220;No work, nothing to think about.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Exactly,&#8221; said Gloria.</p>

<p>&#8220;What are you driving at, Sister. You talk as
if it was something to be deplored. I call it a lark.
Cheer the fellow up a bit, can&#8217;t you?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;No, never mind,&#8221; replied Philip. &#8220;There&#8217;s
nothing to cheer me up about. The question is simply
this: Can I stand a period of several years&#8217;
enforced inactivity as a mere pensioner?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Yes!&#8221; quickly said Gloria, &#8220;as
a pensioner, and then, if all goes well, you return
to this.&#8221; &#8220;What do you mean, Gloria? Don&#8217;t
you like Army Post life?&#8221; asked Jack.</p>

<p>&#8220;I like it as well as you do, Jack. You just
haven&#8217;t come to realize that Philip is cut out
for a bigger sphere than--that.&#8221; She pointed
out across the parade ground where a drill was going
on. &#8220;You know as well as I do that this is not
the age for a military career.&#8221;</p>

<p>Jack was so disgusted with this, that with an exclamation
of impatience, he abruptly strode off to the parade
ground.</p>

<p>&#8220;You are right, Gloria,&#8221; said Philip.
&#8220;I cannot live on a pension indefinitely. I
cannot bring myself to believe that it is honest to
become a mendicant upon the bounty of the country.
If I had been injured in the performance of duty,
I would have no scruples in accepting support during
an enforced idleness, but this disability arose from
no fault of the Government, and the thought of accepting
aid under such circumstances is too repugnant.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Of course,&#8221; said Gloria.</p>

<p>&#8220;The Government means no more to me than an
individual,&#8221; continued Philip, &#8220;and it
is to be as fairly dealt with. I never could understand
how men with self-respect could accept undeserving
pensions from the Nation. To do so is not alone dishonest,
but is unfair to those who need help and have a righteous
claim to support. If the unworthy were refused, the
deserving would be able to obtain that to which they
are entitled.&#8221;</p>

<p>Their talk went on thus for hours, the girl ever trying
more particularly to make him see a military career
as she did, and he more concerned with the ethical
side of the situation.</p>

<p>&#8220;Do not worry over it, Philip,&#8221; cried
Gloria, &#8220;I feel sure that your place is in the
larger world of affairs, and you will some day be glad
that this misfortune came to you, and that you were
forced to go into another field of endeavor.</p>

<p>&#8220;With my ignorance and idle curiosity, I led
you on and on, over first one hill and then another,
until you lost your way in that awful desert over
there, but yet perhaps there was a destiny in that.
When I was leading you out of the desert, a blind
man, it may be that I was leading you out of the barrenness
of military life, into the fruitful field of labor
for humanity.&#8221;</p>

<p>After a long silence, Philip Dru arose and took Gloria&#8217;s
hand.</p>

<p>&#8220;Yes! I will resign. You have already reconciled
me to my fate.&#8221;</p>

<a name="IV"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter IV</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Supremacy of Mind</h2>

<p>Officers and friends urged Philip to reconsider his
determination of resigning, but once decided, he could
not be swerved from his purpose. Gloria persuaded
him to go to New York with her in order to consult
one of the leading oculists, and arrangements were
made immediately. On the last day but one, as they
sat under their favorite fig tree, they talked much
of Philip&#8217;s future. Gloria had also been reading
aloud Sir Oliver Lodge&#8217;s &#8220;Science and
Immortality,&#8221; and closing the book upon the final
chapter, asked Philip what he thought of it.</p>

<p>&#8220;Although the book was written many years ago,
even then the truth had begun to dawn upon the poets,
seers and scientific dreamers. The dominion of mind,
but faintly seen at that time, but more clearly now,
will finally come into full vision. The materialists
under the leadership of Darwin, Huxley and Wallace,
went far in the right direction, but in trying to
go to the very fountainhead of life, they came to
a door which they could not open and which no materialistic
key will ever open.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;So, Mr. Preacher, you&#8217;re at it again,&#8221;
laughed Gloria. &#8220;You belong to the pulpit of
real life, not the Army. Go on, I am interested.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Well,&#8221; went on Dru, &#8220;then came
a reaction, and the best thought of the scientific
world swung back to the theory of mind or spirit, and
the truth began to unfold itself. Now, man is at last
about to enter into that splendid kingdom, the promise
of which Christ gave us when he said, &#8216;My Father
and I are one,&#8217; and again, &#8217;When you have
seen me you have seen the Father.&#8217; He was but
telling them that all life was a part of the One Life--individualized,
but yet of and a part of the whole.</p>

<p>&#8220;We are just learning our power and dominion
over ourselves. When in the future children are trained
from infancy that they can measurably conquer their
troubles by the force of mind, a new era will have
come to man.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;There,&#8221; said Gloria, with an earnestness
that Philip had rarely heard in her, &#8220;is perhaps
the source of the true redemption of the world.&#8221;</p>

<p>She checked herself quickly, &#8220;But you were preaching
to me, not I to you. Go on.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;No, but I want to hear what you were going
to say.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;You see I am greatly interested in this movement
which is seeking to find how far mind controls matter,
and to what extent our lives are spiritual rather
than material,&#8221; she answered, &#8220;but it&#8217;s
hard to talk about it to most people, so I have kept
it to myself. Go on, Philip, I will not interrupt
again.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;When fear, hate, greed and the purely material
conception of Life passes out,&#8221; said Philip,
&#8220;as it some day may, and only wholesome thoughts
will have a place in human minds, mental ills will
take flight along with most of our bodily ills, and
the miracle of the world&#8217;s redemption will have
been largely wrought.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Mental ills will take flight along with bodily
ills. We should be trained, too, not to dwell upon
anticipated troubles, but to use our minds and bodies
in an earnest, honest endeavor to avert threatened
disaster. We should not brood over possible failure,
for in the great realm of the supremacy of mind or
spirit the thought of failure should not enter.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Yes, I know, Philip.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Fear, causes perhaps more unhappiness than
any one thing that we have let take possession of
us. Some are never free from it. They awake in the
morning with a vague, indefinite sense of it, and at
night a foreboding of disaster hands over the to-morrow.
 Life would have for us a different meaning if we
would resolve, and keep the resolution, to do the
best we could under all conditions, and never fear
the result. Then, too, we should be trained not to
have such an unreasonable fear of death. The Eastern
peoples are far wiser in this respect than we. They
have learned to look upon death as a happy transition
to something better. And they are right, for that
is the true philosophy of it. At the very worst, can
it mean more than a long and dreamless sleep? Does
not the soul either go back to the one source from
which it sprung, and become a part of the whole, or
does it not throw off its material environment and
continue with individual consciousness to work out
its final destiny?</p>

<p>&#8220;If that be true, there is no death as we have
conceived it. It would mean to us merely the beginning
of a more splendid day, and we should be taught that
every emotion, every effort here that is unselfish
and soul uplifting, will better fit us for that spiritual
existence that is to come.&#8221;</p>

<a name="V"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter V</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Tragedy of the Turners</h2>

<p>The trip north from Fort Magruder was a most trying
experience for Philip Dru, for although he had as
traveling companions Gloria and Jack Strawn, who was
taking a leave of absence, the young Kentuckian felt
his departure from Texas and the Army as a portentous
turning point in his career. In spite of Gloria&#8217;s
philosophy, and in spite of Jack&#8217;s reassurances,
Philip was assailed by doubts as to the ultimate improvement
of his eyesight, and at the same time with the feeling
that perhaps after all, he was playing the part of
a deserter.</p>

<p>&#8220;It&#8217;s all nonsense to feel cut up over
it, you know, Philip,&#8221; insisted Jack. &#8220;You
can take my word for it that you have the wrong idea
in wanting to quit when you can be taken care of by
the Government. You have every right to it.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;No, Jack, I have no right to it,&#8221; answered
Dru, &#8220;but certain as I am that I am doing the
only thing I could do, under the circumstances, it&#8217;s
a hard wrench to leave the Army, even though I had
come to think that I can find my place in the world
out of the service.&#8221;</p>

<p>The depression was not shaken off until after they
had reached New York, and Philip had been told by
the great specialist that his eyesight probably never
again would pass the Army tests. Once convinced that
an Army career was impossible, he resigned, and began
to reconstruct his life with new hope and with a new
enthusiasm. While he was ordered to give his eyes
complete rest for at least six months and remain a
part of every day in a darkened room, he was promised
that after several months, he probably would be able
to read and write a little.</p>

<p>As he had no relatives in New York, Philip, after
some hesitation, accepted Jack Strawn&#8217;s insistent
invitation to visit him for a time, at least. Through
the long days and weeks that followed, the former young
officer and Gloria were thrown much together.</p>

<p>One afternoon as they were sitting in a park, a pallid
child of ten asked to &#8220;shine&#8221; their shoes.
In sympathy they allowed him to do it. The little
fellow had a gaunt and hungry look and his movements
were very sluggish. He said his name was Peter Turner
and he gave some squalid east side tenement district
as his home. He said that his father was dead, his
mother was bedridden, and he, the oldest of three children,
was the only support of the family. He got up at five
and prepared their simple meal, and did what he could
towards making his mother comfortable for the day.
By six he left the one room that sheltered them, and
walked more than two miles to where he now was. Midday
meal he had none, and in the late afternoon he walked
home and arranged their supper of bread, potatoes,
or whatever else he considered he could afford to buy.
Philip questioned him as to his earnings and was told
that they varied with the weather and other conditions,
the maximum had been a dollar and fifteen cents for
one day, the minimum twenty cents. The average seemed
around fifty cents, and this was to shelter, clothe
and feed a family of four.</p>

<p>Already Gloria&#8217;s eyes were dimmed with tears.
Philip asked if they might go home with him then.
The child consented and led the way.</p>

<p>They had not gone far, when Philip, noticing how frail
Peter was, hailed a car, and they rode to Grand Street,
changed there and went east. Midway between the Bowery
and the river, they got out and walked south for a
few blocks, turned into a side street that was hardly
more than an alley, and came to the tenement where
Peter lived.</p>

<p>It had been a hot day even in the wide, clean portions
of the city. Here the heat was almost unbearable,
and the stench, incident to a congested population,
made matters worse.</p>

<p>Ragged and dirty children were playing in the street.
Lack of food and pure air, together with unsanitary
surroundings, had set its mark upon them. The deathly
pallor that was in Peter&#8217;s face was characteristic
of most of the faces around them.</p>

<p>The visitors climbed four flights of stairs, and went
down a long, dark, narrow hall reeking with disagreeable
odors, and finally entered ten-year-old Peter Turner&#8217;s
&#8220;home.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;What a travesty on the word &#8216;home,&#8217;&#8221;
murmured Dru, as he saw for the first time the interior
of an East Side tenement. Mrs. Turner lay propped
in bed, a ghost of what was once a comely woman. She
was barely thirty, yet poverty, disease and the city
had drawn their cruel lines across her face. Gloria
went to her bedside and gently pressed the fragile
hand. She dared not trust herself to speak. And this,
she thought, is within the shadow of my home, and
I never knew. &#8220;Oh, God,&#8221; she silently
prayed, &#8220;forgive us for our neglect of such as
these.&#8221;</p>

<p>Gloria and Philip did all that was possible for the
Turners, but their helping hands came too late to
do more than to give the mother a measure of peace
during the last days of her life. The promise of help
for the children lifted a heavy load from her heart.
Poor stricken soul, Zelda Turner deserved a better
fate. When she married Len Turner, life seemed full
of joy. He was employed in the office of a large manufacturing
concern, at what seemed to them a munificent salary,
seventy-five dollars a month.</p>

<p>Those were happy days. How they saved and planned
for the future! The castle that they built in Spain
was a little home on a small farm near a city large
enough to be a profitable market for their produce.
 Some place where the children could get fresh air,
wholesome food and a place in which to grow up. Two
thousand dollars saved, would, they thought, be enough
to make the start. With this, a farm costing four thousand
dollars could be bought by mortgaging it for half.
Twenty-five dollars a month saved for six years, would,
with interest, bring them to their goal.</p>

<p>Already more than half the sum was theirs. Then came
disaster. One Sunday they were out for their usual
walk. It had been sleeting and the pavements here
and there were still icy. In front of them some children
were playing, and a little girl of eight darted into
the street to avoid being caught by a companion. 
She slipped and fell. A heavy motor was almost upon
her, when Len rushed to snatch her from the on-rushing
car. He caught the child, but slipped himself, succeeding
however in pushing her beyond danger before the cruel
wheels crushed out his life. The dreary days and nights
that followed need not be recited here. The cost of
the funeral and other expenses incident thereto bit
deep into their savings, therefore as soon as she
could pull herself together, Mrs. Turner sought employment
and got it in a large dressmaking establishment at
the inadequate wage of seven dollars a week. She was
skillful with her needle but had no aptitude for design,
therefore she was ever to be among the plodders. One
night in the busy season of overwork before the Christmas
holidays, she started to walk the ten blocks to her
little home, for car-fare was a tax beyond her purse,
and losing her weary footing, she fell heavily to
the ground. By the aid of a kindly policeman she was
able to reach home, in great suffering, only to faint
when she finally reached her room. Peter, who was then
about seven years old, was badly frightened. He ran
for their next door neighbor, a kindly German woman.
She lifted Zelda into bed and sent for a physician,
and although he could find no other injury than a
badly bruised spine, she never left her bed until
she was borne to her grave.</p>

<p>The pitiful little sum that was saved soon went, and
Peter with his blacking box became the sole support
of the family.</p>

<p>When they had buried Zelda, and Gloria was kneeling
by her grave softly weeping, Philip touched her shoulder
and said, &#8220;Let us go, she needs us no longer,
but there are those who do. This experience has been
my lesson, and from now it is my purpose to consecrate
my life towards the betterment of such as these. Our
thoughts, our habits, our morals, our civilization
itself is wrong, else it would not be possible for
just this sort of suffering to exist.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;But you will let me help you, Philip?&#8221;
said Gloria.</p>

<p>&#8220;It will mean much to me, Gloria, if you will.
In this instance Len Turner died a hero&#8217;s death,
and when Mrs. Turner became incapacitated, society,
the state, call it what you will, should have stepped
in and thrown its protecting arms around her. It was
never intended that she should lie there day after
day month after month, suffering, starving, and in
an agony of soul for her children&#8217;s future. She
had the right to expect succor from the rich and the
strong.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Yes,&#8221; said Gloria, &#8220;I have heard
successful men and women say that they cannot help
the poor, that if you gave them all you had, they would
soon be poor again, and that your giving would never
cease.&#8221; &#8220;I know,&#8221; Philip replied,
&#8220;that is ever the cry of the selfish. They believe
that they merit all the blessings of health, distinction
and wealth that may come to them, and they condemn
their less fortunate brother as one deserving his
fate. The poor, the weak and the impractical did not
themselves bring about their condition. Who knows
how large a part the mystery of birth and heredity
play in one&#8217;s life and what environment and
opportunity, or lack of it, means to us? Health, ability,
energy, favorable environment and opportunity are
the ingredients of success. Success is graduated by
the lack of one or all of these. If the powerful use
their strength merely to further their own selfish
desires, in what way save in degree do they differ
from the lower animals of creation? And how can man
under such a moral code justify his dominion over land
and sea?</p>

<p>&#8220;Until recently this question has never squarely
faced the human race, but it does face it now and
to its glory and honor it is going to be answered
right. The strong will help the weak, the rich will
share with the poor, and it will not be called charity,
but it will be known as justice. And the man or woman
who fails to do his duty, not as he sees it, but as
society at large sees it, will be held up to the contempt
of mankind. A generation or two ago, Gloria, this
mad unreasoning scramble for wealth began. Men have
fought, struggled and died, lured by the gleam of
gold, and to what end? The so-called fortunate few
that succeed in obtaining it, use it in divers ways.
To some, lavish expenditure and display pleases their
swollen vanity. Others, more serious minded, gratify
their selfishness by giving largess to schools of learning
and research, and to the advancement of the sciences
and arts. But here and there was found a man gifted
beyond his fellows, one with vision clear enough to
distinguish things worth while. And these, scorning
to acquire either wealth or power, labored diligently
in their separate fields of endeavor. One such became
a great educator, the greatest of his day and generation,
and by his long life of rectitude set an example to
the youth of America that has done more good than
all the gold that all the millionaires have given
for educational purposes.  Another brought to success
a prodigious physical undertaking. For no further reason
than that he might serve his country where best he
could, he went into a fever-laden land and dug a mighty
ditch, bringing together two great oceans and changing
the commerce of the world.&#8221;</p>

<a name="VI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter VI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Prophet of a New Day</h2>

<p>Philip and Mr. Strawn oftentimes discussed the mental
and moral upheaval that was now generally in evidence.</p>

<p>&#8220;What is to be the outcome, Philip?&#8221; said
Mr. Strawn. &#8220;I know that things are not as they
should be, but how can there be a more even distribution
of wealth without lessening the efficiency of the strong,
able and energetic men and without making mendicants
of the indolent and improvident? If we had pure socialism,
we could never get the highest endeavor out of anyone,
for it would seem not worth while to do more than
the average. The race would then go backward instead
of lifting itself higher by the insistent desire to
excel and to reap the rich reward that comes with
success.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;In the past, Mr. Strawn, your contention would
be unanswerable, but the moral tone and thought of
the world is changing. You take it for granted that
man must have in sight some material reward in order
to bring forth the best there is within him. I believe
that mankind is awakening to the fact that material
compensation is far less to be desired than spiritual
compensation. This feeling will grow, it is growing,
and when it comes to full fruition, the world will
find but little difficulty in attaining a certain
measure of altruism. I agree with you that this much-to-be
desired state of society cannot be altogether reached
by laws, however drastic. Socialism as dreamed of
by Karl Marx cannot be entirely brought about by a
comprehensive system of state ownership and by the
leveling of wealth. If that were done without a spiritual
leavening, the result would be largely as you suggest.&#8221;</p>

<p>And so the discussion ran, Strawn the embodiment of
the old order of thought and habit, and Philip the
apostle of the new. And Gloria listened and felt that
in Philip a new force had arisen. She likened him
to a young eagle who, soaring high above a slumbering
world, sees first the gleaming rays of that onrushing
sun that is soon to make another day.</p>

<a name="VII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter VII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Winning of a Medal</h2>

<p>It had become the practice of the War Department to
present to the army every five years a comprehensive
military problem involving an imaginary attack upon
this country by a powerful foreign foe, and the proper
line of defense. The competition was open to both
officers and men. A medal was given to the successful
contestant, and much distinction came with it.</p>

<p>There had been as yet but one contest; five years
before the medal had been won by a Major General who
by wide acclaim was considered the greatest military
authority in the Army. That he should win seemed to
accord with the fitness of things, and it was thought
that he would again be successful.</p>

<p>The problem had been given to the Army on the first
of November, and six months were allowed to study
it and hand in a written dissertation thereon. It
was arranged that the general military staff that considered
the papers should not know the names of the contestants.</p>

<p>Philip had worked upon the matter assiduously while
he was at Fort Magruder, and had sent in his paper
early in March. Great was his surprise upon receiving
a telegram from the Secretary of War announcing that
he had won the medal. For a few days he was a national
sensation. The distinction of the first winner, who
was again a contestant, and Philip&#8217;s youth and
obscurity, made such a striking contrast that the
whole situation appealed enormously to the imagination
of the people. Then, too, the problem was one of unusual
interest, and it, as well as Philip&#8217;s masterly
treatment of it, was published far and wide.</p>

<p>The Nation was clearly treating itself to a sensation,
and upon Philip were focused the eyes of all. From
now he was a marked man. The President, stirred by
the wishes of a large part of the people, expressed
by them in divers ways, offered him reinstatement in
the Army with the rank of Major, and indicated, through
the Secretary of War, that he would be assigned as
Secretary to the General Staff. It was a gracious
thing to do, even though it was prompted by that political
instinct for which the President had become justly
famous.</p>

<p>In an appreciative note of thanks, Philip declined.
Again he became the talk of the hour. Poor, and until
now obscure, it was assumed that he would gladly seize
such an opportunity for a brilliant career within his
profession. His friends were amazed and urged him to
reconsider the matter, but his determination was fixed.</p>

<p>Only Gloria understood and approved.</p>

<p>&#8220;Philip,&#8221; said Mr. Strawn, &#8220;do not
turn this offer down lightly. Such an opportunity
seldom comes twice in any man&#8217;s life.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I am deeply impressed with the truth of what
you say, Mr. Strawn, and I am not putting aside a
military career without much regret. However, I am
now committed to a life work of a different character,
one in which glory and success as the world knows
it can never enter, but which appeals to every instinct
that I possess. I have turned my face in the one direction,
and come what may, I shall never change.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I am afraid, Philip, that in the enthusiasm
of youth and inexperience you are doing a foolish
thing, one that will bring you many hours of bitter
regret. This is the parting of the ways with you. Take
the advice of one who loves you well and turn into
the road leading to honor and success. The path which
you are about to choose is obscure and difficult,
and none may say just where it leads.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;What you say is true, Mr. Strawn, only we are
measuring results by different standards. If I could
journey your road with a blythe heart, free from regret,
when glory and honor came, I should revel in it and
die, perhaps, happy and contented. But constituted
as I am, when I began to travel along that road, from
its dust there would arise to haunt me the ghosts
of those of my fellowmen who had lived and died without
opportunity. The cold and hungry, the sick and suffering
poor, would seem to cry to me that I had abandoned
them in order that I might achieve distinction and
success, and there would be for me no peace.&#8221;</p>

<p>And here Gloria touched his hand with hers, that he
might know her thoughts and sympathy were at one with
his.</p>

<p>Philip was human enough to feel a glow of satisfaction
at having achieved so much reputation. A large part
of it, he felt, was undeserved and rather hysterical,
but that he had been able to do a big thing made him
surer of his ground in his new field of endeavor. He
believed, too, that it would aid him largely in obtaining
the confidence of those with whom he expected to work
and of those he expected to work for.</p>

<a name="VIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter VIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Story of the Levinskys</h2>

<p>As soon as public attention was brought to Philip
in such a generous way, he received many offers to
write for the press and magazines, and also to lecture.</p>

<p>He did not wish to draw upon his father&#8217;s slender
resources, and yet he must needs do something to meet
his living expenses, for during the months of his
inactivity, he had drawn largely upon the small sum
which he had saved from his salary.</p>

<p>The Strawns were insistent that he should continue
to make their home his own, but this he was unwilling
to do. So he rented an inexpensive room over a small
hardware store in the East Side tenement district.
He thought of getting in one of the big, evil-smelling
tenement houses so that he might live as those he
came to help lived, but he abandoned this because
he feared he might become too absorbed in those immediately
around him.</p>

<p>What he wanted was a broader view. His purpose was
not so much to give individual help as to formulate
some general plan and to work upon those lines.</p>

<p>And yet he wished an intimate view of the things he
meant to devote his life to bettering. So the clean
little room over the quiet hardware store seemed to
suit his wants.</p>

<p>The thin, sharp-featured Jew and his fat, homely wife
who kept it had lived in that neighborhood for many
years, and Philip found them a mine of useful information
regarding the things he wished to know.</p>

<p>The building was narrow and but three stories high,
and his landlord occupied all of the second story
save the one room which was let to Philip.</p>

<p>He arranged with Mrs. Levinsky to have his breakfast
with them. He soon learned to like the Jew and his
wife. While they were kind-hearted and sympathetic,
they seldom permitted their sympathy to encroach upon
their purse, but this Philip knew was a matter of
environment and early influence. He drew from them
one day the story of their lives, and it ran like
this:</p>

<p>Ben Levinsky&#8217;s forebears had long lived in Warsaw.
From father to son, from one generation to another,
they had handed down a bookshop, which included bookbinding
in a small way. They were self-educated and widely
read. Their customers were largely among the gentiles
and for a long time the anti-semitic waves passed
over them, leaving them untouched. They were law-abiding,
inoffensive, peaceable citizens, and had been for
generations.</p>

<p>One bleak December day, at a market place in Warsaw,
a young Jew, baited beyond endurance, struck out madly
at his aggressors, and in the general m&#234;l&#233;e that followed,
the son of a high official was killed. No one knew
how he became involved in the brawl, for he was a sober,
high-minded youngster, and very popular. Just how
he was killed and by whom was never known. But the
Jew had struck the first blow and that was all sufficient
for the blood of hate to surge in the eyes of the race-mad
mob.</p>

<p>Then began a blind, unreasoning massacre. It all happened
within an hour. It was as if after nightfall a tornado
had come out of the west, and without warning had
torn and twisted itself through the city, leaving
ruin and death in its wake. No Jew that could be found
was spared. Saul Levinsky was sitting in his shop
looking over some books that had just come from the
binder. He heard shots in the distance and the dull,
angry roar of the hoarse-voiced mob. He closed his
door and bolted it, and went up the little stairs
leading to his family quarters. His wife and six-year-old
daughter were there. Ben, a boy of ten, had gone to
a nobleman&#8217;s home to deliver some books, and
had not returned.</p>

<p>Levinsky expected the mob to pass his place and leave
it unmolested. It stopped, hesitated and then rammed
in the door. It was all over in a moment. Father,
mother and child lay dead and torn almost limb from
limb. The rooms were wrecked, and the mob moved on.</p>

<p>The tempest passed as quickly as it came, and when
little Ben reached his home, the street was as silent
as the grave.</p>

<p>With quivering lip and uncertain feet he picked his
way from room to room until he came to what were once
his father, mother and baby sister, and then he swooned
away. When he awoke he was shivering with cold. For
a moment he did not realize what had happened, then
with a heartbreaking cry he fled the place, nor did
he stop until he was a league away.</p>

<p>He crept under the sheltering eaves of a half-burned
house, and cold and miserable he sobbed himself to
sleep. In the morning an itinerant tinker came by
and touched by the child&#8217;s distress, drew from
him his unhappy story. He was a lonely old man, and
offered to take Ben with him, an offer which was gladly
accepted.</p>

<p>We will not chronicle the wanderings of these two
in pursuit of food and shelter, for it would take
too long to tell in sequence how they finally reached
America, of the tinker&#8217;s death, and of the evolution
of the tinker&#8217;s pack to the well ordered hardware
shop over which Philip lived.</p>

<a name="IX"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter IX</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Philip Begins a New Career</h2>

<p>After sifting the offers made him, Philip finally
accepted two, one from a large New York daily that
syndicated throughout the country, and one from a
widely read magazine, to contribute a series of twelve
articles. Both the newspaper and the magazine wished
to dictate the subject matter about which he was to
write, but he insisted upon the widest latitude. The
sum paid, and to be paid, seemed to him out of proportion
to the service rendered, but he failed to take into
account the value of the advertising to those who
had secured the use of his pen.</p>

<p>He accepted the offers not alone because he must needs
do something for a livelihood, but largely for the
good he thought he might do the cause to which he
was enlisted. He determined to write upon social subjects
only, though he knew that this would be a disappointment
to his publishers. He wanted to write an article or
two before he began his permanent work, for if he
wrote successfully, he thought it would add to his
influence. So he began immediately, and finished his
first contribution to the syndicate newspapers in
time for them to use it the following Sunday.</p>

<p>He told in a simple way, the story of the Turners.
In conclusion he said the rich and the well-to-do
were as a rule charitable enough when distress came
to their doors, but the trouble was that they were
unwilling to seek it out. They knew that it existed
but they wanted to come in touch with it as little
as possible.</p>

<p>They smothered their consciences with the thought
that there were organized societies and other mediums
through which all poverty was reached, and to these
they gave. They knew that this was not literally true,
but it served to make them think less badly of themselves.</p>

<p><i>In a direct and forceful manner, he pointed out
that our civilization was fundamentally wrong inasmuch
as among other things, it restricted efficiency; that
if society were properly organized, there would be
none who were not sufficiently clothed and fed; that
the laws, habits and ethical training in vogue were
alike responsible for the inequalities in opportunity
and the consequent wide difference between the few
and the many; that the result of such conditions was
to render inefficient a large part of the population,
the percentage differing in each country in the ratio
that education and enlightened and unselfish laws bore
to ignorance, bigotry and selfish laws.</i> But
little progress, he said, had been made in the early
centuries for the reason that opportunity had been
confined to a few, and it was only recently that any
considerable part of the world&#8217;s population had
been in a position to become efficient; and mark the
result. Therefore, he argued, as an economical proposition,
divorced from the realm of ethics, the far-sighted
statesmen of to-morrow, if not of to-day, will labor
to the end that every child born of woman may have
an opportunity to accomplish that for which it is
best fitted. Their bodies will be properly clothed
and fed at the minimum amount of exertion, so that
life may mean something more than a mere struggle
for existence.  Humanity as a whole will then be able
to do its share towards the conquest of the complex
forces of nature, and there will be brought about an
intellectual and spiritual quickening that will make
our civilization of to-day seem as crude, as selfish
and illogical as that of the dark ages seem now to
us.</p>

<p>Philip&#8217;s article was widely read and was the
subject of much comment, favorable and otherwise.
There were the ever-ready few, who want to re-make
the world in a day, that objected to its moderation,
and there were his more numerous critics who hold
that to those that have, more should be given. These
considered his doctrine dangerous to the general welfare,
meaning their own welfare. But upon the greater number
it made a profound impression, and it awakened many
a sleeping conscience as was shown by the hundreds
of letters which he received from all parts of the
country. All this was a tremendous encouragement to
the young social worker, for the letters he received
showed him that he had a definite public to address,
whom he might lead if he could keep his medium for
a time at least. Naturally, the publishers of the
newspaper and magazine for which he wrote understood
this, but they also understood that it was usually
possible to control intractable writers after they
had acquired a taste for publicity, and their attitude
was for the time being one of general enthusiasm and
liberality tempered by such trivial attempts at control
as had already been made.</p>

<p>No sooner had he seen the first story in print than
he began formulating his ideas for a second. This,
he planned, would be a companion piece to that of
the Turners which was typical of the native American
family driven to the East Side by the inevitable workings
of the social order, and would take up the problem
of the foreigner immigrating to this country, and
its effect upon our national life. In this second article
he incorporated the story of the Levinskys as being
fairly representative of the problem he wished to
treat.</p>

<p>In preparing these articles, Philip had used his eyes
for the first time in such work, and he was pleased
to find no harm came of it. The oculist still cautioned
moderation, but otherwise dismissed him as fully recovered.</p>

<a name="X"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter X</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Gloria Decides to Proselyte the Rich</h2>

<p>While Philip was establishing himself in New York,
as a social worker and writer, Gloria was spending
more and more of her time in settlement work, in spite
of the opposition of her family. Naturally, their work
brought them much into each other&#8217;s society,
and drew them even closer together than in Philip&#8217;s
dark days when Gloria was trying to aid him in the
readjustment of his life. They were to all appearances
simply comrades in complete understanding, working
together for a common cause.</p>

<p>However, Strawn&#8217;s opposition to Gloria&#8217;s
settlement work was not all impersonal, for he made
no secret of his worry over Gloria&#8217;s evident
admiration for Dru. Strawn saw in Philip a masterly
man with a prodigious intellect, bent upon accomplishing
a revolutionary adjustment of society, and he knew
that nothing would deter him from his purpose. The
magnitude of the task and the uncertainties of success
made him fear that Gloria might become one of the
many unhappy women who suffer martyrdom through the
greatness of their love.</p>

<p>Gloria&#8217;s mother felt the same way about her
daughter&#8217;s companion in settlement work. Mrs.
Strawn was a placid, colorless woman, content to go
the conventional way, without definite purpose, further
than to avoid the rougher places in life.</p>

<p>She was convinced that men were placed here for the
sole purpose of shielding and caring for women, and
she had a contempt for any man who refused or was
unable to do so.</p>

<p>Gloria&#8217;s extreme advanced views of life alarmed
her and seemed unnatural. She protested as strongly
as she could, without upsetting her equanimity, for
to go beyond that she felt was unladylike and bad for
both nerves and digestion. It was a grief for her to
see Gloria actually working with anyone, much less
Philip, whose theories were quite upsetting, and who,
after all, was beyond the pale of their social sphere
and was impossible as a son-in-law.</p>

<p>Consequently, Philip was not surprised when one day
in the fall, he received a disconsolate note from
Gloria who was spending a few weeks with her parents
at their camp in the hills beyond Tuxedo, saying that
her father had flatly refused to allow her to take
a regular position with one of the New York settlements,
which would require her living on the East Side instead
of at home. The note concluded:</p>

<p>&#8220;Now, Philip, do come up for Sunday and let&#8217;s
talk it over, for I am sadly at variance with my family,
and I need your assistance and advice.</p>

<p>&#8220;Your very sincere,</p>

<p>&#8220;<i>Gloria</i>.&#8221;</p>

<p>The letter left Dru in a strangely disturbed state
of mind, and all during the trip up from New York
his thoughts were on Gloria and what the future would
bring forth to them both.</p>

<p>On the afternoon following his arrival at the camp,
as he and the young woman walked over the hills aflame
with autumnal splendor, Gloria told of her bitter
disappointment. The young man listened in sympathy,
but after a long pause in which she saw him weighing
the whole question in his mind, he said: &#8220;Well,
Gloria, so far as your work alone is concerned, there
is something better that you can do if you will. The
most important things to be done now are not amongst
the poor but amongst the rich. There is where you
may become a forceful missionary for good. All of
us can reach the poor, for they welcome us, but there
are only a few who think like you, who can reach the
rich and powerful.</p>

<p>&#8220;Let that be your field of endeavor. Do your
work gently and with moderation, so that some at least
may listen. If we would convince and convert, we must
veil our thoughts and curb our enthusiasm, so that
those we would influence will think us reasonable.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Well, Philip,&#8221; answered Gloria, &#8220;if
you really think I can help the cause, of course--&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I&#8217;m sure you can help the cause. A lack
of understanding is the chief obstacle, but, Gloria,
you know that this is not an easy thing for me to
say, for I realize that it will largely take you out
of my life, for my path leads in the other direction.</p>

<p>&#8220;It will mean that I will no longer have you
as a daily inspiration, and the sordidness and loneliness
will press all the harder, but we have seen the true
path, and now have a clearer understanding of the meaning
and importance of our work.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;And so, Philip, it is decided that you will
go back to the East Side to your destiny, and I will
remain here, there and everywhere, Newport, New York,
Palm Beach, London, carrying on my work as I see it.&#8221;</p>

<p>They had wandered long and far by now, and had come
again to the edge of the lofty forest that was a part
of her father&#8217;s estate. They stood for a moment
in that vast silence looking into each other&#8217;s
eyes, and then they clasped hands over their tacit
compact, and without a word, walked back to the bungalow.</p>

<a name="XI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Selwyn Plots with Thor</h2>

<p>For five years Gloria and Philip worked in their separate
fields, but, nevertheless, coming in frequent touch
with one another. Gloria proselyting the rich by showing
them their selfishness, and turning them to a larger
purpose in life, and Philip leading the forces of those
who had consecrated themselves to the uplifting of
the unfortunate. It did not take Philip long to discern
that in the last analysis it would be necessary for
himself and co-workers to reach the results aimed at
through politics. Masterful and arrogant wealth, created
largely by Government protection of its profits, not
content with its domination and influence within a
single party, had sought to corrupt them both, and
to that end had insinuated itself into the primaries,
in order that no candidates might be nominated whose
views were not in accord with theirs.</p>

<p>By the use of all the money that could be spent, by
a complete and compact organization and by the most
infamous sort of deception regarding his real opinions
and intentions, plutocracy had succeeded in electing
its creature to the Presidency. There had been formed
a league, the membership of which was composed of
one thousand multi-millionaires, each one contributing
ten thousand dollars. This gave a fund of ten million
dollars with which to mislead those that could be misled,
and to debauch the weak and uncertain.</p>

<p>This nefarious plan was conceived by a senator whose
swollen fortune had been augmented year after year
through the tributes paid him by the interests he
represented. He had a marvelous aptitude for political
manipulation and organization, and he forged a subtle
chain with which to hold in subjection the natural
impulses of the people. His plan was simple, but behind
it was the cunning of a mind that had never known
defeat. There was no man in either of the great political
parties that was big enough to cope with him or to
unmask his methods.</p>

<p>Up to the advent of Senator Selwyn, the interests
had not successfully concealed their hands. Sometimes
the public had been mistaken as to the true character
of their officials, but sooner or later the truth had
developed, for in most instances, wealth was openly
for or against certain men and measures. But the adroit
Selwyn moved differently.</p>

<p>His first move was to confer with John Thor, the high
priest of finance, and unfold his plan to him, explaining
how essential was secrecy. It was agreed between them
that it should be known to the two of them only.</p>

<p>Thor&#8217;s influence throughout commercial America
was absolute. His wealth, his ability and even more
the sum of the capital he could control through the
banks, trust companies and industrial organizations,
which he dominated, made his word as potent as that
of a monarch.</p>

<p>He and Selwyn together went over the roll and selected
the thousand that were to give each ten thousand dollars.
Some they omitted for one reason or another, but when
they had finished they had named those who could make
or break within a day any man or corporation within
their sphere of influence. Thor was to send for each
of the thousand and compliment him by telling him
that there was a matter, appertaining to the general
welfare of the business fraternity, which needed twenty
thousand dollars, that he, Thor, would put up ten,
and wanted him to put up as much, that sometime in
the future, or never, as the circumstances might require,
would he make a report as to the expenditure and purpose
therefor.</p>

<p>There were but few men of business between the Atlantic
and Pacific, or between Canada and Mexico, who did
not consider themselves fortunate in being called
to New York by Thor, and in being asked to join him
in a blind pool looking to the safe-guarding of wealth.
Consequently, the amassing of this great corruption
fund in secret was simple. If necessity had demanded
it twice the sum could have been raised. The money
when collected was placed in Thor&#8217;s name in different
banks controlled by him, and Thor, from time to time,
as requested by Selwyn, placed in banks designated
by him whatever sums were needed. Selwyn then transferred
these amounts to the private bank of his son-in-law,
who became final paymaster. The result was that the
public had no chance of obtaining any knowledge of
the fund or how it was spent.</p>

<p>The plan was simple, the result effective. Selwyn
had no one to interfere with him. The members of the
pool had contributed blindly to Thor, and Thor preferred
not to know what Selwyn was doing nor how he did it.
It was a one man power which in the hands of one possessing
ability of the first class, is always potent for good
or evil.</p>

<p>Not only did Selwyn plan to win the Presidency, but
he also planned to bring under his control both the
Senate and the Supreme Court. He selected one man
in each of thirty of the States, some of them belonging
to his party and some to the opposition, whom he intended
to have run for the Senate.</p>

<p>If he succeeded in getting twenty of them elected,
he counted upon having a good majority of the Senate,
because there were already thirty-eight Senators upon
whom he could rely in any serious attack upon corporate
wealth.</p>

<p>As to the Supreme Court, of the nine justices there
were three that were what he termed &#8220;safe and
sane,&#8221; and another that could be counted upon
in a serious crisis.</p>

<p>Three of them, upon whom he could not rely, were of
advanced age, and it was practically certain that
the next President would have that many vacancies
to fill. Then there would be an easy working majority.</p>

<p>His plan contemplated nothing further than this. His
intention was to block all legislation adverse to
the interests. He would have no new laws to fear,
and of the old, the Supreme Court would properly interpret
them.</p>

<p>He did not intend that his Senators should all vote
alike, speak alike, or act from apparently similar
motives. Where they came from States dominated by
corporate wealth, he would have them frankly vote in
the open, and according to their conviction.</p>

<p>When they came from agricultural States, where the
sentiment was known as &#8220;progressive,&#8221;
they could cover their intentions in many ways. One
method was by urging an amendment so radical that no
honest progressive would consent to it, and then refusing
to support the more moderate measure because it did
not go far enough. Another was to inject some clause
that was clearly unconstitutional, and insist upon
its adoption, and refusing to vote for the bill without
its insertion.</p>

<p>Selwyn had no intention of letting any one Senator
know that he controlled any other senator. There were
to be no caucuses, no conferences of his making, or
anything that looked like an organization. He was
the center, and from him radiated everything appertaining
to measures affecting &#8220;the interests.&#8221;</p>

<a name="XII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Selwyn Seeks a Candidate</h2>

<p>Selwyn then began carefully scrutinizing such public
men in the States known as Presidential cradles, as
seemed to him eligible. By a process of elimination
he centered upon two that appeared desirable.</p>

<p>One was James R. Rockland, recently elected Governor
of a State of the Middle West. The man had many of
the earmarks of a demagogue, which Selwyn readily
recognized, and he therefore concluded to try him first.</p>

<p>Accordingly he went to the capital of the State ostensibly
upon private business, and dropped in upon the Governor
in the most casual way. Rockland was distinctly flattered
by the attention, for Selwyn was, perhaps, the best
known figure in American politics, while he, himself,
had only begun to attract attention. They had met at
conventions and elsewhere, but they were practically
unacquainted, for Rockland had never been permitted
to enter the charmed circle which gathered around
Selwyn.</p>

<p>&#8220;Good morning, Governor,&#8221; said Selwyn,
when he had been admitted to Rockland&#8217;s private
room. &#8220;I was passing through the capital and
I thought I would look in on you and see how your
official cares were using you.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I am glad to see you, Senator,&#8221; said
Rockland effusively, &#8220;very glad, for there are
some party questions coming up at the next session
of the Legislature about which I particularly desire
your advice.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I have but a moment now, Rockland,&#8221; answered
the Senator, &#8220;but if you will dine with me in
my rooms at the Mandell House to-night it will be a
pleasure to talk over such matters with you.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Thank you, Senator, at what hour?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;You had better come at seven for if I finish
my business here to-day, I shall leave on the 10 o&#8217;clock
for Washington,&#8221; said Selwyn.</p>

<p>Thus in the most casual way the meeting was arranged.
As a matter of fact, Rockland had no party matters
to discuss, and Selwyn knew it. He also knew that
Rockland was ambitious to become a leader, and to get
within the little group that controlled the party and
the Nation.</p>

<p>Rockland was a man of much ability, but he fell far
short of measuring up with Selwyn, who was in a class
by himself. The Governor was a good orator, at times
even brilliant, and while not a forceful man, yet he
had magnetism which served him still better in furthering
his political fortunes. He was not one that could
be grossly corrupted, yet he was willing to play to
the galleries in order to serve his ambition, and he
was willing to forecast his political acts in order
to obtain potential support.</p>

<p>When he reached the Mandell House, he was at once
shown to the Senator&#8217;s rooms. Selwyn received
him cordially enough to be polite, and asked him if
he would not look over the afternoon paper for a moment
while he finished a note he was writing. He wrote
leisurely, then rang for a boy and ordered dinner
to be served.</p>

<p>Selwyn merely tasted the wine (he seldom did more)
but Rockland drank freely though not to excess.  After
they had talked over the local matters which were
supposed to be the purpose of the conference, much
to Rockland&#8217;s delight, the Senator began to discuss
national politics.</p>

<p>&#8220;Rockland,&#8221; began Selwyn, &#8220;can you
hold this state in line at next year&#8217;s election?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I feel sure that I can, Senator, why do you
ask?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Since we have been talking here,&#8221; he
replied, &#8220;it has occurred to me that if you
could be nominated and elected again, the party might
do worse than to consider you for the presidential
nomination the year following.</p>

<p>&#8220;No, my dear fellow, don&#8217;t interrupt me,&#8221;
continued  Selwyn mellifluously.</p>

<p>&#8220;It is strange how fate or chance enters into
the life of man and even of nations. A business matter
calls me here, I pass your office and think to pay
my respects to the Governor of the State. Some political
questions are perplexing you, and my presence suggests
that I may aid in their solution. This dinner follows,
your personality appeals to me, and the thought flits
through my mind, why should not Rockland, rather than
some other man, lead the party two years from now?</p>

<p>&#8220;And the result, my dear Rockland, may be, probably
will be, your becoming chief magistrate of the greatest
republic the sun has ever shone on.&#8221;</p>

<p>Rockland by this time was fairly hypnotized by Selwyn&#8217;s
words, and by their tremendous import. For a moment
he dared not trust himself to speak.</p>

<p>&#8220;Senator Selwyn,&#8221; he said at last, &#8220;it
would be idle for me to deny that you have excited
within me an ambition that a moment ago would have
seemed worse than folly. Your influence within the
party and your ability to conduct a campaign, gives
to your suggestion almost the tender of the presidency.
To tell you that I am deeply moved does scant justice
to my feelings. If, after further consideration, you
think me worthy of the honor, I shall feel under lasting
obligations to you which I shall endeavor to repay
in every way consistent with honor and with a sacred
regard for my oath of office.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I want to tell you frankly, Rockland,&#8221;
answered Selwyn, &#8220;that up to now I have had
someone else in mind, but I am in no sense committed,
and we might as well discuss the matter to as near
a conclusion as is possible at this time.&#8221;</p>

<p>Selwyn&#8217;s voice hardened a little as he went
on. &#8220;You would not want a nomination that could
not carry with a reasonable certainty of election,
therefore  I would like to go over with you your record,
both public and private, in the most open yet confidential
way. It is better that you and I, in the privacy of
these rooms, should lay bare your past than that it
should be done in a bitter campaign and by your enemies.
What we say to one another here is to be as if never
spoken, and the grave itself must not be more silent.
Your private life not only needs to be clean, but
there must be no public act at which any one can point
an accusing finger.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Of course, of course,&#8221; said Rockland,
with a gesture meant to convey the complete openness
of his record.</p>

<p>&#8220;Then comes the question of party regularity,&#8221;
continued Selwyn, without noticing. &#8220;Be candid
with me, for, if you are not, the recoil will be upon
your own head.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I am sure that I can satisfy you on every point,
Senator. I have never scratched a party ticket nor
have I ever voted against any measure endorsed by
a party caucus,&#8221; said Governor Rockland.</p>

<p>&#8220;That is well,&#8221; smiled the Senator. &#8220;I
assume that in making your important appointments
you will consult those of us who have stood sponsor
for you, not only to the party but to the country.
It would be very humiliating to me if I should insist
upon your nomination and election and then should
for four years have to apologize for what I had done.&#8221;</p>

<p>Musingly, as if contemplating the divine presence
in the works of man, Selwyn went on, while he closely
watched Rockland from behind his half-closed eyelids.</p>

<p>&#8220;Our scheme of Government contemplates, I think,
a diffuse responsibility, my dear Rockland. While
a president has a constitutional right to act alone,
he has no moral right to act contrary to the tenets
and traditions of his party, or to the advice of the
party leaders, for the country accepts the candidate,
the party and the party advisers as a whole and not
severally.</p>

<p>&#8220;It is a natural check, which by custom the
country has endorsed as wise, and which must be followed
in order to obtain a proper organization. Do you follow
me, Governor, and do you endorse this unwritten law?&#8221;</p>

<p>If Rockland had heard this at second hand, if he had
read it, or if it had related to someone other than
himself, he would have detected the sophistry of it.
But, exhilarated by wine and intoxicated by ambition,
he saw nothing but a pledge to deal squarely by the
organization.</p>

<p>&#8220;Senator,&#8221; he replied fulsomely, &#8220;gratitude
is one of the tenets of my religion, and therefore
inversely ingratitude is unknown to me. You and the
organization can count on my loyalty from the beginning
to the end, for I shall never fail you.</p>

<p>&#8220;I know you will not ask me to do anything at
which my conscience will rebel, nor to make an appointment
that is not entirely fit.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;That, Rockland, goes without saying,&#8221;
answered the Senator with dignity. &#8220;I have all
the wealth and all the position that I desire. I want
nothing now except to do my share towards making my
native land grow in prosperity, and to make the individual
citizen more contented. To do this we must cease this
eternal agitation, this constant proposal of half-baked
measures, which the demagogues are offering as a panacea
to all the ills that flesh is heir to.</p>

<p>&#8220;We need peace, legislative and political peace,
so that our people may turn to their industries and
work them to success, in the wholesome knowledge that
the laws governing commerce and trade conditions will
not be disturbed over night.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I agree with you there, Senator,&#8221; said
Rockland eagerly.</p>

<p>&#8220;We have more new laws now than we can digest
in a decade,&#8221; continued Selwyn, &#8220;so let
us have rest until we do digest them. In Europe the
business world works under stable conditions. There
we find no proposal to change the money system between
moons, there we find no uncertainty from month to
month regarding the laws under which manufacturers
are to make their products, but with us, it is a wise
man who knows when he can afford to enlarge his output.</p>

<p>&#8220;A high tariff threatens to-day, a low one to-morrow,
and a large part of the time the business world lies
in helpless perplexity.</p>

<p>&#8220;I take it, Rockland, that you are in favor
of stability, that you will join me in my endeavors
to give the country a chance to develop itself and
its marvelous natural resources.&#8221;</p>

<p>As a matter of fact, Rockland&#8217;s career had given
no evidence of such views. He had practically committed
his political fortunes on the side of the progressives,
but the world had turned around since then, and he
viewed things differently.</p>

<p>&#8220;Senator,&#8221; he said, his voice tense in
his anxiety to prove his reliability, &#8220;I find
that in the past I have taken only a cursory view
of conditions. I see clearly that what you have outlined
is a high order of statesmanship. You are constructive:
I have been on the side of those who would tear down.
I will gladly join hands with you and build up, so
that the wealth and power of this country shall come
to equal that of any two nations in existence.&#8221;</p>

<p>Selwyn settled back in his chair, nodding his approval
and telling himself that he would not need to seek
further for his candidate.</p>

<p>At Rockland&#8217;s earnest solicitation he remained
over another day. The Governor gave him copies of
his speeches and messages, so that he could assure
himself that there was no serious flaw in his public
record.</p>

<p>Selwyn cautioned him about changing his attitude too
suddenly. &#8220;Go on, Rockland, as you have done
in the past. It will not do to see the light too quickly.
You have the progressives with you now, keep them,
and I will let the conservatives know that you think
straight and may be trusted.</p>

<p>&#8220;We must consult frequently together,&#8221;
he continued, &#8220;but cautiously. There is no need
for any one to know that we are working together harmoniously.
 I may even get some of the conservative papers to
attack you judiciously. It will not harm you. But,
above all, do nothing of importance without consulting
me.</p>

<p>&#8220;I am committing the party and the Nation to
you, and my responsibility is a heavy one, and I owe
it to them that no mistakes are made.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;You may trust me, Senator,&#8221; said Rockland.
&#8220;I understand perfectly.&#8221;</p>

<a name="XIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Dru and Selwyn Meet</h2>

<p>The roads of destiny oftentimes lead us in strange
and unlooked for directions and bring together those
whose thoughts and purposes are as wide as space itself.
When Gloria Strawn first entered boarding school,
the roommate given her was Janet Selwyn, the youngest
daughter of the Senator. They were alike in nothing,
except, perhaps, in their fine perception of truth
and honor. But they became devoted friends and had
carried their attachment for one another beyond their
schoolgirl days. Gloria was a frequent visitor at
the Selwyn household both in Washington and Philadelphia,
and was a favorite with the Senator. He often bantered
her concerning her &#8220;socialistic views,&#8221;
and she in turn would declare that he would some day
see the light. Now and then she let fall a hint of
Philip, and one day Senator Selwyn suggested that she
invite him over to Philadelphia to spend the week end
with them. &#8220;Gloria, I would like to meet this
paragon of the ages,&#8221; said he jestingly, &#8220;although
I am somewhat fearful that he may persuade me to &#8216;sell
all that I have and give it to the poor.&#8217;&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I will promise to protect you during this one
visit, Senator,&#8221; said Gloria, &#8220;but after
that I shall leave you to your fate.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Dear Philip,&#8221; wrote Gloria, &#8220;the
great Senator Selwyn has expressed a wish to know
you, and at his suggestion, I am writing to ask you
here to spend with us the coming week end. I have
promised that you will not denude him of all his possessions
at your first meeting, but beyond that I have refused
to go. Seriously, though, I think you should come,
for if you would know something of politics, then
why not get your lessons from the fountain head?</p>

<p>&#8220;Your very sincere,</p>

<p>&#8220;<i>Gloria</i>.&#8221;</p>

<p>In reply Philip wrote:</p>

<p>&#8220;Dear Gloria: You are ever anticipating my wishes.
In the crusade we are making I find it essential to
know politics, if we are to reach the final goal that
we have in mind, and you have prepared the way for
the first lesson. I will be over to-morrow on the
four o&#8217;clock. Please do not bother to meet me.</p>

<p>&#8220;Faithfully yours,</p>

<p>&#8220;<i>Philip</i>.&#8221;</p>

<p>Gloria and Janet Strawn were at the station to meet
him. &#8220;Janet, this is Mr. Dru,&#8221; said Gloria.
&#8220;It makes me very happy to have my two best
friends meet.&#8221; As they got in her electric runabout,
Janet Strawn said, &#8220;Since dinner will not be
served for two hours or more, let us drive in the
park for a while.&#8221; Gloria was pleased to see
that Philip was interested in the bright, vivacious
chatter of her friend, and she was glad to hear him
respond in the same light strain. However, she was
confessedly nervous when Senator Selwyn and Philip
met. Though in different ways, she admired them both
profoundly. Selwyn had a delightful personality, and
Gloria felt sure that Philip would come measurably
under the influence of it, even though their views
were so widely divergent. And in this she was right.
Here, she felt, were two great antagonists, and she
was eager for the intellectual battle to begin. But
she was to be disappointed, for Philip became the listener,
and did but little of the talking. He led Senator Selwyn
into a dissertation upon the present conditions of
the country, and the bearing of the political questions
upon them. Selwyn said nothing indiscreet, yet he
unfolded to Philip&#8217;s view a new and potential
world. Later in the evening, the Senator was unsuccessful
in his efforts to draw from his young guest his point
of view. Philip saw the futility of such a discussion,
and contented Selwyn by expressing an earnest appreciation
of his patience in making clear so many things about
which he had been ignorant.  Next morning, Senator
Selwyn was strolling with Gloria in the rose garden,
when he said, &#8220;Gloria, I like your friend Dru.
I do not recall ever having met any one like him.&#8221;
&#8220;Then you got him to talk after we left last
night. I am so glad. I was afraid he had on one of
his quiet spells.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;No, he said but little, but the questions he
asked gave me glimpses of his mind that sometimes
startled me. He was polite, modest but elusive, nevertheless,
I like him, and shall see more of him.&#8221; Far sighted
as Selwyn was, he did not know the full extent of
this prophecy.</p>

<a name="XIV"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XIV</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Making of a President</h2>

<p>Selwyn now devoted himself to the making of enough
conservative senators to control comfortably that
body. The task was not difficult to a man of his sagacity
with all the money he could spend.</p>

<p>Newspapers were subsidized in ways they scarcely recognized
themselves. Honest officials who were in the way were
removed by offering them places vastly more remunerative,
and in this manner he built up a strong, intelligent
and well constructed machine. It was done so sanely
and so quietly that no one suspected the master mind
behind it all. Selwyn was responsible to no one, took
no one into his confidence, and was therefore in no
danger of betrayal.</p>

<p>It was a fascinating game to Selwyn. It appealed to
his intellectual side far more than it did to his
avarice. He wanted to govern the Nation with an absolute
hand, and yet not be known as the directing power.
He arranged to have his name appear less frequently
in the press and he never submitted to interviews,
laughingly ridding himself of reporters by asserting
that he knew nothing of importance. He had a supreme
contempt for the blatant self-advertised politician,
and he removed himself as far as possible from that
type.</p>

<p>In the meantime his senators were being elected, the
Rockland sentiment was steadily growing and his nomination
was finally brought about by the progressives fighting
vigorously for him and the conservatives yielding
a reluctant consent. It was done so adroitly that Rockland
would have been fooled himself, had not Selwyn informed
him in advance of each move as it was made.</p>

<p>After the nomination, Selwyn had trusted men put in
charge of the campaign, which he organized himself,
though largely under cover. The opposition party had
every reason to believe that they would be successful,
and it was a great intellectual treat to Selwyn to
overcome their natural advantages by the sheer force
of ability, plus what money he needed to carry out
his plans. He put out the cry of lack of funds, and
indeed it seemed to be true, for he was too wise to
make a display of his resources. To ward heelers,
to the daily press, and to professional stump speakers,
he gave scant comfort. It was not to such sources
that he looked for success.</p>

<p>He began by eliminating all states he knew the opposition
party would certainly carry, but he told the party
leaders there to claim that a revolution was brewing,
and that a landslide would follow at the election.
This would keep his antagonists busy and make them
less effective elsewhere.</p>

<p>He also ignored the states where his side was sure
to win. In this way he was free to give his entire
thoughts to the twelve states that were debatable,
and upon whose votes the election would turn. He divided
each of these states into units containing five thousand
voters, and, at the national headquarters, he placed
one man in charge of each unit. Of the five thousand,
he roughly calculated there would be two thousand
voters that no kind of persuasion could turn from his
party and two thousand that could not be changed from
the opposition. This would leave one thousand doubtful
ones to win over. So he had a careful poll made in
each unit, and eliminated the strictly unpersuadable
party men, and got down to a complete analysis of
the debatable one thousand. Information was obtained
as to their race, religion, occupation and former
political predilection. It was easy then to know how
to reach each individual by literature, by persuasion
or perhaps by some more subtle argument.  No mistake
was made by sending the wrong letter or the wrong
man to any of the desired one thousand.</p>

<p>In the states so divided, there was, at the local
headquarters, one man for each unit just as at the
national headquarters. So these two had only each
other to consider, and their duty was to bring to Rockland
a majority of the one thousand votes within their
charge. The local men gave the conditions, the national
men gave the proper literature and advice, and the
local man then applied it. The money that it cost to
maintain such an organization was more than saved from
the waste that would have occurred under the old method.</p>

<p>The opposition management was sending out tons of
printed matter, but they sent it to state headquarters
that, in turn, distributed it to the county organizations,
where it was dumped into a corner and given to visitors
when asked for. Selwyn&#8217;s committee used one-fourth
as much printed matter, but it went in a sealed envelope,
along with a cordial letter, direct to a voter that
had as yet not decided how he would vote.</p>

<p>The opposition was sending speakers at great expense
from one end of the country to the other, and the
sound of their voices rarely fell on any but friendly
and sympathetic ears. Selwyn sent men into his units
to personally persuade each of the one thousand hesitating
voters to support the Rockland ticket.</p>

<p>The opposition was spending large sums upon the daily
press. Selwyn used the weekly press so that he could
reach the fireside of every farmer and the dweller
in the small country towns. These were the ones that
would read every line in their local papers and ponder
over it.</p>

<p>The opposition had its candidates going by special
train to every part of the Union, making many speeches
every day, and mostly to voters that could not be
driven from him either by force or persuasion. The
leaders in cities, both large and small, would secure
a date and, having in mind for themselves a postmastership
or collectorship, would tell their followers to turn
out in great force and give the candidate a big ovation.
They wanted the candidate to remember the enthusiasm
of these places, and to leave greatly pleased and
under the belief that he was making untold converts.
As a matter of fact his voice would seldom reach any
but a staunch partisan.</p>

<p>Selwyn kept Rockland at home, and arranged to have
him meet by special appointment the important citizens
of the twelve uncertain states. He would have the
most prominent party leader, in a particular state,
go to a rich brewer or large manufacturer, whose views
had not yet been crystallized, and say, &#8220;Governor
Rockland has expressed a desire to know you, and I
would like to arrange a meeting.&#8221; The man approached
would be flattered to think he was of such importance
that a candidate for the presidency had expressed
a desire to meet him. He would know it was his influence
that was wanted but, even so, there was a subtle flattery
in that. An appointment would be arranged. Just before
he came into Rockland&#8217;s presence, his name and
a short epitome of his career would be handed to Rockland
to read. When he reached Rockland&#8217;s home he would
at first be denied admittance. His sponsor would say,--&#8220;this
is Mr. Munting of Muntingville.&#8221; &#8220;Oh,
pardon me, Mr. Munting, Governor Rockland expects
you.&#8221;</p>

<p>And in this way he is ushered into the presence of
the great. His fame, up to a moment ago, was unknown
to Rockland, but he now grasps his hand cordially
and says,--&#8220;I am delighted to know you, Mr. Munting.
I recall the address you made a few years ago when
you gave a library to Muntingville. It is men of your
type that have made America what it is to-day, and,
whether you support me or not, if I am elected President
it is such as you that I hope will help sustain my
hands in my effort to give to our people a clean,
sane and conservative government.&#8221;</p>

<p>When Munting leaves he is stepping on air. He sees
visions of visits to Washington to consult the President
upon matters of state, and perhaps he sees an ambassadorship
in the misty future. He becomes  Rockland&#8217;s
ardent supporter, and his purse is open and his influence
is used to the fullest extent.</p>

<p>And this was Selwyn&#8217;s way. It was all so simple.
The opposition was groaning under the thought of having
one hundred millions of people to reach, and of having
to persuade a majority of twenty millions of voters
to take their view.</p>

<p>Selwyn had only one thousand doubtful voters in each
of a few units on his mind, and he knew the very day
when a majority of them had decided to vote for Rockland,
and that his fight was won. The pay-roll of the opposition
was filled with incompetent political hacks, that had
been fastened upon the management by men of influence.
Selwyn&#8217;s force, from end to end, was composed
of able men who did a full day&#8217;s work under the
eye of their watchful taskmaster.</p>

<p>And Selwyn won and Rockland became the keystone of
the arch he had set out to build.</p>

<p>There followed in orderly succession the inauguration,
the selection of cabinet officers and the new administration
was launched.</p>

<p>Drunk with power and the adulation of sycophants,
once or twice Rockland asserted himself, and acted
upon important matters without having first conferred
with Selwyn. But, after he had been bitterly assailed
by Selwyn&#8217;s papers and by his senators, he made
no further attempts at independence. He felt that
he was utterly helpless in that strong man&#8217;s
hands, and so, indeed, he was.</p>

<p>One of the Supreme Court justices died, two retired
because of age, and all were replaced by men suggested
by Selwyn.</p>

<p>He now had the Senate, the Executive and a majority
of the Court of last resort. The government was in
his hands. He had reached the summit of his ambition,
and the joy of it made all his work seem worth while.</p>

<p>But Selwyn, great man that he was, did not know, could
not know, that when his power was greatest it was
most insecure. He did not know, could not know, what
force was working to his ruin and to the ruin of his
system.</p>

<p>Take heart, therefore, you who had lost faith in the
ultimate destiny of the Republic, for a greater than
Selwyn is here to espouse your cause. He comes panoplied
in justice and with the light of reason in his eyes.
He comes as the advocate of equal opportunity and he
comes with the power to enforce his will.</p>

<a name="XV"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XV</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Exultant Conspirators</h2>

<p>It was a strange happening, the way the disclosure
was made and the Nation came to know of the Selwyn-Thor
conspiracy to control the government.</p>

<p>Thor, being without any delicate sense of honor, was
in the habit of using a dictagraph to record what
was intended to be confidential conversations. He
would take these confidential records, clearly mark
them, and place them in his private safe within the
vault. When the transaction to which they related
was closed he destroyed them.</p>

<p>The character of the instrument was carefully concealed.
 It was a part of a massive piece of office furniture,
which answered for a table as well. In order to facilitate
his correspondence, he often used it for dictating,
and no one but Thor knew that it was ever put into
commission for other purposes.</p>

<p>He had never, but once, had occasion to use a record
that related to a private conversation or agreement.
Then it concerned a matter involving a large sum,
a demand having been made upon him that smacked of
blackmail. He arranged a meeting, which his opponent
regarded as an indication that he was willing to yield.
There were present the contestant, his lawyer, Thor&#8217;s
counsel and Thor himself.</p>

<p>&#8220;Before discussing the business that is before
us,&#8221; said Thor, &#8220;I think you would all
enjoy, more or less, a record which I have in my dictagraph,
and which I have just listened to with a great deal
of pleasure.&#8221;</p>

<p>He handed a tube to each and started the machine.
It is a pity that Hogarth could not have been present
to have painted the several expressions that came
upon the faces of those four. A quiet but amused satisfaction
beamed from Thor, and his counsel could not conceal
a broad smile, but the wretched victim was fairly
sick from mortification and defeated avarice.  He
finally could stand no more and took the tube from
his ear, reached for his hat and was gone.</p>

<p>Thor had not seen Selwyn for a long time, but one
morning, when he was expecting another for whom he
had his dictagraph set, Selwyn was announced. He asked
him in and gave orders that they were not to be disturbed.
When Selwyn had assured himself that they were absolutely
alone he told Thor his whole story.</p>

<p>It was of absorbing interest, and Thor listened fairly
hypnotized by the recital, which at times approached
the dramatic. It was the first time that Selwyn had
been able to unbosom himself, and he enjoyed the impression
he was making upon the great financier. When he told
how Rockland had made an effort for freedom and how
he brought him back, squirming under his defeat, they
laughed joyously.</p>

<p>Rich though he was beyond the dreams of avarice, rich
as no man had ever before been, Thor could not refrain
from a mental calculation of how enormously such a
situation advanced his fortune. There was to be no
restriction now, he could annihilate and absorb at
will. He had grown so powerful that his mental equilibrium
was unbalanced upon the question of accretion. He
wanted more, he must have more, and now, by the aid
of Selwyn, he would have more. He was so exultant
that he gave some expression to his thoughts, and
Selwyn, cynical as he was, was shocked and began to
fear the consequences of his handiwork.</p>

<p>He insisted upon Selwyn&#8217;s lunching with him
in order to celebrate the triumph of &#8220;their&#8221;
plan. Selwyn was amused at the plural. They went to
a near-by club and remained for several hours talking
of things of general interest, for Selwyn refused
to discuss his victory after they had left the protecting
walls of Thor&#8217;s office.</p>

<p>Thor had forgotten his other engagement, and along
with it he forgot the dictagraph that he had set.
When he returned to his office he could not recall
whether or not he had set the dictagraph. He looked
at it, saw that it was not set, but that there was
an unused record in it and dismissed it from his mind.
He wanted no more business for the day. He desired
to get out and walk and think and enjoy the situation.
And so he went, a certain unholy joy within his warped
and money-soddened heart.</p>

<a name="XVI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XVI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Exposure</h2>

<p>Long after Thor had gone, long after the day had dwindled
into twilight and the twilight had shaded into dusk,
Thomas Spears, his secretary, sat and pondered. After
Thor and Selwyn had left the office for luncheon he
had gone to the dictagraph to see whether there was
anything for him to take. He found the record, saw
it had been used, removed it to his machine and got
ready to transmit. He was surprised to find that it
was Selwyn&#8217;s voice that came to him, then Thor&#8217;s,
and again Selwyn&#8217;s. He knew then that it was
not intended for dictation, that there was some mistake
and yet he held it until he had gotten the whole of
the mighty conspiracy. Pale and greatly agitated he
remained motionless for a long time. Then he returned
to Thor&#8217;s office, placed a new record in the
machine and closed it.</p>

<p>Spears came from sturdy New England stock and was
at heart a patriot. He had come to New York largely
by accident of circumstances.</p>

<p>Spears had a friend named Harry Tracy, with whom he
had grown up in the little Connecticut village they
called home, and who was distantly related to Thor,
whose forebears also came from that vicinity. They
had gone to the same commercial school, and were trained
particularly in stenography and typing. Tracy sought
and obtained a place in Thor&#8217;s office. He was
attentive to his duties, very accurate, and because
of his kinship and trustworthiness, Thor made him
his confidential secretary. The work became so heavy
that Tracy got permission to employ an assistant.
 He had Spears in mind for the place, and, after conferring
with Thor, offered it to him.</p>

<p>Thor consented largely because he preferred some one
who had not lived in New York, and was in no way entangled
with the life and sentiment of the city. Being from
New England himself, he trusted the people of that
section as he did no others.</p>

<p>So Thomas Spears was offered the place and gladly
accepted it. He had not been there long before he
found himself doing all the stenographic work and
typing.</p>

<p>Spears was a man of few words. He did his work promptly
and well. Thor had him closely shadowed for a long
while, and the report came that he had no bad habits
and but few companions and those of the best. But Thor
could get no confidential report upon the workings
of his mind. He did not know that his conscience sickened
at what he learned through the correspondence and
from his fellow clerks. He did not know that his every
heart beat was for the unfortunates that came within
the reach of Thor&#8217;s avarice, and were left the
merest derelicts upon the financial seas.</p>

<p>All the clerks were gone, the lights were out and
Spears sat by the window looking out over the great
modern Babylon, still fighting with his conscience.
His sense of loyalty to the man who gave him his livelihood
rebelled at the thought of treachery. It was not unlike
accepting food and shelter and murdering your benefactor,
for Spears well knew that in the present state of
the public mind if once the truth were known, it would
mean death to such as Thor. For with a fatuous ignorance
of public feeling the interests had gone blindly on,
conceding nothing, stifling competition and absorbing
the wealth and energies of the people.</p>

<p>Spears knew that the whole social and industrial fabric
of the nation was at high tension, and that it needed
but a spark to explode. He held within his hand that
spark. Should he plunge the country, his country,
into a bloody internecine war, or should he let the
Selwyns and the Thors trample the hopes, the fortunes
and the lives of the people under foot for still another
season. If he held his peace it did but postpone the
conflict.</p>

<p>The thought flashed through his mind of the bigness
of the sum any one of the several great dailies would
give to have the story. And then there followed a
sense of shame that he could think of such a thing.</p>

<p>He felt that he was God&#8217;s instrument for good
and that he should act accordingly. He was aroused
now, he would no longer parley with his conscience.
What was best to do? That was the only question left
to debate.</p>

<p>He looked at an illuminated clock upon a large white
shaft that lifted its marble shoulders towards the
stars. It was nine o&#8217;clock. He turned on the
lights, ran over the telephone book until he reached
the name of what he considered the most important
daily. He said: &#8220;Mr. John Thor&#8217;s office
desires to speak with the Managing Editor.&#8221; This
at once gave him the connection he desired.</p>

<p>&#8220;This is Mr. John Thor&#8217;s secretary, and
I would like to see you immediately upon a matter
of enormous public importance. May I come to your
office at once?&#8221;</p>

<p>There was something in the voice that startled the
newspaper man, and he wondered what Thor&#8217;s office
could possibly want with him concerning any matter,
public or private. However, he readily consented to
an interview and waited with some impatience for the
quarter of an hour to go by that was necessary to
cover the distance. He gave orders to have Spears
brought in as soon as he arrived.</p>

<p>When Spears came he told the story with hesitation
and embarrassment. The Managing Editor thought at
first that he was in the presence of a lunatic, but
after a few questions he began to believe. He had a
dictagraph in his office and asked for the record.
He was visibly agitated when the full import of the
news became known to him. Spears insisted that the
story be given to all the city papers and to the Associated
Press, which the Managing Editor promised to do.</p>

<p>When the story was read the next morning by America&#8217;s
millions, it was clear to every far-sighted person
that a crisis had come and that revolution was imminent.
Men at once divided themselves into groups. Now, as
it has ever been, the very poor largely went with the
rich and powerful. The reason for this may be partly
from fear and partly from habit. They had seen the
struggle going on for centuries and with but one result.</p>

<p>A mass meeting was called to take place the day following
at New York&#8217;s largest public hall. The call
was not inflammatory, but asked &#8220;all good citizens
to lend their counsel and influence to the rectification
of those abuses that had crept into the Government,&#8221;
and it was signed by many of the best known men in
the Nation.</p>

<p>The hall was packed to its limits an hour before the
time named. A distinguished college president from
a nearby town was given the chair, and in a few words
he voiced the indignation and the humiliation which
they all felt. Then one speaker after another bitterly
denounced the administration, and advocated the overthrow
of the Government. One, more intemperate than the
rest, urged an immediate attack on Thor and all his
kind. This was met by a roar of approval.</p>

<p>Philip had come early and was seated well in front.
In the pandemonium that now prevailed no speaker could
be heard. Finally Philip fought his way to the stage,
gave his name to the chairman, and asked to be heard.</p>

<p>When the white-haired college president arose there
was a measure of quiet, and when he mentioned Philip&#8217;s
name and they saw his splendid, homely face there
was a curious hush. He waited for nearly a minute
after perfect quiet prevailed, and then, in a voice
like a deep-toned bell, he spoke with such fervor
and eloquence that one who was present said afterwards
that he knew the hour and the man had come. Philip
explained that hasty and ill-considered action had
ruined other causes as just as theirs, and advised
moderation. He suggested that a committee be named
by the chairman to draw up a plan of procedure, to
be presented at another meeting to be held the following
night. This was agreed to, and the chairman received
tremendous applause when he named Philip first.</p>

<p>This meeting had been called so quickly, and the names
attached to the call were so favorably known, that
the country at large seemed ready to wait upon its
conclusions.</p>

<p>It was apparent from the size and earnestness of the
second gathering that the interest was growing rather
than abating.</p>

<p>Philip read the plan which his committee had formulated,
and then explained more at length their reasons for
offering it. Briefly, it advised no resort to violence,
but urged immediate organization and cooperation with
citizens throughout the United States who were in
sympathy with the movement. He told them that the conscience
of the people was now aroused, and that there would
be no halting until the Government was again within
their hands to be administered for the good of the
many instead of for the good of a rapacious few.</p>

<p>The resolutions were sustained, and once more Philip
was placed at the head of a committee to perfect not
only a state, but a national organization as well.
Calls for funds to cover preliminary expenses brought
immediate and generous response, and the contest was
on.</p>

<a name="XVII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XVII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Selwyn and Thor Defend Themselves</h2>

<p>In the meantime Selwyn and Thor had issued an address,
defending their course as warranted by both the facts
and the law.</p>

<p>They said that the Government had been honeycombed
by irresponsible demagogues, that were fattening upon
the credulity of the people to the great injury of
our commerce and prosperity, that no laws unfriendly
to the best interests had been planned, and no act
had been contemplated inconsistent with the dignity
and honor of the Nation. They contended that in protecting
capital against vicious assaults, they were serving
the cause of labor and advancing the welfare of all.</p>

<p>Thor&#8217;s whereabouts was a mystery, but Selwyn,
brave and defiant, pursued his usual way.</p>

<p>President Rockland also made a statement defending
his appointments of Justices of the Supreme Court,
and challenged anyone to prove them unfit. He said
that, from the foundation of the Government, it had
become customary for a President to make such appointments
from amongst those whose views were in harmony with
his own, that in this case he had selected men of
well known integrity, and of profound legal ability,
and, because they were such, they were brave enough
to stand for the right without regard to the clamor
of ill-advised and ignorant people. He stated that
he would continue to do his duty, and that he would
uphold the constitutional rights of all the people
without distinction to race, color or previous condition.</p>

<p>Acting under Selwyn&#8217;s advice, Rockland began
to concentrate quietly troops in the large centers
of population. He also ordered the fleets into home
waters. A careful inquiry was made regarding the views
of the several Governors within easy reach of Washington,
and, finding most of them favorable to the Government,
he told them that in case of disorder he would honor
their requisition for federal troops. He advised a
thorough overlooking of the militia, and the weeding
out of those likely to sympathize with the &#8220;mob.&#8221;
If trouble came, he promised to act promptly and forcefully,
and not to let mawkish sentiment encourage further
violence.</p>

<p>He recalled to them that the French Revolution was
caused, and continued, by the weakness and inertia
of Louis Fifteenth and his ministers and that the
moment the Directorate placed Bonaparte in command
of a handful of troops, and gave him power to act,
by the use of grape and ball he brought order in a
day. It only needed a quick and decisive use of force,
he thought, and untold suffering and bloodshed would
be averted.</p>

<p>President Rockland believed what he said. He seemed
not to know that Bonaparte dealt with a ragged, ignorant
mob, and had back of him a nation that had been in
a drunken and bloody orgy for a period of years and
wanted to sober up. He seemed not to know that in this
contest, the clear-brained, sturdy American patriot
was enlisted against him and what he represented,
and had determined to come once more into his own.</p>

<a name="XVIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XVIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Gloria&#8217;s Work Bears Fruit</h2>

<p>In her efforts towards proselyting the rich, Gloria
had not neglected her immediate family. By arguments
and by bringing to the fore concrete examples to illustrate
them, she had succeeded in awakening within her father
a curious and unhappy frame of mind. That shifting
and illusive thing we call conscience was beginning
to assert itself in divers ways.</p>

<p>The first glimpse that Gloria had of his change of
heart was at a dinner party. The discussion began
by a dyspeptic old banker declaring that before the
business world could bring the laboring classes to
their senses it would be necessary to shut down the
factories for a time and discontinue new enterprises
in order that their dinner buckets and stomachs might
become empty.</p>

<p>Before Gloria could take up the cudgels in behalf
of those seeking a larger share of the profits of
their labor, Mr. Strawn had done so. The debate between
the two did not last long and was not unduly heated,
but Gloria knew that the Rubicon had been crossed
and that in the future she would have a powerful ally
in her father.</p>

<p>Neither had she been without success in other directions,
and she was, therefore, able to report to Philip very
satisfactory progress. In one of their many conferences
she was glad to be able to tell him that in the future
abundant financial backing was assured for any cause
recommended by either of them as being worthy. This
was a long step forward, and Philip congratulated
Gloria upon her efficient work.</p>

<p>&#8220;Do you remember, Gloria,&#8221; he said, &#8220;how
unhappy you were over the thought of laboring among
the rich instead of the poor? And yet, contemplate
the result. You have not only given some part of your
social world an insight into real happiness, but you
are enabling the balance of us to move forward at
a pace that would have been impossible without your
aid.&#8221;  Gloria flushed with pleasure at his generous
praise and replied: &#8220;It is good of you, Philip,
to give me so large a credit, and I will not deny
that I am very happy over the outcome of my endeavors,
unimportant though they be. I am so glad, Philip, that
you have been given the leadership of our side in
the coming struggle, for I shall now feel confident
of success.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Do not be too sure, Gloria. We have the right
and a majority of the American people with us; yet,
on the other hand, we have opposed to us not only
resourceful men but the machinery of a great Government
buttressed by unlimited wealth and credit.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Why could not I &#8216;try out&#8217; the sincerity
of my rich converts and get them to help finance your
campaign?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Happy thought! If you succeed in doing that,
Gloria, you will become the Joan d&#8217;Arc of our
cause, and unborn generations will hold you in grateful
remembrance.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;How you do enthuse one, Philip. I feel already
as if my name were written high upon the walls of
my country&#8217;s Valhalla. Tell me how great a fund
you will require, and I will proceed at once to build
the golden ladder upon which I am to climb to fame.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;You need not make light of your suggestion
in this matter, Gloria, for the lack of funds with
which to organize is essentially our weakest point.
With money we can overthrow the opposition, without
it I am afraid they may defeat us. As to the amount
needed, I can set no limit. The more you get the more
perfectly can we organize. Do what you can and do
it quickly, and be assured that if the sum is considerable
and if our cause triumphs, you will have been the
most potent factor of us all.&#8221;</p>

<p>And then they parted; Gloria full of enthusiasm over
her self-appointed task, and Philip with a silent
prayer for her success.</p>

<a name="XIX"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XIX</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">War Clouds Hover</h2>

<p>Gloria was splendidly successful in her undertaking
and within two weeks she was ready to place at Philip&#8217;s
disposal an amount far in excess of anything he had
anticipated.</p>

<p>&#8220;It was so easy that I have a feeling akin to
disappointment that I did not have to work harder,&#8221;
she wrote in her note to Philip announcing the result.
&#8220;When I explained the purpose and the importance
of the outcome, almost everyone approached seemed
eager to have a share in the undertaking.&#8221;</p>

<p>In his reply of thanks, Philip said, &#8220;The sum
you have realized is far beyond any figure I had in
mind. With what we have collected throughout the country,
it is entirely sufficient, I think, to effect a preliminary
organization, both political and military. If the final
result is to be civil war, then the states that cast
their fortunes with ours, will, of necessity, undertake
the further financing of the struggle.&#8221;</p>

<p>Philip worked assiduously upon his organization. It
was first intended to make it political and educational,
but when the defiant tone of Selwyn, Thor and Rockland
was struck, and their evident intention of using force
became apparent, he almost wholly changed it into a
military organization. His central bureau was now
in touch with every state, and he found in the West
a grim determination to bring matters to a conclusion
as speedily as possible.</p>

<p>On the other hand, he was sparring for time. He knew
his various groups were in no condition to be pitted
against any considerable number of trained regulars.
He hoped, too, that actual conflict would be avoided,
and that a solution could be arrived at when the forthcoming
election for representatives occurred.</p>

<p>It was evident that a large majority of the people
were with them: the problem was to get a fair and
legal expression of opinion. As yet, there was no
indication that this would not be granted.</p>

<p>The preparations on both sides became so open, that
there was no longer any effort to work under cover.
Philip cautioned his adherents against committing
any overt act. He was sure that the administration
forces would seize the slightest pretext to precipitate
action, and that, at this time, would give them an
enormous advantage.</p>

<p>He himself trained the men in his immediate locality,
and he also had the organization throughout the country
trained, but without guns. The use of guns would not
have been permitted except to regular authorized militia.
The drilling was done with wooden guns, each man hewing
out a stick to the size and shape of a modern rifle.
At his home, carefully concealed, each man had his
rifle.</p>

<p>And then came the election. Troops were at the polls
and a free ballot was denied. It was the last straw.
Citizens gathering after nightfall in order to protest
were told to disperse immediately, and upon refusal,
were fired upon. The next morning showed a death roll
in the large centers of population that was appalling.</p>

<p>Wisconsin was the state in which there was the largest
percentage of the citizenship unfavorable to the administration
and to the interests. Iowa, Minnesota and Nebraska
were closely following.</p>

<p>Philip concluded to make his stand in the West, and
he therefore ordered the men in every organization
east of the Mississippi to foregather at once at Madison,
and to report to him there. He was in constant touch
with those Governors who were in sympathy with the
progressive or insurgent cause, and he wired the Governor
of Wisconsin, in cipher, informing him of his intentions.</p>

<p>As yet travel had not been seriously interrupted,
though business was largely at a standstill, and there
was an ominous quiet over the land. The opposition
misinterpreted this, and thought that the people had
been frightened by the unexpected show of force. Philip
knew differently, and he also knew that civil war
had begun. He communicated his plans to no one, but
he had the campaign well laid out. It was his intention
to concentrate in Wisconsin as large a force as could
be gotten from his followers east and south of that
state, and to concentrate again near Des Moines every
man west of Illinois whom he could enlist. It was his
purpose then to advance simultaneously both bodies
of troops upon Chicago.</p>

<p>In the south there had developed a singular inertia.
Neither side counted upon material help or opposition
there.</p>

<p>The great conflict covering the years from 1860 to
1865 was still more than a memory, though but few
living had taken part in it. The victors in that mighty
struggle thought they had been magnanimous to the
defeated but the well-informed Southerner knew that
they had been made to pay the most stupendous penalty
ever exacted in modern times. At one stroke of the
pen, two thousand millions of their property was taken
from them. A pension system was then inaugurated that
taxed the resources of the Nation to pay. By the year
1927 more than five thousand millions had gone to
those who were of the winning side. Of this the South
was taxed her part, receiving nothing in return.</p>

<p>Cynical Europe said that the North would have it appear
that a war had been fought for human freedom, whereas
it seemed that it was fought for money. It forgot
the many brave and patriotic men who enlisted because
they held the Union to be one and indissoluble, and
were willing to sacrifice their lives to make it so,
and around whom a willing and grateful government
threw its protecting arms. And it confused those deserving
citizens with the unworthy many, whom pension agents
and office seekers had debauched at the expense of
the Nation. Then, too, the South remembered that one
of the immediate results of emancipation was that
millions of ignorant and indigent people were thrown
upon the charity and protection of the Southern people,
to care for and to educate. In some states sixty per
cent, of the population were negroes, and they were
as helpless as children and proved a heavy burden upon
the forty per cent. of whites.</p>

<p>In rural populations more schoolhouses had to be maintained,
and more teachers employed for the number taught,
and the percentage of children per capita was larger
than in cities. Then, of necessity, separate schools
had to be maintained. So, altogether, the load was
a heavy one for an impoverished people to carry.</p>

<p>The humane, the wise, the patriotic thing to have
done, was for the Nation to have assumed the responsibility
of the education of the negroes for at least one generation.</p>

<p>What a contrast we see in England&#8217;s treatment
of the Boers. After a long and bloody war, which drew
heavily upon the lives and treasures of the Nation,
England&#8217;s first act was to make an enormous grant
to the conquered Boers, that they might have every
facility to regain their shattered fortunes, and bring
order and prosperity to their distracted land.</p>

<p>We see the contrast again in that for nearly a half
century after the Civil War was over, no Southerner
was considered eligible for the Presidency.</p>

<p>On the other hand, within a few years after the African
Revolution ended, a Boer General, who had fought throughout
the war with vigor and distinction, was proposed and
elected Premier of the United Colonies.</p>

<p>Consequently, while sympathizing with the effort to
overthrow Selwyn&#8217;s government, the South moved
slowly and with circumspection.</p>

<a name="XX"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XX</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Civil War Begins</h2>

<p>General Dru brought together an army of fifty thousand
men at Madison and about forty thousand near Des Moines,
and recruits were coming in rapidly.</p>

<p>President Rockland had concentrated twenty thousand
regulars and thirty thousand militia at Chicago, and
had given command to Major General Newton, he who,
several years previously, won the first medal given
by the War Department for the best solution of the
military problem.</p>

<p>The President also made a call for two hundred thousand
volunteers. The response was in no way satisfactory,
so he issued a formal demand upon each state to furnish
its quota.</p>

<p>The states that were in sympathy with his administration
responded, the others ignored the call.</p>

<p>General Dru learned that large reinforcements had
been ordered to Chicago, and he therefore at once
moved upon that place. He had a fair equipment of
artillery, considering he was wholly dependent upon
that belonging to the militia of those states that
had ranged themselves upon his side, and at several
points in the West, he had seized factories and plants
making powder, guns, clothing and camp equipment. He
ordered the Iowa division to advance at the same time,
and the two forces were joined at a point about fifty
miles south of Chicago.</p>

<p>General Newton was daily expecting re&#235;nforcements,
but they failed to reach him before Dru made it impossible
for them to pass through.</p>

<p>Newton at first thought to attack the Iowa division
and defeat it, and then meet the Wisconsin division,
but he hesitated to leave Chicago lest Dru should
take the place during his absence.</p>

<p>With both divisions united, and with recruits constantly
arriving, Dru had an army of one hundred and fifty
thousand men.</p>

<p>Failing to obtain the looked-for re&#235;nforcements and
seeing the hopelessness of opposing so large a force,
Newton began secretly to evacuate Chicago by way of
the Lakes, Dru having completely cut him off by land.</p>

<p>He succeeded in removing his army to Buffalo, where
President Rockland had concentrated more than one
hundred thousand troops.</p>

<p>When Dru found General Newton had evacuated Chicago,
he occupied it, and then moved further east, in order
to hold the states of Michigan, Indiana and Western
Ohio.</p>

<p>This gave him the control of the West, and he endeavored
as nearly as possible to cut off the food supply of
the East. In order to tighten further the difficulty
of obtaining supplies, he occupied Duluth and all
the Lake ports as far east as Cleveland, which city
the Government held, and which was their furthest
western line.</p>

<p>Canada was still open as a means of food supply to
the East, as were all the ports of the Atlantic seaboard
as far south as Charleston.</p>

<p>So the sum of the situation was that the East, so
far west as the middle of Ohio, and as far south as
West Virginia, inclusive of that state, was in the
hands of the Government.</p>

<p>Western Ohio, Indiana, Michigan and Illinois, while
occupied by General Dru, were divided in their sympathies.
 Wisconsin, Minnesota, and every state west of the
Mississippi, were strongly against the Government.</p>

<p>The South, as a whole, was negligible, though Virginia,
Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri were largely divided
in sentiment. That part of the South lying below the
border states was in sympathy with the insurgents.</p>

<p>The contest had come to be thought of as a conflict
between Senator Selwyn on the one hand, and what he
represented, and Philip Dru on the other, and what
he stood for. These two were known to be the dominating
forces on either side.</p>

<p>The contestants, on the face of things, seemed not
unevenly matched, but, as a matter of fact, the conscience
of the great mass of the people, East and West, was
on Dru&#8217;s side, for it was known that he was
contending for those things which would permit the
Nation to become again a land of freedom in its truest
and highest sense, a land where the rule of law prevailed,
a land of equal opportunity, a land where justice
would be meted out alike to the high and low with a
steady and impartial hand.</p>

<a name="XXI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Upon the Eve of Battle</h2>

<p>Neither side seemed anxious to bring matters to a
conclusion, for both Newton and Dru required time
to put their respective armies in fit condition before
risking a conflict. By the middle of July, Dru had
more than four hundred thousand men under his command,
but his greatest difficulty was to properly officer
and equip them. The bulk of the regular army officers
had remained with the Government forces, though there
were some notable exceptions. Among those offering
their services to Dru was Jack Strawn. He resigned
from the regular army with many regrets and misgivings,
but his devotion to Philip made it impossible for
him to do otherwise. And then there was Gloria whom
he loved dearly, and who made him feel that there
was a higher duty than mere professional regularity.</p>

<p>None of Dru&#8217;s generals had been tried out in
battle and, indeed, he himself had not. It was much
the same with the Government forces, for there had
been no war since that with Spain in the nineties,
and that was an affair so small that it afforded but
little training for either officers or men.</p>

<p>Dru had it in mind to make the one battle decisive,
if that were possible of accomplishment, for he did
not want to weaken and distract the country by such
a conflict as that of 1861 to 1865.</p>

<p>The Government forces numbered six hundred thousand
men under arms, but one hundred thousand of these
were widely scattered in order to hold certain sections
of the country in line.</p>

<p>On the first of September General Dru began to move
towards the enemy. He wanted to get nearer Washington
and the northern seaboard cities, so that if successful
he would be within striking distance of them before
the enemy could recover.</p>

<p>He had in mind the places he preferred the battle
to occur, and he used all his skill in bringing about
the desired result. As he moved slowly but steadily
towards General Newton, he was careful not to tax the
strength of his troops, but he desired to give them
the experience in marching they needed, and also to
harden them.</p>

<p>The civilized nations of the world had agreed not
to use in war aeroplanes or any sort of air craft
either as engines of destruction or for scouting purposes.
 This decision had been brought about by the International
Peace Societies and by the self-evident impossibility
of using them without enormous loss of life. Therefore
none were being used by either the Government or insurgent
forces.</p>

<p>General Newton thought that Dru was planning to attack
him at a point about twenty miles west of Buffalo,
where he had his army stretched from the Lake eastward,
and where he had thrown up entrenchments and otherwise
prepared for battle.</p>

<p>But Dru had no thought of attacking then or there,
but moved slowly and orderly on until the two armies
were less than twenty miles apart due north and south
from one another.</p>

<p>When he continued marching eastward and began to draw
away from General Newton, the latter for the first
time realized that he himself would be compelled to
pursue and attack, for the reason that he could not
let Dru march upon New York and the other unprotected
seaboard cities. He saw, too, that he had been outgeneraled,
and that he should have thrown his line across Dru&#8217;s
path and given battle at a point of his own choosing.</p>

<p>The situation was a most unusual one even in the complex
history of warfare, because in case of defeat the
loser would be forced to retreat into the enemies&#8217;
country. It all the more surely emphasized the fact
that one great battle would determine the war. General
Dru knew from the first what must follow his movement
in marching by General Newton, and since he had now
reached the ground that he had long chosen as the place
where he wished the battle to occur, he halted and
arranged his troops in formation for the expected
attack.</p>

<p>There was a curious feeling of exultation and confidence
throughout the insurgent army, for Dru had conducted
every move in the great game with masterly skill,
and no man was ever more the idol of his troops, or
of the people whose cause he was the champion.</p>

<p>It was told at every camp fire in his army how he
had won the last medal that had been given by the
War Department and for which General Newton had been
a contestant, and not one of his men doubted that as
a military genius, Newton in no way measured up to
Dru. It was plain that Newton had been outmaneuvered
and that the advantage lay with the insurgent forces.</p>

<p>The day before the expected battle, General Dru issued
a stirring address, which was placed in the hands
of each soldier, and which concluded as follows:--&#8220;It
is now certain that there will be but one battle,
and its result lies with you. If you fight as I know
you will fight, you surely will be successful, and
you soon will be able to return to your homes and
to your families, carrying with you the assurance
that you have won what will be perhaps the most important
victory that has ever been achieved. It is my belief
that human liberty has never more surely hung upon
the outcome of any conflict than it does upon this,
and I have faith that when you are once ordered to
advance, you will never turn back. If you will each
make a resolution to conquer or die, you will not
only conquer, but our death list will not be nearly
so heavy as if you at any time falter.&#8221;</p>

<p>This address was received with enthusiasm, and comrade
declared to comrade that there would be no turning
back when once called upon to advance, and it was
a compact that in honor could not be broken. This,
then, was the situation upon the eve of the mighty
conflict.</p>

<a name="XXII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Battle of Elma</h2>

<p>General Dru had many spies in the enemies&#8217; camp,
and some of these succeeded in crossing the lines
each night in order to give him what information they
had been able to gather.</p>

<p>Some of these spies passed through the lines as late
as eleven o&#8217;clock the night before the battle,
and from them he learned that a general attack was
to be made upon him the next day at six o&#8217;clock
in the morning.</p>

<p>As far as he could gather, and from his own knowledge
of the situation, it was General Newton&#8217;s purpose
to break his center. The reason Newton had this in
mind was that he thought Dru&#8217;s line was far flung,
and he believed that if he could drive through the
center, he could then throw each wing into confusion
and bring about a crushing defeat.</p>

<p>As a matter of fact, Dru&#8217;s line was not far
flung, but he had a few troops strung out for many
miles in order to deceive Newton, because he wanted
him to try and break his center.</p>

<p>Up to this time, he had taken no one into his confidence,
but at midnight, he called his division commanders
to his headquarters and told them his plan of battle.</p>

<p>They were instructed not to impart any information
to the commanders of brigades until two o&#8217;clock.
The men were then to be aroused and given a hasty
breakfast, after which they were to be ready to march
by three o&#8217;clock.</p>

<p>Recent arrivals had augmented his army to approximately
five hundred thousand men. General Newton had, as
far as he could learn, approximately six hundred thousand,
so there were more than a million of men facing one
another.</p>

<p>Dru had a two-fold purpose in preparing at three in
the morning. First, he wanted to take no chances upon
General Newton&#8217;s time of attack. His information
as to six o&#8217;clock he thought reliable, but it
might have been given out to deceive him and a much
earlier engagement might be contemplated.</p>

<p>His other reason was that he intended to flank Newton
on both wings.</p>

<p>It was his purpose to send, under cover of night,
one hundred and twenty-five thousand men to the right
of Newton and one hundred and twenty-five thousand
to his left, and have them conceal themselves behind
wooded hills until noon, and then to drive in on him
from both sides.</p>

<p>He was confident that with two hundred and fifty thousand
determined men, protected by the fortifications he
had been able to erect, and with the ground of his
own choosing, which had a considerable elevation over
the valley through which Newton would have to march,
he could hold his position until noon. He did not
count upon actual fighting before eight o&#8217;clock,
or perhaps not before nine.</p>

<p>Dru did not attempt to rest, but continued through
the night to instruct his staff officers, and to arrange,
as far as he could, for each contingency. Before two
o&#8217;clock, he was satisfied with the situation
and felt assured of victory.</p>

<p>He was pleased to see the early morning hours develop
a fog, for this would cover the march of his left
and right wings, and they would not have to make so
wide a detour in order that their movements might be
concealed. It would also delay, he thought, Newton&#8217;s
attack.</p>

<p>His army was up and alert at three, and by four o&#8217;clock
those that were to hold the center were in position,
though he had them lie down again on their arms, so
that they might get every moment of rest. Three o&#8217;clock
saw the troops that were to flank the enemy already
on the march.</p>

<p>At six-thirty his outposts reported Newton&#8217;s
army moving, but it was nine o&#8217;clock before
they came within touch of his troops.</p>

<p>In the meantime, his men were resting, and he had
food served them again as late as seven o&#8217;clock.</p>

<p>Newton attacked the center viciously at first, but
making no headway and seeing that his men were being
terribly decimated, he made a detour to the right,
and, with cavalry, infantry and artillery, he drove
Dru&#8217;s troops in from the position which they
were holding.</p>

<p>Dru recognized the threatened danger and sent heliograph
messages to his right and left wings to begin their
attack, though it was now only eleven o&#8217;clock.
He then rode in person to the point of danger, and
rallied his men to a firmer stand, upon which Newton
could make no headway.</p>

<p>In that hell storm of lead and steel Dru sat upon
his horse unmoved. With bared head and eyes aflame,
with face flushed and exultant, he looked the embodiment
of the terrible God of War. His presence and his disregard
of danger incited his soldiers to deeds of valor that
would forever be an &#8220;inspiration and a benediction&#8221;
to the race from which they sprung.</p>

<p>Newton, seeing that his efforts were costing him too
dearly, decided to withdraw his troops and rest until
the next day, when he thought to attack Dru from the
rear.</p>

<p>The ground was more advantageous there, and he felt
confident he could dislodge him. When he gave the
command to retreat, he was surprised to find Dru massing
his troops outside his entrenchments and preparing
to follow him. He slowly retreated and Dru as slowly
followed. Newton wanted to get him well away from
his stronghold and in the open plain, and then wheel
and crush him. Dru was merely keeping within striking
distance, so that when his two divisions got in touch
with Newton they would be able to attack him on three
sides.</p>

<p>Just as Newton was about to turn, Dru&#8217;s two
divisions poured down the slopes of the hills on both
sides and began to charge. And when Dru&#8217;s center
began to charge, it was only a matter of moments before
Newton&#8217;s army was in a panic.</p>

<p>He tried to rally them and to face the on-coming enemy,
but his efforts were in vain. His men threw down their
guns, some surrendering, but most of them fleeing
in the only way open, that towards the rear and the
Lake.</p>

<p>Dru&#8217;s soldiers saw that victory was theirs,
and, maddened by the lust of war, they drove the Government
forces back, killing and crushing the seething and
helpless mass that was now in hopeless confusion.</p>

<p>Orders were given by General Dru to push on and follow
the enemy until nightfall, or until the Lake was reached,
where they must surrender or drown.</p>

<p>By six o&#8217;clock of that fateful day, the splendid
army of Newton was a thing for pity, for Dru had determined
to exhaust the last drop of strength of his men to
make the victory complete, and the battle conclusive.</p>

<p>At the same time, as far as he was able, he restrained
his men from killing, for he saw that the enemy were
without arms, and thinking only of escape. His order
was only partially obeyed, for when man is in conflict
with either beast or fellowman, the primitive lust
for blood comes to the fore, and the gentlest and
most humane are oftentimes the most bloodthirsty.</p>

<p>Of the enemy forty thousand were dead and two hundred
and ten thousand were wounded with seventy-five thousand
missing. Of prisoners Dru had captured three hundred
and seventy-five thousand.</p>

<p>General Newton was killed in the early afternoon,
soon after the rout began.</p>

<p>Philip&#8217;s casualties were twenty-three thousand
dead and one hundred and ten thousand wounded.</p>

<p>It was a holocaust, but the war was indeed ended.</p>

<a name="XXIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Elma&#8217;s Aftermath</h2>

<p>After General Dru had given orders for the care of
the wounded and the disposition of the prisoners,
he dismissed his staff and went quietly out into the
starlight. He walked among the dead and wounded and
saw that everything possible was being done to alleviate
suffering. Feeling weary he sat for a moment upon
a dismembered gun.</p>

<p>As he looked over the field of carnage and saw what
havoc the day had made, he thought of the Selwyns
and the Thors, whose selfishness and greed were responsible
for it all, and he knew that they and their kind would
have to meet an awful charge before the judgment seat
of God. Within touch of him lay a boy of not more
than seventeen, with his white face turned towards
the stars. One arm was shattered and a piece of shell
had torn a great red wound in the side of his chest.
Dru thought him dead, but he saw him move and open
his eyes. He removed a coat from a soldier that lay
dead beside him and pillowed the boy&#8217;s head upon
it, and gave him some water and a little brandy.</p>

<p>&#8220;I am all in, Captain,&#8221; said he, &#8220;but
I would like a message sent home.&#8221; He saw that
Dru was an officer but he had no idea who he was. &#8220;I
only enlisted last week. I live in Pennsylvania--not
far from here.&#8221; Then more faintly--&#8220;My
mother tried to persuade me to remain at home, but
I wanted to do my share, so here I am--as you find
me. Tell her--tell her,&#8221; but the message never
came--for he was dead.</p>

<p>After he had covered the pain-racked, ghastly face,
Dru sat in silent meditation, and thought of the shame
of it, the pity of it all. Somewhere amongst that
human wreckage he knew Gloria was doing what she could
to comfort the wounded and those that were in the agony
of death.</p>

<p>She had joined the Red Cross Corps of the insurgent
army at the beginning of hostilities, but Dru had
had only occasional glimpses of her. He was wondering
now, in what part of that black and bloody field she
was. His was the strong hand that had torn into fragments
these helpless creatures; hers was the gentle hand
that was softening the horror, the misery of it all.
Dru knew there were those who felt that the result
would never be worth the cost and that he, too, would
come in for a measurable share of their censure. But
deep and lasting as his sympathy was for those who
had been brought into this maelstrom of war, yet,
pessimism found no lodgment within him, rather was
his great soul illuminated with the thought that with
splendid heroism they had died in order that others
might live the better. Twice before had the great
republic been baptized in blood and each time the result
had changed the thought and destiny of man. And so
would it be now, only to greater purpose. Never again
would the Selwyns and the Thors be able to fetter
the people.</p>

<p>Free and unrestrained by barriers erected by the powerful,
for selfish purposes, there would now lie open to
them a glorious and contented future. He had it in
his thoughts to do the work well now that it had been
begun, and to permit no misplaced sentiment to deter
him. He knew that in order to do what he had in mind,
he would have to reckon with the habits and traditions
of centuries, but, seeing clearly the task before
him he must needs become an iconoclast and accept the
consequences. For two days and nights he had been without
sleep and under a physical and mental strain that
would have meant disaster to any, save Philip Dru.
But now he began to feel the need of rest and sleep,
so he walked slowly back to his tent.</p>

<p>After giving orders that he was not to be disturbed,
he threw himself as he was upon his camp bed, and,
oblivious of the fact that the news of his momentous
victory had circled the globe and that his name was
upon the lips of half the world, he fell into a dreamless,
restful sleep.</p>

<a name="XXIV"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXIV</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Uncrowned Heroes</h2>

<p>When Dru wakened in the morning after a long and refreshing
sleep, his first thoughts were of Gloria Strawn. Before
leaving his tent he wrote her an invitation to dine
with him that evening in company with some of his
generals and their wives. All through that busy day
Dru found himself looking forward to the coming evening.
When Gloria came Dru was standing at the door of his
tent to meet her. As he helped her from the army conveyance
she said:</p>

<p>&#8220;Oh, Philip, how glad I am! How glad I am!&#8221;</p>

<p>Dru knew that she had no reference to his brilliant
victory, but that it was his personal welfare that
she had in mind.</p>

<p>During the dinner many stories of heroism were told,
men who were least suspected of great personal bravery
had surprised their comrades by deeds that would follow
the coming centuries in both song and story. Dru,
who had been a silent listener until now, said:</p>

<p>&#8220;Whenever my brother soldier rises above self
and gives or offers his life for that of his comrade,
no one rejoices more than I. But, my friends, the
highest courage is not displayed upon the battlefield.
The soldier&#8217;s heroism is done under stress of
great excitement, and his field of action is one that
appeals to the imagination. It usually also touches
our patriotism and self-esteem. The real heroes of
the world are oftentimes never known. I once knew
a man of culture and wealth who owned a plantation
in some hot and inaccessible region. Smallpox in its
most virulent form became prevalent among the negroes.
Everyone fled the place save this man, and those that
were stricken. Single-handed and alone, he nursed
them while they lived and buried them when they died.
And yet during all the years I knew him, never once
did he refer to it. An old negro told me the story
and others afterwards confirmed it. This same man
jumped into a swollen river and rescued a poor old
negro who could not swim. There was no one to applaud
him as he battled with the deadly eddies and currents
and brought to safety one of the least of God&#8217;s
creatures. To my mind the flag of no nation ever waved
above a braver, nobler heart.&#8221;</p>

<p>There was a moment&#8217;s silence, and then Gloria
said:</p>

<p>&#8220;Philip, the man you mention is doubtless the
most splendid product of our civilization, for he
was perhaps as gentle as he was brave, but there is
still another type of hero to whom I would call attention.
I shall tell you of a man named Sutton, whom I came
to know in my settlement work and who seemed to those
who knew him wholly bad. He was cruel, selfish, and
without any sense of honor, and even his personality
was repulsive, and yet this is what he did.</p>

<p>&#8220;One day, soon after dark, the ten story tenement
building in which he lived caught fire. Smoke was
pouring from the windows, at which many frightened
faces were seen.</p>

<p>&#8220;But what was holding the crowd&#8217;s breathless
attention, was the daring attempt of a man on the
eighth floor to save a child of some five or six years.</p>

<p>&#8220;He had gotten from his room to a small iron
balcony, and there he took his handkerchief and blindfolded
the little boy. He lifted the child over the railing,
and let him down to a stone ledge some twelve inches
wide, and which seemed to be five or six feet below
the balcony.</p>

<p>&#8220;The man had evidently told the child to flatten
himself against the wall, for the little fellow had
spread out his arms and pressed his body close to
it.</p>

<p>&#8220;When the man reached him, he edged him along
in front of him. It was a perilous journey, and to
what end?</p>

<p>&#8220;No one could see that he was bettering his
condition by moving further along the building, though
it was evident he had a well-defined purpose from
the beginning.</p>

<p>&#8220;When he reached the corner, he stopped in front
of a large flagpole that projected out from the building
some twenty or more feet.</p>

<p>&#8220;He shouted to the firemen in the street below,
but his voice was lost in the noise and distance.
He then scribbled something on an envelope and after
wrapping his knife inside, dropped it down. He lost
no time by seeing whether he was understood, but he
took the child and put his arms and legs about the
pole in front of him and together they slid along to
the golden ball at the end.</p>

<p>&#8220;What splendid courage! What perfect self-possession!
He then took the boy&#8217;s arm above the hand and
swung him clear. He held him for a moment to see that
all was ready below, and turned him loose.</p>

<p>&#8220;The child dropped as straight as a plummet
into the canvas net that was being held for him.</p>

<p>&#8220;The excitement had been so tense up to now,
that in all that vast crowd no one said a word or
moved a muscle, but when they saw the little fellow
unhurt, and perched high on the shoulders of a burly
fireman, such cheers were given as were never before
heard in that part of New York.</p>

<p>&#8220;The man, it seemed, knew as well as those below,
that his weight made impossible his escape in a like
manner, for he had slid back to the building and was
sitting upon the ledge smoking a cigarette.</p>

<p>&#8220;At first it was the child in which the crowd
was interested, but now it was the man. He must be
saved; but could he be? The heat was evidently becoming
unbearable and from time to time a smother of smoke
hid him from view. Once when it cleared away he was
no longer there, it had suffocated him and he had
fallen, a mangled heap, into the street below.</p>

<p>&#8220;That man was Sutton, and the child was not
his own. He could have saved himself had he not stayed
to break in a door behind which the screams of the
child were heard.&#8221;</p>

<p>There was a long silence when Gloria had ended her
story, and then the conversation ran along more cheerful
lines.</p>

<a name="XXV"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXV</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Administrator of the Republic</h2>

<p>General Dru began at once the reorganization of his
army. The Nation knew that the war was over, and it
was in a quiver of excitement.</p>

<p>They recognized the fact that Dru dominated the situation
and that a master mind had at last arisen in the Republic.
He had a large and devoted army to do his bidding,
and the future seemed to lie wholly in his hands.</p>

<p>The great metropolitan dailies were in keen rivalry
to obtain some statement from him, but they could
not get within speaking distance. The best they could
do was to fill their columns with speculations and
opinions from those near, or at least pretending to
be near him. He had too much to do to waste a moment,
but he had it in mind to make some statement of a
general nature within a few days.</p>

<p>The wounded were cared for, the dead disposed of and
all prisoners disarmed and permitted to go to their
homes under parole. Of his own men he relieved those
who had sickness in their families, or pressing duties
to perform. Many of the prisoners, at their urgent
solicitation, he enlisted. The final result was a
compact and fairly well organized army of some four
hundred thousand men who were willing to serve as long
as they were needed.</p>

<p>During the days that Dru was reorganizing, he now
and then saw Gloria. She often wondered why Philip
did not tell her something of his plans, and at times
she felt hurt at his reticence. She did not know that
he would have trusted her with his life without hesitation,
but that his sense of duty sealed his lips when it
came to matters of public policy.</p>

<p>He knew she would not willingly betray him, but he
never took chances upon the judgment she, or any friend,
might exercise as to what was or what was not important.
When a thought or plan had once gone from him to another
it was at the mercy of the other&#8217;s discretion,
and good intention did not avail if discretion and
judgment were lacking. He consulted freely with those
from whom he thought he could obtain help, but about
important matters no one ever knew but himself his
conclusions.</p>

<p>Dru was now ready to march upon Washington, and he
issued an address to his soldiers which was intended,
in fact, for the general public. He did not want,
at this time, to assume unusual powers, and if he had
spoken to the Nation he might be criticised as assuming
a dictatorial attitude.</p>

<p>He complimented his army upon their patriotism and
upon their bravery, and told them that they had won
what was, perhaps, the most important victory in the
history of warfare. He deplored the fact that, of
necessity, it was a victory over their fellow countrymen,
but he promised that the breach would soon be healed,
for it was his purpose to treat them as brothers.
He announced that no one, neither the highest nor
the lowest, would be arrested, tried, or in any way
disturbed provided they accepted the result of the
battle as final, and as determining a change in the
policy of government in accordance with the views
held by those whom he represented. Failure to acquiesce
in this, or any attempt to foster the policies of
the <i>late government,</i> would be considered
seditious, and would be punished by death. He was
determined upon immediate peace and quietude, and any
individual, newspaper or corporation violating this
order would be summarily dealt with.</p>

<p>The words &#8220;late government&#8221; caused a sensation.</p>

<p>It pointed very surely to the fact that as soon as
Dru reached Washington, he would assume charge of
affairs. But in what way? That was the momentous question.</p>

<p>President Rockwell, the Vice-President and the Cabinet,
fearful of the result of Dru&#8217;s complete domination,
fled the country. Selwyn urged, threatened, and did
all he could to have them stand their ground, and
take the consequences of defeat, but to no avail. Finally,
he had the Secretary of State resign, so that the
President might appoint him to that office. This being
done, he became acting President.</p>

<p>There were some fifty thousand troops at Washington
and vicinity, and Dru wired Selwyn asking whether
any defense of that city was contemplated. Upon receiving
a negative answer, he sent one of his staff officers
directly to Washington to demand a formal surrender.
Selwyn acquiesced in this, and while the troops were
not disbanded, they were placed under the command
of Dru&#8217;s emissary.</p>

<p>After further negotiations it was arranged for such
of the volunteers as desired to do so, to return to
their homes. This left a force of thirty thousand
men at Washington who accepted the new conditions,
and declared fealty to Dru and the cause he represented.
There was now requisitioned all the cars that were
necessary to convey the army from Buffalo to New York,
Philadelphia and Washington. A day was named when all
other traffic was to be stopped, until the troops,
equipment and supplies had been conveyed to their
destinations. One hundred thousand men were sent to
New York and one hundred thousand to Philadelphia,
and held on the outskirts of those cities. Two hundred
thousand were sent to Washington and there Dru went
himself.</p>

<p>Selwyn made a formal surrender to him and was placed
under arrest, but it was hardly more than a formality,
for Selwyn was placed under no further restraint than
that he should not leave Washington. His arrest was
made for its effect upon the Nation; in order to make
it clear that the former government no longer existed.</p>

<p>General Dru now called a conference of his officers
and announced his purpose of assuming the powers of
a dictator, distasteful as it was to him, and, as
he felt it might also be, to the people. He explained
that such a radical step was necessary, in order to
quickly purge the Government of those abuses that
had arisen, and give to it the form and purpose for
which they had fought. They were assured that he was
free from any personal ambition, and he pledged his
honor to retire after the contemplated reforms had
been made, so that the country could again have a
constitutional government. Not one of them doubted
his word, and they pledged themselves and the men
under them, to sustain him loyally. He then issued
an address to his army proclaiming himself <i>"Administrator
of the Republic."</i></p>

<a name="XXVI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXVI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Dru Outlines His Intentions</h2>

<p>The day after this address was issued, General Dru
reviewed his army and received such an ovation that
it stilled criticism, for it was plain that the new
order of things had to be accepted, and there was a
thrill of fear among those who would have liked to
raise their voices in protest.</p>

<p>It was felt that the property and lives of all were
now in the keeping of one man.</p>

<p>Dru&#8217;s first official act was to call a conference
of those, throughout the Union, who had been leaders
in the movement to overthrow the Government.</p>

<p>The gathering was large and representative, but he
found no such unanimity as amongst the army. A large
part, perhaps a majority, were outspoken for an immediate
return to representative government.</p>

<p>They were willing that unusual powers should be assumed
long enough to declare the old Government illegal,
and to issue an immediate call for a general election,
state and national, to be held as usual in November.
The advocates of this plan were willing that Dru should
remain in authority until the duly constituted officials
could be legally installed.</p>

<p>Dru presided over the meeting, therefore he took no
part in the early discussion, further than to ask
for the fullest expression of opinion. After hearing
the plan for a limited dictatorship proposed, he arose,
and, in a voice vibrant with emotion, addressed the
meeting as follows:</p>

<p>&#8220;My fellow countrymen:--I feel sure that however
much we may differ as to methods, there is no one
within the sound of my voice that does not wish me
well, and none, I believe, mistrusts either my honesty
of purpose, my patriotism, or my ultimate desire to
restore as soon as possible to our distracted land
a constitutional government.</p>

<p>&#8220;We all agreed that a change had to be brought
about even though it meant revolution, for otherwise
the cruel hand of avarice would have crushed out from
us, and from our children, every semblance of freedom.
If our late masters had been more moderate in their
greed we would have been content to struggle for yet
another period, hoping that in time we might again
have justice and equality before the law. But even
so we would have had a defective  Government, defective
in machinery and defective in its constitution and
laws. To have righted it, a century of public education
would have been necessary. The present opportunity
has been bought at fearful cost. If we use it lightly,
those who fell upon the field of Elma will have died
in vain, and the anguish of mothers, and the tears
of widows and orphans will mock us because we failed
in our duty to their beloved dead.</p>

<p>&#8220;For a long time I have known that this hour
would come, and that there would be those of you who
would stand affrighted at the momentous change from
constitutional government to despotism, no matter how
pure and exalted you might believe my intentions to
be.</p>

<p>&#8220;But in the long watches of the night, in the
solitude of my tent, I conceived a plan of government
which, by the grace of God, I hope to be able to give
to the American people. My life is consecrated to our
cause, and, hateful as is the thought of assuming supreme
power, I can see no other way clearly, and I would
be recreant to my trust if I faltered in my duty.
Therefore, with the aid I know each one of you will
give me, there shall, in God&#8217;s good time, be
wrought &#8217;a government of the people, by the
people and for the people.&#8217;&#8221;</p>

<p>When Dru had finished there was generous applause.
At first here and there a dissenting voice was heard,
but the chorus of approval drowned it. It was a splendid
tribute to his popularity and integrity. When quiet
was restored, he named twelve men whom he wanted to
take charge of the departments and to act as his advisors.</p>

<p>They were all able men, each distinguished in his
own field of endeavor, and when their names were announced
there was an outburst of satisfaction.</p>

<p>The meeting adjourned, and each member went home a
believer in Dru and the policy he had adopted. They,
in turn, converted the people to their view of the
situation, so that Dru was able to go forward with
his great work, conscious of the support and approval
of an overwhelming majority of his fellow countrymen.</p>

<a name="XXVII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXVII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">A New Era at Washington</h2>

<p>When General Dru assumed the responsibilities of Government
he saw that, unless he arranged it otherwise, social
duties would prove a tax upon his time and would deter
him from working with that celerity for which he had
already become famous. He had placed Mr. Strawn at
the head of the Treasury Department and he offered
him the use of the White House as a place of residence.
His purpose was to have Mrs. Strawn and Gloria relieve
him of those social functions that are imposed upon
the heads of all Governments. Mrs. Strawn was delighted
with such an arrangement, and it almost compensated
her for having been forced by her husband and Gloria
into the ranks of the popular or insurgent party. Dru
continued to use the barracks as his home, though he
occupied the offices in the White House for public
business. It soon became a familiar sight in Washington
to see him ride swiftly through the streets on his
seal-brown gelding, Twilight, as he went to and from
the barracks and the White House. Dru gave and attended
dinners to foreign ambassadors and special envoys,
but at the usual entertainments given to the public
or to the official family he was seldom seen. He and
Gloria were in accord, regarding the character of
entertainments to be given, and all unnecessary display
was to be avoided. This struck a cruel blow at Mrs.
Strawn, who desired to have everything in as sumptuous
a way as under the old r&#233;gime, but both Dru and Gloria
were as adamant, and she had to be content with the
new order of things.</p>

<p>&#8220;Gloria,&#8221; said Dru, &#8220;it pleases
me beyond measure to find ourselves so nearly in accord
concerning the essential things, and I am glad to
believe that you express your convictions candidly
and are not merely trying to please me.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;That, Philip, is because we are largely striving
for the same purposes. We both want, I think, to take
the selfish equation out of our social fabric. We
want to take away the sting from poverty, and we want
envy to have no place in the world of our making.
Is it not so?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;That seems to me, Gloria, to be the crux of
our endeavors. But when we speak of unselfishness,
as we now have it in mind, we are entering a hitherto
unknown realm. The definition of selfishness yesterday
or to-day is quite another thing from the unselfishness
that we have in view, and which we hope and expect
will soon leaven society. I think, perhaps, we may
reach the result quicker if we call it mankind&#8217;s
new and higher pleasure or happiness, for that is
what it will mean.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Philip, it all seems too altruistic ever to
come in our lifetime; but, do you know, I am awfully
optimistic about it. I really believe it will come
so quickly, after it once gets a good start, that it
will astound us. The proverbial snowball coming down
the mountain side will be as nothing to it. Everyone
will want to join the procession at once. No one will
want to be left out for the finger of Scorn to accuse.
And, strangely enough, I believe it will be the educated
and rich, in fact the ones that are now the most selfish,
that will be in the vanguard of the procession. They
will be the first to realize the joy of it all, and
in this way will they redeem the sins of their ancestors.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Your enthusiasm, Gloria, readily imparts itself
to me, and my heart quickens with hope that what you
say may be prophetic. But, to return to the immediate
work in hand, let us simplify our habits and customs
to as great a degree as is possible under existing
circumstances. One of the causes for the mad rush
for money is the desire to excel our friends and neighbors
in our manner of living, our entertainments and the
like. Everyone has been trying to keep up with the
most extravagant of his set: the result must, in the
end, be unhappiness for all and disaster for many.
What a pitiful ambition it is! How soul-lowering! How
it narrows the horizon! We cannot help the poor, we
cannot aid our neighbor, for, if we do, we cannot
keep our places in the unholy struggle for social
equality within our little sphere. Let us go, Gloria,
into the fresh air, for it stifles me to think of this
phase of our civilization. I wish I had let our discussion
remain upon the high peak where you placed it and
from which we gazed into the promised land.&#8221;</p>

<a name="XXVIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXVIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">An International Crisis</h2>

<p>The Administrator did nothing towards reducing the
army which, including those in the Philippines and
elsewhere, totalled five hundred thousand. He thought
this hardly sufficient considering international conditions,
and one of his first acts was to increase the number
of men to six hundred thousand and to arm and equip
them thoroughly.</p>

<p>For a long period of years England had maintained
relations with the United States that amounted to
an active alliance, but there was evidence that she
had under discussion, with her old-time enemy, Germany,
a treaty by which that nation was to be allowed a free
hand in South America.</p>

<p>In return for this England was to be conceded all
German territory in Africa, and was to be allowed
to absorb, eventually, that entire continent excepting
that part belonging to France.</p>

<p>Japan, it seemed, was to be taken into the agreement
and was to be given her will in the East. If she desired
the Philippines, she might take them as far as European
interference went. Her navy was more powerful than
any the United States could readily muster in the far
Pacific, and England would, if necessary, serve notice
upon us that her gunboats were at Japan&#8217;s disposal
in case of war.</p>

<p>In return, Japan was to help in maintaining British
supremacy in India, which was now threatened by the
vigorous young Republic of China.</p>

<p>The latter nation did not wish to absorb India herself,
but she was committed to the policy of &#8220;Asia
for the Asiatics,&#8221; and it did not take much
discernment to see that some day soon this would come
about.</p>

<p>China and Japan had already reached an agreement concerning
certain matters of interest between them, the most
important being that Japan should maintain a navy
twice as powerful as that of China, and that the latter
should have an army one-third more powerful than that
of Japan. The latter was to confine her sphere of
influence to the Islands of the Sea and to Korea,
and, in the event of a combined attack on Russia,
which was contemplated, they were to acquire Siberia
as far west as practicable, and divide that territory.
China had already by purchase, concessions and covert
threats, regained that part of her territory once
held by England, Germany and France. She had a powerful
array and a navy of some consequence, therefore she
must needs to be reckoned with.</p>

<p>England&#8217;s hold upon Canada was merely nominal,
therefore, further than as a matter of pride, it was
of slight importance to her whether she lost it or
not. Up to the time of the revolution, Canada had been
a hostage, and England felt that she could at no time
afford a rupture with us. But the alluring vision
that Germany held out to her was dazzling her statesmen.
Africa all red from the Cape to the Mediterranean
and from Madagascar to the Atlantic was most alluring.
And it seemed so easy of accomplishment.  Germany
maintained her military superiority, as England, even
then, held a navy equal to any two powers.</p>

<p>Germany was to exploit South America without reference
to the Monroe Doctrine, and England was to give her
moral support, and the support of her navy, if necessary.
If the United States objected to the extent of declaring
war, they were prepared to meet that issue. Together,
they could put into commission a navy three times
as strong as that of the United States, and with Canada
as a base, and with a merchant marine fifty times
as large as that of the United States, they could convey
half a million men to North America as quickly as Dru
could send a like number to San Francisco. If Japan
joined the movement, she could occupy the Pacific
Slope as long as England and Germany were her allies.</p>

<p>The situation which had sprung up while the United
States was putting her own house in order, was full
of peril and General Dru gave it his careful and immediate
attention.</p>

<p>None of the powers at interest knew that Dru&#8217;s
Government had the slightest intimation of what was
being discussed. The information had leaked through
one of the leading international banking houses, that
had been approached concerning a possible loan for
a very large amount, and the secret had reached Selwyn
through Thor.</p>

<p>Selwyn not only gave General Dru this information,
but much else that was of extreme value. Dru soon
came to know that at heart Selwyn was not without
patriotism, and that it was only from environment and
an overweening desire for power that had led him into
the paths he had heretofore followed. Selwyn would
have preferred ruling through the people rather than
through the interests and the machinations of corrupt
politics, but he had little confidence that the people
would take enough interest in public affairs to make
this possible, and to deviate from the path he had
chosen, meant, he thought, disaster to his ambitions.</p>

<p>Dru&#8217;s career proved him wrong, and no one was
quicker to see it than Selwyn. Dru&#8217;s remarkable
insight into character fathomed the real man, and,
in a cautious and limited way, he counseled with him
as the need arose.</p>

<a name="XXIX"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXIX</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Reform of the Judiciary</h2>

<p>Of his Council of Twelve, the Administrator placed
one member in charge of each of the nine departments,
and gave to the other three special work that was
constantly arising.</p>

<p>One of his advisers was a man of distinguished lineage,
but who, in his early youth, had been compelled to
struggle against those unhappy conditions that followed
reconstruction in the South. His intellect and force
of character had brought him success in his early manhood,
and he was the masterful head of a university that,
under his guidance, was soon to become one of the
foremost in the world. He was a trained political
economist, and had rare discernment in public affairs,
therefore Dru leaned heavily upon him when he began
to rehabilitate the Government.</p>

<p>Dru used Selwyn&#8217;s unusual talents for organization
and administration, in thoroughly overhauling the
actual machinery of both Federal and State Governments.
There was no doubt but that there was an enormous waste
going on, and this he undertook to stop, for he felt
sure that as much efficiency could be obtained at
two-thirds the cost. One of his first acts as Administrator
was to call together five great lawyers, who had no
objectionable corporate or private practice, and give
to them the task of defining the powers of all courts,
both State and Federal.</p>

<p>They were not only to remodel court procedure, but
to eliminate such courts as were unnecessary. To this
board he gave the further task of reconstructing the
rules governing lawyers, their practice before the
courts, their relations to their clients and the amount
and character of their fees under given conditions.</p>

<p>Under Dru&#8217;s instruction the commission was to
limit the power of the courts to the extent that they
could no longer pass upon the constitutionality of
laws, their function being merely to decide, as between
litigants, what the law was, as was the practice of
all other civilized nations.</p>

<p>Judges, both Federal and State, were to be appointed
for life, subject to compulsory retirement at seventy,
and to forced retirement at any time by a two-thirds
vote of the House and a majority vote of the Senate.
Their appointment was to be suggested by the President
or Governor, as the case might be, and a majority
vote of the House and a two-third vote of the Senate
were necessary for confirmation.</p>

<p>High salaries were to be paid, but the number of judges
was to be largely decreased, perhaps by two-thirds.
This would be possible, because the simplification
of procedure and the curtailment of their powers would
enormously lessen the amount of work to be done. Dru
called the Board&#8217;s attention to the fact that
England had about two hundred judges of all kinds,
while there were some thirty-six hundred in the United
States, and that the reversals by the English Courts
were only about three per cent. of the reversals by
the American Courts.</p>

<p>The United States had, therefore, the most complicated,
expensive and inadequate legal machinery of any civilized
nation. Lawyers were no longer to be permitted to
bring suits of doubtful character, and without facts
and merit to sustain them. Hereafter it would be necessary
for the attorney, and the client himself, to swear
to the truth of the allegations submitted in their
petitions of suits and briefs.</p>

<p>If they could not show that they had good reason to
believe that their cause was just, they would be subject
to fines and imprisonment, besides being subject to
damages by the defendant. Dru desired the Board on
Legal Procedure and Judiciary to work out a fair and
comprehensive system, based along the fundamental
lines he had laid down, so that the people might be
no longer ridden by either the law or the lawyer. It
was his intention that no man was to be suggested
for a judgeship or confirmed who was known to drink
to excess, either regularly or periodically, or one
who was known not to pay his personal debts, or had
acted in a reprehensible manner either in private or
in his public capacity as a lawyer.</p>

<p>Any of these habits or actions occurring after appointment
was to subject him to impeachment. Moreover, any judge
who used his position to favor any individual or corporation,
or who deviated from the path of even and exact justice
for all, or who heckled a litigant, witness or attorney,
or who treated them in an unnecessarily harsh or insulting
manner, was to be, upon complaint duly attested to
by reliable witnesses, tried for impeachment.</p>

<p>The Administrator was positive in his determination
to have the judiciary a most efficient bureau of the
people, and to have it sufficiently well paid to obtain
the best talent. He wanted it held in the highest
esteem, and to have an appointment thereon considered
one of the greatest honors of the Republic. To do
this he knew it was necessary for its members to be
able, honest, temperate and considerate.</p>

<a name="XXX"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXX</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">A New Code of Laws</h2>

<p>Dru selected another board of five lawyers, and to
them he gave the task of reforming legal procedure
and of pruning down the existing laws, both State
and National, cutting out the obsolete and useless
ones and rewriting those recommended to be retained,
in plain and direct language free from useless legal
verbiage and understandable to the ordinary lay citizen.</p>

<p>He then created another board, of even greater ability,
to read, digest and criticise the work of the other
two boards and report their findings directly to him,
giving a brief summary of their reasons and recommendations.
To assist in this work he engaged in an advisory capacity
three eminent lawyers from England, Germany and France
respectively.</p>

<p>The three boards were urged to proceed with as much
despatch as possible, for Dru knew that it would take
at least several years to do it properly, and afterwards
he would want to place the new code of laws in working
order under the reformed judiciary before he would
be content to retire. The other changes he had in
mind he thought could be accomplished much more quickly.</p>

<p>Among other things, Dru directed that the States should
have a simplification of land titles, so that transfers
of real estate could be made as easy as the transfer
of stocks, and with as little expense, no attorneys&#8217;
fees for examination of titles, and no recording fees
being necessary. The title could not be contested
after being once registered in a name, therefore no
litigation over real property could be possible. It
was estimated by Dru&#8217;s statisticians that in
some States this would save the people annually a
sum equal to the cost of running their governments.</p>

<p>A uniform divorce law was also to be drawn and put
into operation, so that the scandals arising from
the old conditions might no longer be possible.</p>

<p>It was arranged that when laws affecting the States
had been written, before they went into effect they
were to be submitted to a body of lawyers made up
of one representative from each State. This body could
make suggestions for such additions or eliminations
as might seem to them pertinent, and conforming with
conditions existing in their respective commonwealths,
but the board was to use its judgment in the matter
of incorporating the suggestions in the final draft
of the law. It was not the Administrator&#8217;s purpose
to rewrite at that time the Federal and State Constitutions,
but to do so at a later date when the laws had been
rewritten and decided upon; he wished to first satisfy
himself as to them and their adaptability to the existing
conditions, and then make a constitution conforming
with them. This would seem to be going at things backward,
but it recommended itself to Dru as the sane and practical
way to have the constitutions and laws in complete
harmony.</p>

<p>The formation of the three boards created much disturbance
among judges, lawyers and corporations, but when the
murmur began to assume the proportions of a loud-voiced
protest, General Dru took the matter in hand. He let
it be known that it would be well for them to cease
to foment trouble. He pointed out that heretofore
the laws had been made for the judges, for the lawyers
and for those whose financial or political influence
enabled them to obtain special privileges, but that
hereafter the whole legal machinery was to be run absolutely
in the interest of the people. The decisive and courageous
manner in which he handled this situation, brought
him the warm and generous approval of the people and
they felt that at last their day had come.</p>

<a name="XXXI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXXI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Question of Taxation</h2>

<p>The question of taxation was one of the most complex
problems with which the Administrator had to deal.
As with the legal machinery he formed a board of five
to advise with him, and to carry out his very well-defined
ideas. Upon this board was a political economist, a
banker, who was thought to be the ablest man of his
profession, a farmer who was a very successful and
practical man, a manufacturer and a Congressman, who
for many years had been the consequential member of
the Ways and Means Committee. All these men were known
for their breadth of view and their interest in public
affairs.</p>

<p>Again, Dru went to England, France and Germany for
the best men he could get as advisers to the board.
He offered such a price for their services that, eminent
as they were, they did not feel that they could refuse.
He knew the best were the cheapest.</p>

<p>At the first sitting of the Committee, Dru told them
to consider every existing tax law obliterated, to
begin anew and to construct a revenue system along
the lines he indicated for municipalities, counties,
states and the Nation. He did not contemplate, he said,
that the new law should embrace all the taxes which
the three first-named civil divisions could levy,
but that it should apply only where taxes related to
the general government. Nevertheless, Dru was hopeful
that such a system would be devised as would render
it unnecessary for either municipalities, counties
or states to require any further revenue. Dru directed
the board to divide each state into districts for the
purpose of taxation, not making them large enough
to be cumbersome, and yet not small enough to prohibit
the employment of able men to form the assessment
and collecting boards. He suggested that these boards
be composed of four local men and one representative
of the Nation.</p>

<p>He further directed that the tax on realty both in
the country and the city should be upon the following
basis:--Improvements on city property were to be taxed
at one-fifth of their value, and the naked property
either in town or country at two-thirds of its value.
The fact that country property used for agricultural
purposes was improved, should not be reckoned. In
other words, if A had one hundred acres with eighty
acres of it in cultivation and otherwise improved,
and B had one hundred acres beside him of just as
good land, but not in cultivation or improved, B&#8217;s
land should be taxed as much as A&#8217;s.</p>

<p>In cities and towns taxation was to be upon a similar
basis. For instance, when there was a lot, say, one
hundred feet by one hundred feet with improvements
upon it worth three hundred thousand dollars, and
there was another lot of the same size and value, the
improved lot should be taxed only sixty thousand more
than the unimproved lot; that is, both lots should
be taxed alike, and the improvement on the one should
be assessed at sixty thousand dollars or one-fifth
of its actual value.</p>

<p>This, Dru pointed out, would deter owners from holding
unimproved realty, for the purpose of getting the
unearned increment made possible by the thrift of
their neighbors. In the country it would open up land
for cultivation now lying idle, provide homes for more
people, cheapen the cost of living to all, and make
possible better schools, better roads and a better
opportunity for the successful cooperative marketing
of products.</p>

<p>In the cities and towns, it would mean a more homogeneous
population, with better streets, better sidewalks,
better sewerage, more convenient churches and cheaper
rents and homes. As it was at that time, a poor man
could not buy a home nor rent one near his work, but
must needs go to the outskirts of his town, necessitating
loss of time and cost of transportation, besides sacrificing
the obvious comforts and conveniences of a more compact
population.</p>

<p>The Administrator further directed the tax board to
work out a graduated income tax exempting no income
whatsoever. Incomes up to one thousand dollars a year,
Dru thought, should bear a merely nominal tax of one-half
of one per cent.; those of from one to two thousand,
one per cent.; those of from two to five thousand,
two per cent.; those of from five to ten thousand,
three per cent.; those of from ten to twenty thousand,
six per cent. The tax on incomes of more than twenty
thousand dollars a year, Dru directed, was to be rapidly
increased, until a maximum of seventy per cent. was
to be reached on those incomes that were ten million
dollars, or above.</p>

<p>False returns, false swearing, or any subterfuge to
defraud the Government, was to be punished by not
less than six months or more than two years in prison.
The board was further instructed to incorporate in
their tax measure, an inheritance tax clause, graduated
at the same rate as in the income tax, and to safeguard
the defrauding of the Government by gifts before death
and other devices.</p>

<a name="XXXII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXXII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">A Federal Incorporation Act</h2>

<p>Along with the first board on tax laws, Administrator
Dru appointed yet another commission to deal with
another phase of this subject. The second board was
composed of economists and others well versed in matters
relating to the tariff and Internal Revenue, who, broadly
speaking, were instructed to work out a tariff law
which would contemplate the abolishment of the theory
of protection as a governmental policy. A tariff was
to be imposed mainly as a supplement to the other
taxes, the revenue from which, it was thought, would
be almost sufficient for the needs of the Government,
considering the economies that were being made.</p>

<p>Dru&#8217;s father had been an ardent advocate of
State rights, and the Administrator had been reared
in that atmosphere; but when he began to think out
such questions for himself, he realized that density
of population and rapid inter-communication afforded
by electric and steam railroads, motors, aeroplanes,
telegraphs and telephones were, to all practical purposes,
obliterating State lines and molding the country into
a homogeneous nation.</p>

<p>Therefore, after the Revolution, Dru saw that the
time had come for this trend to assume more definite
form, and for the National Government to take upon
itself some of the functions heretofore exclusively
within the jurisdiction of the States. Up to the time
of the Revolution a state of chaos had existed. For
instance, laws relating to divorces, franchises, interstate
commerce, sanitation and many other things were different
in each State, and nearly all were inefficient and
not conducive to the general welfare. Administrator
Dru therefore concluded that the time had come when
a measure of control of such things should be vested
in the Central Government. He therefore proposed enacting
into the general laws a Federal Incorporation Act,
and into his scheme of taxation a franchise tax that
would not be more burdensome than that now imposed
by the States. He also proposed making corporations
share with the Government and States a certain part
of their net earnings, public service corporations
to a greater extent than others. Dru&#8217;s plan contemplated
that either the Government or the State in which the
home or headquarters of any corporation was located
was to have representation upon the boards of such
corporation, in order that the interests of the National,
State, or City Government could be protected, and so
as to insure publicity in the event it was needful
to correct abuses.</p>

<p>He had incorporated in the Franchise Law the right
of Labor to have one representative upon the boards
of corporations and to share a certain percentage
of the earnings above their wages, after a reasonable
per cent. upon the capital had been earned. [Footnote:
See <a href="#copartnership"><i>What Co-Partnership Can Do</i></a>.] In turn, it was to be obligatory upon them
not to strike, but to submit all grievances to arbitration.
The law was to stipulate that if the business prospered,
wages should be high; if times were dull, they should
be reduced.</p>

<p>The people were asked to curb their prejudice against
corporations. It was promised that in the future corporations
should be honestly run, and in the interest of the
stockholders and the public. Dru expressed the hope
that their formation would be welcomed rather than
discouraged, for he was sure that under the new law
it would be more to the public advantage to have business
conducted by corporations than by individuals in a
private capacity. In the taxation of real estate, the
unfair practice of taxing it at full value when mortgaged
and then taxing the holder of the mortgage, was to
be abolished. The same was to be true of bonded indebtedness
on any kind of property. The easy way to do this was
to tax property and not tax the evidence of debt, but
Dru preferred the other method, that of taxing the
property, less the debt, and then taxing the debt
wherever found.</p>

<p>His reason for this was that, if bonds or other forms
of debt paid no taxes, it would have a tendency to
make investors put money into that kind of security,
even though the interest was correspondingly low, in
order to avoid the trouble of rendering and paying
taxes on them. This, he thought, might keep capital
out of other needful enterprises, and give a glut
of money in one direction and a paucity in another.
Money itself was not to be taxed as was then done
in so many States.</p>

<a name="XXXIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXXIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Railroad Problem</h2>

<p>While the boards and commissions appointed by Administrator
Dru were working out new tax, tariff and revenue laws,
establishing the judiciary and legal machinery on
a new basis and revising the general law, it was necessary
that the financial system of the country also should
be reformed. Dru and his advisers saw the difficulties
of attacking this most intricate question, but with
the advice and assistance of a commission appointed
for that purpose, they began the formulation of a
new banking law, affording a flexible currency, bottomed
largely upon commercial assets, the real wealth of
the nation, instead of upon debt, as formerly.</p>

<p>This measure was based upon the English, French and
German plans, its authors taking the best from each
and making the whole conform to American needs and
conditions. Dru regarded this as one of his most pressing
reforms, for he hoped that it would not only prevent
panics, as formerly, but that its final construction
would completely destroy the credit trust, the greatest,
the most far reaching and, under evil direction, the
most pernicious trust of all.</p>

<p>While in this connection, as well as all others, he
was insistent that business should be honestly conducted,
yet it was his purpose to throw all possible safeguards
around it. In the past it had been not only harassed
by a monetary system that was a mere patchwork affair
and entirely inadequate to the needs of the times,
but it had been constantly threatened by tariff, railroad
and other legislation calculated to cause continued
disturbance. The ever-present demagogue had added
to the confusion, and, altogether, legitimate business
had suffered more during the long season of unrest
than had the law-defying monopolies.</p>

<p>Dru wanted to see the nation prosper, as he knew it
could never have done under the old order, where the
few reaped a disproportionate reward and to this end
he spared no pains in perfecting the new financial
system. In the past the railroads and a few industrial
monopolies had come in for the greatest amount of
abuse and prejudice. This feeling while largely just,
in his opinion, had done much harm. The railroads
were the offenders in the first instance, he knew,
and then the people retaliated, and in the end both
the capitalists who actually furnished the money to
build the roads and the people suffered.</p>

<p>&#8220;In the first place,&#8221; said Administrator
Dru to his counsel during the discussion of the new
financial system, &#8220;the roads were built dishonestly.
Money was made out of their construction by the promoters
in the most open and shameless way, and afterwards
bonds and stocks were issued far in excess of the
fraudulent so-called cost. Nor did the iniquity end
there. Enterprises were started, some of a public nature
such as grain elevators and cotton compresses, in which
the officials of the railroads were financially interested.
These favored concerns received rebates and better
shipping facilities than their competitors and competition
was stifled.</p>

<p>&#8220;Iron mines and mills, lumber mills and yards,
coal mines and yards, <i>etc</i>., <i>etc</i>., went into
their rapacious maw, and the managers considered the
railroads a private snap and &#8216;the public be damned.&#8217;</p>

<p>&#8220;These things,&#8221; continued Dru, &#8220;did
not constitute their sole offense, for, as you all
know, they lobbied through legislatures the most unconscionable
bills, giving them land, money and rights to further
exploit the public.</p>

<p>&#8220;But the thing that, perhaps, aroused resentment
most was their failure to pay just claims. The idea
in the old days, as you remember, was to pay nothing,
and make it so expensive to litigate that one would
prefer to suffer an injustice rather than go to court.
From this policy was born the claim lawyer, who financed
and fought through the courts personal injury claims,
until it finally came to pass that in loss or damage
suits the average jury would decide against the railroad
on general principles. In such cases the litigant
generally got all he claimed and the railroad was
mulcted. There is no estimating how much this unfortunate
policy cost the railroads of America up to the time
of the Revolution. The trouble was that the ultimate
loss fell, not on those who inaugurated it but upon
the innocent stock and bondholder of the roads.</p>

<p>&#8220;While the problem is complicated,&#8221; he
continued, &#8220;its solution lies in the new financial
system, together with the new system of control of
public utilities.&#8221;</p>

<p>To this end, Dru laid down his plans by which public
service corporations should be honestly, openly and
efficiently run, so that the people should have good
service at a minimum cost.</p>

<p>Primarily the general Government, the state or the
city, as the case might be, were to have representation
on the directorate, as previously indicated. They
were to have full access to the books, and semi-annually
each corporation was to be compelled to make public
a full and a clear report, giving the receipts and
expenditures, including salaries paid to high officials.
These corporations were also to be under the control
of national and state commissions.</p>

<p>While the Nation and State were to share in the earnings,
Dru demanded that the investor in such corporate securities
should have reasonable profits, and the fullest protection,
in the event states or municipalities attempted to
deal unfairly with them, as had heretofore been the
case in many instances.</p>

<p>The Administrator insisted upon the prohibition of
franchise to &#8220;holding companies&#8221; of whatsoever
character. In the past, he declared, they had been
prolific trust breeders, and those existing at that
time, he asserted, should be dissolved.</p>

<p>Under the new law, as Dru outlined it, one company
might control another, but it would have to be with
the consent of both the state and federal officials
having jurisdiction in the premises, and it would have
to be clear that the public would be benefited thereby.
There was to be in the future no hiding under cover,
for everything was to be done in the open, and in
a way entirely understandable to the ordinary layman.</p>

<p>Certain of the public service corporations, Dru insisted,
should be taken over bodily by the National Government
and accordingly the Postmaster General was instructed
to negotiate with the telegraph and telephone companies
for their properties at a fair valuation. They were
to be under the absolute control of the Postoffice
Department, and the people were to have the transmission
of all messages at cost, just as they had their written
ones. A parcel post was also inaugurated, so that
as much as twelve pounds could be sent at cost.</p>

<a name="XXXIV"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXXIV</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Selwyn&#8217;s Story</h2>

<p>The further Administrator Dru carried his progress
of reform, the more helpful he found Selwyn. Dru&#8217;s
generous treatment of him had brought in return a
grateful loyalty.</p>

<p>One stormy night, after Selwyn had dined with Dru,
he sat contentedly smoking by a great log fire in
the library of the small cottage which Dru occupied
in the barracks.</p>

<p>&#8220;This reminds me,&#8221; he said, &#8220;of
my early boyhood, and of the fireplace in the old
tavern where I was born.&#8221;</p>

<p>General Dru had long wanted to know of Selwyn, and,
though they had arranged to discuss some important
business, Dru urged the former Senator to tell him
something of his early life.</p>

<p>Selwyn consented, but asked that the lights be turned
off so that there would be only the glow from the
fire, in order that it might seem more like the old
days at home when his father&#8217;s political cronies
gathered about the hearth for their confidential talks.</p>

<p>And this was Selwyn&#8217;s story:--</p>

<p>My father was a man of small education and kept a
tavern on the outer edge of Philadelphia. I was his
only child, my mother dying in my infancy. There was
a bar connected with the house, and it was a rendezvous
for the politicians of our ward. I became interested
in politics so early that I cannot remember the time
when I was not. My father was a temperate man, strong-willed
and able, and I have often wondered since that he
was content to end his days without trying to get
beyond the environments of a small tavern.</p>

<p>He was sensitive, and perhaps his lack of education
caused him to hesitate to enter a larger and more
conspicuous field.</p>

<p>However, he was resolved that I should not be hampered
as he was, and I was, therefore, given a good common
school education first, and afterwards sent to Girard
College, where I graduated, the youngest of my class.</p>

<p>Much to my father&#8217;s delight, I expressed a desire
to study law, for it seemed to us both that this profession
held the best opportunity open to me. My real purpose
in becoming a lawyer was to aid me in politics, for
it was clear to both my father and me that I had an
unusual aptitude therefor.</p>

<p>My study of law was rather cursory than real, and
did not lead to a profound knowledge of the subject,
but it was sufficient for me to obtain admittance
to the bar, and it was not long, young as I was, before
my father&#8217;s influence brought me a practice that
was lucrative and which required but little legal
lore.</p>

<p>At that time the ward boss was a man by the name of
Marx. While his father was a German, he was almost
wholly Irish, for his father died when he was young,
and he was reared by a masculine, masterful, though
ignorant Irish mother.</p>

<p>He was my father&#8217;s best friend, and there were
no secrets between them. They seldom paid attention
to me, and I was rarely dismissed even when they had
their most confidential talks. In this way, I early
learned how our great American cities are looted,
not so much by those actually in power, for they are
of less consequence than the more powerful men behind
them.</p>

<p>If any contract of importance was to be let, be it
either public or private, Marx and his satellites
took their toll. He, in his turn, had to account to
the man above, the city boss.</p>

<p>If a large private undertaking was contemplated, the
ward boss had to be seen and consulted as to the best
contractors, and it was understood that at least five
per cent. more than the work was worth had to be paid,
otherwise, there would be endless trouble and delay.
The inspector of buildings would make trouble; complaints
would be made of obstructing the streets and sidewalks,
and injunctions would be issued. So it was either
to pay, or not construct. Marx provided work for the
needy, loaned money to the poor, sick and disabled,
gave excursions and picnics in the summer: for all
of this others paid, but it enabled him to hold the
political control of the ward in the hollow of his
hand. The boss above him demanded that the councilmen
from his ward should be men who would do his bidding
without question.</p>

<p>The city boss, in turn, trafficked with the larger
public contracts, and with the granting and extensions
of franchises. It was a fruitful field, for there
was none above him with whom he was compelled to divide.</p>

<p>The State boss treated the city bosses with much consideration,
for he was more or less dependent upon them, his power
consisting largely of the sum of their power.</p>

<p>The State boss dealt in larger things, and became
a national figure. He was more circumspect in his
methods, for he had a wider constituency and a more
intelligent opposition.</p>

<p>The local bosses were required to send to the legislature
&#8220;loyal&#8221; party men who did not question
the leadership of the State boss.</p>

<p>The big interests preferred having only one man to
deal with, which simplified matters; consequently
they were strong aids in helping him retain his power.
Any measure they desired passed by the legislature
was first submitted to him, and he would prune it
until he felt he could put it through without doing
too great violence to public sentiment. The citizens
at large do not scrutinize measures closely; they are
too busy in their own vineyards to bother greatly
about things which only remotely or indirectly concern
them.</p>

<p>This selfish attitude and indifference of our people
has made the boss and his methods possible. The &#8220;big
interests&#8221; reciprocate in many and devious ways,
ways subtle enough to seem not dishonest even if exposed
to public view.</p>

<p>So that by early education I was taught to think that
the despoliation of the public, in certain ways, was
a legitimate industry.</p>

<p>Later, I knew better, but I had already started my
plow in the furrow, and it was hard to turn back.
I wanted money and I wanted power, and I could see
both in the career before me.</p>

<p>It was not long, of course, before I had discernment
enough to see that I was not being employed for my
legal ability. My income was practically made from
retainers, and I was seldom called upon to do more
than to use my influence so that my client should
remain undisturbed in the pursuit of his business,
be it legitimate or otherwise. Young as I was, Marx
soon offered me a seat in the Council. It was my first
proffer of office, but I declined it. I did not want
to be identified with a body for which I had such
a supreme contempt. My aim was higher. Marx, though,
was sincere in his desire to further my fortunes, for
he had no son, and his affection for my father and
me was genuine.</p>

<p>I frankly told him the direction in which my ambition
lay, and he promised me his cordial assistance. I
wanted to get beyond ward politics, and in touch with
the city boss.</p>

<p>It was my idea that, if I could maintain myself with
him, I would in time ask him to place me within the
influence of the State boss, where my field of endeavor
would be as wide as my abilities would justify.</p>

<p>I did not lose my identity with my ward, but now my
work covered all Philadelphia, and my retainers became
larger and more numerous, for I was within the local
sphere of the &#8220;big interests.&#8221;</p>

<p>At that time the boss was a man by the name of Hardy.
He was born in the western part of the State, but
came to Philadelphia when a boy, his mother having
married the second time a man named Metz, who was then
City Treasurer and who afterwards became Mayor.</p>

<p>Hardy was a singular man for a boss; small of frame,
with features almost effeminate, and with anything
but a robust constitution, he did a prodigious amount
of work.</p>

<p>He was not only taciturn to an unusual degree, but
he seldom wrote, or replied to letters. Yet he held
an iron grip upon the organization.</p>

<p>His personal appearance and quiet manners inspired
many ambitious underlings to try to dislodge him,
but their failure was signal and complete.</p>

<p>He had what was, perhaps, the most perfectly organized
machine against which any municipality had ever had
the misfortune to contend.</p>

<p>Hardy made few promises and none of them rash, but
no man could truthfully say that he ever broke one.
I feel certain that he would have made good his spoken
word even at the expense of his fortune or political
power.</p>

<p>Then, too, he played fair, and his henchmen knew it.
He had no favorites whom he unduly rewarded at the
expense of the more efficient. He had likes and dislikes
as other men, but his judgment was never warped by
that. Success meant advancement, failure meant retirement.</p>

<p>And he made his followers play fair. There were certain
rules of the game that had to be observed, and any
infraction thereof meant punishment.</p>

<p>The big, burly fellows he had under him felt pride
in his physical insignificance, and in the big brain
that had never known defeat.</p>

<p>When I became close to him, I asked him why he had
never expanded; that he must have felt sure that he
could have spread his jurisdiction throughout the
State, and that the labor in the broader position must
be less than in the one he occupied.  His reply was
characteristic of the man. He said he was not where
he was from choice, that environment and opportunity
had forced him into the position he occupied, but that
once there, he owed it to his followers to hold it
against all comers. He said that he would have given
it up long ago, if it had not been for this feeling
of obligation to those who loved and trusted him. To
desert them, and to make new responsibilities, was
unthinkable from his viewpoint.</p>

<p>That which I most wondered at in Hardy was, his failure
to comprehend that the work he was engaged in was
dishonest. I led cautiously up to this one day, and
this was his explanation:</p>

<p>&#8220;The average American citizen refuses to pay
attention to civic affairs, contenting himself with
a general growl at the tax rate, and the character
and inefficiency of public officials. He seldom takes
the trouble necessary to form the Government to suit
his views.</p>

<p>&#8220;The truth is, he has no cohesive or well-digested
views, it being too much trouble to form them. Therefore,
some such organization as ours is essential. Being
essential, then it must have funds with which to proceed,
and the men devoting their lives to it must be recompensed,
so the system we use is the best that can be devised
under the circumstances.</p>

<p>&#8220;It is like the tariff and internal revenue
taxes by which the National Government is run, that
is, indirect. The citizen pays, but he does not know
when he pays, nor how much he is paying.</p>

<p>&#8220;A better system could, perhaps, be devised
in both instances, but this cannot be done until the
people take a keener interest in their public affairs.&#8221;</p>

<p>Hardy was not a rich man, though he had every
opportunity of being so. He was not avaricious, and
his tastes and habits were simple, and he had no family
to demand the extravagances that are undermining our
national life. He was a vegetarian, and he thought,
and perhaps rightly, that in a few centuries from
now the killing of animals and the eating of their
corpses would be regarded in the same way as we now
think of cannibalism.</p>

<p>He divided the money that came to him amongst
his followers, and this was one of the mainsprings
of his power.</p>

<p>All things considered, it is not certain but
that he gave Philadelphia as good government as her
indifferent citizens deserved.</p>

<a name="XXXV"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXXV</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Selwyn&#8217;s Story, Continued</h2>

<p>By the time I was thirty-six I had accumulated what
seemed to me then, a considerable fortune, and I had
furthermore become Hardy&#8217;s right-hand man.</p>

<p>He had his forces divided in several classes, of choice
I was ranged among those whose duties were general
and not local. I therefore had a survey of the city
as a whole, and was not infrequently in touch with
the masters of the State at large. Hardy concerned
himself about my financial welfare to the extent of
now and then inquiring whether my income was satisfactory,
and the nature of it. I assured him that it was and
that he need have no further thought of me in that
connection. I told him that I was more ambitious to
advance politically than financially, and, while expressing
my gratitude for all he had done for me and my keen
regret at the thought of leaving him, I spoke again
of my desire to enter State politics.</p>

<p>Some six years before I had married the daughter of
a State Senator, a man who was then seeking the gubernatorial
nomination.</p>

<p>On my account, Hardy gave him cordial support, but
the State boss had other plans, and my father-in-law
was shelved &#8220;for the moment,&#8221; as the boss
expressed it, for one who suited his purposes better.</p>

<p>Both Hardy, my father-in-law, and their friends resented
this action, because the man selected was not in line
for the place and the boss was not conforming to the
rules of the game.</p>

<p>They wanted to break openly and immediately, but I
advised delay until we were strong enough to overthrow
him.</p>

<p>The task of quietly organizing an effective opposition
to the State boss was left to me, and although I lost
no time, it was a year before I was ready to make
the fight.</p>

<p>In the meanwhile, the boss had no intimation of the
revolt. My father-in-law and Hardy had, by my direction,
complied with all the requests that he made upon them,
and he thought himself never more secure.</p>

<p>I went to the legislature that year in accordance
with our plans, and announced myself a candidate for
speaker. I did this without consulting the boss and
purposely. He had already selected another man, and
had publicly committed himself to his candidacy, which
was generally considered equivalent to an election.</p>

<p>The candidate was a weak man, and if the boss had
known the extent of the opposition that had developed,
he would have made a stronger selection. As it was,
he threw not only the weight of his own influence
for his man and again irrevocably committed himself,
but he had his creature, the Governor, do likewise.</p>

<p>My strength was still not apparent, for I had my forces
well in hand, and while I had a few declare themselves
for me, the major part were non-committal, and spoke
in cautious terms of general approval of the boss&#8217;s
candidate.</p>

<p>The result was a sensation. I was elected by a safe,
though small, majority, and, as a natural result,
the boss was deposed and I was proclaimed his successor.</p>

<p>I had found in organizing the revolt that there were
many who had grievances which, from fear, they had
kept hidden but when they were shown that they could
safely be revenged, they eagerly took advantage of
the opportunity.</p>

<p>So, in one campaign, I burst upon the public as the
party leader, and the question was now, how would
I use it and could I hold it.</p>

<a name="XXXVI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXXVI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Selwyn&#8217;s Story, Continued</h2>

<p>Flushed though I was with victory, and with the flattery
of friends, time servers and sycophants in my ears,
I felt a deep sympathy for the boss. He was as a sinking
ship and as such deserted. Yesterday a thing for envy,
to-day an object of pity.</p>

<p>I wondered how long it would be before I, too, would
be stranded.</p>

<p>The interests, were, of course, among the first to
congratulate me and to assure me of their support.
During that session of the legislature, I did not
change the character of the legislation, or do anything
very different from the usual. I wanted to feel my
seat more firmly under me before attempting the many
things I had in mind.</p>

<p>I took over into my camp all those that I could reasonably
trust, and strengthened my forces everywhere as expeditiously
as possible. I weeded out the incompetents, of whom
there were many, and replaced them by big-hearted,
loyal and energetic men, who had easy consciences when
it came to dealing with the public affairs of either
municipalities, counties or the State.</p>

<p>Of necessity, I had to use some who were vicious and
dishonest, and who would betray me in a moment if
their interests led that way. But of these there were
few in my personal organization, though from experience,
I knew their kind permeated the municipal machines
to a large degree.</p>

<p>The lessons learned from Hardy were of value to me
now. I was liberal to my following at the expense
of myself, and I played the game fair as they knew
it.</p>

<p>I declined re-election to the next legislature, because
the office was not commensurate with the dignity of
the position I held as party leader, and again, because
the holding of state office was now a perilous undertaking.</p>

<p>In taking over the machine from the late boss, and
in molding it into an almost personal following I
found it not only loosely put together, but inefficient
for my more ambitious purposes.</p>

<p>After giving it four or five years of close attention,
I was satisfied with it, and I had no fear of dislodgment.</p>

<p>I had found that the interests were not paying anything
like a commensurate amount for the special privileges
they were getting, and I more than doubled the revenue
obtained by the deposed boss.</p>

<p>This, of course, delighted my henchmen, and bound
them more closely to me.</p>

<p>I also demanded and received information in advance
of any extensions of railroads, standard or interurban,
of contemplated improvements of whatsoever character,
and I doled out this information to those of my followers
in whose jurisdiction lay such territory.</p>

<p>My own fortune I augmented by advance information
regarding the appreciation of stocks. If an amalgamation
of two important institutions was to occur, or if
they were to be put upon a dividend basis, or if the
dividend rate was to be increased, I was told, not
only in advance of the public, but in advance of the
stockholders themselves.</p>

<p>All such information I held in confidence even from
my own followers, for it was given me with such understanding.</p>

<p>My next move was to get into national politics. I
became something of a factor at the national convention,
by swinging Pennsylvania&#8217;s vote at a critical
time; the result being the nomination of the now President,
consequently my relations with him were most cordial.</p>

<p>The term of the senior Senator from our State was
about to expire, and, although he was well advanced
in years, he desired re-election.</p>

<p>I decided to take his seat for myself, so I asked
the President to offer him an ambassadorship. He did
not wish to make the change, but when he understood
that it was that or nothing, he gracefully acquiesced
in order that he might be saved the humiliation of
defeat.</p>

<p>When he resigned, the Governor offered me the appointment
for the unexpired term. It had only three months to
run before the legislature met to elect his successor.</p>

<p>I told him that I could not accept until I had conferred
with my friends. I had no intention of refusing, but
I wanted to seem to defer to the judgment of my lieutenants.</p>

<p>I called them to the capital singly, and explained
that I could be of vastly more service to the organization
were I at Washington, and I arranged with them to
convert the rank and file to this view.</p>

<p>Each felt that the weight of my decision rested upon
himself, and their vanity was greatly pleased. I was
begged not to renounce the leadership, and after persuasion,
this I promised not to do.</p>

<p>As a matter of fact, it was never my intention to
release my hold upon the State, thus placing myself
in another&#8217;s power.</p>

<p>So I accepted the tender of the Senatorship, and soon
after, when the legislature met, I was elected for
the full term.</p>

<p>I was in as close touch with my State at Washington
as I was before, for I spent a large part of my time
there.</p>

<p>I was not in Washington long before I found that the
Government was run by a few men; that outside of this
little circle no one was of much importance.</p>

<p>It was my intention to break into it if possible,
and my ambition now leaped so far as to want, not
only to be of it, but later, to be <i>it</i>.</p>

<p>I began my crusade by getting upon confidential terms
with the President.</p>

<p>One night, when we were alone in his private study,
I told him of the manner and completeness of my organization
in Pennsylvania. I could see he was deeply impressed.
He had been elected by an uncomfortably small vote,
and he was, I knew, looking for someone to manage the
next campaign, provided he again received the nomination.</p>

<p>The man who had done this work in the last election
was broken in health, and had gone to Europe for an
indefinite stay.</p>

<p>The President questioned me closely, and ended by
asking me to undertake the direction of his campaign
for re-nomination, and later to manage the campaign
for his election in the event he was again the party&#8217;s
candidate.</p>

<p>I was flattered by the proffer, and told him so, but
I was guarded in its acceptance. I wanted him to see
more of me, hear more of my methods and to become,
as it were, the suppliant.</p>

<p>This condition was soon brought about, and I entered
into my new relations with him under the most favorable
circumstances.</p>

<p>If I had readily acquiesced he would have assumed
the air of favoring me, as it was, the rule was reversed.</p>

<p>He was overwhelmingly nominated and re-elected, and
for the result he generously gave me full credit.</p>

<p>I was now well within the charmed circle, and within
easy reach of my further desire to have no rivals.
This came about naturally and without friction.</p>

<p>The interests, of course, were soon groveling at my
feet, and, heavy as my demands were, I sometimes wondered
like Clive at my own moderation.</p>

<p>The rest of my story is known to you. I had tightened
a nearly invisible coil around the people, which held
them fast, while the interests despoiled them. We
overdid it, and you came with the conscience of the
great majority of the American people back of you,
and swung the Nation again into the moorings intended
by the Fathers of the Republic.</p>

<p>When Selwyn had finished, the fire had burned low,
and it was only now and then that his face was lighted
by the flickering flames revealing a sadness that
few had ever seen there before.</p>

<p>Perhaps he saw in the dying embers something typical
of his life as it now was. Perhaps he longed to recall
his youth and with it the strength, the nervous force
and the tireless thought that he had used to make
himself what he was.</p>

<p>When life is so nearly spilled as his, things are
measured differently, and what looms large in the
beginning becomes but the merest shadow when the race
has been run.</p>

<p>As he contemplated the silent figure, Philip Dru felt
something of regret himself, for he now knew the groundwork
of the man, and he was sure that under other conditions,
a career could have been wrought more splendid than
that of any of his fellows.</p>

<a name="XXXVII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXXVII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Cotton Corner</h2>

<p>In modeling the laws, Dru called to the attention
of those boards that were doing that work, the so-called
&#8220;loan sharks,&#8221; and told them to deal with
them with a heavy hand. By no sort of subterfuge were
they to be permitted to be usurious. By their nefarious
methods of charging the maximum legal rate of interest
and then exacting a commission for monthly renewals
of loans, the poor and the dependent were oftentimes
made to pay several hundred per cent. interest per
annum. The criminal code was to be invoked and protracted
terms in prison, in addition to fines, were to be
used against them.</p>

<p>He also called attention to a lesser, though serious,
evil, of the practice of farmers, mine-owners, lumbermen
and other employers of ignorant labor, of making advances
of food, clothing and similar necessities to their
tenants or workmen, and charging them extortionate
prices therefor, thus securing the use of their labor
at a cost entirely incommensurate with its value.</p>

<p>Stock, cotton and produce exchanges as then conducted
came under the ban of the Administrator&#8217;s displeasure,
and he indicated his intention of reforming them to
the extent of prohibiting, under penalty of fine and
imprisonment, the selling either short or long, stocks,
bonds, commodities of whatsoever character, or anything
of value. Banks, corporations or individuals lending
money to any corporation or individual whose purpose
it was known to be to violate this law, should be
deemed as guilty as the actual offender and should
be as heavily punished.</p>

<p>An immediate enforcement of this law was made because,
just before the Revolution, there was carried to a
successful conclusion a gigantic but iniquitous cotton
corner. Some twenty or more adventurous millionaires,
led by one of the boldest speculators of those times,
named Hawkins, planned and succeeded in cornering
cotton.</p>

<p>It seemed that the world needed a crop of 16,000,000
bales, and while the yield for the year was uncertain
it appeared that the crop would run to that figure
and perhaps over. Therefore, prices were low and spot-cotton
was selling around eight cents, and futures for the
distant months were not much higher.</p>

<p>By using all the markets and exchanges and by exercising
much skill and secrecy, Hawkins succeeded in buying
two million bales of actual cotton, and ten million
bales of futures at an approximate average of nine
and a half cents. He had the actual cotton stored in
relatively small quantities throughout the South,
much of it being on the farms and at the gins where
it was bought. Then, in order to hide his identity,
he had incorporated a company called &#8220;The Farmers&#8217;
Protective Association.&#8221;</p>

<p>Through one of his agents he succeeded in officering
it with well-known Southerners, who knew only that
part of the plan which contemplated an increase in
prices, and were in sympathy with it.  He transferred
his spot-cotton to this company, the stock of which
he himself held through his dummies, <i>and then
had his agents burn the entire two million bales.</i>
The burning was done quickly and with spectacular effect,
and the entire commercial world, both in America and
abroad, were astounded by the act.</p>

<p>Once before in isolated instances the cotton planter
had done this, and once the farmers of the West, discouraged
by low prices, had used corn for fuel. That, however,
was done on a small scale. But to deliberately burn
one hundred million dollars worth of property was almost
beyond the scope of the imagination.</p>

<p>The result was a cotton panic, and Hawkins succeeded
in closing out his futures at an average price of
fifteen cents, thereby netting twenty-five dollars
a bale, and making for himself and fellow buccaneers
one hundred and fifty million dollars.</p>

<p>After amazement came indignation at such frightful
abuse of concentrated wealth. Those of Wall Street
that were not caught, were open in their expressions
of admiration for Hawkins, for of such material are
their heroes made.</p>

<a name="XXXVIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXXVIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Universal Suffrage</h2>

<p>At the end of the first quarter of the present century,
twenty of the forty-eight States had Woman Suffrage,
and Administrator Dru decided to give it to the Nation.
In those twenty States, as far as he had observed,
there had been no change for the better in the general
laws, nor did the officials seem to have higher standards
of efficiency than in those States that still denied
to women the right to vote, but he noticed that there
were more special laws bearing on the moral and social
side of life, and that police regulation was better.
Upon the whole, Dru thought the result warranted universal
franchise without distinction of race, color or sex.</p>

<p>He believed that, up to the present time, a general
franchise had been a mistake and that there should
have been restrictions and qualifications, but education
had become so general, and the condition of the people
had advanced to such an extent, that it was now warranted.</p>

<p>It had long seemed to Dru absurd that the ignorant,
and, as a rule, more immoral male, should have such
an advantage over the educated, refined and intelligent
female. Where laws discriminated at all, it was almost
always against rather than in favor of women; and this
was true to a much greater extent in Europe and elsewhere
than in the United States. Dru had a profound sympathy
for the effort women were making to get upon an equality
with men in the race for life: and he believed that
with the franchise would come equal opportunity and
equal pay for the same work.</p>

<p>America, he hoped, might again lead in the uplift
of the sex, and the example would be a distinct gain
to women in those less forward countries where they
were still largely considered as inferior to and somewhat
as chattels to man.</p>

<p>Then, too, Dru had an infinite pity for the dependent
and submerged life of the generality of women. Man
could ask woman to mate, but women were denied this
privilege, and, even when mated, oftentimes a life
of never ending drudgery followed.</p>

<p>Dru believed that if women could ever become economically
independent of man, it would, to a large degree, mitigate
the social evil.</p>

<p>They would then no longer be compelled to marry, or
be a charge upon unwilling relatives or, as in desperation
they sometimes did, lead abandoned lives.</p>

<a name="XXXIX"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XXXIX</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">A Negative Government</h2>

<p>Upon assuming charge of the affairs of the Republic,
the Administrator had largely retained the judiciary
as it was then constituted, and he also made but few
changes in the personnel of State and Federal officials,
therefore there had, as yet, been no confusion in the
public&#8217;s business.  Everything seemed about as
usual, further than there were no legislative bodies
sitting, and the function of law making was confined
to one individual, the Administrator himself.</p>

<p>Before putting the proposed laws into force, he wished
them thoroughly worked out and digested. In the meantime,
however, he was constantly placing before his Cabinet
and Commissioners suggestions looking to the betterment
of conditions, and he directed that these suggestions
should be molded into law. In order that the people
might know what further measures he had in mind for
their welfare, other than those already announced,
he issued the following address:</p>

<p>&#8220;It is my purpose,&#8221; said he, &#8220;not
to give to you any radical or ill-digested laws.
I wish rather to cull that which is best from the other
nations of the earth, and let you have the benefit
of their thought and experience.  One of the most
enlightened foreign students of our Government has
rightly said that <i>&#8217;America is the most undemocratic
of democratic countries.&#8217;</i> We have been
living under a Government of negation, a Government
with an executive with more power than any monarch,
a Government having a Supreme Court, clothed with greater
authority than any similar body on earth; therefore,
we have lagged behind other nations in democracy.
Our Government is, perhaps, less responsive to the
will of the people than that of almost any of the
civilized nations. Our Constitution and our laws served
us well for the first hundred years of our existence,
but under the conditions of to-day they are not only
obsolete, but even grotesque. It is nearly impossible
for the desires of our people to find expression into
law. In the latter part of the last century many will
remember that an income tax was wanted. After many
vicissitudes, a measure embodying that idea was passed
by both Houses of Congress and was signed by the Executive.
But that did not give to us an income tax. The Supreme
Court found the law unconstitutional, and we have
been vainly struggling since to obtain relief.</p>

<p>&#8220;If a well-defined majority of the people of
England, of France, of Italy or of Germany had wanted
such a law they could have gotten it with reasonable
celerity. Our House of Representatives is supposed
to be our popular law-making body, and yet its members
do not convene until a year and one month from the
time they are elected. No matter how pressing the
issue upon which a majority of them are chosen, more
than a year must elapse before they may begin their
endeavors to carry out the will of the people. When
a bill covering the question at issue is finally introduced
in the House, it is referred to a committee, and that
body may hold it at its pleasure.</p>

<p>&#8220;If, in the end, the House should pass the bill,
that probably becomes the end of it, for the Senate
may kill it.</p>

<p>&#8220;If the measure passes the Senate it is only
after it has again been referred to a committee and
then back to a conference committee of both Senate
and House, and returned to each for final passage.</p>

<p>&#8220;When all this is accomplished at a single session,
it is unusually expeditious, for measures, no matter
how important, are often carried over for another
year.</p>

<p>&#8220;If it should at last pass both House and Senate
there is the Executive veto to be considered. If,
however, the President signs the bill and it becomes
a law, it is perhaps but short-lived, for the Supreme
Court is ever present with its Damoclean sword.</p>

<p>&#8220;These barriers and interminable delays have
caused the demand for the initiative, referendum and
recall. That clumsy weapon was devised in some States
largely because the people were becoming restless and
wanted a more responsive Government.</p>

<p>&#8220;I am sure that I shall be able to meet your
wishes in a much simpler way, and yet throw sufficient
safeguards around the new system to keep it from proving
hurtful, should an attack of political hysteria overtake
you.</p>

<p>&#8220;However, there has never been a time in our
history when a majority of our people have not thought
right on the public questions that came before them,
and there is no reason to believe that they will think
wrong now.</p>

<p>&#8220;The interests want a Government hedged with
restrictions, such as we have been living under, and
it is easy to know why, with the example of the last
administration fresh in the minds of all.</p>

<p>&#8220;A very distinguished lawyer, once Ambassador
to Great Britain, is reported as saying on Lincoln&#8217;s
birthday: &#8217;The Constitution is an instrument
designedly drawn by the founders of this Government
providing safeguards to prevent any inroads by popular
excitement or frenzy of the moment.&#8217; And later
in the speech he says: &#8217;But I have faith in
the sober judgment of the American people, that they
will reject these radical changes, <i>etc</i>.&#8217;</p>

<p>&#8220;If he had faith in the sober judgment of the
American people, why not trust them to a measurable
extent with the conduct of their own affairs?</p>

<p>&#8220;The English people, for a century or more,
have had such direction as I now propose that you
shall have, and for more than half a century the French
people have had like power. They have in no way abused
it, and yet the English and French Electorate surely
are not more intelligent, or have better self-control,
or more sober judgment than the American citizenship.</p>

<p>&#8220;Another thing to which I desire your attention
called is the dangerous power possessed by the President
in the past, but of which the new Constitution will
rob him.</p>

<p>&#8220;The framers of the old Constitution lived in
an atmosphere of autocracy and they could not know,
as we do now, the danger of placing in one man&#8217;s
hands such enormous power, and have him so far from
the reach of the people, that before they could dispossess
him he might, if conditions were favorable, establish
a dynasty.</p>

<p>&#8220;It is astounding that we have allowed a century
and a half go by without limiting both his term and
his power.</p>

<p>&#8220;In addition to giving you a new Constitution
and laws that will meet existing needs, there are
many other things to be done, some of which I shall
briefly outline. I have arranged to have a survey made
of the swamp lands throughout the United States. From
reliable data which I have gathered, I am confident
that an area as large as the State of Ohio can be
reclaimed, and at a cost that will enable the Government
to sell it to home-seekers for less than one-fourth
what they would have to pay elsewhere for similar
land.</p>

<p>&#8220;Under my personal direction, I am having prepared
an old-age pension law and also a laborers&#8217;
insurance law, covering loss in cases of illness,
incapacity and death.</p>

<p>&#8220;I have a commission working on an efficient
cooperative system of marketing the products of small
farms and factories. The small producers throughout
 America are not getting a sufficient return for their
products, largely because they lack the facilities
for marketing them properly. By cooperation they will
be placed upon an equal footing with the large producers
and small investments that heretofore have given but
a meager return will become profitable.</p>

<p>&#8220;I am also planning to inaugurate cooperative
loan societies in every part of the Union, and I have
appointed a commissioner to instruct the people as
to their formation and conduct and to explain their
beneficent results.</p>

<p>&#8220;In many parts of Europe such societies have
reached very high proficiency, and have been the means
of bringing prosperity to communities that before
their establishment had gone into decay.</p>

<p>&#8220;Many hundred millions of dollars have been
loaned through these societies and, while only a fractional
part of their members would be considered good for
even the smallest amount at a bank, the losses to
the societies on loans to their members have been almost
negligible; less indeed than regular bankers could
show on loans to their clients. And yet it enables
those that are almost totally without capital to make
a fair living for themselves and families.</p>

<p>&#8220;It is my purpose to establish bureaus through
the congested portions of the United States where
men and women in search of employment can register
and be supplied with information as to where and what
kind of work is obtainable. And if no work is to be
had, I shall arrange that every indigent person that
is honest and industrious <i>shall be given employment
by the Federal, State, County or Municipal  Government
as the case may be.</i> Furthermore, it shall in
the future be unlawful for any employer of labor to
require more than eight hours work a day, and then
only for six days a week. Conditions as are now found
in the great manufacturing centers where employ&#233;s
are worked twelve hours a day, seven days in the week,
and receive wages inadequate for even an eight hour
day shall be no longer possible.</p>

<p>&#8220;If an attempt is made to reduce wages because
of shorter hours or for any other cause, the employ&#233;
shall have the right to go before a magistrate and
demand that the amount of wage be adjusted there, either
by the magistrate himself or by a jury if demanded
by either party.</p>

<p>&#8220;Where there are a large number of employ&#233;s
affected, they can act through their unions or societies,
if needs be, and each party at issue may select an
arbitrator and the two so chosen may agree upon a third,
or they may use the courts and juries, as may be preferred.</p>

<p>&#8220;This law shall be applicable to women as well
as to men, and to every kind of labor. I desire to
make it clear that the policy of this Government is
that every man or woman who desires work shall have
it, even if the Government has to give it, and I wish
it also understood that an adequate wage must be paid
for labor.</p>

<p>&#8220;Labor is no longer to be classed as an inert
commodity to be bought and sold by the law of supply
and demand, but the <i>human equation shall hereafter
be the commanding force in all agreements between man
and capital</i>.</p>

<p>&#8220;There is another matter to which I shall give
my earnest attention and that is the reformation of
the study and practice of medicine. It is well known
that we are far behind England, Germany and France
in the protection of our people from incompetent physicians
and quackery. There is no more competent, no more
intelligent or advanced men in the world than our
American physicians and surgeons of the first class.</p>

<p>&#8220;But the incompetent men measurably drag down
the high standing of the profession. A large part
of our medical schools and colleges are entirely unfit
for the purposes intended, and each year they grant
diplomas to hundreds of ignorant young men and women
and license them to prey upon a more or less helpless
people.</p>

<p>&#8220;The number of physicians per inhabitant is
already ridiculously large, many times more than is
needful, or than other countries where the average
of the professions ranks higher, deem necessary.</p>

<p>&#8220;I feel sure that the death list in the United
States from the mistakes of these incompetents is
simply appalling.</p>

<p>&#8220;I shall create a board of five eminent men,
two of whom shall be physicians, one shall be a surgeon,
one a scientist and the other shall be a great educator,
and to this board I shall give the task of formulating
a plan by which the spurious medical colleges and medical
men can be eradicated from our midst.</p>

<p>&#8220;I shall call the board&#8217;s attention to
the fact that it is of as much importance to have
men of fine natural ability as it is to give them
good training, and, if it is practicable, I shall ask
them to require some sort of adequate mental examination
that will measurably determine this.</p>

<p>&#8220;I have a profound admiration for the courage,
the nobility and philanthropy of the profession as
a whole, and I do not want its honor tarnished by
those who are mercenary and unworthy.</p>

<p>&#8220;In conclusion I want to announce that pensions
will be given to those who fought on either side in
the late war without distinction or reservation. However,
it is henceforth to be the policy of this Government,
so far as I may be able to shape it, that only those
in actual need of financial aid shall receive pensions
and to them it shall be given, whether they have or
have not been disabled in consequence of their services
to the nation. But to offer financial aid to the rich
and well to do, is to offer an insult, for it questions
their patriotism. Although the first civil war was
ended over sixty years ago, yet that pension roll
still draws heavily upon the revenue of the Nation.
Its history has been a rank injustice to the noble
armies of Grant and his lieutenants, the glory of
whose achievements is now the common heritage of a
United Country.&#8221;</p>

<a name="XL"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XL</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">A Departure in Battleships</h2>

<p>Dru invited the Strawns to accompany him to Newport
News to witness the launching of a new type of battleship.
It was said to be, and probably was, impenetrable.
Experts who had tested a model built on a large scale
had declared that this invention would render obsolete
every battleship in existence. The principle was this:
Running back from the bow for a distance of 60 feet
only about 4 feet of the hull showed above the water
line, and this part of the deck was concaved and of
the smoothest, hardest steel. Then came several turreted
sections upon which guns were mounted. Around these
turrets ran rims of polished steel, two feet in width
and six inches thick. These rims began four feet from
the water line and ran four feet above the level of
the turret decks. The rims were so nicely adjusted
with ball bearings that the smallest blow would send
them spinning around, therefore a shell could not penetrate
because it would glance off.</p>

<p>Although the trip to the Newport News Dock yards was
made in a Navy hydroaeroplane it took several hours,
and Gloria used the occasion to urge upon Dru the
rectification of some abuses of which she had special
knowledge.</p>

<p>&#8220;Philip,&#8221; she said, &#8220;when I was
proselytizing among the rich, it came to me to include
the employer of women labor. I found but few who dissented
from my statement of facts, but the answer was that
trade conditions, the demand of customers for cheaper
garments and articles, made relief impracticable.
 Perhaps their profits are on a narrow basis, Philip;
but the volume of their business is the touchstone
of their success, for how otherwise could so many
become millionaires? Just what the remedy is I do
not know, but I want to give you the facts so that
in recasting the laws you may plan something to alleviate
a grievous wrong.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;It is strange, Gloria, how often your mind
and mine are caught by the same current, and how they
drift in the same direction. It was only a few days
ago that I picked up one of O. Henry&#8217;s books.
In his &#8216;Unfinished Story&#8217; he tells of
a man who dreamed that he died and was standing with
a crowd of prosperous looking angels before Saint Peter,
when a policeman came up and taking him by the wing
asked: &#8217;Are you with that bunch?&#8217;</p>

<p>&#8220;&#8216;Who are they?&#8217; asked the man.</p>

<p>&#8220;&#8216;Why,&#8217; said the policeman, &#8217;they
are the men who hired working girls and paid &#8217;em
five or six dollars a week to live on. Are you one
of the bunch?&#8217;</p>

<p>&#8220;&#8216;Not on your immortality,&#8217; answered
the man. &#8217;I&#8217;m only the fellow who set
fire to an orphan asylum, and murdered a blind man
for his pennies.&#8217;</p>

<p>&#8220;Some years ago when I first read that story,
I thought it was humor, now I know it to be pathos.
Nothing, Gloria, will give me greater pleasure than
to try to think out a solution to this problem, and
undertake its application.&#8221;</p>

<p>Gloria then gave more fully the conditions governing
female labor. The unsanitary surroundings, the long
hours and the inadequate wage, the statistics of refuge
societies showed, drove an appalling number of women
and girls to the streets.--No matter how hard they
worked they could not earn sufficient to clothe and
feed themselves properly. After a deadly day&#8217;s
work, many of them found stimulants of various kinds
the cheapest means of bringing comfort to their weary
bodies and hope-lost souls, and then the next step
was the beginning of the end.</p>

<p>By now they had come to Newport News and the launching
of the battleship was made as Gloria christened her
<i>Columbia.</i> After the ceremonies were over
it became necessary at once to return to Washington,
for at noon of the next day there was to be dedicated
the Colossal Arch of Peace. Ten years before, the
Government had undertaken this work and had slowly
executed it, carrying out the joint conception of the
foremost architect in America and the greatest sculptor
in the world. Strangely enough, the architect was
a son of New England, and the Sculptor was from and
of the South.</p>

<p>Upon one face of the arch were three heroic figures.
Lee on the one side, Grant on the other, with Fame
in the center, holding out a laurel wreath with either
hand to both Grant and Lee. Among the figures clustered
around and below that of Grant, were those of Sherman,
Sheridan, Thomas and Hancock, and among those around
and below that of Lee, were Stonewall Jackson, the
two Johnstons, Forrest, Pickett and Beauregard. Upon
the other face of the arch there was in the center
a heroic figure of Lincoln and gathered around him
on either side were those Statesmen of the North and
South who took part in that titanic civil conflict
that came so near to dividing our Republic.</p>

<p>Below Lincoln&#8217;s figure was written: &#8220;With
malice towards none, with charity for all.&#8221;
Below Grant, was his dying injunction to his fellow
countrymen:  &#8220;Let us have peace.&#8221; But the
silent and courtly Lee left no message that would
fit his gigantic mold.</p>

<a name="XLI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XLI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The New National Constitution</h2>

<p>Besides the laws and reforms already enumerated, the
following is in brief the plan for the General Government
that Philip Dru outlined and carried through as Administrator
of the Republic, and which, in effect, was made a
part of the new constitution.</p>

<p align="center">I.</p>

<p>1. Every adult citizen of the United States, male
or female, shall have the right to vote, and no state,
county or municipality shall pass a law or laws infringing
upon this right.</p>

<p>2. Any alien, male or female, who can read, write
and speak English, and who has resided in the United
States for ten years, may take out naturalization
papers and become a citizen. [Footnote: The former
qualification was five years&#8217; residence in the
United States and in many States there were no restrictions
placed upon education, nor was an understanding of
the English language necessary.]</p>

<p>3. No one shall be eligible for election as Executive,
President, Senator, Representative or Judge of any
court under the age of twenty-five years, and who
is not a citizen of the United States. [Footnote: Dru
saw no good reason for limiting the time when an exceptionally
endowed man could begin to serve the public.]</p>

<p>4. No one shall be eligible for any other office,
National or State, who is at the time, or who has
been within a period of five years preceding, a member
of any Senate or Court. [Footnote: The Senate under
Dru&#8217;s plan of Government becomes a quasi-judicial
body, and it was his purpose to prevent any member
of it or of the regular judiciary from making decisions
with a view of furthering their political fortunes.
Dru believed that it would be of enormous advantage
to the Nation if Judges and Senators were placed in
a position where their motives could not be questioned
and where their only incentive was the general welfare.]</p>

<p align="center">II.</p>

<p>1. The several states shall be divided into districts
of three hundred thousand inhabitants each, and each
district so divided shall have one representative,
and in order to give the widest latitude as to choice,
there shall be no restrictions as to residence. [Footnote:
Why deprive the Republic of the services of a useful
man because his particular district has more good
congressional timber than can be used and another
district has none? Or again, why relegate to private
life a man of National importance merely because his
residence happens to be in a district not entirely
in harmony with his views?]</p>

<p>2. The members of the House of Representatives shall
be elected on the first Tuesday after the first Monday
in November, and shall serve for a term of six years,
subject to a recall at the end of each two years by
a signed petition embracing one-third of the electorate
of the district from which they were chosen. [Footnote:
The recall is here used for the reason that the term
has been extended to six years, though the electorate
retains the privilege of dismissing an undesirable
member at the end of every two years.]</p>

<p>3. The House shall convene on the first Tuesday after
the first Monday in January and shall never have more
than five hundred members. [Footnote: The purpose
here was to convene the House within two months instead
of thirteen months after its election, and to limit
its size in order to promote efficiency.]</p>

<p>4. The House of Representatives shall elect a Speaker
whose term of office may be continuous at the pleasure
of the majority. He shall preside over the House,
but otherwise his functions shall be purely formal.</p>

<p>5. The House shall also choose an Executive, whose
duties it shall be, under the direction of the House,
to administer the Government. He may or may not be
at the time of his election a member of the House,
but he becomes an ex-officio member by virtue thereof.</p>

<p>6.(a) The Executive shall have authority to select
his Cabinet Officers from members of the House or
elsewhere, other than from the Courts or Senates,
and such Cabinet Officers shall by reason thereof,
be ex-officio members of the House.</p>

<p>(b) Such officials are to hold their positions at
the pleasure of the Executive and the Executive is
to hold his at the pleasure of the majority of the
House.</p>

<p>(c) In an address to the House, the Executive shall,
within a reasonable time after his selection, outline
his policy of Government, both domestic and foreign.</p>

<p>(d) He and his Cabinet may frame bills covering the
suggestions made in his address, or any subsequent
address that he may think proper to make, and introduce
and defend them in the House. Measures introduced by
the Executive or members of his Cabinet are not to
be referred to committees, but are to be considered
by the House as a whole, and their consideration shall
have preference over measures introduced by other
members.</p>

<p>7. All legislation shall originate in the House.</p>

<p align="center">III.</p>

<p>1. The Senate shall consist of one member from each
State, and shall be elected for life, by direct vote
of the people, and shall be subject to recall by a
majority vote of the electors of his State at the end
of any five-year period of his term. [Footnote: The
reason for using the recall here is that the term
is lengthened to life and it seemed best to give the
people a right to pass upon their Senators at stated
periods.]</p>

<p>2. (a) Every measure passed by the House, other than
those relating <i>solely</i> to the raising of
revenue for the current needs of the Government and
the expenditure thereof, shall go to the Senate for
approval.</p>

<p>(b) The Senate may approve a measure by a majority
vote and it then becomes a law, or they may make such
suggestions regarding the amendment as may seem to
them pertinent, and return it to the House to accept
or reject as they may see fit.</p>

<p>(c) The Senate may reject a measure by a majority
vote. If the Senate reject a measure, the House shall
have the right to dissolve and go before the people
for their decision.</p>

<p>(d) If the country approves the measure by returning
a House favorable to it, then, upon its passage by
the House <i>in the same form as when rejected by
the Senate,</i> it shall become a law.</p>

<p>3. (a) A Senator may be impeached by a majority vote
of the Supreme Court, upon an action approved by the
House and brought by the Executive or any member of
his Cabinet.</p>

<p>(b) A Senator must retire at the age of seventy years,
and he shall be suitably pensioned.</p>

<p align="center">IV.</p>

<p>1. The President shall be chosen by a majority vote
of all the electors. His term shall be for ten years
and he shall be ineligible for re-election, but after
retirement he shall receive a pension.</p>

<p>2. His duties shall be almost entirely formal and
ceremonial.</p>

<p>3. In the event of a hiatus in the Government from
any source whatsoever, it shall be his duty immediately
to call an election, and in the meantime act as Executive
until the regularly elected authorities can again
assume charge of the Government.</p>

<a name="XLII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XLII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">New State Constitutions</h2>

<p align="center">I.</p>

<p>To the States, Administrator Dru gave governments
in all essentials like that of the nation. In brief
the State instruments held the following provisions:</p>

<p>1. The House of Representatives shall consist of one
member for every fifty thousand inhabitants, and never
shall exceed a membership of two hundred in any State.</p>

<p>2. Representatives shall be elected for a term of
two years, but not more than one session shall be
held during their tenure of office unless called in
special session by the Speaker of the House with the
approval of the Governor.</p>

<p>3. Representatives shall be elected in November, and
the House shall convene on the first Tuesday after
the first Monday in January to sit during its own
pleasure.</p>

<p>4. Representatives shall make rules for their self-government
and shall be the general state law making body.</p>

<p align="center">II.</p>

<p>1. The Senate shall be composed of one member from
each congressional district, but there shall never
be less than five nor more than fifty in any State
Senate.</p>

<p>2. Senators shall be elected for a term of ten years
subject to recall at the end of each two years, by
petition signed by a majority of the electorate of
their district.</p>

<p>3. (a) No legislation shall originate in the Senate.
 Its function is to advise as to measures sent there
by the House, to make suggestions and such amendments
as might seem pertinent, and return the measure to
the House, for its final action.</p>

<p>(b) When a bill is sent to the Senate by the House,
if approved, it shall become a law, if disapproved,
it shall be returned to the House with the objections
stated.</p>

<p>(c) If the House considers a measure of sufficient
importance, it may dissolve immediately and let the
people pass upon it, or they may wait until a regular
election for popular action.</p>

<p>(d) If the people approve the measure, the House <i>must
enact it in the same form as when disapproved by the
Senate,</i> and it shall then become a law.</p>

<p align="center">III.</p>

<p>1. (a) The Governor shall be elected by a direct vote
of all the people.</p>

<p>(b) His term of office shall be six years, and he
shall be ineligible for re-election. He shall be subject
to recall at the end of every two years by a majority
vote of the State. [Footnote: The recall is used here,
as in other instances, because of the lengthened term
and the desirability of permitting the people to pass
upon a Governor&#8217;s usefulness at shorter periods.]</p>

<p>2. (a) He shall have no veto power or other control
over legislation, and shall not make any suggestions
or recommendations in regard thereto.</p>

<p>(b) His function shall be purely executive. He may
select his own council or fellow commissioners for
the different governmental departments, and they shall
hold their positions at his pleasure.</p>

<p>(c) All the Governor&#8217;s appointees shall be confirmed
by the Senate before they may assume office.</p>

<p>(d) The Governor may be held strictly accountable
by the people for the honest, efficient and economical
conduct of the government, due allowance being made
for the fact that he is in no way responsible for
the laws under which he must work.</p>

<p>(e) It shall be his duty also to report to the legislature
at each session, giving an account of his stewardship
regarding the enforcement of the laws, the conduct
of the different departments, <i>etc</i>., <i>etc</i>.,
and making an estimate for the financial budget required
for the two years following.</p>

<p>3.(a) There shall be a Pardon Board of three members
who shall pass upon all matters relating to the Penal
Service.</p>

<p>(b) This Board shall be nominated by the Governor
and confirmed by the Senate. After their confirmation,
the Governor shall have no further jurisdiction over
them.</p>

<p>(c) They shall hold office for six years and shall
be ineligible for reappointment.</p>

<a name="XLIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XLIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Rule of the Bosses</h2>

<p>General Dru was ever fond of talking to Senator Selwyn.
He found his virile mind a never-failing source of
information. Busy as they both were they often met
and exchanged opinions.  In answer to a question from
Dru, Selwyn said that while Pennsylvania and a few
other States had been more completely under the domination
of bosses than others, still the system permeated
everywhere.</p>

<p>In some States a railroad held the power, but exercised
it through an individual or individuals.</p>

<p>In another State, a single corporation held it, and
yet again, it was often held by a corporate group
acting together. In many States one individual dominated
public affairs and more often for good than for evil.</p>

<p>The people simply would not take enough interest in
their Government to exercise the right of control.</p>

<p>Those who took an active interest were used as a part
of the boss&#8217; tools, be he a benevolent one or
otherwise.</p>

<p>&#8220;The delegates go to the conventions,&#8221;
said Selwyn, &#8220;and think they have something
to do with the naming of the nominees, and the making
of the platforms. But the astute boss has planned
all that far in advance, the candidates are selected
and the platform written and both are &#8216;forced&#8217;
upon the unsuspecting delegate, much as the card shark
forced his cards upon his victim. It is all seemingly
in the open and above the boards, but as a matter
of fact quite the reverse is true.</p>

<p>&#8220;At conventions it is usual to select some man
who has always been honored and respected, and elect
him chairman of the platform committee. He is pleased
with the honor and is ready to do the bidding of the
man to whom he owes it.</p>

<p>&#8220;The platform has been read to him and he has
been committed to it before his appointment as chairman.
 Then a careful selection is made of delegates from
the different senatorial districts and a good working
majority of trusted followers is obtained for places
on the committee. Someone nominates for chairman the
&#8216;honored and respected&#8217; and he is promptly
elected.</p>

<p>&#8220;Another member suggests that the committee,
as it stands, is too unwieldy to draft a platform,
and makes a motion that the chairman be empowered
to appoint a sub-committee of five to outline one and
submit it to the committee as a whole.</p>

<p>&#8220;The motion is carried and the chairman appoints
five of the &#8217;tried and true.&#8217; There is
then an adjournment until the sub-committee is ready
to report.</p>

<p>&#8220;The five betake themselves to a room in some
hotel and smoke, drink and swap stories until enough
time has elapsed for a proper platform to be written.</p>

<p>&#8220;They then report to the committee as a whole
and, after some wrangling by the uninitiated, the
platform is passed as the boss has written it without
the addition of a single word.</p>

<p>&#8220;Sometimes it is necessary to place upon the
sub-committee a recalcitrant or two. Then the method
is somewhat different. The boss&#8217; platform is
cut into separate planks and first one and then another
of the faithful offers a plank, and after some discussion
a majority of the committee adopt it. So when the
sub-committee reports back there stands the boss&#8217;
handiwork just as he has constructed it.</p>

<p>&#8220;Oftentimes there is no subterfuge, but the
convention, as a whole, recognizes the pre-eminent
ability of one man amongst them, and by common consent
he is assigned the task.&#8221;</p>

<p>Selwyn also told Dru that it was often the practice
among corporations not to bother themselves about
state politics further than to control the Senate.</p>

<p>This smaller body was seldom more than one-fourth
as large as the House, and usually contained not more
than twenty-five or thirty members.</p>

<p>Their method was to control a majority of the Senate
and let the House pass such measures as it pleased,
and the Governor recommend such laws as he thought
proper. Then the Senate would promptly kill all legislation
that in any way touched corporate interests.</p>

<p>Still another method which was used to advantage by
the interests where they had not been vigilant in
the protection of their &#8220;rights,&#8221; and when
they had no sure majority either in the House or Senate
and no influence with the Governor, was to throw what
strength they had to the stronger side in the factional
fights that were always going on in every State and
in every legislature.</p>

<p>Actual money, Selwyn said, was now seldom given in
the relentless warfare which the selfish interests
were ever waging against the people, but it was intrigue,
the promise of place and power, and the ever effectual
appeal to human vanity.</p>

<p>That part of the press which was under corporate control
was often able to make or destroy a man&#8217;s legislative
and political career, and the weak and the vain and
the men with shifty consciences, that the people in
their fatuous indifference elect to make their laws,
seldom fail to succumb to this subtle influence.</p>

<a name="XLIV"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XLIV</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">One Cause of the High Cost of Living</h2>

<p>In one of their fireside talks, Selwyn told Dru that
a potential weapon in the hands of those who had selfish
purposes to subserve, was the long and confusing ballot.</p>

<p>&#8220;Whenever a change is suggested by which it
can be shortened, and the candidates brought within
easy review of the electorate, the objection is always
raised,&#8221; said Selwyn, &#8220;that the rights
of the people are being invaded.</p>

<p>&#8220;&#8216;Let the people rule,&#8217; is the cry,&#8221;
he said, &#8220;and the unthinking many believing
that democratic government is being threatened, demand
that they be permitted to vote for every petty officer.</p>

<p>&#8220;Of course quite the reverse is true,&#8221;
continued Selwyn, &#8220;for when the ballot is filled
with names of candidates running for general and local
offices, there is, besides the confusion, the usual
trading. As a rule, interest centers on the local
man, and there is less scrutiny of those candidates
seeking the more important offices.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;While I had already made up my mind,&#8221;
said Dru, &#8220;as to the short ballot and a direct
accountability to the people, I am glad to have you
confirm the correctness of my views.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;You may take my word for it, General Dru, that
the interests also desire large bodies of law makers
instead of few. You may perhaps recall how vigorously
they opposed the commission form of government for
cities.</p>

<p>&#8220;Under the old system when there was a large
council, no one was responsible. If a citizen had
a grievance, and complained to his councilman, he
was perhaps truthfully told that he was not to blame.
He was sent from one member of the city government
to the other, and unable to obtain relief, in sheer
desperation, he gave up hope and abandoned his effort
for justice. But under the commission form of government,
none of the officials can shirk responsibility.  Each
is in charge of a department, and if there is inefficiency,
it is easy to place the blame where it properly belongs.</p>

<p>&#8220;Under such a system the administration of public
affairs becomes at once, simple, direct and business-like.
If any outside corrupt influences seek to creep in,
they are easy of detection and the punishment can
be made swift and certain.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;I want to thank you again, Senator Selwyn,
for the help you have been to me in giving me the
benefit of your ripe experience in public affairs,&#8221;
said Dru, &#8220;and there is another phase of the
subject that I would like to discuss with you. I have
thought long and seriously how to overcome the fixing
of prices by individuals and corporations, and how
the people may be protected from that form of robbery.</p>

<p>&#8220;When there is a monopoly or trust, it is easy
to locate the offense, but it is a different proposition
when one must needs deal with a large number of corporations
and individuals, who, under the guise of competition,
have an understanding, both as to prices and territory
to be served.</p>

<p>&#8220;For instance, the coal dealers, at the beginning
of winter, announce a fixed price for coal. If there
are fifty of them and all are approached, not one
of them will vary his quotation from the other forty-nine.
 If he should do so, the coal operators would be informed
and the offending dealer would find, by some pretext
or another, his supply cut off.</p>

<p>&#8220;We see the same condition regarding large supply
and manufacturing concerns which cover the country
with their very essential products. A keen rivalry
is apparent, and competitive bids in sealed envelopes
are made when requested, but as a matter of fact,
we know that there is no competition. Can you give
me any information upon this matter?&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;There are many and devious ways by which the
law can be evaded and by which the despoliation of
the public may be accomplished,&#8221; said Selwyn.
&#8220;The representatives of those large business
concerns meet and a map of the United States is spread
out before them. This map is regarded by them very
much as if it were a huge pie that is to be divided
according to the capacity of each to absorb and digest
his share. The territory is not squared off, that
is, taking in whole sections of contiguous country,
but in a much more subtle way, so that the delusion
of competition may be undisturbed. When several of
these concerns are requested to make prices, they
readily comply and seem eager for the order. The delusion
extends even to their agents, who are as innocent as
the would-be purchaser of the real conditions, and
are doing their utmost to obtain the business. The
concern in whose assigned territory the business originates,
makes the price and informs its supposed rivals of
its bid, so that they may each make one slightly higher.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Which goes to show,&#8221; said Dru, &#8220;how
easy it is to exploit the public when there is harmony
among the exploiters. There seems to me to be two
evils involved in this problem, Senator Selwyn, one
is the undue cost to the people, and the other, but
lesser, evil, is the protection of incompetency.</p>

<p>&#8220;It is not the survival of the fittest, but
an excess of profits, that enables the incompetent
to live and thrive.&#8221;</p>

<p>After a long and exhaustive study of this problem,
the Administrator directed his legal advisers to incorporate
his views into law.</p>

<p>No individual as such, was to be permitted to deal
in what might be termed products of the natural resources
of the country, unless he subjected himself to all
the publicity and penalties that would accrue to a
corporation, under the new corporate regulations.</p>

<p>Corporations, argued Dru, could be dealt with under
the new laws in a way that, while fair to them, would
protect the public. In the future, he reminded his
commission, there would be upon the directorates a
representative of either the National, State, or Municipal
governments, and the books, and every transaction,
would be open to the public. This would apply to both
the owner of the raw material, be it mine, forest,
or what not, as well as to the corporation or individual
who distributed the marketable product.</p>

<p>It was Dru&#8217;s idea that public opinion was to
be invoked to aid in the task, and district attorneys
and grand juries, throughout the country, were to
be admonished to do their duty. If there was a fixity
of prices in any commodity or product, or even approximately
so, he declared, it would be prima facie evidence
of a combination.</p>

<p>In this way, the Administrator thought the evil of
pools and trust agreements could be eradicated, and
a healthful competition, content with reasonable profits,
established. If a single corporation, by its extreme
efficiency, or from unusual conditions, should constitute
a monopoly so that there was practically no competition,
then it would be necessary, he thought, for the Government
to fix a price reasonable to all interests involved.</p>

<p>Therefore it was not intended to put a limit on the
size or the comprehensiveness of any corporation,
further than that it should not stifle competition,
except by greater efficiency in production and distribution.
If this should happen, then the people and the Government
would be protected by publicity, by their representative
on the board of directors and by the fixing of prices,
if necessary.</p>

<p>It had been shown by the career of one of the greatest
industrial combinations that the world has yet known,
that there was a limit where size and inefficiency
met. The only way that this corporation could maintain
its lead was through the devious paths of relentless
monopoly.</p>

<p>Dru wanted America to contend for its share of the
world&#8217;s trade, and to enable it to accomplish
this, he favored giving business the widest latitude
consistent with protection of the people.</p>

<p>When he assumed control of the Government, one of
the many absurdities of the American economic system
was the practical inhibition of a merchant marine.
While the country was second to none in the value and
quantity of production, yet its laws were so framed
that it was dependent upon other nations for its transportation
by sea; and its carrying trade was in no way commensurate
with the dignity of the coast line and with the power
and wealth of the Nation.</p>

<a name="XLV"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XLV</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Burial Reform</h2>

<p>At about this time the wife of one of the Cabinet
officers died, and Administrator Dru attended the
funeral. There was an unusually large gathering, but
it was plain that most of those who came did so from
morbid curiosity. The poignant grief of the bereaved
husband and children wrung the heartstrings of their
many sympathetic friends. The lowering of the coffin,
the fall of the dirt upon its cover, and the sobs
of those around the grave, was typical of such occasions.</p>

<p>Dru was deeply impressed and shocked, and he thought
to use his influence towards a reformation of such
a cruel and unnecessary form of burial. When the opportunity
presented itself, he directed attention to the objections
to this method of disposing of the dead, and he suggested
the formation in every community of societies whose
purpose should be to use their influence towards making
interments private, and towards the substitution of
cremation for the unsanitary custom of burial in cemeteries.
These societies were urged to point out the almost
prohibitive expense the present method entailed upon
the poor and those of moderate means. The buying of
the lot and casket, the cost of the funeral itself,
and the discarding of useful clothing in order to robe
in black, were alike unnecessary. Some less dismal
insignia of grief should be adopted, he said, that
need not include the entire garb. Grief, he pointed
out, and respect for the dead, were in no way better
evidenced by such barbarous customs.</p>

<p>Rumor had it that scandal&#8217;s cruel tongue was
responsible for this good woman&#8217;s death. She
was one of the many victims that go to unhappy graves
in order that the monstrous appetite for gossip may
be appeased. If there be punishment after death, surely,
the creator and disseminator of scandal will come
to know the anger and contempt of a righteous God.
The good and the bad are all of a kind to them. Their
putrid minds see something vile in every action, and
they leave the drippings of their evil tongues wherever
they go. Some scandalmongers are merely stupid and
vulgar, while others have a biting wit that cause them
to be feared and hated. Rumors they repeat as facts,
and to speculations they add what corroborative evidence
is needed. The dropping of the eyelids, the smirk
that is so full of insinuation is used to advantage
where it is more effective than the downright lie.
The burglar and the highwayman go frankly abroad to
gather in the substance of others, and they stand
ready to forfeit both life and liberty while in pursuit
of nefarious gain. Yet it is a noble profession compared
with that of the scandalmonger, and the murderer himself
is hardly a more objectionable member of society than
the character assassin.</p>

<a name="XLVI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XLVI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Wise Disposition of a Fortune</h2>

<p>In one of their confidential talks, Selwyn told Dru
that he had a fortune in excess of two hundred million
dollars, and that while it was his intention to amply
provide for his immediate family, and for those of
his friends who were in need, he desired to use the
balance of his money in the best way he could devise
to help his fellowmen.</p>

<p>He could give for this purpose, he said, two hundred
million dollars or more, for he did not want to provide
for his children further than to ensure their entire
comfort, and to permit them to live on a scale not
measurably different from what they had been accustomed.</p>

<p>He had never lived in the extravagant manner that
was usual in men of his wealth, and his children had
been taught to expect only a moderate fortune at his
death. He was too wise a man not to know that one of
the greatest burdens that wealth imposed, was the
saving of one&#8217;s children from its contaminations.
He taught his sons that they were seriously handicapped
by their expectations of even moderate wealth, and
that unless they were alert and vigilant and of good
habits, the boy who was working his own way upward
would soon outstrip them. They were taught that they
themselves, were the natural objects of pity and parental
concern, and not their seemingly less fortunate brothers.</p>

<p>&#8220;Look among those whose parents have wealth
and have given of it lavishly to their children,&#8221;
he said, &#8220;and count how few are valuable members
of society or hold the respect of their fellows.</p>

<p>&#8220;On the other hand, look at the successful in
every vocation of life, and note how many have literally
dug their way to success.&#8221;</p>

<p>The more Dru saw of Selwyn, the better he liked him,
and knowing the inner man, as he then did, the more
did he marvel at his career. He and Selwyn talked
long and earnestly over the proper disposition of his
fortune. They both knew that it was hard to give wisely
and without doing more harm than good. Even in providing
for his friends, Selwyn was none too sure that he
was conferring benefits upon them. Most of them were
useful though struggling members of society, but should
competency come to them, he wondered how many would
continue as such. There was one, the learned head
of a comparatively new educational institution, with
great resources ultimately behind it. This man was
building it on a sure and splendid foundation, in
the hope that countless generations of youth would
have cause to be grateful for the sagacious energy
he was expending in their behalf.</p>

<p>He had, Selwyn knew, the wanderlust to a large degree,
and the millionaire wondered whether, when this useful
educator&#8217;s slender income was augmented by the
generous annuity he had planned to give him, he would
continue his beneficent work or become a dweller in
arabs&#8217; tents.</p>

<p>In the plenitude of his wealth and generosity, he
had another in mind to share his largess. He was the
orphaned son of an old and valued friend. He had helped
the lad over some rough places, but had been careful
not to do enough to slacken the boy&#8217;s own endeavor.
The young man had graduated from one of the best universities,
and afterwards at a medical school that was worthy
the name. He was, at the time Selwyn was planning
the disposition of his wealth, about thirty years old,
and was doing valuable laboratory work in one of the
great research institutions. Gifted with superb health,
and a keen analytical mind, he seemed to have it in
him to go far in his profession, and perhaps be of
untold benefit to mankind.</p>

<p>But Selwyn had noticed an indolent streak in the young
scientist, and he wondered whether here again he was
doing the fair and right thing by placing it within
his power to lead a life of comparative ease and uselessness.
Consequently, Selwyn moved cautiously in the matter
of the distribution of his great wealth, and invoked
Dru&#8217;s aid. It was Dru&#8217;s supernormal intellect,
tireless energy, and splendid constructive ability
that appealed to him, and he not only admired the Administrator
above all men, but he had come to love him as a son.
Dru was the only person with whom Selwyn had ever
been in touch whose advice he valued above his own
judgment. Therefore when the young Administrator suggested
a definite plan of scientific giving, Selwyn gave it
respectful attention at first, and afterwards his
enthusiastic approval.</p>

<a name="XLVII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XLVII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Wise Disposition of a Fortune, Continued</h2>

<p>&#8220;If your fortune were mine, Senator Selwyn,&#8221;
said Philip Dru, &#8220;I would devote it to the uplift
of women. Their full rights will be accorded them
in time, but their cause could be accelerated by you,
and meanwhile untold misery and unhappiness averted.
Man, who is so dependent upon woman, has largely failed
in his duty to her, not alone as an individual but
as a sex. Laws are enacted, unions formed, and what
not done for man&#8217;s protection, but the working
woman is generally ignored.  With your money, and
even more with your ability, you could change for
the better the condition of girlhood and womanhood
in every city and in every factory throughout the
land. Largely because they are unorganized, women
are overworked and underpaid to such an extent that
other evils, which we deplore, follow as a natural
sequence. By proper organization, by exciting public
interest and enlisting the sympathy and active support
of the humane element, which is to be found in every
community you will be able to bring about better conditions.</p>

<p>&#8220;If I were you, I would start my crusade in
New York and work out a model organization there,
so that you could educate your coadjutors as to the
best methods, and then send them elsewhere to inaugurate
the movement. Moreover, I would not confine my energies
entirely to America, but Europe and other parts of
the world should share its benefits, for human misery
knows no sheltering land.</p>

<p>&#8220;In conjunction with this plan, I would carry
along still another. Workingmen have their clubs,
their societies and many places for social gathering,
but the women in most cities have none. As you know,
the great majority of working girls live in tenements,
crowded with their families in a room or two, or they
live in cheap and lonely boarding houses. They have
no chance for recreation after working hours or on
holidays, unless they go to places it would be better
to keep away from. If men wish to visit them, it must
needs be in their bedrooms, on the street, or in some
questionable resort.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;How am I to change this condition?&#8221; said
Selwyn.</p>

<p>&#8220;In many ways,&#8221; said Dru. &#8220;Have
clubs for them, where they may sing, dance, read,
exercise and have their friends visit them. Have good
women in charge so that the influence will be of the
best. Have occasional plays and entertainments for
them, to which they may each invite a friend, and
make such places pleasanter than others where they
might go. And all the time protect them, and preferably
in a way they are not conscious of. By careful attention
to the reading matter, interesting stories should
be selected each of which would bear its own moral.
Quiet and informal talks by the matron and others
at opportune times, would give them an insight into
the pitfalls around them, and make it more difficult
for the human vultures to accomplish their undoing.
There is no greater stain upon our vaunted civilization,&#8221;
 continued Dru, &#8220;than our failure to protect
the weak, the unhappy and the abjectly poor of womankind.</p>

<p>&#8220;Philosophers still treat of it in the abstract,
moralists speak of it now and then in an academic
way, but it is a subject generally shunned and thought
hopelessly impossible.</p>

<p>&#8220;It is only here and there that a big noble-hearted
woman can be found to approach it, and then a Hull
House is started, and under its sheltering roof unreckoned
numbers of innocent hearted girls are saved to bless,
at a later day, its patron saint.</p>

<p>&#8220;Start Hull Houses, Senator Selwyn, along with
your other plan, for it is all of a kind, and works
to the betterment of woman. The vicious, the evil
minded and the mature sensualist, we will always have
with us, but stretch out your mighty arm, buttressed
as it is by fabulous wealth, and save from the lair
of the libertines, the innocent, whose only crime is
poverty and a hopeless despair.</p>

<p>&#8220;In your propaganda for good,&#8221; continued
Dru, &#8220;do not overlook the education of mothers
to the importance of sex hygiene, so that they may
impart to their daughters the truth, and not let them
gather their knowledge from the streets.</p>

<p>&#8220;You may go into this great work, Senator Selwyn,
with the consciousness that you are reaching a condition
fraught with more consequence to society than any
other that confronts it, for its ramifications for
evil are beyond belief of any but the sociologist
who has gone to its foundations.&#8221;</p>

<a name="XLVIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XLVIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">An International Coalition</h2>

<p>Busy as General Dru had been rehabilitating domestic
affairs, he never for a moment neglected the foreign
situation. He felt that it was almost providential
that he was in a position to handle it unhampered,
for at no time in our history were we in such peril
of powerful foreign coalition. Immediately after receiving
from Selwyn the information concerning the British-German
alliance, he had begun to build, as it were, a fire
behind the British Ministry, and the result was its
overthrow. When the English nation began to realize
that a tentative agreement was being arrived at between
their country on the one hand, and Germany and Japan
on the other, with America as its object of attack,
there was a storm of indignation; and when the new
Ministry was installed the diplomatic machinery was
set to work to undo, as nearly as could be, what their
predecessors had accomplished.</p>

<p>In the meantime, Dru negotiated with them to the end
that England and America were to join hands in a world
wide policy of peace and commercial freedom. According
to Dru&#8217;s plan, disarmaments were to be made
to an appreciable degree, custom barriers were to be
torn down, zones of influence clearly defined, and
an era of friendly commercial rivalry established.</p>

<p>It was agreed that America should approach Germany
and Japan in furtherance of this plan, and when their
consent was obtained, the rest would follow.</p>

<p>Dru worked along these lines with both nations, using
consummate tact and skill. Both Germany and Japan
were offended at the English change of front, and
were ready to listen to other proposals. To them, he
opened up a wide vista of commercial and territorial
expansion, or at least its equivalent. Germany was
to have the freest commercial access to South America,
and she was invited to develop those countries both
with German colonists and German capital.</p>

<p>There was to be no coercion of the governments, or
political control in that territory, but on the other
hand, the United States undertook that there should
be no laws enacted by them to restrain trade, and that
the rights of foreigners should have the fullest protection.
Dru also undertook the responsibility of promising
that there should be no favoritism shown by the South
and Central American governments, but that native
and alien should stand alike before the law so far
as property rights were concerned.</p>

<p>Germany was to have a freer hand in the countries
lying southeast of her and in Asia Minor. It was not
intended that she should absorb them or infringe upon
the rights as nations, but her sphere of influence
was to be extended over them much the same as ours
was over South America.</p>

<p>While England was not to be restricted in her trade
relations with those countries, still she was neither
to encourage emigration there nor induce capital to
exploit their resources.</p>

<p>Africa and her own colonies were to be her special
fields of endeavor.</p>

<p>In consideration of the United States lifting practically
all custom barriers, and agreeing to keep out of the
Eastern Hemisphere, upholding with her the peace and
commercial freedom of the world, and of the United
States recognizing the necessity of her supremacy on
the seas, England, after having obtained the consent
of Canada, agreed to relinquish her own sphere of
political influence over the Dominion, and let her
come under that of the United States. Canada was willing
that this situation should be brought about, for her
trade conditions had become interwoven with those
of the United States, and the people of the two countries
freely intermingled.  Besides, since Dru had reconstructed
the laws and constitution of the big republic, they
were more in harmony with the Canadian institutions
than before.</p>

<p>Except that the United States were not to appoint
a Governor General, the republic&#8217;s relations
with Canada were to be much the same as those between
herself and the Mother Country. The American flag,
the American destiny and hers were to be interwoven
through the coming ages.</p>

<p>In relinquishing this most perfect jewel in her Imperial
crown, England suffered no financial loss, for Canada
had long ceased to be a source of revenue, and under
the new order of things, the trade relations between
the two would be increased rather than diminished.
The only wrench was the parting with so splendid a
province, throughout which, that noble insignia of
British supremacy, the cross of St. George, would be
forever furled.</p>

<p>Administrator Dru&#8217;s negotiations with Japan
were no less successful than those with England. He
first established cordial relations with her by announcing
the intention of the United States to give the Philippines
their independence under the protection of Japan, reserving
for America and the rest of the world the freest of
trade relations with the Islands.</p>

<p>Japan and China were to have all Eastern Asia as their
sphere of influence, and if it pleased them to drive
Russia back into Europe, no one would interfere.</p>

<p>That great giant had not yet discarded the ways and
habits of medievalism. Her people were not being educated,
and she indicated no intention of preparing them for
the responsibilities of self government, to which
they were entitled. Sometimes in his day dreams, Dru
thought of Russia in its vastness, of the ignorance
and hopeless outlook of the people, and wondered when
her deliverance would come. There was, he knew, great
work for someone to do in that despotic land.</p>

<p>Thus Dru had formulated and put in motion an international
policy, which, if adhered to in good faith, would
bring about the comity of nations, a lasting and beneficent
peace, and the acceptance of the principle of the
brotherhood of man.</p>

<a name="XLIX"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter XLIX</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Uneven Odds</h2>

<p>Gloria and Janet Selwyn saw much of one another in
Washington, and Dru was with them both during those
hours he felt necessary for recreation. Janet was
ever bubbling over with fun and unrestrained humor,
and was a constant delight to both Gloria and Dru.
Somewhere deep in her soul there was a serious stratum,
but it never came to the surface. Neither Gloria nor
Dru knew what was passing in those turbulent depths,
and neither knew the silent heartaches when she was
alone and began to take an inventory of her innermost
self. She had loved Dru from the moment she first
saw him at her home in Philadelphia, but with that
her prescience in such matters as only women have,
she knew that nothing more than his friendship would
ever be hers. She sometimes felt the bitterness of
woman&#8217;s position in such situations. If Dru had
loved her, he would have been free to pay her court,
and to do those things which oftentimes awaken a kindred
feeling in another. But she was helpless. An advancement
from her would but lessen his regard, and make impossible
that which she most desired. She often wondered what
there was between Gloria and Dru. Was there an attachment,
an understanding, or was it one of those platonic
friendships created by common interests and a common
purpose? She wished she knew. She was reasonably sure
of Gloria. That she loved Dru seemed to admit of little
doubt. But what of him? Did he love Gloria, or did
his love encompass the earth, and was mankind ever
to be his wife and mistress? She wished she knew. How
imperturbable he was! Was he to live and die a fathomless
mystery? If he could not be hers, her generous heart
plead for Gloria. She and Gloria often talked of Dru.
There was no fencing between these two. Open and enthusiastic
admiration of Philip each expressed, but there were
no confidences which revealed their hearts. Realizing
that her love would never be reciprocated, Janet misled
Philip as to her real feelings. One day when the three
were together, she said, &#8220;Mr. Administrator,
why don&#8217;t you marry? It would add enormously
to your popularity and it would keep a lot of us girls
from being old maids.&#8221; &#8220;How would it prevent
your being an old maid, Janet?&#8221; said Dru. &#8220;Please
explain.&#8221; &#8220;Why, there are a lot of us
that hope to have you call some afternoon, and ask
us to be Mrs. Dru, and it begins to look to me as
if some of us would be disappointed.&#8221; Dru laughed
and told her not to give up hope. And then he said
more seriously--&#8220;Some day when my work here
is done, I shall take your advice if I can find someone
who will marry me.&#8221; &#8220;If you wait too long,
Philip, you will be so old, no one will want you,&#8221;
said Janet. &#8220;I have a feeling, Janet, that somewhere
there is a woman who knows and will wait. If I am
wrong, then the future holds for me many bitter and
unhappy hours.&#8221; Dru said this with such deep
feeling that both Gloria and Janet were surprised.
And Janet wondered whether this was a message to some
unknown woman, or was it meant for Gloria? She wished
she knew.</p>

<a name="L"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter L</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Broadening of the Monroe Doctrine</h2>

<p>In spite of repeated warnings from the United States,
Mexico and the Central American Republics had obstinately
continued their old time habit of revolutions without
just cause, with the result that they neither had
stable governments within themselves, nor any hope
of peace with each other. One revolution followed
another in quick succession, until neither life nor
property was safe. England, Germany and other nations
who had citizens and investments there had long protested
to the American Government, and Dru knew that one
of the purposes of the proposed coalition against
the United States had been the assumption of control
themselves. Consequently, he took active and drastic
steps to bring order out of chaos. He had threatened
many times to police these countries, and he finally
prepared to do so.</p>

<p>Other affairs of the Dru administration were running
smoothly. The Army was at a high standard of efficiency,
and the country was fully ready for the step when
Dru sent one hundred thousand men to the Rio Grande,
and demanded that the American troops be permitted
to cross over and subdue the revolutionists and marauding
bandits.</p>

<p>The answer was a coalition of all the opposing factions
and the massing of a large army of defense. The Central
American Republics also joined Mexico, and hurriedly
sent troops north.</p>

<p>General Dru took personal command of the American
forces, crossed the Rio Grande at Laredo, and war
was declared. There were a large number of Mexican
soldiers at Monterey, but they fell back in order to
get in touch with the main army below Saltillo.</p>

<p>General Dru marched steadily on, but before he came
to Saltillo, President Benevides, who commanded his
own army, moved southward, in order to give the Central
American troops time to reach him. This was accomplished
about fifty miles north of the City of Mexico. The
allies had one hundred thousand men, and the American
force numbered sixty thousand, Dru having left forty
thousand at Laredo, Monterey and Saltillo.</p>

<p>The two armies confronted one another for five days,
General Benevides waiting for the Americans to attack,
while General Dru was merely resting his troops and
preparing them for battle. In the meantime, he requested
a conference with the Mexican Commander, and the two
met with their staffs midway between the opposing
armies.</p>

<p>General Dru urged an immediate surrender, and fully
explained his plans for occupation, so that it might
be known that there was to be no oppression. He pointed
out that it had become no longer possible for the
United States to ignore the disorder that prevailed
in Mexico and those countries south of it, for if
the United States had not taken action, Europe would
have done so. He expressed regret that a country so
favored by God should be so abused by man, for with
peace, order and a just administration of the government,
Mexico and her sister republics, he felt sure, would
take a high place in the esteem of the world. He also
said that he had carefully investigated conditions,
knew where the trouble lay, and felt sure that the
mass of people would welcome a change from the unbearable
existing conditions.  The country was then, and had
been for centuries, wrongfully governed by a bureaucracy,
and he declared his belief that the Mexican people
as a whole believed that the Americans would give
them a greater measure of freedom and protection than
they had ever known before.</p>

<p>Dru further told General Benevides that his army represented
about all there was of opposition to America&#8217;s
offer of order and liberty, and he asked him to accept
the inevitable, and not sacrifice the lives of the
brave men in both commands.</p>

<p>Benevides heard him with cold but polite silence.</p>

<p>&#8220;You do not understand us, Senor Dru, nor that
which we represent. We would rather die or be driven
into exile than permit you to arrange our internal
affairs as you suggest. There are a few families who
have ruled Mexico since the first Spanish occupation,
and we will not relinquish our hold until compelled
to do so. At times a Juarez or a Diaz has attained
to the Presidency, but we, the great families, have
been the power behind each administration.  The peons
and canaille that you would educate and make our political
equals, are now where they rightfully belong, and
your endeavors in their behalf are misplaced and can
have no result except disaster to them. Your great
Lincoln emancipated many millions of blacks, and they
were afterwards given the franchise and equal rights.
But can they exercise that franchise, and have they
equal rights? You know they have not. You have placed
them in a worse position than they were before. You
have opened a door of hope that the laws of nature
forbid them to enter. So it would be here. Your theories
and your high flown sentiment do you great credit,
but, illustrious Senor, read the pages of your own
history, and do not try to make the same mistake again.
Many centuries ago the all knowing Christ advised
the plucking of the mote from thine own eye before
attempting to remove it from that of thy brother.&#8221;</p>

<p>To this Dru replied: &#8220;Your criticism of us is
only partly just. We lifted the yoke from the black
man&#8217;s neck, but we went too fast in our zeal
for his welfare. However, we have taken him out of
a boundless swamp where under the old conditions he
must have wandered for all time without hope, and
we have placed his feet upon firm ground, and are
leading him with helping hands along the road of opportunity.</p>

<p>&#8220;That, though, Mr. President, is only a part
of our mission to you. Our citizens and those of other
countries have placed in your Republic vast sums for
its development, trusting to your treaty guarantees,
and they feel much concern over their inability to
operate their properties, not only to the advantage
of your people, but to those to whom they belong.
We of Western Europe and the United States have our
own theories as to the functions of government, theories
that perhaps you fail to appreciate, but we feel we
must not only observe them ourselves, but try and
persuade others to do likewise.</p>

<p>&#8220;One of these ideas is the maintenance of order,
so that when our hospitable neighbors visit us, they
may feel as to their persons and property, as safe
as if they were at home.</p>

<p>&#8220;I am afraid our views are wide apart,&#8221;
concluded Dru, &#8220;and I say it with deep regret,
for I wish we might arrive at an understanding without
a clash at arms. I assure you that my visit to you
is not selfish; it is not to acquire territory or
for the aggrandizement of either myself or my country,
but it is to do the work that we feel must be done,
and which you refuse to do.&#8221;</p>

<p>&#8220;Senor Dru,&#8221; answered Benevides, &#8220;it
has been a pleasure to meet you and discuss the ethics
of government, but even were I willing to listen to
your proposals, my army and adherents would not, so
there is nothing we can do except to finish our argument
upon the field of battle.&#8221;</p>

<p>The interview was therefore fruitless, but Dru felt
that he had done his duty, and he prepared for the
morrow&#8217;s conflict with a less heavy heart.</p>

<a name="LI"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter LI</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Battle of La Tuna</h2>

<p>In the numbers engaged, in the duration and in the
loss of life, the battle of La Tuna was not important,
but its effect upon Mexico and the Central American
Republics was epoch making.</p>

<p>The manner of attack was characteristic of Dru&#8217;s
methods. His interview with General Benevides had
ended at noon, and word soon ran through the camp
that peace negotiations had failed with the result
that the army was immediately on the alert and eager
for action. Dru did not attempt to stop the rumor
that the engagement would occur at dawn the next day.
By dusk every man was in readiness, but they did not
have to wait until morning, for as soon as supper
was eaten, to the surprise of everyone, word came
to make ready for action and march upon the enemy.
Of Dru&#8217;s sixty thousand men, twenty thousand
were cavalry, and these he sent to attack the Mexican
rear. They were ordered to move quietly so as to get
as near to the enemy as possible before being discovered.</p>

<p>It was not long before the Mexican outposts heard
the marching of men and the rumble of gun carriages.
 This was reported to General Benevides and he rode
rapidly to his front. A general engagement at nightfall
was so unusual that he could not believe the movement
meant anything more than General Dru&#8217;s intention
to draw nearer, so that he could attack in the morning
at closer range.</p>

<p>It was a clear starlight night, and with the aid of
his glasses he could see the dark line coming steadily
on. He was almost in a state of panic when he realized
that a general attack was intended. He rode back through
his lines giving orders in an excited and irregular
way. There was hurry and confusion everywhere, and
he found it difficult to get his soldiers to understand
that a battle was imminent.  Those in front were looking
with a feeling akin to awe at that solid dark line
that was ever coming nearer. The Mexicans soon began
to fire from behind the breastworks that had been
hastily erected during the few days the armies had
been facing one another, but the shots went wild, doing
but slight damage in the American ranks. Then came
the order from Dru to charge, and with it came the
Yankee yell. It was indeed no battle at all. By the
time the Americans reached the earthworks, the Mexicans
were in flight, and when the cavalry began charging
the rear, the rout was completed.</p>

<p>In the battle of La Tuna, General Benevides proved
himself worthy of his lineage. No general could have
done more to rally his troops, or have been more indifferent
to danger. He scorned to turn his back upon an enemy,
and while trying to rally his scattered forces, he
was captured, badly wounded.</p>

<p>Every attention worthy his position was shown the
wounded man. Proud and chivalrous as any of his race,
he was deeply humiliated at the miserable failure
that had been made to repell the invaders of his country,
though keenly touched by the consideration and courtesy
shown him by the American General.</p>

<p>Dru made no spectacular entrance into the city, but
remained outside and sent one of his staff with a
sufficient force to maintain order. In an address
announcing his intentions towards Mexico and her allies,
Dru said--&#8220;It is not our purpose to annex your
country or any part of it, nor shall we demand any
indemnity as the result of victory further than the
payment of the actual cost of the war and the maintenance
of the American troops while order is being restored.
But in the future, our flag is to be your flag, and
you are to be directly under the protection of the
United States. It is our purpose to give to your people
the benefits of the most enlightened educational system,
so that they may become fitted for the responsibilities
of self-government. There will also be an equitable
plan worked out by which the land now owned by a few
will be owned by the many. In another generation, this
beautiful land will be teeming with an educated, prosperous
and contented people, who will regard the battlefield
of La Tuna as the birthplace of their redemption.</p>

<p>&#8220;Above all things, there shall not be thrust
upon the Mexican people a carpet-bag government. Citizens
of Mexico are to enforce the reconstructed constitution
and laws, and maintain order with native troops, although
under the protecting arm of the United States.</p>

<p>&#8220;All custom duties are to be abolished excepting
those uniform tariffs that the nations of the world
have agreed upon for revenue purposes, and which in
no way restrict the freedom of trade. It is our further
purpose to have a constitution prepared under the
direction and advice of your most patriotic and wisest
men, and which, while modern to the last degree, will
conform to your habits and customs.</p>

<p>&#8220;However,&#8221; he said in conclusion, &#8220;it
is our purpose to take the most drastic measures against
revolutionists, bandits and other disturbers of the
peace.&#8221;</p>

<p>While Dru did not then indicate it, he had in mind
the amalgamation of Mexico and the Central American
Republics into one government, even though separate
states were maintained.</p>

<a name="LII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter LII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Unity of the Northern Half of the Western Hemisphere Under the New Republic</h2>

<p>Seven years had passed since Philip Dru had assumed
the administration of the Republic. Seven years of
serious work and heavy responsibility. His tenure
of power was about to close, to close amidst the plaudits
of a triumphant democracy. A Congress and a President
had just been elected, and they were soon to assume
the functions of government. For four years the States
had been running along smoothly and happily under
their new constitutions and laws. The courts as modified
and adjusted were meeting every expectation, and had
justified the change. The revenues, under the new
system of taxation, were ample, the taxes were not
oppressive, and the people had quickly learned the
value of knowing how much and for what they were paying.
This, perhaps, more than any other thing, had awakened
their interest in public affairs.</p>

<p>The governments, both state and national, were being
administered by able, well-paid men who were spurred
by the sense of responsibility, and by the knowledge
that their constituents were alert and keenly interested
in the result of their endeavors.</p>

<p>Some of the recommendations of the many commissions
had been modified and others adjusted to suit local
conditions, but as a whole there was a general uniformity
of statutes throughout the Union, and there was no
conflict of laws between the states and the general
government.</p>

<p>By negotiations, by purchase and by allowing other
powers ample coaling stations along the Atlantic and
Pacific coasts, the Bahamas, Bermuda and the British,
French and Danish West Indies were under American
protection, and &#8220;Old Glory&#8221; was the undisputed
emblem of authority in the northern half of the Western
Hemisphere.</p>

<p>Foreign and domestic affairs were in so satisfactory
a condition that the army had been reduced to two
hundred thousand men, and these were broadly scattered
from the Arctic Sea to the Canal at Panama.  Since
the flag was so widely flung, that number was fixed
as the minimum to be maintained. In reducing the army,
Dru had shown his confidence in the loyalty of the
people to him and their satisfaction with the government
given them.</p>

<p>Quickened by non-restrictive laws, the Merchant Marine
of the United States had increased by leaps and bounds,
until its tonnage was sufficient for its own carrying
trade and a part of that of other countries.</p>

<p>The American Navy at the close of Philip Dru&#8217;s
wise administration was second only to that of England,
and together the two great English speaking nations
held in their keeping the peace and commercial freedom
of the Seven Seas.</p>

<a name="LIII"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Chapter LIII</h1>
<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Effacement of Philip Dru</h2>

<p>In the years since he had graduated from West Point
General Dru had learned to speak German, French and
Spanish fluently, and he was learning with Gloria
the language of the Slavs at odd moments during the
closing months of his administration.  Gloria wondered
why he was so intent upon learning this language,
and why he wanted her also to know it, but she no
longer questioned him, for experience had taught her
that he would tell her when he was ready for her to
know.</p>

<p>His labors were materially lightened in these closing
months, and as the time for his retirement drew near,
he saw more and more of Gloria. Discarding the conventions,
they took long rides together, and more frequently
they took a few camp utensils, and cooked their mid-day
meal in the woods. How glad Gloria was to see the
pleasure these excursions gave him! No man of his
age, perhaps of any age, she thought, had ever been
under the strain of so heavy a responsibility, or had
acquitted himself so well. She, who knew him best,
had never seen him shirk his duty, nor try to lay
his own responsibilities upon another&#8217;s shoulders.
In the hours of peril to himself and to his cause he
had never faltered. When there was a miscarriage of
his orders or his plans, no word of blame came from
him if the effort was loyal and the unhappy agent had
given all of his energy and ability.</p>

<p>He had met every situation with the fortitude that
knows no fear, and with a wisdom that would cause
him to be remembered as long as history lasts.</p>

<p>And now his life&#8217;s work was done. How happy
she was! If he did not love her, she knew he loved
no one else, for never had she known him to be more
than politely pleasant to other women.</p>

<p>One golden autumn day, they motored far into the hills
to the west of Washington. They camped upon a mighty
cliff towering high above the Potomac. What pleasure
they had preparing their simple meal! It was hard
for Gloria to realize that this lighthearted boy was
the serious statesman and soldier of yesterday. When
they had finished they sat in the warm sunshine on
the cliff&#8217;s edge. The gleaming river followed
its devious course far below them, parting the wooded
hills in the distance. The evening of the year had
come, and forest and field had been touched by the
Master&#8217;s hand. For a long time they sat silent
under the spell that nature had thrown around them.</p>

<p>&#8220;I find it essential for the country&#8217;s
good to leave it for awhile, perhaps forever,&#8221;
said Philip Dru. &#8220;Already a large majority of
the newly elected House have asked me to become the
Executive. If I accepted, there would be those who
would believe that in a little while, I would again
assume autocratic control. I would be a constant menace
to my country if I remained within it.</p>

<p>&#8220;I have given to the people the best service
of which I was capable, and they know and appreciate
it. Now I can serve them again by freeing them from
the shadow of my presence and my name. I shall go to
some obscure portion of the world where I cannot be
found and importuned to return.</p>

<p>&#8220;There is at San Francisco a queenly sailing
craft, manned and provisioned for a long voyage. She
is waiting to carry me to the world&#8217;s end if
needs be.&#8221;</p>

<p>Then Philip took Gloria&#8217;s unresisting hand,
and said, &#8220;My beloved, will you come with me
in my exile? I have loved you since the day that you
came into my life, and you can never know how I have
longed for the hour to come when I would be able to
tell you so. Come with me, dear heart, into this unknown
land and make it glad for me. Come because I am drunken
with love of you and cannot go alone. Come so that
the days may be flooded with joy and at night the
stars may sing to me because you are there. Come,
sweet Gloria, come with me.&#8221;</p>

<p>Happy Gloria! Happy Philip! She did not answer him.
What need was there? How long they sat neither knew,
but the sun was far in the west and was sending its
crimson tide over an enchanted land when the lovers
came back to earth.</p>

<hr width="75%" size="1" />

<p>Far out upon the waters of San Francisco Bay lay the
graceful yet sturdy <i>Eaglet</i>. The wind had
freshened, the sails were filled, and she was going
swift as a gull through the Golden Gate into a shimmering
sea.</p>

<p>A multitude of friends, and those that wished them
well, had gathered on the water front and upon the
surrounding hills to bid farewell to Philip Dru and
his bride Gloria.</p>

<p>They watched in silent sadness as long as they could
see the ship&#8217;s silhouette against the western
sky, and until it faded into the splendid waste of
the Pacific.</p>

<p>Where were they bound? Would they return? These were
the questions asked by all, but to which none could
give answer.</p>

<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The End</h2>

<hr width="75%" size="1" />

<a name="copartnership"></a>
<h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">What Co-Partnership Can Do</h1>

<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">By Earl Grey</h2>

<p><i>(Governor-General of Canada,</i> 1904-11.)</p>

<p><i>One of the ablest champions of Co-partnership
as a solution of the industrial problem is Earl Grey.</i></p>

<p><i>Below are some remarkable passages from his presidential
address to the Labor Co-partnership Association.</i></p>

<p>The problem before us is how to organize our industry
on lines the fairness of which will be generally admitted.
Fairplay is the keynote of our British character,
and I am satisfied, if employers and employed are
properly approached, that wherever a feeling of mutual
sympathetic regard exists between them they will both
be prepared to consider fairly and to meet fully each
other&#8217;s requirements.  This is the belief on
which we build our hopes of the future greatness of
this country. Remove this belief and the outlook is
one of blackest gloom.</p>

<p>Now what is the cause of the wide feeling of labor
unrest? At the same time, while the average standard
of living, as a result of better education, has been
considerably raised and the retail prices of food
have risen 9.3 per cent. since 1900, wages in that
period have only risen 3 per cent. Consequently the
manual workers find themselves in straitened, pinched,
and most distressing circumstances. Their difficulties
have naturally given birth to a general belief, or
at any rate added strength to it, that they are not
receiving their fair share of the wealth their labor
has helped so largely to create. Now, whether this
belief is justified or not, there can be no doubt of
its existence.</p>

<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Labor and Capital in Opposing Camps.</h2>

<p>The great fact with which we are confronted in the
industries of to-day is that labor and capital are
organized not in one but in opposing camps, with the
object not so much of promoting the common well-being
of all connected with industry as of securing whatever
advantage can be obtained in the prosecution of their
common industry for themselves. The members of each
camp consequently regard each other with distrust and
suspicion. The capitalist is inclined to give the minimum
that is necessary to secure the labor which he requires,
and the worker in return considers that all that should
be required from him is the minimum of labor which
will save him from dismissal.</p>

<p>Then not only have we to consider the limiting effect
on the efficiency of industry caused by the fact that
capital and labor are ranged not in one but in opposing
camps, but we have also to consider the effect on
the attitude of the men towards the management caused
by the growing tendency of the small business to be
swallowed up by the large combine. In such cases the
old feeling of mutual affection, confidence, and esteem,
which in the past bound together employer and employed,
has been destroyed, and it must be obvious that unless
we can adopt methods which will restore in a new,
and perhaps in a more satisfactory manner, the old
spirit the efficiency of industry and the prosperity
of the nation will both suffer.</p>

<p>If you alter one part of any bit of machinery you
must readjust all the other parts in order to secure
smooth working, and if by substituting big businesses
for small businesses you destroy the old intimate
connection which formerly existed between masters and
men, it would appear to be necessary, if you wish
to maintain the old friendly relations between employer
and employed, that you should establish your business
on lines which will automatically create a feeling
of loyalty on the part of all concerned to the industry
with which they are connected.</p>

<p>How is that to be done? By co-partnership.</p>

<p>Now, what is the ideal of co-partnership?</p>

<p>Ideal co-partnership is a system under which worker
and consumer shall share with capitalists in the profits
of industry.</p>

<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">The Surplus Profits Go to Capital.</h2>

<p>Under our present system the whole of the surplus
profits go to capital, and it is the object of capital
to give the worker the least wage for which he will
consent to work, and to charge the consumer the highest
price which he can be persuaded to give; conversely
it is the object of labor to give as little as possible
for the wage received.</p>

<p>Now, that is a system which cannot possibly satisfy
the requirements of a civilized and well-organized
society. What we want is a system which will safeguard
the consumer, and also provide the worker with a natural,
self-compelling inducement to help the industry with
which he is connected. That system is provided by
co-partnership. Co-partnership insists that the workers
have a right to participate in the net profits that
may remain after capital has received its fixed reward.
In a co-partnership business, just as the reward
of labor is fixed by the trade union rate of wages,
so the reward of capital is fixed by the amount which
it is necessary for the industry to give. That amount
will vary corresponding with the security of the risk
attending the industry in question. If the industry
is a safe one, it will be able to obtain the capital
required by giving a small interest; if the industry
is a risky one, it will be necessary to offer capital
better terms.</p>

<p>Then, if there should be surplus profits available
for division after labor has received its fixed reward--viz.,
trade union rate of wages--and after capital has
received its fixed reward--viz., the rate of interest
agreed upon as the fair remuneration of capital; I
say if, after these two initial charges have been
met, there should still be left surplus profits to
distribute, that instead of their going exclusively
to capital they should be distributed between labor
and capital on some principle of equity.</p>

<p>The way in which the principle of co-partnership can
be supplied to industrial enterprise admits of infinite
variety. In some cases the surplus profits are divided
between wages, interest, and custom, in some cases
between wages and custom without any share going to
interest, and on some cases between wages and interest.</p>

<p>As an example of a co-partnership industry which divides
all surplus profits that may remain after 5 per cent.
has been paid on capital between custom and labor,
one pound of purchase counting for as much in the
division as one pound of wage, let me refer to the
well-known Hebden Bridge Fustian Works. I commend
to all interested in co-partnership questions a close
study of this industry. Started by working men in
1870, it has built up on lines of permanent success
a flourishing business, and is making sufficient profits
to enable it to divide 9d. in the pound on trade union
rate of wages and the same amount on purchases. The
steady progress of this manufacturing industry over
a period of forty-two years; the recognition by trade
unionist management of the right of capital to receive
an annual dividend of 5 per cent., and the resolute
way in which they have written down the capital of
&#163;44,300 invested in land, buildings and machinery
to &#163;14,800, notwithstanding that a less conservative
policy would have increased the sum available for
bonus to wages, all go to show how practicable are
co-partnership principles when they are applied by
all concerned to productive enterprise in the right
spirit.</p>

<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">A Brilliant Example.</h2>

<p>I should also like to refer to Mr. Thompson&#8217;s
woolen mills of Huddersfield, established in 1886,
as another brilliant example of successful co-partnership.
It is frequently stated that in an industry where
men are paid by piecework or share in the profits there
is a tendency for the men to over-exert themselves.
Well, in the Thompson Huddersfield mills there is
no piecework, no overtime, only the weekly wage; no
driving is allowed. The hours of labor are limited
to forty-eight per week. The workers are given a
whole week&#8217;s holiday in August, and in addition
they enjoy the benefits of a non-contributory sick
and accident fund, and of a 24s. per week pension
fund. In these mills cloth is made from wool and wool
only, not an ounce of shoddy. Here again the surplus
profits, after the fixed reward of capital--viz., interest
at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum--has been paid,
are divided between labor and custom; and here again
the capital sunk in the mills has been written down
from &#163;8,655 to &#163;1,680. Unprofitable machinery is scrap-heaped.
The mill has only the best, most up-to-date machinery,
and all connected with the works, shareholders and
workers, live together like a happy family.</p>

<p>As an illustration of a co-partnership industry which
divides its surplus profits between wages, interest,
and custom, I might point to the gas companies which
are being administered on the Livesey principle, which
is now so well known. Since co-partnership principles
were applied to the South Metropolitan Gas Works in
1899 over &#163;500,000 has been paid, as their share of
the profits, to the credit of the workers, who also
own over &#163;400,000 of the company&#8217;s stock. The
fact that over &#163;50,000,000 of capital is invested
in gas companies administered on co-partnership principles,
which divide surplus profits between consumers, shareholders,
and wage-earners, encourages us to hope that we may
look forward with confidence to the adoption of co-partnership
principles by other industries.</p>

<p>As an illustration of a co-partnership industry which
divides its surplus profits between labor and capital
alone, let me refer to the Walsall Padlock Society,
one of the 114 workmen productive societies which
may be regarded as so many different schools of co-partnership
under exclusive trade unionist management. In this
society the rate of interest on share capital has
been fixed at 7-1/2 per cent., and should there be
any surplus profit after trade union rate of wages
and the fixed reward of capital, 7-1/2 per cent.,
have been paid, it is divided between labor and capital
in proportion to the value of their respective services,
and the measure of the value is the price the Walsall
Padlock Society pays for the use of capital and labor
respectively. &#163;1 of interest counts for as much in
the division of the profits as &#163;1 of wage, and vice
versa. This principle of division, invented by the
Frenchman Godin, of Guise, has always seemed to me
to be absolutely fair and to be capable of being easily
applied to many industries.</p>

<p>Now in these cases I have quoted, and I could refer
to many others, a unity of interest is established
between labor and capital, with the result that there
is a general atmosphere of peace and of mutual brotherhood
and goodwill.</p>

<p>Capital receives the advantage of greater security.
Labor is secured the highest rate of wage the industry
can afford.</p>

<h2 align="center" style="margin-top: 2em;font-variant: small-caps">Willing and Unwilling Service.</h2>

<p>Now, what does the substitution of such conditions
for the conditions generally prevailing to-day in
England mean for our country? Who shall estimate the
difference between the value of willing and unwilling
service? The Board of Trade will tell you that a man
paid by piecework is generally from 30 to 50 per cent.
more effective than a man paid by time.</p>

<p>If the co-partnership principle, which is better than
piecework, because it tends to produce identity of
interest between capital and labor were to increase
the efficiency of time-paid workers from 30 to 50 per
cent., just think of the result; and yet the fact
that co-partnership might add from 30 to 50 per cent.
to the efficiency of the worker is urged by many trade
unionists as a reason against co-partnership. They
seem to fear that the result of making men co-partners
will be to cause them to give 25 per cent. better
labor and to receive only 50 per cent. more wage. No
system can be right which is based on the assumption
that self-interest calls for a man to give his worst
instead of his best. When I compare Canada with England
I am struck by the fact, that, whereas Canada&#8217;s
greatest undeveloped asset is her natural resources,
England&#8217;s greatest undeveloped asset is man
himself. How to get each man to do his best is the
problem before England to-day. It is because co-partnership
harnesses to industry not only the muscle but the heart
and the intelligence of the worker that we are justified
in regarding it with reverence and enthusiasm as the
principle of the future.</p>

<p style="font-size: smaller;">[Transcriber's Note:</p>

<p style="font-size: smaller;">The following have been identified as possible typographical errors in
the original:</p>

<p style="font-size: smaller;">hands over the to-morrow<br>
infringe upon the rights as nations<br>
but with that her prescience<br>
plead for Gloria]</p>

<PRE>
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