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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5c86e8b --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #67093 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/67093) diff --git a/old/67093-0.txt b/old/67093-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index bf08da3..0000000 --- a/old/67093-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6167 +0,0 @@ -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 67093 *** - - SIDELIGHTS ON - NEGRO SOLDIERS - - BY - - CHARLES H. WILLIAMS - - Special Investigator of Conditions among Negro - Soldiers in the World War - - With an Introduction by - BENJAMIN BRAWLEY - - - BOSTON - B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY - 1923 - - - - - COPYRIGHT 1923 - BY B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY - First Edition, June, 1923 - - - PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA - - THE AMBROSE PRESS, INC. - Norwood, Massachusetts - - - - - Dedicated to the Memory of My Mother and to My Aunt Mrs. Maria Burnside - - - - -PREFACE - - -It is the purpose of this book to tell something of the achievement -of the Negro soldier in the World War and to describe the conditions -under which he lived as these were seen by the writer, who for eighteen -months investigated conditions in America and France under the auspices -of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America and of the -Phelps-Stokes Fund, with the recommendation of the Secretary of War -and the Adjutant General of the United States Army. Most of the -information was secured by visits to the soldiers in the camps, by -interviews with thousands of them, and by personal investigation in the -communities adjacent to the camps, as well as by the study of records -and documents. Camp commanders, officers in charge of Negro troops, -representatives of all the welfare organizations, city officials, and -both Negro and white civilians were consulted in the effort to secure -the facts concerning the fighting record, the work, the conduct, and -the treatment of Negro soldiers in the course of the war. - -I am indebted to the Historical Branch of the War Department for -access to its records on the operations of Negro combatant troops, to -the office of the Adjutant General for special information, and to many -friends for suggestions and help in the preparation of the material; -and it is hoped that the book now offered to the public may in some -small way help the American people better to understand not only the -perplexing situation but also the signal achievement of Negro men -working and fighting in behalf of their country and in defence of the -highest ideals of life. - - CHARLES H. WILLIAMS. - - Hampton Institute, - December 15, 1922. - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -It gives me great pleasure to write a word of introduction to this -interesting and important book that Mr. Williams has written. The -story of the Negro soldier is one of the romances of American history. -Even in the days of the Revolution and the War of 1812 he played an -honorable part; but it was the Civil War that gave him his first large -opportunity, and at Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, or Fort Pillow he passed -through the baptism of fire, striving that the emancipation of his -people might be guaranteed and the integrity of his country preserved. -We also remember another war, and Santiago and San Juan Hill, and -not only how Negro men went gallantly to the charge but also how the -soldiers in a black regiment faced pestilence and fever that their -white comrades might be saved. Then came Carrizal, strange prelude of -the great conflict to come; and once more, at an unexpected moment, the -soul of the nation was thrilled by the courage of the Tenth Cavalry. -“Theirs not to make reply; theirs but to do and die.” So in the face of -odds they obeyed orders and died beneath the Mexican stars. - -The recent World War, however, brought to the Negro people of -the United States an interest and an anxiety surpassed only by the -expectant hope in the days of the Civil War. They had come to the -end of an era, and all the incidents and problems of their life in -America were suddenly brought to the testing. Vast forces beyond their -control were changing the destinies of thousands--in migration, in -economic freedom, and even in spiritual outlook; and unhappy events -at East St. Louis and Houston but made the situation more critical. -They were eager to serve, but at once they came face to face with -questions that concerned the very foundations of their citizenship. -Would the men of the race, or would they not, be permitted to train -and serve as officers? If so, would they be dealt with as a distinct -and separate race, as was the case with no other race in the country, -or simply on the basis of physical and mental fitness? Why, moreover, -on the registration card for the draft should the Negro be singled out -for a special corner? To some people such questions may have seemed -unimportant, but to the Negroes themselves they meant nothing less than -life itself, and they followed the fortunes of their sons and their -husbands accordingly. - -In the recent war then, as in no other, the social as well as the -military phases of the life of the soldier assumed a new importance. -Wherever he went, with whomever he came in contact, in America or in -France--in the life of cantonment cities, in his dealing with his -comrades in arms, in his contact with the people of France--the Negro -in uniform met situations that had definite bearing upon his health, -his conduct, and his morale. Frequently these came to the attention -of the War Department, and sometimes also they received prominence in -the public press. Of such sort were the vexatious discussions that -sometimes arose in the Y. M. C. A. and other welfare organizations, -the reports reflecting on the character of Negro men, and the -complaints not only about the actual operation of the draft but also -about the conditions under which the soldiers, especially those in -stevedore units, sometimes lived and worked. Of distinct service to the -country accordingly was the decision of the Federal Council of Churches -of Christ in America, working in co-operation with the Phelps-Stokes -Fund, to appoint two field secretaries, one to study the situation in -so far as it had to do with Negro churches, and the other to study and -report on every phase of the life of the Negro soldier in camps and -cantonment cities, both in the United States and abroad. - -For this latter service Mr. Charles H. Williams was chosen. His work -for several years as Physical Director at Hampton Institute had not -only brought him to the very front in his chosen field, but had also -given him special insight into the temperament, the physical prowess, -and the social outlook of Negro men. His special task moreover had not -only the approval but also the co-operation of the Secretary of War -and the Adjutant General of the Army of the United States, and in the -course of his work he spent a total of eighteen months visiting every -place where Negro soldiers were gathered, in both America and France. -His endeavor was as painstaking as his mission was unique. - -Something of the result of this first-hand study will be found in -the pages that follow. Mr. Williams, it will be observed, has not -undertaken to write a history of Negro soldiers in the war. Instead -he has given us “Sidelights”; and I think the reader will agree with -me that what is more unpretentious than a history is also of more -interest than many a formal work, and valuable by reason of the -authority with which the author speaks. Before one has finished reading -he will probably be impressed with the fact that the work is indeed not -only a consideration of the Negro soldier but also a vital contribution -to the social history of the Negro people in America. It has been -eagerly awaited by those who knew of the unusual opportunity for study -that Mr. Williams had, and now that it is given to the people of the -country I bespeak for it a generous welcome. - - BENJAMIN BRAWLEY. - - Cambridge, January 1, 1923. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - I. THE CALL TO THE COLORS 17 - - II. IN CAMP 24 - - III. THE NEGRO OFFICER 36 - - IV. HOPES AND FEARS 68 - - V. THE LURE OF THE UNIFORM 78 - - VI. THE “Y” AND OTHER WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS 93 - - VII. THE STEVEDORE 138 - - VIII. THE NINETY-SECOND DIVISION 156 - - IX. THE NINETY-THIRD DIVISION 194 - - X. HOME-FIRES 241 - - - - - CREDENTIALS - - - WAR DEPARTMENT - Washington - - February 11th, 1919. - - To: Officers Commanding Colored Units from Over Seas Service - - From: The Secretary of War. - - Subject: Interview. - - - This will introduce to you Charles H. Williams, who desires to - interview both colored officers and men who have seen over seas - service. I desire that every practical facility be afforded Mr. - Williams in carrying out the work. - - Sincerely, - - [SIGNED] NEWTON D. BAKER, - - Newton D. Baker, - Secretary of War. - - - WAR DEPARTMENT - - THE ADJUTANT GENERAL’S OFFICE - Washington - - March 7, 1918. - - From: The Adjutant General of the Army. - - To: The Commanding Generals of all Army Camps and Cantonments. - - Subject: Social and Religious Conditions in Communities Adjacent to - Camps and Cantonments. - - - This will introduce to you Mr. C. H. Williams, representing the - Federal Council of Churches and the Phelps-Stokes Fund. - - Mr. Williams has been appointed to observe social and religious - conditions in communities adjacent to camps and cantonments where - colored troops are stationed. - - The Secretary of War desires that every practicable facility be - afforded to Mr. Williams in carrying on his work. - - [SIGNED] H. P. McCAIN. - - - GENERAL HEADQUARTERS - - AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES - PROVOST MARSHAL GENERAL’S OFFICE - A. P. O. 706 - - May 17, 1919. - - From: Provost Marshal General, A. E. F. - To: Whom it May Concern. - Subject: Special Travel Permit. - - - 1. Charles H. Williams, Associate Member, ARMY EDUCATIONAL - COMMISSION, Y. M. C. A., holder of Red Worker’s Permit No. - 32133, is authorized to travel in: - - (a) Any part of France except Alsace-Lorraine. - - (b) Any part of the 3rd Army Area. - - 2. This permit, which is valid until July 17, 1919, will be - returned, upon expiration, to the office of the Provost Marshal - General, A. P. O. 706. - - H. H. BANDHOLTZ, - Provost Marshal General. - - [SIGNED] JOHN W. NOBLE, - - for - - By: JAMES T. LOREE, - Executive Officer. - - [OFFICIAL SEAL] - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE CALL TO THE COLORS - - -Little did the American Negro think, as he struggled with his own -problems in the early days of the World War, that he would be called -upon to aid his fellowmen three thousand miles away. He looked with -interest upon the conflict in Europe, his adventurous spirit was -quickened by the accounts of heroism and sacrifice, and he could but -marvel at German efficiency as he watched the great war machine crush -its way through Belgium. As the German armies marched across the fields -of France, however, leaving suffering and sorrow in their wake, the -Negro found his sympathy going out to the French people; and when it -became evident that America also would be drawn into the fighting, like -the other citizens of the country he girded himself for the contest. - -When war was declared on April 6, 1917, the American army numbered -75,000 officers and men, only a nucleus for the stupendous task now on -hand. As the country marshalled its forces the question arose in some -sections as to the use of a tenth part of its man-power. Some alarmists -feared that if the Negro were trained in the science of modern warfare, -not only would there be industrial and agricultural stagnation, -but, even more important, peaceful relations after the war would be -difficult if not indeed impossible. It was true that black men had gone -to the aid of France and England, not as black men but as Frenchmen and -Englishmen, and their names had been written in gold at the Marne and -at Verdun, in Mesopotamia and in Africa. They too had wielded the cold -steel, faced gas and liquid fire, and passed into the jaws of death. -America, however, it was felt by some, had her own special problems and -difficulties, and it was debatable if she could adopt a similar policy. -On the other hand, throughout the country orators and the press alike -proclaimed the patriotism of the Negro and his willingness to shed his -blood for the Stars and Stripes. The heroism and loyalty of the race -were recounted from the Revolution to Carrizal; whatever else might -be said, the Negro’s hand had never been raised against the flag, nor -had treason been found in his breast; and when the call for American -manhood came, it was for all men from twenty-one to thirty-one years of -age, regardless of color. - -During this period there were those among the Negroes themselves who -thought that at last the time had come to demand once for all the full -rights of American citizens. A larger group, however, maintained that -when the country was in danger the first duty of every citizen was to -remove the danger and then to settle domestic problems. A program was -adopted which resulted in the holding of great mass meetings throughout -the country. The young men of the race were urged to enlist in the -army or navy, and this they did with enthusiasm. The rush to the -colors was unprecedented. The American Negro Loyal Legion proposed to -raise 10,000 men in answer to the President’s call for 75,000 men. In -sections where national guard units existed for colored men, these were -the first to raise their units to war strength, as was demonstrated by -the old 15th New York. Often in the registration booths new records of -enlistments were made, so much so that at one time the War Department -issued orders to “take no more colored men.” Boys in their teens and -men beyond the draft age answered the call. Students left school or -college to take up the knapsack and the gun. In the Southern states -there was special eagerness to enlist, and in Florida there were -petitions to the Governor for the privilege of raising “regiments of -colored militia officered by men of the race.” - -In some quarters it was said that Negroes would not register and that -arrests would have to be made. Especially in country districts not -reached by publicity campaigns there was not a thorough understanding -of the requirements. This fact resulted in the arrest of a few men as -slackers, but investigation showed that what seemed to be negligence -was due to ignorance rather than to any definite intention to dodge the -draft. Some who were beyond the age limits registered because they did -not know their exact age, and some other older men believed that they -would be sent to jail if they failed to appear. - -When soon after registration day reports were sent out from Washington -that Negroes would be sent to the various camps, a vigorous protest -was made in some Southern states against placing them in the local -camps, the strongest objection coming from South Carolina. Elsewhere, -however, the opposition did not appear so violent; thus the _Atlanta -Constitution_ took the position that Negro soldiers should be -trained in Camp Gordon along with other soldiers and felt that this -could be done without friction. In Alabama there was an expressed -feeling against “strange Negroes in large numbers,” and throughout -the South it was believed that separate camps would be preferable. -Objections grew less and less, however, as reports of the Negro’s -enthusiasm for the draft came from all parts of the country. - -The Negro went to camp willingly and those who remained gave him up -whole-heartedly, sending him away with feasting and speech-making, -songs and cheers, as well as with prayers and tears. Not only his -kinsmen, but white citizens as well, vied with one another in their -endeavor to do him honor and make him proud that he was going to serve -his country. Sometimes a governor would address the draftees, and, as -was often the case, parades would be led by mayors, chiefs of police, -and city councilmen. Often the stores would close in honor of those -called to the colors, and in one case an entire town turned out to see -its only colored draftee leave for service. At such times the Negro’s -patriotism reached its highest point. Not only those summoned but -every Negro present was filled with intense emotion. Especially was -this demonstrated when the colored contingent from Thomas County, -Ga., assembled prior to movement to Camp Gordon. One farmer who had -not harvested his crop made a final appeal for respite. The exemption -officer called for a volunteer to take his place from the other men who -were certified but not yet called. It is said that there was a stampede -for the place. - -The selective draft was fair in its inception, including all citizens -alike, but unfortunately it did not always operate impartially when -Negroes were involved. In Fulton County, Ga., the draft board had to -be ordered dismissed for “unwarranted exemptions and discharges.” -Out of 815 white men called by this board 526 were exempted, 44 -per cent on physical grounds. At the same time 202 Negroes were -called and only 6 exempted. The action of this board was by no means -typical, but it illustrates what the Negro draftee sometimes had to -contend with. In the determination of claims there appeared to be no -discrimination, according to the report of the Provost Marshal, yet -those called sometimes told sad stories as they were being led away -to camp. Sometimes it would be the story of a man with a wife and -five children, with ages from seven years to six months, who had been -changed from Class 4 to 1-A. Sometimes Negro men living on their own -farms, with crops growing and livestock to be cared for, were sent -away to camp, while single men working for large planters were put in -Class 4. All told it appears that many Negroes who had sufficient claim -for exemption were drafted and sent away to camp. The figures taken -from General Crowder’s report show that of the 1,078,331 colored men -who registered, 556,917, or 51.65 per cent, were placed in Class 1, -while 521,414 were in the deferred class. Of the 9,562,515 white men -who registered, 3,110,659, or 32.53 per cent, were in Class 1, while -6,451,856 were in deferred classes. The numbers selected for full -military service were 342,247 colored men and 1,916,750 white, or 31.74 -per cent and 26.84 per cent respectively. The report further showed -that 74.60 colored and 69.71 white out of every 100 men called were -physically able to serve the country. Such figures were a revelation. - -Various explanations were offered to account for this discrepancy. -It was noted that voluntary enlistment was not open in the South to -Negroes as to white men; thus it was estimated that 650,000 white men -enlisted in this section and only 4000 colored men. Moreover pleas -or excuses for deferment were not so readily accepted in the case of -Negroes. Some also were regarded as delinquents and brought to camp -as such when they really did not belong in this class. Migration -complicated the situation and cards notifying Negro draftees of their -call were often delayed and occasionally not even sent to them. The -result was that men who had no intention of wrongdoing were sometimes -arrested and treated as deserters. For each such case the local -officer received fifty dollars. This practice became so profitable -that camp authorities found it necessary to intervene to protect the -well-intentioned draftee whom circumstances had unfortunately placed -in the clutches of the law. If everything is considered, the evidence -is conclusive that the Negro’s response to America’s call in the World -War will remain a lasting tribute to his patriotism. He furnished his -quota cheerfully. “The doubts expressed of his Americanism were ill -considered and the fears concerning his loyalty were groundless.” - -Many a Negro, as he left home and loved ones, for the first time -thought of himself as a part of the Government and as sharing equally -with every other citizen in the performance of his duty. Some had heard -wonderful speeches about democracy and the brotherhood of all men, -and each man cherished in his soul the idea of liberty. Each uttered -a silent prayer that if he returned he might share more fully in the -democracy for which he fought. One captain, about to set sail for -France, expressed the hope in the heart of every Negro when he said: “I -am leaving to-day a wife and three children. As great as the sacrifice -is, I shall be satisfied never to see America again, if my wife and -children will share greater opportunities and enjoy more liberty than -I now enjoy”; and not only the men but the women who saw them leave -shared this point of view. - -Thus a loyal, kindly, and patient people went forth to do and to die, -answering every call, and thinking first of their country and their -great love for it in the hour of national peril. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -IN CAMP - - -The late Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, said that two -hundred thousand men out of the first two million composing the -American army could neither write to their mothers and fathers nor -read the letters written to them. Just how many Negro soldiers were -illiterate will probably never be known, but it is certain that tens of -thousands of them could not read or write. The percentage of illiteracy -was highest in the non-combatant units, where education was not -primarily essential and where the first requirement was that the men be -physically fit to do the heavy work necessary. In such organizations it -was not unusual to find that 75 per cent of the men were illiterate. -At one time when an order was given a company that all men who could -neither read nor write should step forward, practically the whole -company advanced. In a machine-gun group of 167 men there were 127 -illiterates; in a class of seventeen of these men four had never heard -of Abraham Lincoln, seven had never heard of Booker T. Washington, and -none had ever heard of Frederick Douglass. Many soldiers had never -heard of Germany, Servia, France, or Russia, or of kaisers and czars. -Hundreds, born and raised in the states from which they were called, -did not know what city was their state capital. Birthdays were given to -many, and sometimes even names were furnished. Thousands were away from -the old plantations for the first time; until called to register, some -did not know that the Great War was raging. - -In striking contrast to these men was another group, those whom -education and experience had fitted for the great undertaking. These -were graduates from representative institutions, they were trained in -the various crafts, arts, and professions, and were neat in appearance, -responsive, and fired with enthusiasm. Great numbers of those of whom -we have been speaking, however, had never attended school a day in -their lives. Naturally they had little or no knowledge of the laws of -health. They did not always understand that clothes were to be changed -at bedtime and sometimes punishment had to be meted out for failure to -take the required number of baths per week. Guards frequently were on -duty at night to see that barrack windows were not closed in the effort -to keep out the treacherous night air. - -The barracks at the different camps to which these men were sent were -usually comfortably built. This was especially true in the national -army cantonments, where they were satisfactorily heated, lighted, and -ventilated, with spacious mess halls, sanitary latrines, and adequate -bathing facilities. Such provisions was not always found where tents -had to be used, though the situation was improved when the tents were -boxed and floored and had stoves and electric lights. It is regrettable -that in the army, when there was a supply of old tents to be used, the -Negro soldiers were generally the recipients. When camps were crowded -and units had to be moved to less desirable quarters, most frequently -it was the Negro units that were moved. In rainy seasons they suffered -from exposure, and influenza made great inroads among them. - -The task of supplying the men with clothes was a stupendous one. -Even honest attempts to get clothing for any group of men did not -always meet with success, and for the Negro soldiers it was at times -exceedingly difficult to secure what was necessary. When there was a -shortage they were the ones to suffer. In Camp McClellan, Anniston, -Ala., late in November they were found wearing little besides a fatigue -suit because winter underwear, “O. D.” suits, overcoats, and shoes had -not yet arrived. When there were second hand, unmatched khaki suits -and second hand hats, these passed to the Negroes. On one occasion at -Camp Sevier, Greenville, S. C., such clothing arrived in boxes marked -for the “current colored draft.” At Camp Hill, Newport News, Va., where -there were several thousand of the suits referred to as the “old Civil -War blue,” it was decided that the Negro soldiers should wear them. -When one of the organizations thus clad marched through the camp it -became the laughing-stock of the rest of the soldiers and the men were -humiliated. In Camp Humphrey, Va., through which 40,000 Negro soldiers -passed, not until after the Armistice and until the white soldiers -were discharged did the Negro men have such conveniences as barracks, -comfortable mess halls, and sanitary facilities; and their “Y” tent -was especially leaky. Such conditions in different places easily gave -the Negro people the impression that their sons were being mistreated -and were suffering in the camps, and this accounted for considerable -unrest. In spite of the occasional lack of clothing, however, and -poorly prepared food, those soldiers who survived the test were -discharged from the army more fit physically than when they entered it, -and thus the manhood of the country was made stronger and better. - -The modern American cantonments required the labor of hundreds of -soldiers to keep them up to the requirements set by the inspectors. -Negro soldiers who were stationed in all the camps did their full share -of this work, and their special achievement is described in our chapter -on the Stevedore. The ambition of every man in camp, however, was to be -a real soldier, one who took up his knapsack and marched off to battle. -“I don’t want to stagger under heavy boxes,” said one stevedore, “I -want a gun on my shoulder and the opportunity to go to the front.” -Nearly three-fourths of all the Negro soldiers, however, were in -non-combatant units. In these units very little military training was -given. “Our drilling,” said one soldier, “consisted in marching to and -from work with hoes, shovels, and picks on our shoulders.” In some of -the more liberal camps the men got from thirty minutes to one hour of -drill without guns after the day’s work. Where there was an absence of -genuine military training there was always a lack of soldierly spirit -on the part of both officers and men. Where there was conscientious -effort to train and instruct the men in military science, however, -there was enthusiasm for the work. - -The Negro is able to adjust himself to the life of a soldier with -comparative ease. His happy disposition and responsiveness to sincere, -efficient leadership, his regard for discipline and love for his -uniform, his sense of rhythm and his physical courage, are distinct -military assets. The fact that many officers preferred to command Negro -troops was a splendid tribute to their ability. In one camp where there -were eight commands with Negro soldiers, one hundred and fourteen -officers applied for the posts. With the exception of the 92nd and -93rd Divisions, Negro soldiers were almost entirely commanded by white -officers. In combatant units, and even in non-combatant units where -some military training was given, there were few complaints and the -officers were proud of their men. - -In non-combatant organizations, on the other hand, some of the -commanding officers were disappointed because they had not been placed -with fighting units. They felt detached and humiliated. While as the -usual thing the corporals were colored, the sergeants were generally -white men. Only in rare cases were the non-commissioned officers all -white or all colored. Several reasons were given for placing white -sergeants in these units. It was said that most of the Negroes forming -such organizations had little or no knowledge of military tactics and -that experienced white men were needed to organize them; moreover, -that white officers could get more work out of labor units than could -Negro “non-coms.” It was felt that these men, having come in contact -with Negroes on plantations, public works, and turpentine farms, would -be especially competent to handle them. Unfortunately these officers -were often ignorant and when provoked would curse the men and call them -abusive names. In rare cases they even went so far as to strike the -men. There were also some examples of colored sergeants who belonged to -the “treat ’em rough” group. On the other hand, there was a class of -white non-commissioned officers from the Western and Northern states -who, claiming no previous acquaintance with the Negro, managed by -considerate handling to have excellent morale in their organizations. - -There were various rules in the camps concerning the issuing of passes. -In a few camps Negroes were not required to get passes in order -to leave, provided they returned by a certain hour at night. Most -frequently, however, passes were issued, though with less frequency -than to white soldiers. Sometimes the Negroes were denied the privilege -of visiting the cantonment cities for fear that trouble might arise. -One very effective means of restriction was the establishing of a state -of quarantine. - -Much was said during the war about throwing the arm of protection -about the soldier lest evil should befall him. The Government desired -him to return to his home a cleaner and a better man. In states where -there were no prohibition laws the Government prohibited saloons -within a radius of twenty-five miles from a camp. Federal and city -officials worked to carry out the letter of the law, but their task -was exceedingly difficult. While no open saloons existed in cantonment -cities, there was evidence of almost free access to some kind of -intoxicating liquor. Bootleggers sold their wares for from six to -sixteen dollars a quart, and numerous resorts were close at hand. -Fortunately, while there were cases in which individual soldiers were -arrested for drunkenness, the vigilance of the authorities prevented -the problem from becoming serious in cantonment cities. - -In the army it was not generally felt that gambling or swearing -affected the fighting ability of the soldier. As a result of this -attitude little was done to influence the men in regard to these -evils. Officers occasionally prohibited gambling in their commands, -but generally it flourished. Y. M. C. A. secretaries sometimes called -the sergeants together and instituted campaigns against gambling, and -these did some good, but as long as camp officials were tolerant, -little could be accomplished. “Shooting craps” was a popular form of -recreation, and some officers encouraged this as long as it was played -in the open. Great crowds of men would gather in camp streets or -barracks and “roll” their last dime away. With other things affecting -the moral welfare of the men we shall deal in a later chapter. - -One of the strong objections to placing white and colored soldiers in -the same camps was that there would be race conflicts. This proved not -to be the case, and with few exceptions the relations between the races -in every camp were good. Where the exceptions did occur, they were due -to the policies of officials rather than to the inclinations of the -men themselves. The fact that the war was a common cause made most -soldiers tolerant of the “other fellow,” in spite of their prejudices. -Even in sections where the idea of separation prevailed white and Negro -soldiers often used the same building, played games together, and -attended the same picture shows and entertainments. Occasionally they -played in the same shows and orchestras; they frequently wrote letters -for one another, and had many other points of agreeable contact. -Sometimes, if they were from the same city or town and met in camps -miles away from home, they acted like brothers. One day two such lads -from a town in Louisiana met at Camp Pike, and their joy at meeting was -noticeable to all. Grasping each other’s arm, they walked away from the -crowd and sat down on a nearby hillside, where they spent the happiest -hour they had experienced in camp. This friendly attitude, which made -for harmony, was occasionally looked upon with disfavor by the officers -and even by “Y” secretaries, and measures intended to prevent such -contact sometimes engendered bitterness and frequently caused friction. - -Captain C. Rowan, stationed at Camp Pike, Little Rock, Ark., received -wide publicity when, on March 25, 1918, he disobeyed the order of his -brigade commander, Col. F. B. Snow, of the 162nd Depot Brigade. This -order called for a review in which Negroes and white soldiers were to -appear in the same formation. Captain Rowan said that the order called -for a formation in which there would be intermingling of the races, -that custom would be violated, and that the discipline and self-respect -of the white soldiers would be affected. He himself, he said, had no -prejudice and was willing to command a Negro organization, but he had -taken his course of action because he felt that it was for the good of -the service. He was dismissed from the service, but during the trial a -delegation from a Southern legislature visited the camp to see if the -races were intermingling, and both white and Negro soldiers, who had -temporarily laid aside race hatred, had it kindled anew within them. - -Just as there were camps where military authority was used to carry out -unjust orders, there were also camps where harmony prevailed because -commanding officers believed in fair play. On one occasion a Texas -regiment arrived at Camp Upton, N. Y. On their first night in camp a -group of the soldiers went into a Y. M. C. A. building and saw two -Negro men sitting there writing. Being unaccustomed to such scenes, the -group threw them out of the window. The camp “Y” secretary reported -the matter to the late General Bell, who said he would investigate the -case. There were four thousand Negro soldiers in camp, and as the day -passed there were rumors of an impending clash, and there was some -anxiety on the part of the authorities. Late in the afternoon the -General called all the officers of the Texas regiment to headquarters -and after they had been introduced he said: “Gentlemen, I am the -General of this camp. Something happened here last night that has -never happened before, nor will it ever happen again. If there is any -trouble here you will be held responsible. Your men started the affair. -If there is trouble every one of you will be disgraced and put in the -guard house for the duration of the war. You won’t be tried by a Texas -jury. I shall be both judge and jury. Secretary Baker and the Chief of -Staff, General March, have said that every man in the uniform is the -equal of every other man. They are my superiors and I am yours. I am -soldier enough to obey orders, and you must do likewise.” The Colonel -said, “Yes, sir, I understand,” and the officers left the headquarters -no man uttering a word. After they reached their quarters they called -their regiment together, and peace and order prevailed afterwards in -that camp. - -There were many lesser deeds of this kind which gave hope and -encouragement to Negro soldiers as they served the country, and it -was clearly demonstrated that colored and white soldiers could live, -work, drill, and play together without friction or riots, if only -the square deal was meted to all alike. Naturally the opportunity -of serving together in a great cause and of coming to know a little -better Americans of all groups was responsible for a greater spirit of -tolerance on the part of many thousands of men. A young lieutenant, -born and raised in South Carolina and graduated from the University -of Georgia, said that he really hated Negroes before he was assigned -to the branch of Negro artillery located at Camp Jackson. He was -brought up on a plantation and expected to see in his battery much -lying, stealing, and gambling. When he realized that the men who -had been selected for his branch of the service were physically and -educationally fit and that their conduct was excellent, he frankly said -that his ideas had changed. - -Of special importance was the Negro’s contribution to the joys of -camp life by his religion and song. His religion gave him courage -that enabled him to go forward when the path was dark, and his song -not only made his own burdens lighter but enabled him to bring cheer -and sunshine to thousands of discouraged soldiers. A Negro who on the -parade ground tried to master a drill or who went through a savage -bayonet exercise, at night frequently forgot completely his daily work -as he sang “Ain’t goin’ to study war no more.” From early morning until -taps sounded at night, moreover, one could hear the strains of music in -the “Y” hut. It might be anything from a “blues” played on the piano -with one finger to some classic theme. Sometimes a soldier would begin -playing a familiar song on the piano and the strain would be taken up -until all who were present were singing. On one Sunday three thousand -Negroes from Florida who had just arrived at Camp Devens, Mass., held a -meeting. A quartet and a soloist rendered several numbers. Then one man -who had a beautiful baritone voice led the three thousand men as they -sang “I need thee every hour.” Most of the men were from farms and -away from their loved ones for the first time in their lives--strangers -in a strange land. As their thoughts were far away the leader began -the refrain of “S’wanee River,” and as they sang of the “old folks at -home” the music rose until the very rafters shook. Tears were in the -eyes of stalwart men that Sunday afternoon, and there was a warmth and -a harmony about it that was unlike anything in the world. - -With all the hardships the experience gained in camp more than repaid -the thousands of Negro soldiers, who had come from all classes and -included the country lad, who had been denied educational advantages, -as well as the college youth. The progress of many men from day to day -was an inspiration. Thousands who on entering camp had a shambling gait -soon displayed a firm step and erect carriage. The blank expression -seen on many faces gave way to one of animation and enthusiasm, not -only for the training but also for the victory of the cause in which -they were enlisted. The crudest material, under efficient guidance, -developed into the capable soldier, all because these men, like -thousands of others, in France as well as in America, were giving their -very lives to the country to which all owed so much. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE NEGRO OFFICER - - -The Plattsburg idea of military training was inaugurated in 1915, when -Maj. Gen. Leonard Wood organized a special training camp for civilians. -The purpose of the camp was to offer four weeks of intensive training -under the direct supervision of officers of the United States Army, and -it was intended that this should be of such thoroughness that the men -receiving it would be able to serve as officers in an emergency, as was -afterwards done by a large number of Plattsburg men who served under -General Pershing in the course of the trouble with Mexico. - -Colored men were not given an opportunity to attend the Plattsburg -camps. There was, consequently, no way in which any considerable -number of them could secure the training necessary to enable them, in -an emergency, to serve as officers. In order to meet this exigency, -many Negroes and their friends endeavored to secure the establishment -of a training camp for colored officers, although at first the idea -of a separate camp was not popular. In the winter of 1917, however, -Major General Wood agreed to organize the camp if two hundred -colored men would signify their intention of attending; and in this -period of uncertainty and anxiety, friends of the movement started a -campaign with the hope of creating sufficient interest to warrant the -establishment of the camp. - -Dr. Joel E. Spingarn, one of the principal officers of the National -Association for the Advancement of Colored People and a true friend of -the Negro, who was the strongest advocate of the training camp, in May, -1917, sent out a circular letter calling for colored men to enter the -volunteer service of the United States Army in order that the number -of men necessary for the establishment of the camp might be secured. -There was strong protest on the part of the Negro press and of many -individuals against a “segregated camp,” the criticisms coming from all -parts of the country. Dr. Spingarn, in reply, gave among other reasons -for the establishment of the camp the following: “The army officials -want the camp to fail. The last thing they want is to help colored -men to become commissioned officers. The camp is intended to fight -segregation, not to encourage it. Colored men in a camp by themselves -would all get a fair chance for promotion. Opposition on the part of -Negroes is helping the South, which does not want the Negroes to have -any kind of military training. If there is a war, there will doubtless -be conscription of all able-bodied men. The choice will be no longer -between volunteering or not volunteering, but between conscription and -rebellion. If conscription comes, will the leaders of the race help -their Southern enemies by preaching treason and rebellion, or will -they face facts right now and prepare themselves to go as leaders -and not as privates?” As the notes passed between the American and -German Governments, people more and more realized that the trend of -events would inevitably lead to war; this realization gave impetus to -the movement, and finally a concerted effort was made to secure the -training camp, even the opponents of the separate camp idea becoming -its supporters. - -With the actual declaration of war with Germany came the imperative -need of this opportunity for Negroes to train as officers, as it was -certain that thousands would be called to the colors. Conferences -were held with the War Department officials, and Dr. Spingarn -meanwhile worked untiringly. Dr. Stephen M. Newman, president of -Howard University, Washington, D. C., together with a joint committee -of teachers and students and a citizens’ committee composed of -representative Negroes of Washington, also held conferences with -officials and labored in behalf of the camp. - -There was misgiving on the part of many concerning the training of -Negroes as officers. Among the objections made to the establishment of -the camp was that “a separate camp could not be established because all -garrisons and forts were required for white men”; and it was further -said that “Negroes could not make officers, and if trained, Negro -soldiers would not follow them.” Many army men did not believe that the -camp would be a success because they did not feel that the Negro had -the ability to do the required work; and President Newman was even -asked by department officials if he honestly felt that colored people -had the intelligence and the grit to undergo such training as was given -in the preparation camps and come out as capable officers. - -When the War Department was finally convinced that colored men should -at least have the opportunity to attend an officers’ training camp, and -all arrangements were made, news of the authorization of the same was -sent broadcast over the country; and few announcements have ever been -made that were received with more enthusiasm than the special dispatch -which was sent out from Washington on May 19, 1917, by Adjutant General -H. P. McCain to the chiefs of staff of the various departments of the -army: - - “Training camps for colored citizens will be established at Fort Des - Moines, Iowa, under section 4, National Defense Act, and regulations - prescribed for present training camps, except as modified herein and - after. Total attendance 1250, of whom 250 will be non-commissioned - officers, colored regiments, regular army, to be sent on detached - service status, and 1000 citizens, either enlisted under section - 4, National Defense Act, for three months, beginning June 18, with - agreement to accept appointment tendered, or Members of National - Guard, whose status will be as in case of National Guardsmen now - in training camps. Secure ... co-operation of colored citizens of - wide acquaintance and high standing. Training camps will be ready - to receive non-commissioned officers, regular army, June 5, and all - others June 15. Course begins June 18.” - -Newspapers throughout the country commented on the fact that at last -Negroes would have a real opportunity to serve not only as privates -but as officers. Southern papers, while opposed on general principles -to military training for Negroes, spoke favorably of the plan, always -making clear, however, that Southern traditions must be upheld; thus -the Charleston _Post_ said, “Officers as high as majors may be -turned out, but will positively be used to command only Negroes.” But -as circumstances each day forced our countrymen to change some sacred, -traditional idea, and as the seemingly impossible came into being, as -it were, overnight, then the white citizens of each Southern state -were proud that it had its quota of Negroes “with a college training -or its equivalent” to send; and many Southern men gladly gave letters -of endorsement to representative Negroes who were setting forth upon -their great mission. Then in each of the six departments into which -the United States is divided by the War Department, Negroes presented -themselves for examination. Many traveled hundreds of miles to be -present on the appointed day. Some men, in their eagerness to serve, -appeared before the recruiting officers possessing the physical and age -qualifications, but lacking other preparation; and sometimes friends, -in their desire to reward loyal service, sent butlers and other helpers -for examination, only to have them disappointed. When it became evident -that Negroes would be called in large numbers, as the training of -officers indicated, many objections were made throughout the country -to having Negro soldiers stationed in certain camps. In an interview -Col. H. T. Ferguson especially assured the anxious citizens of Des -Moines that they would never regret the fact that their city had been -designated for the training of the first contingent of Negro officers -ever commissioned by the United States. - -As June 15 approached and officer candidates were notified of their -acceptance, colored America felt as never before that it was entering -upon a new era and into the larger citizenship to which it had always -aspired. Joy reigned among the army sergeants at the thought not only -of trying for commissions themselves, but also of helping others of -their race to do likewise; and the civilians went forth with the -knowledge that all eyes were on them and that the prayers and hopes of -a race went with them. No knight ever started on a nobler quest than -did these Negro men from all walks of life, and the crowds that went to -the stations to bid them good-by and that watched the trains until they -were out of sight went home with a new feeling of confidence and of -hope. - -On the arrival of the candidates at Des Moines, civilian customs, -thoughts, and habits soon gave way for the iron discipline involved -in making officers. Men who had thought of the camp as the place for -a summer vacation soon were undeceived. Colonel C. C. Ballou and his -staff of officers put them through a daily program beginning at 5.30 -a. m. with reveille and flag-raising and ending with taps at 9.45 p. m. -From 7.30 to 8.30 a. m. there was infantry drill without arms, from -8.30 to 9 manual or physical training, from 9.15 to 10.15 infantry -drill, from 10.45 to 11.45 a practice hike without arms; then dinner; -from 1.30 to 2.30 p. m. musketry arms, from 2.30 to 3 semaphore -signaling, from 3 to 4.30 conferences on care of equipment, and from 7 -to 8 evening study on the organization of the regiment. As progress was -made other work was taken up, including bayonet drill, trench-digging, -manoeuvering, map-making and target practice, and lectures were also -given showing the relation of the camp to the great national army. -It was fully realized that success or failure in the crucial test -carried with it far-reaching results. Colonel Ballou, in speaking to -the men on one occasion, said: “This is a momentous hour, and the -establishment of this camp is an epochal and unprecedented event in -the history of the colored race. Your race will be on trial with you -as its representatives, during the existence of this camp, and to -succeed there will be required of you strong bodies, keen intelligence, -absolute obedience to orders, unflagging industry, exemplary conduct, -and character of the highest order.” With such incentive the men worked -away at the most strenuous business in which they were ever engaged. -And yet there were some good times--recreation in the form of baseball -and other athletic contests and the privilege of visiting in the city -of Des Moines on Saturday and Sunday. The Y. M. C. A. furnished motion -pictures and programs on Saturday and Sunday evenings, and through -its efforts some of the leading speakers of the country appeared. Of -special inspiration in this connection was the presence in camp of one -of the secretaries, the “grand old man,” Dr. George W. Cabiniss, who -gave up a lucrative practice in Washington to be with the “boys,” and -who spent himself unstintingly in their behalf. - -Soldiers were often invited to the churches as well as the homes in the -city, and here they occasionally rendered musical programs. By this -means the anxiety of the earlier days of the summer gave way to an -interest and friendship between the citizens and the candidates that -will live for decades. The first event which won general esteem for -the officer candidates was an exhibition drill in the Drake University -stadium, which was followed by musical numbers. Here ten thousand -people gathered and marveled at what their eyes beheld. The last big -event was the program given at White Sparrows, where hundreds of people -were turned away. Here the men sang the old plantation melodies with -the sweetness and plaintiveness possible only to the Negro, and arias -and recitatives from the great oratorios as well. The audience stood -in eagerness until the last note was sung; then as a tribute, at the -close of the concert, Rev. Dr. Medbury said of the candidates, “It is -not enough to say that by their demeanor while among us, their conduct -on the streets, in the theatres and business houses, they have brought -honor to their race; they are, rather, an honor to the race of men.” - -Thus the spirit of the men themselves was the biggest factor in the -success of Fort Des Moines. They began their training knowing that -there were questions in the minds of many, and they spent hours of -toil in the effort to prove that they could make good. The attitude of -each one was to help somebody else. One man might be seen explaining -to a comrade some problem in mathematics, another helping in the study -of topography, and still another with some squad trying to perfect -it in the handling of arms. A precious jewel is not more carefully -guarded than was the good name of the camp. Like a sentinel on duty -each candidate watched lest some untoward act might work harm. One day -an apple orchard belonging to a neighboring farmer was invaded. The -farmer notified Colonel Ballou that some of the soldiers had stolen -his apples. When the men concerned found that the camp was accused, on -their own initiative they reported to headquarters and offered to pay -all damages. The commanding officer, in commenting on the incident, -said, “Something has happened to-day that has made me feel fine and -that is new in my army experience.” - -The candidates were proud of their martial bearing. Their cleanliness -made a favorable impression everywhere they went. Soon after they -went to Des Moines some of the café and restaurant owners thought it -unwise to serve them, and when a number of the men entered a chop suey -“palace,” the Chinese proprietor rushed up to them waving his arms -wildly and shouting, “No servee black men; me lose all bliziness.” When -some other proprietors showed a disposition to act with similar policy, -Colonel George W. Ball of the 1st Iowa Infantry ordered that all men, -regardless of color, must be fed, saying, “This is Government business -and there can be no refusal to serve these men”; and drastic action -was threatened against all restaurant keepers who persisted in drawing -the color line. Naturally Utopian conditions did not always prevail -at the camp and there were many disappointments. Many an ambitious -“rookie” was sent home because of some defect or peculiarity that -prevented his making an officer, and even after some had served the -allotted time it was found that they were not suitable material. In -the process of elimination there were those who thought that they were -unjustly marked, and it is true that at Des Moines only five civilian -captains were made and that there the outcome was just the reverse of -that in the training camps for white men, which was that the men with -the superior training most frequently received the higher commissions. -Because of the policy followed one colonel said that “A great harm was -done not only the colored officer but the colored race as well,” for in -many cases the standard for officers was lowered by the commissioning -as captains of men with a sixth or eighth grade education and as second -lieutenants many college graduates. Through it all, however, there was -hope, because the candidates believed in themselves and others believed -in them, chief among whom was Secretary Baker, who said in one of the -darkest hours, “I am depending on you and the Fort Des Moines colored -officers’ training school. It should not be surpassed by any of the -other camps which are training officers, and the promotions are not to -be limited to lieutenants and captains, but to what you are capable of -making.” - -As the end of the training period drew near an extra month was added. -This action raised doubts, not only in the minds of the candidates -but with the colored people throughout the country. It was a trying -season everywhere, for the extension of time came close upon the riots -at Houston. A general from the War Department came to the camp and -spoke in a most discouraging manner of the future of the candidates. -He questioned the advisability of continuing the camp and raised -doubts as to whether the candidates would ever be commissioned. A few -days after his visit it was announced that all who wanted to leave -might do so. Some of the more faint-hearted left, but most of the men -continued their studies and gained further knowledge of the essentials -of warfare. Gradually the clouds cleared away and those who remained -looked forward to the time when they would be real officers in the Army -of the United States. - -Then came the day of days, October 15, 1917, when 625 colored men were -commissioned in the United States Army. As they came forward to receive -their commissions they were deeply moved, and even the commanding -officer showed visible signs of emotion as he gave to them words of -farewell and impressed upon them the seriousness of the task before -them. Dr. Emmett J. Scott, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, -said to them: “I know you will bear in mind that in a very real sense -you and those who serve with you have in your keeping the good name of -a proud, expectant, and confident people”; and each man went away with -the feeling of responsibility that comes when life is dedicated to a -great cause. Thus a new chapter was begun in the history of the Negro -on this continent and the first skirmish to prove that Negro men could -absorb the training required of officers was won with honors. - - * * * * * - -After a brief vacation of fifteen days, the new officers reported to -the various camps and were assigned to their duties. While they had -successfully completed the course of study at Fort Des Moines, the -real test of making officers was still before them. This task was made -more difficult by the assignments to duty which some of them received. -Some were sent to the artillery and engineering corps and given tasks -for which they had had no preparation. Having already absorbed army -discipline, however, they went about their tasks with the hope of -mastering them, though with opinion against them. - -The organization of the 92nd Division, composed entirely of Negroes -drafted into the National Army, made it necessary to train officers and -men in other branches than infantry and cavalry, with which Negroes -had formerly served and for which they had been trained. Therefore -engineer, artillery, and machine-gun regiments were formed along with -the other branches required in the full organization of a division. -While divisions were usually trained in one camp, the regiments of the -92nd were distributed in several groups. - -The engineers were trained at Camp Sherman. Draftees with a knowledge -of the building trades were especially desirable for this branch of -service, and volunteers from well known industrial schools entered -this regiment. Colored infantry officers from Des Moines, captains and -lieutenants, who were without training in engineering, were put in -command. After seven months of training prior to their embarkation for -France, the captains were sent to infantry outfits, being relieved by -white engineer officers. This action on the part of the War Department -affected somewhat the morale of the regiment. After nearly three -months in France the colored lieutenants were also transferred. There -remained, however, five colored officers with the outfit--two tram -officers, two physicians, and a dentist. When these also were not -retained they and the soldiers felt that there was discrimination. -It is true that they were not trained as engineers, but the ultimate -trouble would seem rather to lie in withholding engineer training from -them while they were in the officers’ training school in Des Moines. - -Negro soldiers had long been distinguished in the infantry and cavalry, -but they had never been placed in the artillery branch of service. It -was said that they could not learn the principles of artillery warfare, -and, as for their being officers, it was doubtful if they could measure -up to the requirements. Nevertheless at Camp Dix the 349th and 350th -artillery regiments were formed with colored men, and officers who had -graduated at Des Moines were put in command. Since it had been said -that Negro men could not be trained as artillerymen, it is interesting -that it should be thought that they could make artillery officers -without any training at all. A week before the recruits appeared -at the camp, some classes in artillery subjects were held for the -officers, and during the training of the regiment the officers were -many times taught subjects just the night before they were to teach -them to the men, school being held from one to two hours. Even under -these conditions a surprisingly efficient organization was developed. -After nearly seven months, however, the colored artillery officers -were declared inefficient. It was then decided that they would have to -go to the artillery school at Fort Sill, Okla. Twenty-four men were -sent, these being largely regular army men. Many of the well educated -infantry officers from other regiments applied for the artillery -work, but it was claimed that they could not be spared from their -organizations, and in some cases officers with low rating were sent to -Fort Sill against their desires. Is it surprising that many of these -failed to pass the entrance examination and that about half of them -asked to be returned to Camp Dix after the first week? - -While the artillery school at Fort Sill gave the men every chance, -after the first two weeks the camp began returning the colored officers -to their outfits, until at the end of ten weeks only six remained. -These six were given artillery commissions. During their training -period they had separate barracks and a separate mess, though the camp -commander, Colonel Fleming, demanded that they receive the courtesy due -officers. - -Soon after these graduates returned to Camp Dix, all the colored -officers were ordered to Camp Meade to attend an artillery school. On -their arrival at Meade, orders were issued that they put on enlisted -men’s clothes. The impression among the white officers of the 351st -Artillery, said to be due to verbal orders, was that senior colored -officers would first salute junior white officers and that, as far as -white officers were concerned, the colored officers were considered -officer candidates. They could wear their uniforms on Sunday, if passes -were given them to leave the camp. The War Department was notified of -conditions in the school and in four days the men were again returned -to their outfit just before it sailed for France. - -White officers in the 349th and 350th who had commanded the colored -officers, formed a board to examine them. All were declared -inefficient, even the six graduates from Fort Sill, and were assigned -to the Depot Brigade. The War Department again intervened, and the -six graduates were ordered with their outfits again, and accompanied -them to France. While the remaining officers did not accompany their -regiments to France, they had done some fine work in teaching the men -the use of horses and in putting snap in the drill and in the handling -of the guns. The record made by these regiments, which continued their -training in France, was more than surprising. Accounts of their work -will be given elsewhere. - -The experience of these officers in attempting to do artillery work -without training resulted in many charges and counter-charges with -reference to their fitness for this branch of service. Through the -office of the Assistant to the Secretary of War conferences were held -with department officials in the endeavor to secure for Negro men an -opportunity to train as officers. While there was opposition to the -undertaking, the plan was finally approved and an honest attempt was -made to select Negro men fitted, because of their training, to do work -in artillery schools. Ninety-six were gathered at Camp Meade, some -having been selected from the Signal Corps Engineers and artillery -regiments and some from the camps where infantry regiments of the -92nd Division were stationed. These men remained at Meade for a -month, with two white batteries, after which time they were sent to -Camp Taylor, Ky., where all artillery schools were centralized. The -colored candidates were not expected when they reached the school and -no arrangements had been made for them. The first night they spent -on the outskirts of the camp, and before they finally got settled -they were moved six times, always after spending enough time in one -place to get floors scrubbed, windows washed, and barracks thoroughly -cleaned. The commander of the school spoke to the battery and gave the -impression that it was not wanted. Between the batteries, however, the -relationship was good; the Western men were considerate in sharing -their knowledge with the colored candidates, who made an excellent -impression by their “pep” and snap in drilling and by the aptitude for -artillery work which they showed. Those candidates who remained in -the school until the end were recommended for firing battery, combat -trains, and replacement draft, but at the last the camp commander -decided that only those men recommended for firing batteries should -receive commissions. Thirty-three of the ninety-six men who started out -were graduated. Of the twenty-five hundred graduates of the school, ten -were honor men, and six of these were colored. Eleven more colored men -were graduated in October. The five students in each battery who were -highest at graduation were called out and given diplomas. As the five -Negro men came forward, the white candidates led in the cheering. After -the first graduation, of those men who remained, ten to fifteen were -dropped weekly. The last twelve were transferred to the 814th Pioneer -Infantry as sergeants, and accompanied that organization to England and -France. After much discussion in the War Department, and effort on the -part of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, concessions were -finally made and the thirty-three artillery officers were sent to Camp -Jackson, S. C., where Negro men were being trained as artillerymen. -Here there was great interest in them, especially on the part of the -Negro population of Columbia. These people stood in admiring groups -as the officers passed and sometimes gave vent to their emotions by -clapping or cheering. Trouble arose, however, chiefly over the matter -of salutes from the other soldiers; riots were feared; and after a week -these officers were sent to Newport News, and then on to France. - -To the aviation school at Fort Sill four colored officers were -sent. The first to arrive was supposed to be white and was treated -accordingly. In the case of the other three, however, who arrived a -few days later, there could be no mistake as to identity. These men -were given a separate table and placed in a separate class, with -a sergeant instructor who observed no military courtesies. Such -treatment continued until the men asked to be returned to their -outfit. Because he was constantly seen in the company of the other -three men, the officer who was the first to arrive had been asked to -move to their table. After the others left, he continued the course, -remaining in camp until two days before graduation. To Fort Sill were -also sent those officers who were to receive instruction in the use -of the machine-gun. It developed that the man in the class who was -most efficient was a Negro. At the end of the course there was squad -competition in the mechanical manipulation of a machine-gun, and the -best of each squad was chosen. Some men objected to being represented -by a Negro, but a major intervened and said, “I don’t give a ---- if -the man is black; everybody knows he is the best.” All who watched the -competition marveled at the speed with which this man worked. - -While these new officers were working at their task of training men -to fight, it became certain that replacements would have to be made -after they were in action at the front. Plans were not made on a scale -comparable with the demand, but there was some effort to meet the need. -A small number of men were selected from the various units of the -92nd Division and sent to the third officers’ training schools held -in such camps as Upton, Meade, Sherman, Dodge, Funston, and Travis. -Among the thousands who were receiving training they were almost lost, -but sometimes they won the highest honors. In all these camps, except -at Funston, they attended the same schools as the other candidates -and received the treatment due them. Some were assigned to the 92nd -Division and sailed to France with it, while others were detained to -assist as instructors in the cantonments. - -When the fighting units reached France and were receiving final -training before moving up to the front line trenches, many of the -officers attended various schools. The majority of such men completed -the courses with high standing. One of the schools that proved a -distinct success was a machine-gun school conducted by colored officers -in charge of Lieut. B. A. Mosley, who made out the courses of study. -The object was to make machine-gun officers out of infantry officers, -giving them the principles of machine gunnery. Nearly two hundred -officers and non-commissioned officers were sent from this school, -which was approved by the First Corps and put on the standard of the A. -E. F. schools. Under date August 27, 1918, Major John P. Bubb said of -one of these schools: “In submitting reports of proficiency of captains -of the 92nd Division who have recently been under my instruction, I -request attention to the following facts. Certain captains, namely, -Jones, Saunders, Scott, Stephens, Holland, Hollingsworth, and Granson, -have done very well in their work. They are serious, dignified men of -excellent caliber and are fully able to maintain the positions of trust -and confidence in which they have been placed.... The balance of the -class (all captains) are I believe as good as the average student who -has passed through the school.” - -In the fourth officers’ school, opened on May 15, 1918, at Camp Dodge, -there were 280 Negro candidates, which number was soon increased to -more than 300. These candidates were selected principally from the -units of the 92nd Division, though some came from elsewhere. This -school began under the command of Lt. Col. William G. Doane, who -was assisted by ten colored men, with Captain M. T. Dean as senior -instructor. For the first time in America, Negro officers in large -numbers were instructing soldiers in the science of modern warfare, -preparing them directly to take their places as officers in the great -National Army. These men served for fifteen days, when a telegram -was sent from the headquarters of the 92nd calling all the officers -to their regiment. Their work, however, had proved a success. The -candidates were all picked men, the school was well organized, and the -officers showed the greatest confidence and faith in each other. - -In the centralization of the officers’ training schools the infantry -candidates were sent to Camp Pike, Little Rock, Ark., while the -machine-gun candidates were sent to Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga. Camp -Pike had been spoken of in such a way by many Negro soldiers that -the officer candidates were not enthusiastic about going there, and -certainly this was true of the twenty-four second lieutenants who -were assigned as assistant instructors. Truck drivers sent to meet -them, on finding that they were colored, drove off, claiming that no -provision had been made for Negroes. In the camp they were a source of -wonderment. The instructors were white Southern officers and neither -officers nor men were cordial. As time passed, however, prejudice in -most cases turned to interest. - -To Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga., selected for the machine-gun school, -fifty-six Negro men were sent. Forty-three of that number were -graduated as second lieutenants. These men had been selected from -various outfits in the 92nd because of the knowledge of mathematics -and of the mechanical manipulation of the machine-gun which they had -acquired in the various camp schools. The presence of a number of -Negro officers in Augusta created a new situation, but both camp and -city rose to the occasion. The commander decreed that every officer -in the camp must receive the courtesy due him, and the leading paper -of Augusta carried editorials that had a wholesome effect on public -opinion. It happened that the thirteenth and last company in the school -was colored. In the drills and in marching to the range, these men were -last according to their number; but in marching in reverse order, as -they did in returning from the range, they became the leaders. Some -white candidates are said to have lost their commissions rather than -drill behind this company. Most of the men, however, co-operated with -the candidates in every way, and taught them map-reading in exchange -for explanation in the mechanism of the gun. The instructors were for -the most part French or British and apparently had little time for race -feeling. - -When the companies were divided into sections for trench-digging, -dug-out practice, construction of shafts, and camouflaged machine-gun -emplacements, the white and the colored men were in the same classes, -and because of this contact both groups learned something of their -comrades and became more liberal in their thoughts. In general the fine -spirit prevailing in the camp was attributed to two things: first, to -the influence of the camp commander, who was himself a Southern man, -and second, to the fact that the new men reached camp just at the -time of the Fourth Liberty Loan drive. The South, as well as the rest -of the country, had really begun to feel the effects of the war, not -only financially but also in the drain on its man-power; and as the -13th company pursued its work with diligence and concentration, always -comparing favorably with others on the drill field, on the range, -and in class work, there was a realization of the fact that, after -all, they were fellow-Americans, slowly making headway; and when at -graduation these Negro men came forward to receive their commissions in -the great Liberty Theatre, where thousands of their comrades were, they -were greeted with deafening applause and every heart and voice and hand -seemed to cheer them on their way. - - * * * * * - -In the course of the preceding pages we have more than once touched -upon incidents which not only affected the Negro officer personally but -which also involved his real status in the army. It might now be in -place to consider a little more fully some of the points raised. - -On the arrival of Negro officers at a camp, several questions -immediately arose, as to their eating, their living, and their general -contact with other officers. Sometimes they were not expected and -found that no preparation had been made for them. Fairly typical of -the Southern camps was Camp McClellan, Anniston, Ala., which showed -something of conditions especially at the beginning. Seven officers -were sent here in September, 1918, and placed in command of the -detention camp. In three weeks the detention camp was broken up and -the soldiers transferred to the depot brigade. The colored officers -were then attached to the 437th Reserve Labor Battalion, where they -were required to do very little work and were soon relieved of all -responsibility. Not all of the problems were confined to the South. In -the North, however, big-hearted generals were usually in command and -they decreed that regular army requirements should prevail. - -One matter that constantly arose was that of the salute. Because of the -conflicting opinions on this subject, Gen. John B. Castleman, a major -in the Confederate army, was asked for a statement as to his attitude. -In giving his opinion he said: “The discipline of the army must be -maintained, and non-commissioned officers understand little of the -spirit of the army when they refuse to salute a Negro officer. I have -held several commissions in the military service, and I unhesitatingly -say that I would or will, at any time, salute an officer, superior or -inferior, who salutes me, without regard to the color of his skin. The -regulations, the laws, and the fundamentals of courtesy and discipline -upon which these regulations are based prescribe this. We are at war, -and soldiers are under the rules of the American army. We are all under -the flag. We salute the rank, not the individual.” This statement -by General Castleman did much to help conditions at Camp Taylor and -elsewhere. In general the military courtesies accorded Negro officers -depended largely on the stand of the generals commanding the camps. If -they demanded that strict military regulations be followed, trouble was -immediately reduced to a minimum. A notable example was the action of -Gen. Thomas H. Barry, of Camp Grant, Rockford, Ill., who on the arrival -of the Negro officers and men gave a “family talk” at headquarters in -which he said: “These men have come here on the same duty, actuated by -the same principles, as ourselves. They are entitled to respect because -they soon will be fighting to defend our homes. Colored officers -must be saluted as punctiliously as the white ones. The salute is of -vital importance to the whole fabric of discipline. It is not only a -courtesy, but a recognition of personal relations in the service.” - -From time to time there were unfortunate occurrences which received -much publicity. Such was the case of Lieut. Joseph B. Saunders, who -was publicly assaulted at Vicksburg, Miss., because he wore his -uniform home after his period of training at Des Moines; also that -of Lieut. Charles A. Tribbett, who was arrested and placed in jail -for riding in a pullman car through the state of Oklahoma. There were -also many instances in camp in which the Negro men themselves largely -solved their problem. When colored officers arrived at Camp Funston, -Kan., not over 10 per cent of the white officers and men saluted them. -They had been told that they were going to have a hard time and set -themselves with resolute purpose to the great task before them. In -a month’s time the raw recruits were marching with heads up, eyes -front, shoulders back, and with every arm swinging in line. As they -marched to and from drill, the generals, colonels, and other officers -as well as the men would stand along the “Golden Belt” and watch the -black host as it passed. “This demonstration,” said one Negro captain, -“changed everything. Now all men salute, and officers always try to -salute first.” As Negro officers grew in numbers and were distributed -throughout the camps, and as accounts of heroic deeds were heralded -from the battlefields, and as it became generally known that Negroes -were responding liberally to the various calls at home, the American -public saw the justice of according recognition or merit where it was -due, and the principle of the salute for Negro officers was settled, -although in practice it was not always carried out. - -Another matter that occasioned considerable feeling was that of -promotions. Many regular army officers served for several years with -junior rank, but always looked forward to the time when they would be -promoted. Their opportunity came during the war. Many junior officers -in the regular army and even civilian officers were promoted several -times in the course of a year. It was natural that colored officers -should also look forward to promotions, which were regarded as a -recognition of work well done. - -According to a memorandum of September 11, 1918, the War Department -established the commands to be occupied by white and colored officers -in the organization of the 92nd Division, and indicated that every -opportunity would be given the Negro men to advance. In practice, -however, there seems to have been some difficulty about carrying out -the ideas therein suggested. The percentage of white officers in the -Division increased from 18 per cent at the beginning, to 42 per cent -on November 30, 1918. Very few recommendations for the promotion of -Negro officers were made and most of these are said to have been -“pigeon-holed” at headquarters. Some recommendations that were filed -in July and August, 1918, were held until after the signing of the -Armistice on November 11, when an A. E. F. order prohibited the -granting of any more commissions. Another factor which prevented -promotions in the 92nd Division was that colored officers from the -369th, 370th, and 372nd, and graduates from officers’ training schools -in France were largely transferred to the 92nd Division. This made -room for the promotion of white officers in the units from which the -Negro officers were transferred, but prevented the promotion of colored -officers in the 92nd. - -Thus most of the Negro officers who served in the National Army were -in the 92nd Division. The creation of this Division with Negro line -officers was regarded by practically all regular army officers as one -of the greatest mistakes ever made by the War Department. From their -viewpoint it was wrong in principle, against all tradition, and could -not possibly be a success. Not believing in the matter in principle, -they did not want to deal with Negro men on such a basis; they did -things to discredit them, even to the extent of spreading propaganda as -to their unfitness for the work. Thus unfortunately the Negro officers -returned home feeling that their commanding officers were not their -friends; nor were matters improved by the effort of some incompetent -men “higher up” who tried to cover their own inefficiency by laying the -blame on the Negroes. The prevailing opinion expressed by the white -officers returning from France was that the Negro soldier up to the -rank of sergeant-major was a success, and they lauded the stevedore and -labor organizations as contributing much to the magnificent service -rendered by the Americans in Europe. The “experiment” of the Negro -officer, they felt, was a different matter. A careful review of all -the adverse points made might place them under four heads, as follows: -First, the racial distinctions recognized in civilian life continued to -be recognized in military life and presented a formidable barrier to -the existence of a genuine feeling of comradeship; second, the colored -officers were lacking in initiative and exhibited a characteristic -tendency to neglect the welfare of their men and to perform their -duties in a perfunctory manner, thus entailing on the part of senior -officers frequent attention to petty details; third, many of the Negro -officers went around with “a chip on their shoulders,” looking for -discrimination and trouble; and fourth, most of the colored officers -were willing to discipline their men but were unwilling themselves to -be disciplined, charging any attempt to discipline them to prejudice. - -These are serious charges. In reply to them first of all it is to be -noted that on the troop ships, even before they got to France, the -Negro officers were treated not according to their military rank but -as on the basis of color. On the “George Washington,” for instance, -which carried the 368th infantry, the tickets for the colored officers -were marked with an X in the upper left hand corner, which enabled the -purser to place them “conveniently.” The tickets for the white officers -were not marked, and they were given first class passage on Deck A in -respect to both dining and state rooms; but the colored officers, from -the rank of captain down, were given second class passage in respect -to staterooms and dining rooms. In traveling in France also the Negro -officers were many times given third class coaches while the white -officers were given first class. Specific cases are given where the -officers were ordered by their commanders to take such passage. In the -hotels and cafés as well constant effort was made for segregation, -and in some cases instructions were given not to accept officers or -soldiers when applications for rooms were made. At the Grand Hotel -in Mayenne, where the division billeting officer was stationed, the -hotel proprietress informed the colored officers, many of whom had -previously stayed in the hotel, that they would have to go elsewhere -for accommodations. On going to the “town major” to see about the new -condition that had developed, the men were told that instructions had -been given to the effect that no more colored officers were to be -allowed in the hotel. Such incidents could be multiplied a hundred -times. While in themselves they are no positive proof of Negro valor, -they explain a situation which certainly has to be taken into account -in an impartial review. - -As to the charges of lack of initiative and the neglect of their -men, the facts gathered from an investigation of conditions among -thousands of soldiers, both in America and France, would rather -indicate that colored officers generally took more interest in their -men than the average white officer, though of course some Negro -officers were inefficient just as were some of other races. The -charges of “neglecting the welfare of their men” were based in most -cases upon the difficulty in securing supplies for colored troops. -This was true not only with colored officers, for it was an accepted -fact that white officers over Negro troops often experienced the -greatest difficulty in getting the necessary supplies for their men. -Negro officers who displayed initiative were frequently reprimanded -for assuming authority, while on the other hand they were condemned -if they waited for instructions; for example, some who completed the -course at the First Corps School in France with credit were censured -for not performing duties that they had been ordered to discontinue -and were told to mind their business when they called attention to -grave military errors, some of which resulted in casualties. Duties -performed satisfactorily as a sergeant for more than ten years could -not be performed by the same man after he became a lieutenant without -the supervision of a battalion commander. - -In general the colored officers found complete co-operation with -commanding officers nearly impossible. They were never taken into -the confidence of their military superiors and were rarely ever -questioned about matters affecting the men. One day a colonel met a -colored captain whom he thought he had seen before. “Haven’t I seen you -somewhere?” he asked. “Yes, sir,” replied the man, “I was with you on -the border; Captain French is my name, sir.” “Oh, I do remember,” said -the colonel, “you are Sergeant French.” “No, sir, I am Captain French.” -“Well,” said the colonel as he walked away, “if I forget and call you -Sergeant, don’t mind.” - -In spite of all the difficulties and criticisms, however, large numbers -of Negro officers were able to command and lead troops for the first -time. In the pages to come there will be noted many instances not only -of courage but also of efficiency, and it is a significant fact that -the majority of these officers returned to the states in the 92nd -Division. This alone is proof that they were _fairly_ efficient, -especially when it is remembered that on the slightest occasion they -were sent before efficiency boards. More than a thousand of these Negro -line officers “saw it through” in France, rendering heroic service -in the World War; and it is pleasant to record that among those who -served with them there were those who were not afraid to give credit -where credit was due. - - * * * * * - -One other matter is of importance in this general connection, and -that is the question of the relation of the Negro officer to the -reorganization of the army after the war was over. There are and -probably always will be divers opinions as to the size and training -of the regular army in peace times, as well as to the composition of -the different units. In general, regular army officers felt that the -time had not come in army affairs when it was expedient to include -Negro officers in the plan of reorganization. Such a course was -considered “an injustice to West Point graduates who had served as -second lieutenants and waited their turn for promotion.” The question -was essentially not one of fitness but of tradition, as was shown by -the word of a major who now sleeps in the Argonne and who was asked to -send in the names of the men in his command who should go before an -efficiency board. He commended highly the work of his officers, but -concluded by saying that the whole principle of Negro officers was -wrong and that he recommended that all should be relieved from duty. -Such an attitude took tangible form in the action of members of some -of the examining boards for the regular army. One board discharged more -than half of the officers in the division it was considering. Many who -formerly had good grades were rated below 60, and while the questions -asked were simple enough, all answers were deemed unsatisfactory. In -the medical department similar conditions prevailed. It was natural -that the Negro men should feel that under the circumstances they had -hardly been fairly dealt with; moreover they had to meet the general -prejudice of regular army officers against all civilian officers. One -official said, “The regular army officers looked with disfavor upon -both the National Guard and National Army officers, the National Guard -officers discredited the National Army (90-day) officer, and all three -combined against the Negro officer.” When everything is considered, it -is difficult to reconcile the methods used to eliminate Negro officers -with the spirit of fairness and justice for which the army is renowned, -or with the gentleman’s agreement known to exist among fellow-officers, -and it is to be regretted that some of the adverse opinions expressed -were uttered by men in high positions who will help to determine the -future policy of the War Department. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -HOPES AND FEARS - - -Propaganda was recognized by all the belligerent nations as a mighty -weapon when effectively used. That great things could be accomplished -by its use was demonstrated when a part of the Russian army surrendered -to the enemy without bloodshed, when the Russian people rose up -against their rulers, and when the German sailors turned against their -commanders. In spite of some suggestions made to him, however, the -Negro in the United States chose the better part, pledging his loyalty -and support to the Government as far as necessary. - -When the selective draft was voted by Congress, there arose cries -against the sending of Negroes to certain sections, and petitions and -delegations went to Washington to prevail with the officials. It was -feared that race friction would lead to riots, and especially that -there would be difficulty between the Negro soldiers and the civilian -population. The Houston riot, occurring in 1917 just before Negro men -were called to the camps, intensified this feeling and caused many -cantonment cities to raise objections to the placing of Negro soldiers -in the camps near them. In South Carolina especially there was strong -protest on the part of prominent citizens, led by the Governor of the -State; and even one of the Negro churches, on the arrival of Negro -soldiers at Camp Jackson, discontinued evening services for fear of -trouble. Yet, although it was thought that this innovation would -bring disaster to the state, from the beginning there was a feeling -of comradeship between the white and the Negro soldiers. In a speech -before the race conference held in Columbia March 13, 1918, the -Governor, who had opposed the coming of the latter, commended them in -the highest manner; and the police department gave testimony to the -fact that the Negro soldiers had been a credit to themselves and to -the uniform they wore. At Camp Shelby, Hattiesburg, Miss., there was -also opposition, but here again the conduct of the soldiers allayed -all fears. At Rockford, Ill., where the police force was enlarged in -anticipation of the coming of the Negro men, and where an addition was -built to the jail to accommodate the expected number of offenders, -the chief of police afterwards said that “The Negro soldiers made a -splendid record--much better than was expected; the enlarged jail was -never needed for them.” - -The finest atmosphere surrounding Negro soldiers in America was found -at Camp Upton, N. Y. No protest was made by New York people about -training Negroes at the camp, nor was there any propaganda about race -riots or other disasters; and because of this fact the relationship -between the different groups was exceptionally good. The officers -and also the welfare workers were, with rare exceptions, fair and -considerate in their treatment. This example of real Americanism was -due to the generous spirit of the New York people and to the high -stand and impartial attitude taken by the late Gen. I. Franklin Bell, -commander. In settling all questions of racial relationship he insisted -that all men be given fair and equal treatment. Not only in this -camp, but in every cantonment city, East, West, North, or South, the -officials, including judges and chiefs of police, as well as citizens -from all walks of life, spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of -the Negro soldiers. - -In France there arose two forms of subtle and dangerous propaganda with -which the Negro had to contend. One was disseminated by the Germans -and the other by some of his own comrades in arms. Over the lines the -Germans sent their insidious matter, of which the following is a sample: - - - “To the Colored Soldiers of the U. S. Army, - - September, 1918, Vosges Mountains. - - “Hello, boys, what are you doing over there? Fighting the Germans? - Why? Have they ever done you any harm? Of course, some white folks - and the lying English-American papers told you that the Germans ought - to be wiped out for the sake of humanity and democracy. What is - democracy? Personal freedom, all citizens enjoying the same rights - socially and before the law. Do you enjoy the same rights as the - white people do in America, the land of freedom and democracy? Or - aren’t you rather rated over there as second class citizens? Can you - go to a restaurant where white people dine, can you get a seat in a - theatre where white people sit, can you get a pullman seat or berth - in a railroad car, or can you ride in the South in the same street - car with white people? And how about the law? Is lynching and the - most horrible cruelties connected therewith a lawful proceeding in a - democratic country? - - “Now all of this is entirely different in Germany, where they do like - colored people, where they do treat them as gentlemen and not as - second class citizens. They enjoy exactly the same social privileges - as every white man, and quite a number of colored people have mighty - fine positions in Berlin and other big German cities. - - “Why, then, fight the Germans only for the benefit of the Wall Street - robbers to protect the millions they have lent to the English, French, - and Italians? You have been made the tool of the egotistic and - rapacious rich in England and America, and there is nothing in the - whole game for you but broken bones, horrible wounds, broken health - or--death. No satisfaction whatever will you get out of this unjust - war. You have never seen Germany; so you are fools if you allow people - to teach you to hate it. Come over and see for yourself. Let those do - the fighting who make profit out of this war; don’t allow them to use - you as cannon food. To carry the gun in their defense is not an honor - but a shame. Throw it away and come over to the German lines. You will - find friends who will help you along.” - -Copies of this document fell among the Negro soldiers in the front line -trenches. Every effort was made to keep the men from reading it, but -many secured copies nevertheless. They said to their officers who went -among them to gather up the copies, “We know what they say is true, but -don’t worry; we’re not going over.” - -The other propaganda with which Negro officers and soldiers had to -contend was inaugurated to discredit them in French opinion to the -extent that they would not be accorded social recognition or accepted -as equals. There was organized effort on the part of the American -military authorities to influence French public opinion in this regard. -In its issue for May, 1919, the _Crisis_ published a document -on “Secret information concerning black American troops,” sent out -on August 7, 1918, by the French military mission stationed with the -American Army. The object of this document was to give French officers -commanding black American troops “an exact idea of the position -occupied by Negroes in the United States.” Conclusions were reached as -follows: “We must prevent the rise of any pronounced degree of intimacy -between French officers and black officers”; “We must not commend too -highly the black Americans”; and “Make a point of keeping the native -cantonment population from ‘spoiling’ the Negroes.” This document did -not represent French but American opinion, and when the French ministry -heard of its distribution, copies were collected and burned. - -Meanwhile individuals exerted great effort to influence the French -population in the treatment of Negro soldiers. At times when Negro -troops went to a city which had been occupied by white soldiers, the -people stood off and were afraid, partly because they had not seen -so many Negroes before, but also because of the statements that had -been made. At Bourbonne-les-Bains the people were told that they must -remain indoors, carry guns, and not allow Negroes in their homes. -Among the statements that the French people themselves afterwards -informed the Negroes were made were the following: “Negroes cannot be -treated with common civility”; “They are no good”; “They are rapists”; -“Americans lynch and burn Negroes to keep them in their places”; -and “They are uncivilized and have tails like monkeys.” The spirit -which prompted some men to make the statements given here prompted -others to use their authority to carry out their ideas. There were -“campaigns of ruthlessness,” and many unkind deeds occurred in the -effort to perpetuate “American ideals.” Certainly two-thirds of the -difficulties experienced by the colored soldiers in France were due to -American resentment of the attitude of the French people in receiving -them on equal terms, and especially of the kindly disposition of the -French women. Much of the denial of privileges to Negro soldiers to -visit parts of France was due, directly or indirectly, to the effort -to prevent them from associating with the French people. Thousands -of men within a few hours of Paris were not able to get more than a -twelve-hour pass. - -Facts gathered from personal investigation and interviews in France -indicate that in spite of propaganda Negro officers and soldiers got -along well with the French people. After they were in town a few days -the people would cease to fear them and would ask why such strange -relationships existed between comrades in arms from the same country. -Both officers and men were invited into the homes of the people. -French children were treated with the greatest deference by the -Negro soldiers, and as a result a real brotherhood was established. -The picture that appeared in _Life_, showing a colored soldier -carrying a bundle for an old French woman met along the way, was -typical and represented what occurred almost daily in France. Many -helped the peasants to harvest their crops or to do any other work -in which they were engaged. They always lent a hand whenever it was -possible. - -During 1918 reports were current in France, especially in American -circles, including the army and welfare organizations, that the -committing of the crime of rape was very common and that Negro officers -as well as privates were guilty. On August 21 a memorandum was issued -from the headquarters of the 92nd Division “to prevent the presence of -colored troops from being a menace to women.” This said in part: “On -account of the increasing frequency of the crime of rape, or attempted -rape, in this Division, drastic preventive measures have become -necessary.... Until further notice, there will be a check of all troops -of the 92nd Division every hour daily between reveille and 11.00 p. m., -with a written record showing how each check was made, by whom, and -the result.... The one-mile limit regulation will be strictly enforced -at all times, and no passes will be issued except to men of known -reliability.” The next day another memorandum was sent out saying that -the commander-in-chief of the American Expeditionary Forces “would send -the 92nd Division back to the United States or break it up into labor -battalions as unfit to bear arms in France, if efforts to prevent rape -were not taken more seriously.” The next day the order for the hourly -check of personnel was annulled, but in the meantime much discussion -had been occasioned. - -As the rumors continued to spread, Dr. Robert R. Moton was asked by the -President of the United States and the Secretary of War to go to France -and investigate the charges. On reaching France he went immediately to -General Headquarters at Chaumont and from there to the Marbache sector, -where he met General Martin, who was in command of the 92nd Division. -On making inquiry Dr. Moton was informed by the General that twenty-six -cases of the crime had occurred in the Division up to December 16, -1918, and staff officers who were present substantiated by conversation -the general statements. Dr. Moton then asked the General if he would -mind having one of his aides get the records inasmuch as the reputation -of a race was at stake and as general statements were often misleading. -When the records were brought in and examined only seven cases charged -could be found. Of those charged only two men had been found guilty -and convicted, and one of the two convictions had been turned down by -general headquarters. “In other fighting units,” says Dr. Moton, “as -well as in Bordeaux, St. Nazaire, and Brest, where many of the service -of supplies troops were located, and at many other places, I made the -same investigations. I interviewed American and French commanding -officers. I talked as well with scores of American and French officers -of lower rank. When the records were taken, as was the case with the -92nd Division, the number of cases charged were few. The opinion at -general headquarters of the American forces was that the crime to which -I have referred was no more prevalent among Negro soldiers than among -white soldiers or any soldiers.” - -The following record of rape in the 92nd Division was given to the -writer by Major A. E. Patterson, judge advocate: “Ten soldiers were -tried for assault with intent to rape. Five of those were _bona -fide_ efforts to accomplish that crime. The other five were simple -assaults with no evidence to support the charge of assault with intent -to commit rape. Three of the cases were actual rape cases, only one of -which was in the 92nd Division. The other two were in units commanded -by white officers. The other two men convicted, one of whom was hanged, -were in labor battalions in the 92nd Division area, neither of the -three cases of rape occurring in units commanded by colored officers.” -The judge advocate in the headquarters of the service of supplies at -Tours said that “since February, 1919, there had been only one assault -with intent to commit rape in sections 4, 6, 7, and 9, where there -were more than 75,000 Negro soldiers. The rape stories seem not to be -substantiated.” In American camps there were two cases of the crime, -one at Camp Dodge and one at Camp Grant. - -The rape charges against Negro soldiers appear to have been greatly -magnified. They were simply a part of the general propaganda to -discredit Negro men in arms. It is not our intention to give the -impression that there were not a few individuals who were guilty of -the crime. It is a fact, however, that the wild rumors were simply one -more effort to influence the French people in their dealings with Negro -Americans. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE LURE OF THE UNIFORM - - -Historians tell us that when, in the fifteenth century, Jeanne d’Arc -led the soldiers of France to victory, no women followed the army. This -was not true of the victorious armies in the World War. Wherever the -soldiers camped, in the North, East, South, or West, in a camp near a -great metropolis or in one far from cities and railroads, in America -or in France, there women were to be found. For the first time also -the War Department made formal provision for the American soldiers to -have the gentle and civilizing influence of women; and barracks and -tented camps were soon followed by hostess houses or other structures, -tastefully furnished and decorated, and presided over by kind-hearted -hostesses. - -When this great plan was conceived, little thought was given at first -to the Negro soldier and to the entertainment of his women folk. For -some time, if they visited camp, they found that no provision was made -to receive them. Sometimes it was a mother who had traveled miles just -to see if Uncle Sam was kind to her only son, or a wife from a distant -state, who arrived discouraged and with depleted funds, only to find -that her husband had just embarked for a distant land; or perhaps a -sweetheart hoped to get a last glance and bid a last farewell. - -There was still another woman who had no such innocent mission and -whose heart went out to every soldier. It was this one who made a -real problem. Little interest was shown in her by camp authorities. -Sometimes she remained in camp streets until as late as eleven o’clock -at night; or she might be seen under the trees, in the groves, or -waiting along the camp roads. At Camp Dodge women were allowed in camp -from early morning until late in the evening, with no restrictions -whatever. Some were the wives of soldiers, but some others came to the -camp for the purpose of forming acquaintances. Occasionally a girl was -seen giving her address to a crowd of soldiers surrounding her. At -Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga., a quarantine stopped the daily visiting of -women, who were required to register in the “Y” tent, which they soon -practically deserted. In general the commander of a camp made such -regulations as he thought best. On rare occasions women were compelled -to secure passes before entering; but in most cases they could enter -during the day without passes, being governed only by visiting hours, -which were usually from 8 a. m. to 5 p. m. - -As the war progressed, the tendency throughout the country was to -improve conditions in this connection. Even before the spring and -summer of 1918, when some hostess houses were erected for colored -soldiers, there were bright spots where an effort was made to meet the -problem. One of the best systems regulating the visiting of women -found anywhere was at Camp Funston, where a visitors’ day was held the -first Saturday of each month. This rule was strictly enforced and not -even officers could take women into the camp except on this day. On -this occasion, however, the officers and soldiers became the hosts, -entertaining their friends at dinner, after which there were usually -socials and dances. Large numbers of colored women visited Camp Taylor, -Louisville, Ky., and their conduct is said to have been excellent. -The Y. W. C. A. had the use of a small building, conveniently located -on the car track, and here the women were helped to get in touch with -relatives. Where the number of women who visited a camp was small, -the problem of providing facilities was naturally less difficult. -At Camp Devens, Mass., near which the colored population was small, -women visited the “Y” buildings and also the houses in charge of white -hostesses, if they so desired. The soldiers were permitted to invite -them to dinner in their mess halls. All were expected to leave the camp -by 7.30, and the military police saw that this rule was enforced. In -general where there was a sincere effort on the part of the authorities -and the different agencies to provide for the welfare of colored -women visitors, the problem was reduced to a minimum, and the visits -contributed to the happiness of the soldiers and the morale of the -army, as was the intention from the beginning. - -The problem which grew to be vexing in the camps became far more -difficult to control in the cities; and Government officials familiar -with the popularity of the uniform proceeded immediately to clean up -every city adjacent to the cantonments by abolishing all forms of -legalized vice. Cities thus located were able, with Federal aid, to -introduce in one week reforms that had been desired and worked for, -with no results, for decades. The closing of the districts, however, -did not mean the complete elimination of the evils which existed. It -often meant simply a distributing of the problem to various sections of -the city. New restaurants, hotels, and boarding houses were opened, and -there were usually to be found in them attractive girls who served as -waitresses. Although the café sign was sometimes seen on the windows, -“no meals were ever served nor fire ever seen in the kitchen.” It was -through such places as these that well-intentioned women and girls -sometimes found themselves in the clutches of the law. - -It was in one of the large cantonment cities that a party of four such -women arrived from the far South to see their husbands before they -entrained for parts unknown. The women were not met at the station by -their husbands, as was planned, because they were several hours late -in arriving. They were directed to a hotel just two blocks from the -station, and here they found the parlor and dining room filled with -soldiers and their friends. Among the men in uniform they felt more -at ease, and they asked several soldiers if they knew their husbands. -Finally a young man said that he was in the same company as one of the -men named, and that he would tell him about his wife as soon as he -reached camp, as it was not possible to reach him that night. Tired -from travel and anxiety, the women retired with pleasant thoughts of -meeting their loved ones in the morning. In the very early morning, -however, while the city still slumbered, a knock on the door awoke -them. One sprang to the door, but instead of finding her husband she -was greeted by an officer, who told all four to dress and follow him. -All their tears and explanations did not suffice to move him. With a -score of other women they were carried away to prison. As the turnkey -closed the great iron door some of the number seemed indifferent, but -the hearts of others were seized with fear lest some awful thing should -happen. The next morning the husbands of the four women were reached -and they were released, made wiser by their bitter experience. - -Hotels and boarding houses, however, were only one phase of the -matter. On the city streets, in the dance halls, in the soft drink -parlors, wherever soldiers craved companionship, there the problem of -the girl was to be found. It was most serious in the case of young -girls fourteen to sixteen years of age, who were sometimes seen on the -streets long after midnight, and it is to be remembered that in the -Negro sections of the cities the streets were often dark and conducive -to all forms of evil. Sometimes conditions were winked at by officials -who opposed destroying the old order of things. In one case, after -Government criticism, the local police made indiscriminate arrests in -a pretended effort to clean up. This resulted in lawsuits which halted -the work. Ignorant girls were brought into court, but those in higher -places were seldom arrested. Even when arrests were made, the evidence -revealed often brought a quick release. In one court a woman was -sentenced to a year in prison and fined $1000 for leading girls astray, -but within a few days, through the influence of unseen forces, she was -again enjoying her liberty. A strange leniency also was often found in -Southern courts in the case of colored girls whose conduct had brought -them there; it did not seem to be required or expected that colored -girls should live up to the same standards as white girls. Sometimes -unsympathetic lawyers made sport of them for the amusement of crowded -court rooms. They were not taken behind closed doors for protection, -as were other girls charged with similar offences. Seldom, until near -the end of the war, were there detention homes to which they could -go and find a genuinely helpful guiding hand. Money appropriated by -the Government for the establishment of detention homes in cantonment -cities was seldom used for Negro girls. Instead they were usually -placed in jail, or sent to the prison farm or the “stockade,” the home -of the chain gang. The jails in which they were confined were, with -few exceptions, demoralizing and a disgrace to the cities. The inmates -lived in dirt and disease, sleeping on ragged, greasy mattresses on -concrete floors and eating food prepared in the most unsanitary manner. -In one instance colored girls were placed in a room 20 feet by 10, -with their cots close together. An open toilet was in the back of the -room, which was without windows or any means of ventilation except -an electric fan. In such environment were placed many girls arrested -for the first time. They associated with confirmed criminals and the -living conditions and the treatment which they received made it well -nigh impossible for them to lead a different life after being released. -Sometimes they worked on the city farms, in the jails, or on rock piles -in the jail yards. In one case they were marched through the streets to -and from the work of cleaning the city cemetery. - -Who were these girls who, in their early teens, found themselves in -the clutches of the law? For the most part they were ignorant and -were growing up without the influence of interested parents. Some -could not read or write; frequently they were exploited. It is to be -noted also that this concrete problem was often complicated by other -social or economic forces. In practically every cantonment city orders -were issued to prevent white soldiers from entering undesirable Negro -sections. The enforcement of such orders, however, was difficult -because of the frequent leniency of the guardians of the law. In one -city a prominent member of the Chamber of Commerce said, “The colored -people will probably never get over the effect of the moral lapse due -to the presence of the camp and the soldiers.” He grew eloquent in -describing the depths to which the city had fallen and the difficulty -of getting servants. Those who had formerly helped in some of the old -families were now leading an easier life and wearing on the streets -clothes of the most expensive style. Such a speaker apparently forgot -that the exodus had made great drafts on labor, that many women were -doing work formerly done by men, and that the increased wages had -enabled many men to keep their wives at home. - -Even when the moral situation was dark, however, all was not hopeless. -Sometimes a wise and big-hearted judge gave justice tempered with -mercy. Sometimes women, both colored and white, toiled untiringly in -their effort to save girls from the folly of their ways. The attitude -of the Negro people themselves was most important. Among them there was -often found a strange lack of sympathy and interest. This was sometimes -attributed to the attitude of officials who would not deal with them in -a respectful manner. While this was often the case, there was also a -feeling on the part of many good people that they could not afford to -help such girls. One churchman who was asked for his co-operation said, -“I don’t know whether I can afford to come to the jail,” and another, -“My mind is on heavenly things; I haven’t any time for such work.” -Gradually the situation improved, however, and we shall now consider -some of the forces for moral betterment. One of these, the War Camp -Community Service, will receive extended treatment in our next chapter -in connection with the subject of Welfare Organizations. Just now we -are interested especially in the influences that bore directly upon the -Negro woman or girl who in one way or another was affected by the war. - - -GIRLS’ PROTECTIVE AGENCY - -The Girls’ Protective Agency was active in several cantonment cities -where Negro soldiers were stationed. Comparatively few colored -women represented this organization, but those who did labored most -effectively. The worker at Anniston, Ala., gave her entire time to -colored girls. The Negro women of the city formed a co-operating -committee composed of representatives from every church. The names of -girls who were thought to be careless in their conduct were given to -the one in charge and she visited the girls and their parents. In this -way many were helped. The white workers also sometimes took an active -interest in colored girls, especially those who found their way into -the courts. Where grave problems arose from the intermingling of the -races, every effort was made to relieve the situation for the good of -both. - - -TRAVELERS’ AID SOCIETY - -Representatives of the Travelers’ Aid Society often rendered genuine -service to colored women visiting cantonment cities in search of their -friends in the camps. They usually put them in touch with the local Y. -W. C. A. or with representative women who could tell them of reliable -places where they could stay. While some assistants were indifferent, -most of them were impartial and took the same interest in providing -for the Negro women who came to their cities as for the white women. -This was especially true of a worker in Manhattan, Kansas, who labored -earnestly for the colored girls who visited the railroad stations -in order to meet soldiers. According to reports of reliable colored -citizens, she talked to the girls as she would to her own daughters. - - -Y. W. C. A.--HOSTESS HOUSES - -The Young Women’s Christian Association established constructive work -in cantonment cities by organizing the best girls into clubs and -patriotic leagues for various kinds of war effort. Such endeavor was -in the field of preventive rather than of constructive work. That at -Louisville is fairly representative of what was done in the cantonment -cities. Here an attractive building was secured and placed in charge -of an executive secretary, who was assisted by a girls’ worker. Clubs -were organized among the employed girls and school girls, and Bible, -cooking, and French classes conducted. Five hundred women and girls -were organized into twenty-six circles, with a captain over each -circle; and an information bureau was conducted for the soldiers. - -Of the various kinds of service rendered by the Y. W. C. A. the -erection of fifteen hostess houses in the various camps was the -greatest achievement and filled one of the greatest needs of the -Negro soldier and his women folk. It is doubtful if any other welfare -work gave more pleasure. Rightly was the hostess house called “a -bit of home in the camps, a place of rest and refreshment for the -women folks belonging to the soldiers, a sheltering chaperonage for -too-enthusiastic girls, a dainty supplement to the stern fare of the -camp life of the soldiers, a clearing house for the social activities -which included the men in the camps and their women visitors.” - -While the need was always great, the development of hostess houses -for Negro soldiers and women was very slow. Camp commanders often -failed to see the need of such an addition, and the uncertainty of -Negro soldiers’ definitely remaining a part of camp organizations was -usually given as the reason for delay. At length, however, through the -untiring efforts of Miss Eva D. Bowles, leader of Y. W. C. A. work for -Negro girls, her co-workers, and the War Work Council of the Y. W. -C. A., these buildings came into being. The work was started at Camp -Upton, N. Y., where barracks were used as temporary quarters. Later -the first hostess house for Negro workers was erected in this camp. -It was well located, attractively finished, and splendidly equipped. -Five efficient secretaries were employed. Every evening the house was -crowded. The soldiers were served at the cafeteria, or they read, -wrote letters, sang, played, or mingled with their comrades. For -some of the men it was the most wholesome environment they had ever -enjoyed. The second hostess house was erected at Camp Dix, N. J. It -was a spacious building, beautifully furnished and arranged, and the -New Jersey Federated Clubs of Colored Women spent $1200 in helping to -furnish the building. The third was at Camp Funston. Late in the spring -of 1918 barracks were used here, but in the course of the summer a -hostess house was completed just outside the camp and three secretaries -were employed. Perhaps the largest and most attractive house was at -Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio. When it was opened the sergeants in the -various companies of Negro soldiers entertained their men in it in -order to make them interested. At the suggestion of the hostesses a -Christmas tree was secured by the Y. M. C. A. secretary and a Negro -officer, and put up for the men by the co-operation of the fire and -electrical departments in the camp. The need was greatest in the -Southern camps because these were visited by hundreds of Negro women -daily. By the fall of 1918 houses were at both Camp Gordon and Camp -Jackson. The building at Gordon was situated just beyond the street -car station outside the camp. The one at Jackson was well located in -relation to the headquarters group of buildings. Both had unusually -large porches. At Camp Jackson the settees used in the yard were built -by soldiers. Two of the last houses opened for Negro men were at Camp -Meade, Md., and Camp Alexander, Newport News, Va. Returning soldiers -held their farewell socials in these buildings. - -In every camp the soldiers showed a fine spirit in visiting the -hostess houses, especially in regard to conduct. They looked upon the -secretaries as their friends and ofttimes went to them with their -troubles. In turn those in charge not only served the women visitors, -but brought comfort and cheer to many a heartsick soldier, and they -gave many a commanding officer and welfare worker a new conception of -the ability and worth of Negro womanhood. In one case the executive -secretary was known throughout the camp as “Mother,” because of her -understanding heart and her large appreciation of the problems of the -men. - - * * * * * - -Negroes were highly commended for their loyalty in aiding the -Government and for their willingness to co-operate with all welfare -agencies during the war. There were, however, some workers who, though -they rendered great service, did not always receive the plaudits of -the crowd because they worked more humbly and did not always have the -backing of a great organization. Among these were those women who went -out into the highways and byways in order to help girls and lead them -into the noblest life. Sometimes their work was difficult, for public -officials did not always welcome them; but initiative and tact told, -and we must speak of three such women who were representative. - -The first was Mrs. R. T. Brooks, who when the war began was working for -the associated charities of Columbia, S. C. Her experience in dealing -with poverty and with lives that had been wasted or whose opportunities -had been lost, prepared her to meet the problems following the -establishment of Camp Jackson. Day and night she was seen in all parts -of the city on the watch for those whom she might help, and the little -pay she received was often divided with those who needed aid. She was -respected by judges and policemen in the court room, where she often -went to intercede for some erring girl, and one of the leading lawyers -of Columbia said of her work, “Mrs. Brooks is the most efficient -worker, white or colored, in the city.” - -In Little Rock, Ark., a few years before the war, a fourteen-year old -Negro girl was arraigned in court, charged with murder and seven other -offences, any one of which, if proved, would have given her a prison -sentence. The case aroused the colored women of the city, who followed -the trial with interest. The city attorney who was conducting the case -had little belief in Negro womanhood, but before the case was summed -up a number of the women called on him and presented the girl’s side. -The conference bore fruit, for the attorney, who had been violent in -his attack, at the end of his argument asked for mercy, showing how -environment had played a large part in the unfortunate girl’s life. - -After this trial the Negro women of Little Rock, with the permission -of the court, appointed and for two years paid the salary of Mrs. -Maggie A. Jeffries, who looked after the interest of Negro girls. When -soldiers came to Little Rock, her experience had prepared her for the -emergency. Her work received the most enthusiastic approval of numbers -of prominent citizens, and through her aid the work was formally taken -over by the city, and all probation workers used the same office. Many -a time this earnest helper pleaded with the judge to turn some erring -girl over to her, and she found honest work for the girl or bought a -ticket and sent her home to her parents. - -It was realized and often admitted by policemen and judges that a well -trained Negro woman with police authority could render invaluable -service with the problems of the Negro girl who appeared at court, -but generally such power was denied. Mrs. Mary Colson, of Des Moines, -however, was given such authority, being commissioned by the Governor -as a member of the secret service of the state. She also received a -certificate from the Policemen’s Institute, a course of lectures given -to the Des Moines police. When Mrs. Colson was first appointed many a -policeman treated the appointment as a joke, but before long she was -able to prove her worth, and she became a force that helped hundreds of -women and girls to make a new start. It was not her prime mission to -arrest, and she did so only in extreme cases. Her work was as blessed -as it was far-reaching. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE “Y” AND OTHER WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS - - -No organization ever employed a greater number of workers to serve men -without cost than did the Young Men’s Christian Association during the -Great War. Millions of dollars given by the American people were spent -in carrying out its program of service. Wherever there were American -soldiers, in the camps at home, at the base ports, on the battle front, -in leave areas, or behind the lines in France, there they were followed -and served by the Y. M. C. A. Some of the workers even followed the -troops “over the top,” sacrificing life itself in their endeavor to -give comfort and cheer to the men. - -Negro soldiers shared in the “Y” service both at home and in France. -At first they were somewhat overlooked, but through the efforts of Dr. -Jesse E. Moorland and his associates provision was made for them. In -the National Army cantonments large “Y” huts with six secretaries were -maintained,--building, business, religious, educational, physical, and -social secretaries,--each of whom developed his particular line of -work. Sometimes a second building or tent was used. The secretaries -met in the general Y. M. C. A. conferences held weekly with the camp -secretary, who usually co-operated in every possible way. - -The effectiveness of the work depended largely upon the efficiency -and ability of the building secretary to co-operate with his staff -and the camp officials. Often these secretaries not only effectively -supervised the work in their buildings, but they also watched the -morale of the soldiers and held conferences with commanding officers -for the purpose of improving unsatisfactory conditions. The business -secretary conducted the stamp and money order business. This alone in -some camps amounted to sums ranging from $150 to $200 a day. Lectures -were given to the men on the value of saving and they often bore fruit. -At Camp Dodge $10,000 was sent home by the soldiers in one month. The -educational secretary worked mainly to reach the men who could not read -or write. In Camp Dodge, where perhaps the most successful work was -done, 2300 Negro soldiers learned to read and write and to do simple -work in arithmetic and drawing, using implements of warfare as models. -A business course and instruction in French were offered to those men -who had sufficient education. - -Colonel Bush, who was in charge of the educational work at Camp -Dodge, ordered all illiterate men to attend school, and the rule made -by many company commanders that every man must sign his name before -drawing his pay, served as a great incentive to study. This school -for Negro soldiers in the 366th Regiment was well organized, with the -educational secretary, George H. Fortner, as superintendent. Each -company represented a part of the school, with a lieutenant as head, -and non-commissioned officers, who did the teaching, as assistants. -For every fourteen men a teacher was furnished, and there were ample -materials. Educational lectures in the different camps were also -appreciated, as well as the circulation of books. Naturally the success -of all such work as this depended primarily on the initiative of the -secretary and his co-operation with the camp authorities. - -The physical secretary’s work was to promote athletics, chiefly games, -boxing and wrestling. In camps where there were combatant units the -athletic officers and the physical secretaries co-operated, and there -the best organizations were found. In non-combatant units effective -athletic work was seldom found, partly because of the nature of their -organization. However, in some of these, teams were organized, and -the secretaries were able at times to get outside agencies to provide -equipment. The women of Cuthbert, Ga., gave basket ball equipment for -two teams and a shooting gallery costing $44. As a result there was -organized a team which played Morehouse College and the Columbus Y. M. -C. A. - -The work of the social secretary was of great importance. He it was who -furnished relaxation and entertainment after the arduous tasks of the -day. Moving pictures, given from two to five times a week; programs, -consisting of singing, dancing, stunts, and recitations, by talent in -cantonment cities or by company entertainers; concerts, by bands or -great singers; and addresses by famous speakers, filled the “Y,” even -the windows and rafters, with men at night. Of such service no group -was more appreciative than the Negro soldiers. Members of the race -in cantonment cities co-operated splendidly, and schools sometimes -sent quartets or orchestras. Sometimes there were Christmas trees -hung with presents ranging from tooth brushes to wrist watches, and -with each present was a bag of popcorn and a personal letter. On one -occasion when more than a hundred white soldiers were present at such -a festivity, they also received presents. Many of the entertainers on -the “Y” circuit were also enjoyed by the men, though too often in some -camps their programs happened to be given in every building except the -one attended by the Negro soldiers. - -The religious secretaries were usually ministers of considerable -experience. Negro soldiers had high regard for things religious. Bible -classes were conducted every Sunday morning, and were followed by -preaching, sometimes by local ministers. Weekly Bible classes or prayer -meetings were also held, and sometimes “sings” or testimonial meetings. -At these meetings the soldiers often took a stand for Christ, and in -such cases the secretary wrote personal letters to their families, -informing them of the fact and asking them to write letters of -encouragement. The many personal interviews which these secretaries had -with the soldiers gave them some of the best opportunities of rendering -service. - -In the smaller camps things were not always as well appointed as in -the larger ones. No big program could be carried out, though religious -and sometimes educational work was conducted. In the South, moreover, -the colored secretaries most frequently did not attend the general “Y” -conferences. In spite of all discouraging circumstances, however, the -development of the work was rapid. What was done at Camp Hill, Newport -News, Va., shows what was possible after an unpromising beginning. In -October, 1917, two Hampton students, W. D. Elam and E. M. Mitchell, -went to serve 4500 men, using an army tent for the work. The tent was -destroyed in a storm and was replaced by a smaller one, 16 by 16, in -which three men lived and where there were, in addition, a stove, a -victrola, and a piano. Stamps and stationery were handled, and small -meetings held. This was the extent of the facilities in one of the -coldest winters Virginians had ever seen. In the early spring, however, -a barrack was secured through the aid of the officers, and in April a -large “Y” building was dedicated with a full staff of secretaries and -all necessary equipment. Here, as elsewhere, the soldiers were served -in numberless ways; and when the time came to go to France, there was -chocolate or lemonade, with sandwiches, and the secretaries accompanied -the men to the port of embarkation, where they separated from each with -a touching farewell and a most fervent “God bless you.” - - -IN FRANCE - -As one traveled among the soldiers in France he saw in almost every -camp the Y. M. C. A. hut or tent. There were 7850 “Y” workers overseas, -1350 of whom were women. Of this large number 87 were Negroes and 19, -women of the race. Only three of these Negro women were in France -during the actual fighting, and not until the spring of 1919 did -others sail. At the head of the colored secretaries was Dr. John Hope, -president of Morehouse College, Atlanta, Ga., who was stationed at -the “Y” headquarters in Paris, where he helped to solve many problems -regarding the work. Traveling over France, he visited many units of -troops, saw their needs, and tried to meet them. There were hardly -ever more than 75 Negro secretaries in France at one time, and these -were scattered among nearly 200,000 Negro soldiers. They served with -the fighting units, with the troops in the service of supplies, and in -the leave areas. The fighting units of Negro soldiers were the 92nd -and 93rd Divisions, the latter comprising four regiments brigaded with -the French. It was in these units that the secretaries won deserved -praise for their service and courage. Airplane raids, bombardments, -and bursting gas shells did not slacken their ardor to follow the men -wherever they went. - -H. E. Caldwell, with the 369th Regiment, was under shell fire longer -than any other Negro secretary. Matthew W. Bullock and Dr. B. N. -Murrell followed the 369th into the thickest of the fight and were with -it when it led the allied armies to the banks of the Rhine, a position -of honor accorded it because of its excellent service in the trenches. -Of Mr. Bullock it was said that when the fight was hardest and the -soldiers were wounded and dying, he was ever with his men encouraging -them to press forward to victory. Of Dr. Murrell we shall speak again. -T. C. Cook, of the 371st Regiment, was cited in orders for his bravery -in rescuing two wounded soldiers exposed in pouring rain and shell -fire. He succeeded in moving them to a narrow dug-out that was soon -afterwards filled with poisonous gas. In attempting to escape, he left -the dug-out only to fall unconscious in the open. On that morning of -the battle officers and men had entrusted to his care $35,000 of their -savings, which he carried on his back as he helped the wounded. When -he regained consciousness in a hospital behind the lines, he found -that the money had disappeared, but his anxiety was relieved when he -was informed that the colored sergeant-major of the regiment, whom he -had requested to guard the money in case of accident to himself, had -forwarded it to the Paris office of the Y. M. C. A. and that every cent -had been safely delivered. Of Secretary James G. Wiley of the 92nd -Division Lt. Col. A. E. Deitsch wrote: “During the occupancy of the -Marbache sector, he established an Association in the town of Atton -which was bombarded daily. Even when the German bombardment tore the -roof from the building and all civilians had left the vicinity, only -the soldiers necessary for the relaying of supplies and ammunition to -the front lines remaining, this man held on and served the soldiers -faithfully.” - -Sometimes the Negro secretary served not only the men in one camp -but in several, even covering an area containing as many as 50,000 -soldiers. Such a worker was J. E. Saddler, who was engaged in the -Chaumont region. The labor battalions which he served worked on the -roads, at bakeries, rail heads and ammunition dumps, often working -both day and night, one man doing two men’s work. At first Mr. Saddler -went on foot, walking 30 kilometers a day, carrying all the supplies -he could, and distributing them to groups of men doing road work. -Then he secured a motorcycle, and when that was completely used up -he obtained a Ford, with the aid of which he could reach more men. -Sometimes he organized schools, offering prizes to induce the men to -learn to write. Occasionally he conducted spelling bees, taking the -words from the _Stars and Stripes_. He was not a preacher, but -some Sundays he held as many as seven services. Dr. Murrell served in -the Verdun region where thousands of men were engaged in salvaging and -in burying the American dead. He, like Mr. Saddler, traveled about in -a truck with supplies. At Romagne, the site of the Argonne cemetery, -he and his staff did excellent work. Two huts were constructed from -sheet iron taken from German dug-outs. At night these were so crowded -that one could hardly move about in them. The men wrote letters, -played games, or gathered around the piano; they also had daily shows, -athletic contests, and the canteen was excellent. All such service was -of great value in building up the morale of the men and in relieving -them from the depressing effects of the grewsome work they were called -on to perform. At Liffol-le-Grand, M. R. Atwell had a hut which was -attractively whitewashed and painted inside. Pictures of Negro officers -and nurses were on the walls, and generally the work ranked with the -most efficient in France. - -After the Armistice a splendid piece of work was done for the soldiers -at Issurtille by W. W. Waitneight, a white secretary, who in the -beginning was opposed to working with colored men. In the early days of -the camp these soldiers were not permitted to visit the “Y” buildings, -and no other place of recreation was provided for them. Finally a -captain, moved by the situation, asked for volunteers to help erect a -building. The “Y” furnished the lumber, some of the engineer regiments -supplied foremen, and the soldiers, including forty mechanics, -undertook to do the work. The site selected was in a bottom where the -entire camp drained, and at times the water was six inches deep on the -floor. In such an environment there was little enthusiasm on the part -of white secretaries to undertake the work; but the one who did found -the greater joy in the hearty appreciation of the men. Two thousand -were in nightly attendance, and from three thousand to thirty-five -hundred were served daily in the “Y” and in the wet canteen. The -work developed until it became the most popular in the camp, and the -secretary who at first doubted, learned to love the men and to work -untiringly for them. At Gierve, a white Baptist minister, Mr. Rankin, -served Negro soldiers in a spacious and well equipped hut, and he also -endeared himself to the men. - -At the biggest base ports in France--Bordeaux, St. Nazaire, and -Brest--the Y. M. C. A. did a wonderful work. For months there were -20,000 Negro soldiers at Bordeaux alone, doing stevedore work. Some of -the first colored secretaries sent to France went to this city during -the period of active fighting. They and the army officers did not work -harmoniously together, and after some stormy days they were ordered -to Paris with recommendations to Y. M. C. A. headquarters that they -be sent to America. After investigation, however, they were sent to -other fields of labor, but meanwhile Negro secretaries in New York, -about to sail for France, were detained for months. The situation was -finally adjusted and two other men, B. F. Seldon and A. W. Shockley, -who went to Bordeaux, successfully co-operated with the officers and -worked among the white as well as the colored soldiers. At St. Sulpice -Mr. Seldon had charge of a hut that was well equipped, and Mr. Shockley -conducted a canteen that was said to be one of the cleanest in France. -Thomas Clayton, another secretary in the Bordeaux area, conducted -schools for 600 illiterate men. Twenty-seven men were sent from the -section to the universities in France, and thirty were sent to the -agricultural department at Bonn. At Anconia, also in this area, a big -hut was in charge of J. M. Price, a white secretary who served with -colored troops from the beginning. This hut had an auditorium seating -2000, a spacious sitting-room, a good library, and a large room for -games. Two shows daily were given the 10,000 men. They were encouraged -to save, and in one month $22,000 was sent to the States. Mr. Price -was a Southern man, but he was so much admired by the men and he made -such a favorable impression on the commanding officers that, when the -troops sailed for America, he was, against the rules of the Y. M. C. -A., allowed to sail with the men he had served. - -The “Y” at St. Nazaire did one of the biggest pieces of work seen -anywhere in France. There were at times more than 50,000 Negro soldiers -at this base. The first colored secretary sent to France, Franklin -W. Nichols, worked here and had the honor of building the first hut -erected for Negro stevedores. Other pioneers were Rev. Leroy Ferguson, -J. O. Wright, William Stevenson, James H. Robinson, R. E. Williams, -and the three canteen workers who reached France before the Armistice, -Mrs. Helen Curtis, Mrs. Addie W. Hunton, and Miss Kathryn Johnson. -These workers left splendid records of achievement. During the last -months at St. Nazaire, Negro soldiers were served in four Y. M. C. A. -buildings operated by Negro secretaries and also in some conducted by -white secretaries. The huts of the former were located at Camps Dodge, -Guthrie, Montoir, Lusitania, and Camp I. That at Lusitania was the -largest; it had an auditorium seating 1800. The commanding officers -co-operated gladly, and the divisional secretaries in the area, -especially M. B. Wallace, showed fine spirit in helping to make the -work a success. - -During the days of fighting and immediately after the Armistice, Negro -soldiers at Brest related stories of discrimination by the “Y” and of -its refusal to serve them. In the spring of 1919, however, the camp -commander and the divisional secretary declared that the men should -have a “fifty-fifty” deal. The organization conducted altogether -fifteen huts in Camp Pontenazen, one in Camp President Lincoln, and a -small room at the sorting yard. “Soldiers’ Rest” at Camp Pontenazen -was especially set aside for the Negro soldiers, though all soldiers -were served there. In March, 1919, B. F. Lee was sent to work in this -hut. He later became general secretary for the building, and four -canteen workers helped in the last days. In all the other huts at -Pontenazen Negro soldiers were also served. While some canteen women -were not enthusiastic about assisting them, the divisional secretary, -a Tennesseean, tried to give all men equal service, and one secretary -who refused to serve the Negroes was sent back to America. At Camp -President Lincoln Secretaries Fritz Cansler and Nelson were stationed -and did some very effective educational work. After prayer meetings -movies were advertised and these always meant a full house. At the -sorting yard, located on the docks at Brest, a group of Negro soldiers -ran a kitchen where embarking soldiers were fed and where stevedores -working on the docks got one meal to prevent the necessity of returning -to camp; they also had a secretary. In the city of Brest Negro soldiers -were served at both the Y. M. C. A. restaurant and the big cafeteria, -and generally the improvement in the conditions at this base accounted -for a more favorable impression than that borne away from some other -places. - -There were many other instances of devoted service. “Y” work was -by no means easy. Many army officers looked upon any secretary with -disfavor. On the other hand, the secretaries themselves were not always -infallible, nor were their words and actions unerringly discreet. - -Hundreds of entertainers who went overseas visited the soldiers in all -branches of the service. Among these there were no theatrical people of -color, nor any of the leading singers of the race. However, during the -last months there was a religious entertaining unit composed of Rev. -H. H. Proctor, who spoke, J. E. Blanton, song leader, and Miss Helen -Hagan, a noted pianist. These helpers carried cheer wherever they went. - -The few Negro women who went to France as canteen workers exerted a -great influence for good. While many officers and secretaries were -opposed to having women serve the men, their presence was like the -calming of a great storm. They built up the morale instantly, as was -noted in every camp to which they were sent. Once or twice, as when -Mrs. Hunton first appeared at St. Nazaire, some of the men cried for -joy. The men loved, protected, and honored these workers for what they -represented, and one of them said that she had to go to France to be -truly proud of the fact that she was a Negro woman. - -The work of the canteen women received probably the greatest praise in -the leave areas. This work was conducted in the Department of Savoie, -among beautiful mountains and lakes conducive to rest and relaxation; -and Chambéry, Challes les Eaux, and Aix les Bains were the leading -cities. Aix les Bains is noted for its baths, used by the Romans -and visited by tourists from all over the world. Chambéry, used as -headquarters, is an educational center with colleges and art museums. -On the outskirts of the city overlooking the valley below is the home -of Jean Jacques Rousseau; and from there one might view also the cross -of Nivolet and a chain of snow-capped Alps. Seven miles away is the -famous Pass where Hannibal with his army crossed the Alps. To this day -the road said to have been built by him is in perfect condition. To -such an environment the Negro soldiers came, and they were welcomed by -the citizens as men who had helped to save their country. They stood -in the Pass, viewed Lake Bourget below, and the Italian Alps in the -distance. Here also it was that the secretaries, under the direction of -William Stevenson and Mrs. Curtis, did some of the best work in France. - -Other places of interest visited by the soldiers were the St. Bernard’s -Pass, Mt. Revard, and the Church of the Black Madonna. The last place -was the most interesting of all because of its unusual sight. Inside -the church is a small figure of the Madonna with a black child in -her arms. The robes are of gold studded with diamonds, and pictures, -crutches, canes and other tokens of thanks have been left here by -people who have been blessed and healed. Once when the town was -destroyed by a mountain slide, only the church stood, and the presence -of the Madonna was thought by the people to be responsible for the -miraculous escape. Here the Negro soldiers were more than welcome and -the keepers felt honored by their visits. - -Altogether more than twenty thousand soldiers visited this leave area, -coming from all parts of France. They were selected from the various -organizations in the A. E. F. and sent for periods of from seven to -fourteen days. Before they arrived some unpleasant propaganda was -spread about them, but they made a highly favorable impression. The “Y” -headquarters was a spacious building, splendidly equipped. There were -band concerts, and on Sunday afternoons there were refreshments in the -beautiful garden, with representative people of the vicinity assisting -in the serving. Because of the good conduct of the men and the success -of the secretaries in establishing such fine relations between citizens -and soldiers, the Governor of Savoie gave a farewell reception, -including a public meeting in a theatre and an entertainment in his own -home afterwards; and letters were written by the mayors of all three -towns and by leading citizens to praise the work and to express regret -at its closing. - -While thousands of soldiers visited the leave areas, tens of thousands -went to see Paris the Beautiful. Naturally officers and welfare -workers as well as the men in the ranks desired especially to see this -great city before returning to America. Ordinarily three-day leaves -were granted, and each day in the spring of 1919 brought hundreds -of soldiers to the city. In order that the limited time might mean -as much as possible to the men, the Y. M. C. A. organized wonderful -sight-seeing programs, including all the famous places of historic -interest. With every party there were efficient guides, and the Negro -soldiers, like all the others, appreciated fully and thoroughly enjoyed -the never-to-be-forgotten experience. - - * * * * * - - -CRITICISM OF THE “Y” - -The work of the Y. M. C. A. in American camps was so conducted that -it met with comparatively little criticism. Headquarters could be -easily reached for the adjustment of any question arising over the -Negro, and during the war public sentiment was more decidedly against -discrimination than in peace time. Such matters as arose generally -grew out of the attitude or action of individual wearers of the red -triangle. At Camp Greene, Charlotte, N. C., for instance, there were -10,000 Negro soldiers. Five “Y” buildings in the camp were located in -areas allotted to these men, but in no case were they allowed to use -the buildings except possibly for stamps and paper. A sign over one -read “This building is for white men only,” and the secretary placed -outside the building a table that colored men might use in writing -letters. In Camp Lee, Petersburg, Va., a prayer meeting was conducted -in an area where Negro soldiers were located, but a soldier with a -rifle on his shoulder was doing guard duty, pacing in a circle around -the group to see that no Negroes attended. The comments made by the -Negro soldiers under the circumstances were interesting. In some camps -the soldiers of both races used the same building, playing games -together, attending the same picture shows, sometimes playing in the -same orchestra, and even writing letters for one another. Such friendly -contact was looked upon with disfavor by some secretaries, and they -introduced discriminatory measures, which naturally led to friction. - -It was from overseas, however, that the severest criticism of the -organization came. During the spring of 1919, in every shipment of -soldiers that landed on American shores there were those who denounced -the “Y” for something it had or had not done. The Negro soldiers -did their share of the criticising in spite of the fact that the -organization had done much to help them. Why, then, did they criticise -it? - -First of all, the “Y” appeared to have no definite policy regarding -Negro soldiers in France. Endeavor was left mainly in the hands of -divisional or regional directors, and these men inaugurated such -policies as they thought best, and a most careful investigation -indicates that some secretaries resorted to discrimination and -segregation more than the men in any other organization and even more -than the army with its military caste. Sometimes such an attitude was -assumed even by ministers of the gospel. The general situation was -described, very accurately, by one regional secretary as follows: -“About 25 per cent of the white secretaries served the colored soldiers -gladly, about 25 per cent served them half-heartedly, and about 50 -per cent either refused to serve them or made them feel they were -not wanted.” When soldiers were building the Pershing Stadium for the -allied games, the “Y” served for months all the men in the order in -which they appeared for service. One day a young Southern woman was -sent out as a canteen worker. The soldiers lined up as formerly. All -went well until a colored soldier in the line was reached. The young -woman asked him to get out of the line. He said he was an American -soldier and would not get out of the line. Thereupon she closed the -canteen. A noted divine from Atlanta, Ga., was for a time in charge -of one of the three-day conferences for new secretaries in France. At -the close of one of the sessions a colored canteen worker told him she -had enjoyed the discussion. “I am glad you enjoyed it,” he said, “but -we don’t mix in the States and you must not expect to here.” All such -incidents could be multiplied hundreds of times, and because of them -there grew up in the hearts of the Negro soldiers a contempt for the -general organization that made such things possible. - -An interesting sidelight was afforded by the fate of what was known -as the “Honey Bee Club.” A Negro soldier who was sentenced to death, -just a few days before his execution asked a “Y” secretary at Brest to -come and pray with him. After four days of struggle with the soldier -and himself, the secretary felt that he too was changed and should -work in some large way for the good of the Negro men. He began with -prayer meetings among small groups that had been somewhat neglected, -and at one such meeting he told the story of the Honey Bee that -was busy and successful and another about birds that preyed on the -undesirable things of the world. Using with telling effect the lesson -drawn from the experience of the soldier who paid with his life for -the undesirable, he asked, “How many of you would like to be the -Honey Bee?” All responded with raised hands. Soon afterwards he was -given permission by the Paris office to devote all his time to the -organization of Honey Bee clubs. When it became known, however, that -membership was to be limited to Negro soldiers, opposition developed. -The colored men felt that if the club was capable of doing so much for -them, white soldiers in France should not be denied a share in its -blessings. The original idea was undoubtedly to help the Negro soldier -in France, but the method by which the idea was developed did not meet -with approval, and accordingly, in most cases, it was either opposed or -treated with indifference. - -In spite of all the criticism, however, the fact remains that the Young -Men’s Christian Association did more for the recreation, entertainment, -and educational development of Negro soldiers than any other welfare -organization in the course of the war. Through its agency thousands of -men learned to read and write. Moreover, it is to be remembered that -it was the “Y” that sent Negro welfare workers to France, including -nineteen women for canteen work, while other organizations faltered. -Such effort did not materialize without hard work on the part of the -Negro people and their friends. However, it did materialize, and the -Negro workers were a credit both to the organization and to their -race. In a talk to a number of them at a banquet in Paris, E. C. -Carter, head of the Y. M. C. A. overseas, said in summing up their -work: “No group of secretaries has been more successful, nor has any -work been on a higher level. I have been impressed most by your spirit. -Sometimes you have met with difficulties and have been insulted by -workers with the red triangle on their arms, but through it all you -have shown the spirit of true greatness as did the Master.” - - * * * * * - -During the World War not only the Y. M. C. A. but other leading -religious and social organizations in America aided the War Department -in providing for the welfare of the soldiers, both inside and outside -the camps. We may now consider briefly the Salvation Army, the Knights -of Columbus, the large agencies within the army itself, passing -on to War Camp Community Service, the Red Cross, and also to some -consideration of what was done by the Negro Church and the Federal -Council of Churches. - - -SALVATION ARMY - -The Salvation Army did little or no work for Negro soldiers in American -camps, but when the men returned from France they spoke about the -service the organization had rendered with an appreciation akin to -reverence. This agency did not have great buildings and hundreds of -workers distributed throughout the camps, but it did have here and -there faithful representatives imbued with the spirit of service. One -of its largest huts was at St. Nazaire, and here the relation between -men of different races was of the most cordial sort. The Salvation Army -workers stated that on no occasion had there been any trouble, and -this example well illustrates their spirit and it explains the deep -appreciation that the Negro soldiers had for their organization. - - -KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS - -The Knights of Columbus erected their first building for Negro soldiers -at Camp Funston, Kan. This was opened on December 1, 1917, with -Clarence Guillot as executive secretary and two assistants. Religious -services were conducted every Sunday for the four hundred Catholics in -the camp, with communion every Sunday morning. One of the two chaplains -was always available for consultation, there were excellent library -facilities, and also special effort for recreation. In Camps Taylor, -Dodge, Meade, and Beauregard (at Alexandria, La.) buildings were also -provided. At Camps Dodge and Beauregard white secretaries were in -charge, while at Taylor and Meade Negro secretaries conducted the work. -The building at Dodge was visited by both white and colored soldiers, -and the kindliest feeling was maintained. At Beauregard a mess hall was -renovated and attractively furnished for the large Catholic element -there. The building at Camp Taylor, which was beautifully furnished -and adequately equipped, was first used by white soldiers, but when -they left the camp and Negro soldiers were moved into the area, it -was turned over to them. At Meade there was a small but attractive -portable building. The work was similar to that at Camp Funston. Not -all secretaries were in sympathy with the liberal policy that seemed to -be intended by the organization, but those who were not were sometimes -transferred. - -The Knights of Columbus had a small building for Negro soldiers at -Tours, and there was also special provision at Romagne, where the -soldiers were reburying the dead. After a tent was erected and supplied -with tobacco, chocolate, gum, packages of cakes, stationery, and other -such things, the secretary came to the Y. M. C. A. hut and addressed -the soldiers, informing them that the K. C. tent had been erected and -that to it they were very welcome. The next morning a hundred white and -colored soldiers were in line at it receiving supplies. When the camp -commander instituted a policy of segregation, the K. C. was compelled -to adopt it or leave camp. It chose the former course and put up signs -accordingly. When these signs appeared some of the soldiers pulled them -off and pulled down the tent, and there was a riot. - -The Knights of Columbus were criticised for the procedure at Romagne, -which was contrary to the general belief as to the policy of the -organization. As has been shown, however, while only a small number of -Negro secretaries were employed and in only a few camps was there any -special effort to serve Negro soldiers, they were generally admitted to -K. C. buildings and in general the organization impressed them by its -catholicity of spirit. - - -AGENCIES IN THE ARMY - -In addition to the work of the welfare organizations in the camps, -the Army also contributed something to the pleasure of the soldiers -by providing for athletics and socials. Holidays were usually given -on Wednesdays, Saturday afternoons, and Sundays, though in the -non-combatant units these were not always observed. In the combatant -units where athletic officers were selected, there was competition in -baseball, basket ball, or football, and occasionally a track meet was -held. For the most part, however, organized effort in athletics was -hardly ever successfully carried out among Negro soldiers, largely -because of the failure of the officers to realize the need. There were, -however, exceptions. An enviable record was made by the stevedore team -at Camp Alexander, Newport News, which defeated all the teams, white -or colored, in the various camps on the lower peninsula of Virginia. -One of the best examples of athletic competition in non-combatant units -was seen in the depot brigades at Camp Gordon, Atlanta, Ga. Three -fields were provided for the men and the teams were well equipped by -their organizations with suits and materials. During the baseball -season two scheduled games were played each week. The two battalions -represented, which formed and marched to the field, always furnished -an enthusiastic crowd. Games were also played with the colleges and -the Federal Prison team in Atlanta, and there was a big field and -track meet. They also had representation in the Camp Gordon meet. In -another camp a regimental cross-country run of two miles was held. -One hundred and thirty-five men entered and one hundred and twenty-six -finished. Boxing was also a source of recreation, and in some camps -men were selected for a special class. These later became instructors. -Boxing contests and exhibitions were held each week, and in some of the -stevedore regiments “battles royal” were conducted. Wrestling was also -introduced, but it was not as popular as boxing and did not receive -much encouragement. - -In Western and Southern camps only a small number of Negro soldiers -frequented the Liberty theatres and Y. M. C. A. auditoriums. In the -South they were not always permitted to attend. In some places they -built their own amusement houses and furnished their own entertainment, -as at Camp Travis, Texas. Here there was a minstrel troupe composed of -exceptional talent, most of the men having been stars in the profession -before being drafted into the army. They gave weekly shows in the camp, -and during the warm weather they played in an open air theatre on the -hillside, with thousands of white and Negro soldiers attending. They -also played in the city theatre in San Antonio, as well as elsewhere -in Texas; and they were accompanied by a forty-piece band which was -considered the finest in the camp. One tangible result of the work of -these entertainers was the erection of a beautiful recreation house at -a cost of $6000 with funds raised entirely by their work. - -Two other notable examples where provision was made for the recreation -and entertainment of Negro soldiers were found in the 92nd Division. -One was at Camp Funston and the other at Camp Upton. The theatre at -Camp Funston was first planned for the soldiers of the 89th Division, -who already had three theatres and a moving-picture show. General -Ballou accordingly used his influence to have the new one erected for -the use of the headquarters section of the 92nd Division, and the -money for the material was furnished by the Government. The soldiers -furnished the labor, with the exception of a foreman, an expert -carpenter, and some interior finishers. The building was wired by a -master electrician, who was drafted from St. Louis; it seated more than -2500; and it was the most beautiful and conveniently arranged theatre -seen in the camps. The “Buffalo” auditorium at Camp Upton was built by -the soldiers of the 367th Regiment, with the assistance of friends. -It was designed for both instruction and recreation. The total cost -was $40,000. Of this amount the officers and men subscribed more than -$14,000, and they conducted a campaign to raise the balance in New -York City. Within the building there was everything from religious -services and lectures to preliminary instruction in the use of the -bayonet, moving pictures and vaudeville. This auditorium was a great -factor in building up the fine _esprit de corps_ of the “Buffalo” -regiment; and the three outstanding examples which we have recorded are -representative of what was done with the co-operation of officers in -the different camps for the recreation and entertainment of the Negro -soldiers. - - -NEGRO CHAPLAINS - -It mattered not how ignorant a Negro soldier was, or how difficult his -life had been, he believed in God and in the efficacy of prayer. There -was something about his religion that was satisfying and genuine, and -no one could attend his services and hear him sing and pray without -being touched. In writing to his family and friends he usually asked -for their prayers. “Tell them all to pray for me and that I am trusting -in the Lord,” said one in dictating a letter, and another: “Tell them -not to worry about me now. I am happy and contented. I have prayed -constantly and have now no fear of death. Whatever happens will be all -right. Tell them to pray for me.” On one Sunday night at Camp Jackson -several white soldiers came into one of the religious services at the -colored “Y,” and they joined heartily in the singing. After the meeting -they told the secretary that they were leaving for France the next -morning and had come to the meeting in order to get a little nearer to -God. - -Such being the general situation, importance attached to the man who -became the religious guide in time of stress. The average minister -was hardly adapted to the work of chaplain, because his experience -had not prepared him to have an understanding and appreciation of the -problems of the men in the new situation. Some who were fitted were -pastors of leading churches and in most cases it was impossible for -them to get a leave of absence. Besides the difficulty of securing -competent men, there was also opposition on the part of many officers -to having Negro chaplains in their organizations. When the efforts -of the Federal Council of Churches resulted in increasing the number, -they found difficulty in serving the Negro men because several of them -were kept in one camp and often in one organization. At Camp Meade, -for instance, at one time there were three Negro chaplains in the 1st -Development Battalion. When this battalion was disbanded in December, -1918, two of the chaplains were assigned to the 4th Battalion, where -there were already one Negro and two white chaplains. At Camp Travis -three Negro chaplains were found serving one organization, and at both -Camps Taylor and Sherman there were several chaplains with a small -number of soldiers. At the same time there were throughout the South -Negro organizations without any chaplain at all, except a machine-gun -group at Camp Hancock and a part of the 157th Development Battalion at -Camp McClellan, which units were served respectively by a white and a -colored chaplain. - -The work of the chaplains who remained in the States consisted in -conducting religious services and in educational work, visiting -the sick in the hospitals, aiding the soldiers in securing their -allotments and allowances, and often adjusting difficulties. A number -of white chaplains served Negro soldiers, especially in the labor -organizations and in one instance in a fighting unit, the 371st -Infantry. Many of these men were sincere and conscientious, yet they -were not able to influence the men to any great extent. One said that -he felt the soldiers would rather have one of their own race for -a religious leader. At first the soldiers would not go to him with -their difficulties, but as he worked among them they came to have more -confidence in him, and a few began to seek his aid in the matter of -securing their allotments and allowances. His most effective work, -however, was in conducting schools for the illiterate. In general it -was not impossible for the white chaplain to enter into the life of -the Negro soldier, if he dealt with him as man to man and was a living -example of his teachings. - -To be a Negro, however, was by no means the only requisite of a -successful chaplain for Negro troops. Personality and moral force also -counted. Because care was not exercised at first in the selections -for Negro soldiers, a great opportunity was lost to serve them in -their darkest hours, when both physical and moral dangers surrounded -them. Some workers, however, won the hearty commendation of both -officers and men. Whether in America or in France, they gave of -themselves freely for their comrades. Such a man was Allen O. Newman -of the 366th Infantry. Soon after joining his regiment he won his -way to the hearts of the men by his genuine appreciation of their -difficulties. When they were in training at Camp Dodge he became one -of them. He ate with some company daily and afterwards gave a short -talk on patriotism or morality. He was also regimental song leader. -A chorus of two hundred and fifty men that he developed gave several -concerts in the city of Des Moines. Chaplain Newman accompanied his -regiment through France, and in the front line trenches he visited -and comforted them constantly. Chaplain H. M. Collins, who served the -stevedore organizations at Camp Williams, Issurtille, was a genuine -“big brother” to his men. The commander, in speaking of his work, said -that he had been the greatest factor in helping to better conditions in -the camp. He remained until the last Negro soldier started for America. -Altogether the sixty Negro chaplains who served during the war made -a real contribution in building up the morale, the morality, and the -loyalty of the Negro soldier. - - -BASE HOSPITALS - -In the National Army cantonments there were at times from 40,000 to -60,000 men. As a part of the equipment of these camps great base -hospitals were erected and supplied with the most modern improvements. -Negro soldiers shared with others the blessings of wonderful -discoveries in surgery and preventive medicine. Even in camps where -living conditions were unsatisfactory, in the base hospitals they were -well treated. Sometimes, as at Camp McClellan at Anniston, there was -such a marked difference within the hospital from the general situation -in the camp, that the men asked questions in their wonderment. Of -course there were exceptions, but whether in the North, the South, the -East, or the West, there was usually to be found among the doctors and -nurses the spirit of the Great Physician and the desire to heal all -men. - - -RED CROSS. NEGRO NURSES - -When American men were called to service, women throughout the -country enrolled as Red Cross members and worked for the organization -in various ways, rendering every service that would make life more -comfortable for the soldiers. They not only served as nurses but -also as canteen workers; and they knitted, sewed, and made bandages. -Hundreds of qualified and registered Negro nurses gladly offered -themselves for service. The Red Cross appeared to be willing to use -these nurses and at times greatly needed them, but for some reason it -was difficult for them actually to enroll for service. Considerable -correspondence with reference to the matter passed through the office -of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, and at last, after -the Armistice was signed, some Negro nurses served at Camps Grant -and Sherman. The first five called by the Red Cross were on duty in -Washington at the time, but on two hours’ notice they were traveling -to Camp Stuart, Newport News, where they were put on duty in the base -hospital to serve four weeks as a trial. They had every consideration -and courtesy, and the commanding officer said of them that he had never -had more competent nurses and that their conduct was above reproach. -After this trial at Newport News, four more were added and all were -sent to the base hospital at Camp Sherman, where they were provided -with a modern home. They worked in the wards on both day and night duty -with the white nurses and served all the soldiers, and because of their -efficiency they won the respect of all. Colored nurses were assigned -to Camp Grant where they made a similar record. - -Important in this general connection is the matter of the general -relation of Negro women throughout the country to Red Cross work. In -the North and West they joined the organization and worked in more -or less complete harmony; but in the South they had difficulty in -becoming members. Yet it was in the South that their services were -most needed. The whole matter is important as a study in effort toward -racial co-operation, and we shall refer to the experience of three -representative cities. - -In Atlanta the colored people were willing to work, because there were -thousands of Negro soldiers at Camp Gordon, some of whom were their -sons. Several attempts were made at first to work, but the Atlanta -chapter assumed an attitude of aloofness. When the Red Cross launched -its campaign in October, 1917, the Negro people were not asked to take -part until only two days were left. They objected at first but finally -decided to do what they could in the remaining two days. A committee -of the most influential men was formed and this raised $400. They also -contributed eight dozen sheets and eight dozen pillow cases. The money -was turned over to the Atlanta chapter, with the names of all persons -who contributed a dollar, the understanding being that this would go as -membership fees in the branch which they would be allowed to form. They -elected temporary officers and applied to the president of the Atlanta -chapter for the complete organization of a branch, but were met by a -policy of evasion. Meanwhile the women were eager to do knitting for -the soldiers and they secured some yarn; but the next morning the young -woman who received the yarn was called up over the telephone and asked -to return the wool she had received, as the Red Cross was “not giving -wool to new organizations.” Further effort on the part of the colored -people at length brought forth a formal letter giving them authority to -establish a branch, but because of certain conditions specified in the -letter and the previous attitude of the chapter in Atlanta, the Negro -people in this city did not finally co-operate in any large measure. - -The attitude of the Red Cross in Little Rock was in the beginning -similar to that of the Atlanta chapter, but there was a feeling on the -part of some of the white people that they should utilize the efforts -of the Negroes because they represented so large a part of their total -strength. W. H. Holt, a representative citizen, believed that some -satisfactory adjustment could be made and took charge of a campaign to -raise $15,000 among the colored people. Instead of $15,000, $22,000 -was raised. This result changed the situation entirely. The Negro -branch was immediately recognized and rooms were opened in the county -courthouse in which various kinds of Red Cross work was done by the -colored women. - -Very different was the case in Greenville, S. C., where was found -the most liberal attitude in any Southern city. The Negro women were -organized in a branch and did the same work as that done by the -members of the white branches. They made comfort-kits for every drafted -man sent from Greenville, as well as other articles desired by the Red -Cross, and they gave $100 to the Y. M. C. A. for the South Carolina -boys at Camp Jackson. They were enthusiastic about the work. The fine -spirit of co-operation shown in Greenville was due in large measure to -the attitude of Mrs. W. G. Sirrine, chairman of the local chapter, who -believed heartily in the assistance of the Negro women and finally said -of them, “They have responded to every call.” In general the work at -this place was an example of what was possible in teamwork between the -races when there was hearty good will and when all were striving for a -common cause. - -In every cantonment city in the South toward the end of the war there -was some form of co-operation between the Red Cross and the colored -women. The organization often aided the families of Negro soldiers when -they were in need, as was necessary in the case of the soldiers at Camp -Knox near Louisville, Ky. The service records of more than a hundred -men were lost. Although they had been in the army for months, their -families had not received a cent of their allotments or allowances. -The Red Cross representative in Louisville took up the matter with the -commanding officer, and he saw that the claims were paid immediately. -This was only one of thousands of cases of such assistance. - - -RED CROSS CANTEEN SERVICE - -Over 65,000 women enrolled in the seven hundred American Red Cross -canteens. This service consisted of canteen kitchens, medical -supplies, and small transfer hospitals. It was organized to stimulate -the morale of the soldiers and to make them feel that the people of the -country appreciated the loyal manner in which they had responded to -the country’s call. In some of the chapters there were organized Negro -canteen auxiliaries, and these did very effective work in such centers -as Hamlet, N. C., Greenville, S. C., Montgomery, Ala., and New Orleans. -At first there was some objection to the wearing of the uniform by -Negro women, but in the centers mentioned they wore it and did regular -work for the soldiers passing through on the trains. At Montgomery -there was a canteen room at the station for colored soldiers, and in -New Orleans there was a well equipped auxiliary with headquarters -on the ground floor of the Pythian Temple owned by Negroes. In the -beginning it was said in some places that the canteen workers failed -to serve Negro soldiers, and to some extent this was true, but it was -by no means the rule. The policy was to render service to all officers -and enlisted men without distinction. On one occasion six hundred Negro -soldiers stopped at a town in Arkansas. They had come direct from the -farms in Louisiana, and were timid and uncertain when they arrived, but -they felt very different when they left. As the local paper said, “The -interest shown in them here made new and fighting men out of them. It -will be a long time before the American Red Cross will perform a better -service, or one that gives the good women, both white and colored, -more pleasure.” Another time, as a train stopped at the station in -Charlotte, N. C., a canteen worker came to a car window and asked the -Negro soldier in the car to have a cup of coffee and a sandwich. He -refused at first, but she insisted, passing the refreshments to him, -and as the train pulled out she uttered a hearty “Good luck!” and “God -bless you!” - -Not only in America but in France also the Red Cross served these men. -At Thiaucourt the canteen was in charge of a young woman who gave away -large quantities of supplies, such as towels, summer underwear, shaving -sticks, razor blades, gum and chocolate. In this instance the Negro -soldiers shared almost entirely in the generosity, but this was only -one of many, many cases of whole-hearted and highly appreciated service. - - -WAR CAMP COMMUNITY SERVICE - -Raymond B. Fosdick, chairman of the Committee on Training Camp -Activities, said in writing about the work of the Commission: “It is -our task, in the first place, to see that the inside of the sixty-odd -army camps furnish real amusement and recreation and social life. In -the second place, we are to see to it that the towns and cities near -by the camps are organized to provide recreation and social life to -the soldiers who flock there when on leave. The Government will give -the men while they train every possible opportunity for education, -amusement, and social life.” - -Negro soldiers were a part of the army for whom recreation was an -essential. In most places, however, the pool rooms and the ice cream -and soft drink parlors very frequently were but meeting-places for -the soldiers and girls, and the boarding and rooming houses were -especially questionable. Public dance halls were hardly ever adequately -supervised. In Charlotte, for instance, where two public halls were -conducted, the most popular one was open and crowded every night. A -policeman acted as doorkeeper and received all tickets. Little effort -was made to control the conduct and none to supervise dancing. - -The War Camp Community Service came into being to organize the social -and recreational facilities of the communities adjacent to the training -camps and to furnish the best possible places for the soldiers in their -free time. City organizations were impressed with their responsibility -for showing genuine hospitality to the men, and invariably they -co-operated. In the beginning there was very little effort to provide -centers for Negro soldiers. Within the first seven months that Negro -soldiers were in the camps in only one city did the War Camp Community -Service make provision for their entertainment. In May, 1918, however, -eight clubs were opened in different cities, and in all cases these -were the best places that provided wholesome amusement, and usually the -only available places. - -While discussion was going on as to whether Negro soldiers would be -permanent and whether it was necessary to establish clubs for them, -R. B. Patin, executive secretary of the War Camp Community Service -at Des Moines, established the first club for Negro soldiers. -The Lincoln School, a large three-story building, was secured by -the Community Service and the Des Moines Chamber of Commerce, and -Herbert R. Wright, a lawyer and former consul of the United States in -Honduras and Venezuela, was placed in charge of the club, which had -a spacious reading-room, well supplied with writing materials, and a -music room with piano, victrola, and numerous records. There was also -an up-to-date cafeteria, as well as a bootblack parlor and a well -conducted pool room. Citizens were invited to the band concerts in the -auditorium, as well as to the socials of the various companies in the -366th Infantry. - -Two of the largest community centers for Negro soldiers were located -at Washington, D. C., and Baltimore, Md. During the summer of 1918 a -well equipped “Soldiers’ Club” was established in Washington; it was -conducted by J. B. Ramsey and the co-operation of the community was -more effective than in any other center visited by the writer. Some -form of entertainment was given practically every evening by club or -church organizations; on Sundays many wounded soldiers at the Walter -Reed Hospital were taken to church and then to dinner; and on Christmas -Day, 1918, and New Year’s Day, 1919, there was very special hospitality -and entertainment. The center in Baltimore was opened July 20, 1918, -and was in charge of Dr. W. H. Weaver, a Presbyterian minister. The -club was visited by soldiers from Camp Meade, Camp Holabird, Curtis -Bay, the Canton warehouses, and Edgewood, and its chief feature was -its sleeping-quarters accommodating two hundred men. For these the -fee was 25 cents a night and they were the most attractive found in -any center for Negro soldiers. The men at Camp Upton had access to the -recreational facilities of New York, and while a club was established -for them in Harlem, they did not depend upon the community center as in -most other places. At Camp Devens in Massachusetts the soldiers’ clubs -were open to all men in uniform irrespective of race. - -So much has been said about racial goodwill in Virginia that it was -surprising that there should be in this state in the beginning an -indifference that was very close to opposition to the establishing of -clubs for Negro soldiers. After the first eight months of war, however, -the need became so urgent that clubs were established at Petersburg -and Richmond for the soldiers at Camp Lee, at Alexandria for those at -Camp Humphrey, and at Norfolk, Portsmouth, Newport News, and Hampton -for the sailors and soldiers in the various camps and training stations -on the Lower Peninsula. At Petersburg, on account of the opposition of -the local ministers, dancing was not included as a part of the club -entertainment. At Alexandria an Odd Fellows Hall, owned by Negroes, was -donated to the Community Service without rent. The first club erected -at Newport News proving altogether inadequate, eighteen city lots were -purchased and a new building costing $25,000 erected. A staff of six -secretaries was employed. To furnish the building at Hampton, Negro -citizens raised $1,000, an effective program being carried out under -the direction of Miss Elizabeth Martin. The success of the work in -Newport News and Hampton was largely due to the sincere effort of J. L. -Einstein, director of community work on the Lower Peninsula. - -In Columbia, S. C., community work was influenced by local sentiment -and it was more than a year before a club was provided for Negro -soldiers. At Spartanburg and Greenville there were small clubs which -were principally bureaus of information, and at Greenville the colored -committee especially opposed dancing. At Charlotte, where a hotel -was renovated and made into an attractive club, the Negro ministers -gave their moral support, and clubs of colored women aided greatly. -In Atlanta it was said that the Negro soldiers were not “stationary -enough” for a club, though thousands of them were constantly at Camp -Gordon during the first year of the war. It was necessary at length for -the War Department to intervene on behalf of the men and a club was -finally established November 15, 1918, after fifteen months of waiting. -When it was established the colored committee objected to dancing, -pool and card playing, thus eliminating the forms of recreation that -the soldiers especially enjoyed. In Augusta, near Camp Hancock, more -than $3,000 was spent in renovating a two-story hall, and the club was -in charge of a liberal Baptist minister, Rev. R. J. McCain. At Macon, -near Camp Wheeler, club rooms were secured in the Pythian Temple. At -Anniston, near Camp McClellan, the man employed as janitor was expected -to do the executive work and very little was done by way of carrying -out a constructive program. At Hattiesburg, Miss., a committee of -Negro men raised $100, rented and furnished a small rest room for the -Negro soldiers when they were first sent to Camp Shelby; later the War -Camp Community Service renovated the Masonic Hall with two floors and -attractively furnished it as a club. At Alexandria, La., near Camp -Beauregard, a club was opened in the Masonic Hall and repaired by the -Community Service at a cost of $1,000. At Little Rock the club was in -the Taborian Hall, a modern, well located building. The Negro citizens -paid the rent of $10 a month, while the Community Service equipped the -room. A soldier from Camp Pike was in charge. Effective work was not -done at this center because of lack of co-operation with the citizens. -The state of Texas was generally behind others in the work. At Camp -Logan, Houston, Camp MacArthur, Waco, and Camp Bowie, Fort Worth, there -were no centers. $5,000 was placed in the budget at Fort Worth for a -club, but it was cut out entirely, and the Negro people felt keenly the -attitude toward Negro soldiers after they had contributed generously -toward the various “drives” for the war. At Camp Travis in San Antonio, -after eight months had passed, the Negro citizens purchased a site and -gave it to the War Department for as long a time as it might be needed. -The War Camp Community Service appropriated $10,000, and a building was -opened at Christmas, 1918. When this was no longer needed for war work, -it was turned over to the colored people and used as a public library. - -All told this work gave to many Negro people a new conception of well -organized and supervised recreation for the young people. Scores of -men and women were employed as secretaries and tens of thousands of -dollars spent in promoting the work. Realizing that the development of -recreation centers for Negro girls was a part of the bigger problem -from the standpoint of the soldiers, the War Camp Community Service did -not confine its activities to maintaining clubs for soldiers but also -established centers where there were persons who gave their entire time -to girls. In the cantonment cities the young women were organized into -patriotic leagues and clubs, and these co-operated with the soldiers -in giving entertainments and socials, and in those cities where the -work for girls was most active there it was that Community Service as a -whole was most successful. When the first soldiers’ club was equipped -at Des Moines, one of the chief factors contributing to its success was -the organization also of four girls’ clubs with a total membership of -one hundred and thirty. There was a chaperone for each club; gymnasium -classes met twice a week, and at the close a demonstration in folk -games was given. At Chillicothe the club room was located under an -Episcopal mission and was beautifully furnished. In Baltimore the -whole effort was handled with unusual success, and no young woman was -admitted to the parties without a card from the hostesses. The work -in these three places was typical. Sometimes employment departments -and classes in cooking and sewing were conducted. All such effort -gave the young women better protection and at the same time afforded -them social contact in a wholesome environment. It also gave to the -different communities a deeper sense of responsibility for the welfare -of the Negro girl. - - -THE NEGRO CHURCH - -In the cantonment cities, especially in the South, there were numerous -representative Negro churches. A few of these had adequate facilities -for the entertainment of soldiers, but many were too poorly located or -equipped to conduct social centers. The ministers’ unions or alliances -always endorsed the war work for the soldiers, but rarely was there -organized effort on the part of the churches. On one occasion in -Columbia, S. C., the ministers’ alliance assumed responsibility for the -money contributed by the citizens for a flag presented to the 371st -Infantry. Some important factors contributed to the general situation. -In many cases at the beginning the welfare agencies in the cantonment -cities showed a tendency to ignore the Negro citizens. Another -difficulty was found in the uncertainty as to the soldiers’ presence. -Numerous cases occurred where elaborate arrangements were made for the -men and they did not arrive at all. In such a case of course either -the church or the camp authorities had failed to do what was necessary -for the most complete co-operation. Sometimes when rest rooms were -provided by the churches, the soldiers were not enthusiastic about them -because of the limitations placed upon them. Excellent concerts and -well ordered socials were sometimes given by the churches, however, -and soldiers were frequently invited to dinner at the homes of members -of congregations after the Sunday services. - -The best co-operation in any cantonment city between the Negro -churches and the camp authorities was probably that in Atlanta. The -Congregational church here had a spacious basement, a good library and -a well equipped gymnasium, and a trained worker organized and worked -with the girls’ clubs. A special Sunday afternoon service was held and -after this there were refreshments. Other large churches in Atlanta -were also active. San Antonio followed closely in such endeavor; -and in Augusta, Ga., one church sent a wagon load of watermelons to -the soldiers, and another twenty gallons of ice cream. In all the -cantonment cities ministers from the various churches preached in the -camps and they often took with them their church choirs. Some of the -national religious bodies sent camp pastors to the soldiers, and these -men sometimes spent as much as three days a week addressing those in -uniform and visiting the hospitals. - - -FEDERAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES - -The General Wartime Commission of the Churches was constituted by the -Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America soon after the -nation entered the war. This commission was composed of more than a -hundred men chosen from the different religious bodies which were -dealing with the problems raised by the war, and its activities were -conducted through committees charged with specific phases of war -work. Reports of conditions in the camps led to the Appointment of a -Committee on the Welfare of Negro troops. This consisted of Bishop -Wilbur P. Thirkield, chairman, George Foster Peabody, Dr. R. R. Moton, -Dr. James H. Dillard, J. R. Hawkins, Thomas Jesse Jones, Rev. M. Ashby -Jones, Bishop R. E. Jones, Robert E. Speer, Rev. Henry A. Atkinson, -Rev. W. H. Jernagin, and Rev. Gaylord S. White. - -In order that the Committee might have definite information for its -work, two Negro men, Charles H. Williams and Rev. G. Lake Imes, were -appointed as field secretaries. Of their work Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, -executive secretary of the committee, wrote as follows: “One of -these, financed by the Phelps-Stokes Fund, made careful observations -of conditions in and about the cantonments where colored soldiers -were located. The reports prepared by this worker showed such a -thoroughness in ascertaining the truth and such a constructive point -of view in the recommendations made as to win the cordial approval of -the War Department and all the agencies co-operating in the care of -the soldiers. The second worker devoted his time to the study of the -churches in their relations to colored soldiers. On the basis of these -observations he assisted the churches to plan their activities so as -to be of real help to the soldiers in the community.” The reports of -the field secretaries were sent direct to the War Department and on -the basis of them conferences were held with the Secretary of War and -the various welfare organizations. It was in this connection that the -Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, Dr. Emmett J. Scott, labored -unceasingly to remove discrimination and adjust difficulties. Members -of the committee, though in an unofficial capacity, often assisted -directly. Bishop Thirkield visited various camps and cantonment cities -and conferred with army officers, chambers of commerce, and Rotary -clubs, always with a view to improving conditions. Mr. Peabody on a -number of occasions went to Washington and conferred with the President -and the Secretary of War with reference to the Negro soldiers. In a -most uncompromising manner he always advocated a square deal. Dr. -Moton was frequently called into conference with President Wilson and -Secretary Baker and was also asked to go to France to investigate the -situation when damaging reports had been spread in both America and -France with reference to the conduct of Negro officers and soldiers. -Dr. Jones was also called into conference and toward the close of the -war went to France under the auspices of the Y. M. C. A. - -Thus, while there were many difficulties and an enormous amount of -work to be done in the different welfare agencies--whether the Y. M. -C. A., the Red Cross, the Community Service, or some other--there were -loyal souls who were laboring unceasingly for the comfort of the Negro -soldier and also for the final consummation of victory for the great -cause in which all were engaged. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE STEVEDORE - - -Very early in the war it was found that there was a serious shortage -of common labor in the American army. France was unable to supply -her own needs, and therefore not at all able to assist her allies. -To supply the American need for common labor Negroes were suggested, -G. K. Little, assistant engineer at Mobile, Ala., writing to the -chief engineer that they were “loyal and willing to obey all orders -irrespective of weather conditions or other hardships” and generally -“peculiarly desirable.” It was the plan of these engineer service -battalions to work wherever they could help and to do whatever was -necessary. Forty-six such battalions were formed. The first four -consisted of white men and the others of Negroes. - -The stevedores represent that part of an army about which little is -said because it does the rough, unskilled work; yet no group renders a -more valiant service or contributes more to the success of an army than -do these men. - -This was especially true of the 150,000 Negro stevedores in the Great -War, who played an important part both at home and abroad. Included -in the term were the engineer regiments, the depot brigades, and the -service, labor, and development battalions. Some officials have said -that the Negro stevedore rendered the most magnificent service of any -Negro organizations in France. Their work was undoubtedly appreciated -by the War Department and by most citizens; yet honors were not -conferred upon them as upon the fighting men. No brass bands came out -to greet them on their return. Few had opportunities to win the Croix -de Guerre or the Distinguished Service Cross, although they often -performed deeds of bravery while working behind the lines in the range -of the big guns. - -Unfortunately the term “stevedores” came to mean to many people those -who were physically or mentally unfit to be fighting men and they were -looked upon as inferior to other soldiers. Sometimes this was true, but -it is also true that there were thousands of stevedores who represented -the best of the young manhood of America. In the beginning of the draft -hundreds of Negro men who met all the physical qualifications could -not meet the educational tests. Such men were usually transferred -to stevedore organizations, and the rate of illiteracy in these ran -from 35 to 75 per cent. Sometimes also those who because of physical -unfitness were only partially able to serve their country when it -needed them, nevertheless rendered some valuable service in American -camps. Such a company was the 402nd Reserve Labor Battalion, stationed -at Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga. This was located fifteen miles from the -camp in a wood, where it built roads and also kept in condition the -range for the officers and men being trained for the battle fronts in -France. - -The question naturally arises how it happened that some of the best -of the Negro youth were placed in the stevedore regiments. In the -beginning there was great need for men to do the manual work connected -with supplying with food and equipment two million soldiers in France. -The Negro was regarded by many army officials as specially adapted -to this work because of his previous training and his cheerful -disposition; and for one reason or another some other officials -deemed it advisable to withhold from him regular military training. -Accordingly, in the fall of 1917, colored draftees and volunteers were -sent to various assembling camps and formed into stevedore and labor -units. Thousands from the Southern states, many of them students in the -schools and colleges, rushed to the colors with the hope of entering -combatant units, only to find, to their great disappointment, that they -had been assigned to service regiments. - -The work in the United States varied with the different camps. -Sometimes it was the handling of supplies or ammunition. Then again -it was grading, ditching, digging stumps, cleaning up new ground for -building purposes, or draining camps. The men did every form of fatigue -work and sometimes built roads along with civilians who received $3.50 -or $4.00 a day. Those who remained in the United States did not, as a -rule, experience as hard a life as their comrades in France. Living -conditions in the cantonments were usually very good, even in the tent -camps after the necessary improvements had been made. Sometimes it -happened that the stevedore was neglected in the beginning, especially -if he was placed in a camp apart from the other soldiers. Such was -the case at Camp Hill, Newport News, in the winter of 1917-18. In the -coldest weather experienced in this part of the country in a quarter of -a century, the stevedores lived in tents without floors or stoves. Most -of them could get only one blanket and some could not secure even that. -Twenty to thirty occupied one tent 16 feet square. Often men reaching -the camp in zero weather were compelled to stand around a fire outside -all night or sleep under trees for partial shelter from the wind, rain, -and snow. For four months no bathing facilities or changes of clothing -were provided. Food was served outdoors and often froze before it could -be eaten. After inspectors and other investigators constantly reported -these conditions they were changed. Comfortable barracks and mess halls -were built, a Y. M. C. A. building and a hostess house erected, and -the name of the camp was changed from Hill to Alexander in honor of -one of the three Negro lieutenants who had been graduated from West -Point. Not only in this camp, but in every other where unsatisfactory -conditions prevailed, improvements were gradually made until, at the -end of the war, most of the stevedores in American camps were living in -comfortable surroundings. - -The stevedore units were commanded almost entirely by white -commissioned officers, with white sergeants and colored corporals. In -some engineer units all the non-commissioned officers were white, -though in rare cases they were all colored. The work of the Negro -stevedore in the American Expeditionary Force was considered of prime -importance. He was among the first to sail for France, and among the -very first was a group of one hundred men from New Orleans. They and -those who followed them were to be found at the base ports of Brest, -St. Nazaire, Bordeaux, Marseilles, and Le Havre, and at such railheads -as Tours, Liffol-le-Grand, Gierve, St. Sulpice, Chaumont, and other -such centers. The largest of these ports was Brest, and here the men -did more work than anywhere else. They handled all kinds of supplies -at the docks, coaled ships, and helped to build piers and docks. They -labored night and day, sometimes continuously for sixteen hours. -Although they worked in the rain and snow, it was only after months -had passed that they were provided with oil-skin suits and gum boots. -One high officer said, “The men who worked on these docks have had the -hardest job of any men in France, but their spirit has been fine.” In -the “Race to Berlin” the Brest port won the championship, a company of -the 310th Service Battalion winning the honor of having done more work -than any similar outfit in France. As a reward it was sent back to the -States earlier than would otherwise have been the case. - -The St. Nazaire base was the second largest port. Numerous camps were -located outside the city, extending as far as fifteen kilometers. -Twenty-eight miles of warehouses were constructed at Montois and -filled with supplies of every description, while outside there were -railroad engines, cars, and vast quantities of construction material. -St. Nazaire was also a huge embarkation port. At times more than -50,000 colored soldiers were stationed in this vicinity. The long pier -extending a mile out into the water was built almost exclusively by -the 317th Engineers. The task was very dangerous, as the men had to -work standing on slippery boards, but it was finally completed and -stood as a memorial to the Negro soldiers. Camp Guthrie was built -entirely by Negro men. They composed the personnel and ran the big -troop kitchens, the delousing plants, the officers’ mess halls, and -the infirmaries. Here, as at Brest, the hardest work on the docks -was done exclusively by Negro soldiers. This included coaling ships -and unloading supplies of all kinds, including railroad engines and -tractors. During the “Race to Berlin” new port records for unloading -ships were made weekly. The men sometimes “worked like mad men,” -having received the impression that they were going home as soon as -the armistice was signed. Badges were given to those who got the most -work done, and the base port winning the week’s competition flew a flag -for the next week. In addition to the work on the docks, the soldiers -built and repaired roads, built railroads, warehouses, a round house, -a water-filtering plant, and did general fatigue duty. In referring -to what they accomplished a major said, “It has been no hero service, -but has been hard, long, and faithful, and it is appreciated. These -men have handled 30,000 tons of material in one day.” Another officer -said, “Many colored soldiers are sleeping in the little graveyard on -the hill because they broke their heartstrings in the ‘Race to Berlin.’” - -Bordeaux was the third of the large ports. In the camps outside the -city as many as fifty thousand soldiers were stationed at times. At St. -Sulpice in the Bordeaux area the American army built and filled with -provisions and munitions about one hundred warehouses. At two camps on -the outskirts of the city, Anconia and Bassens, twenty thousand Negro -soldiers were stationed for months, handling cargoes day and night. -Many of them worked sixteen hours a day and rarely ever saw the camp in -the daytime, as they went to and from work in the dark. - -The work at the other base ports was similar, though on a smaller -scale. Sometimes hundreds of miles of railroad track had to be laid or -great steel warehouses erected. Gierve was outstanding as a center for -such work, as it was the largest supply depot in France. Warehouses -here covered an area seven miles long and three miles wide. There were -always some Negro units stationed at this place, along with white -units which did stevedore work. The two organizations which served at -Gierve for the longest period were the 313th and 328th Negro labor -battalions. At Liffol-le-Grand, near Chaumont, the headquarters of the -commander-in-chief of the American Army, there was another large supply -depot. Here the Negro engineers drained and cleared a swamp, laid miles -of railroad track, and helped to build a large round house and several -warehouses. - -The stevedores were the great roadbuilders in France. Thousands -also worked in the great forests, cutting wood, peeling trees, and -laboring in the sawmills. In the Forestry Division at Jironde they -made an average of peeling 35 trees a day per man, while the average -of other engineers were only 15 trees. Nazareth Thaggard of the 323rd -Service Battalion made the highest record of any man in the A. E. F. -by cutting 30 steres of wood in one day. The task for his company was -five steres. For this notable achievement he was given a twenty-day -pass to travel over France and made a corporal in his organization. The -320th Engineers cut and carried wood for a mile and a half on their -backs. The men in the 332nd Labor Battalion, stationed at Brion, cut -six steres of wood as a daily task. They cut 1500 steres at Jerocho -and 5400 at Comercy. The woodcutters lived in floorless tents often -surrounded by mud. Many times the necessary clothing and boots could -not be secured, and sometimes they were obliged to eat in the rain and -snow. Dr. Hope, of whom we have spoken as at the head of Y. M. C. A. -work for Negro soldiers in France, said in speaking of a visit to the -woodcutters: “One night I went in a car fifteen miles out in a wood -with a chaplain who came to a small French town to buy ‘smokes’ for -the men. When we reached the camp it was dark. Lights were seen in -the narrow streets and mud deeper than I had ever seen before. In the -morning the men got up at 4.45. The sound they made walking through -the mud was unlike any noise that I had ever heard. Even at that early -hour some were joking, some singing.” The record of almost every -organization cutting wood shows that the men endured great suffering, -and the Negro’s sense of humor was a great asset to him. Said one -private who served with the 323rd service battalion: “We have come in -wet to the skin, with our boots half full of water. Some would go to a -stove and get warm, some would sing, some play cards. Others would walk -five miles for French bread and butter and eggs that they would cook -in their mess-kits. Some would laugh and be happy, while others beside -them would die.” - -After peace was declared and the American army started home, there -remained still much work to be done “over there.” The heroes who fell -at Château-Thierry, Amiens, St. Mihiel, in Belleau Wood and the Argonne -Forest deserved a suitable resting-place. The work of reburying the -dead was done almost exclusively by the Negro stevedores. Daily convoys -of trucks went as far as a hundred kilometers, and men searched the -fields, forests, and shell holes for the dead, who were brought to the -cemeteries and reinterred. This was the most ghastly and gruesome task -in the A. E. F.; yet the way the Negroes worked may be judged from the -fact that at Romagne, where the largest American cemetery is located, -1038 and 1050 soldiers were reburied in two successive days. The nature -of the work required that much of it be done after midnight when most -of the men were asleep. One could hear the sound of the hammer and -the tread of feet, and the lonely minor chord of the Negroes’ song -as they drove nails into the coffins. The electric lights all over -the cemeteries at night showed these men moving about without the -traditional fear attributed to them. Theirs was no enviable task, but -no group of men ever displayed finer spirit in the performance of duty, -and no soldiers more loyally served the republic. - - * * * * * - -With all of their good service, however, the stevedore organizations -were not popular with the Negro soldiers. One reason for this was the -lack of opportunity in them for promotion. One incident will illustrate -the situation. A colonel who was organizing one of these regiments out -of recently drafted men, in an attempt to stir up enthusiasm, said, -“Men, we are going overseas in two weeks. We are going to see the -country and have some fun. You’ll probably never hear a gun fired.” -There was no applause, and the colonel seemed not to realize that -the lack of it was due to the fact that the men not only wanted to -hear guns fired but wanted to fire some themselves. Continuing, he -said, “This is the first opportunity Negroes ever had to serve as -engineers. It is all an experiment. It’s up to you men to make good.” -After concluding his remarks he asked if there were any questions. -“Sir, Colonel, what about promotions?” asked one man. This turn rather -surprised the officer, but he recovered and said, “The officers will -be white.” A moment later he added, “The non-commissioned officers -will also be white.” Then he paused, and the soldier repeated the -question. The colonel then said, “There will be twenty-five first class -privates, who will carry rifles, and you know they get three dollars -a month more pay. You know cooks are needed. A lot of men will want -that job, but it takes a ---- good man to be a cook.” The silence -which greeted this remark indicated great disappointment on the part -of the men. Seeing this, the colonel tried to hold out some hope by -saying that some non-commissioned officers would be made in France -when new organizations were formed. As a matter of fact, as the war -progressed, many appointments as non-commissioned officers were made, -the commanders of Negro soldiers ultimately realizing that they as well -as other soldiers were prompted to do better work when there were even -remote possibilities of securing promotions. - -The kind of treatment accorded the men was due almost entirely to -the attitude of the officers who immediately commanded them. In some -organizations commanding officers were more like foremen and overseers -over railroad gangs and plantation workers than like officers in -command of American soldiers. Very frequently little interest was taken -in the personal appearance of the men, and military law was practically -disregarded in dealing with them. One commander did not hesitate to -say that if the men did not move as he thought they should, he helped -them with his foot, and the soldiers were placed in the guardhouse -on the most trivial pretense. “The spirit of St. Nazaire,” said one -officer, “is the spirit of the South,” and in the early days of this -great camp there were constant clashes caused by racial feeling and by -drinking. There were several colored French women at this base. White -officers and soldiers were frequently seen with them, but if a Negro -was seen with a white French woman a good deal was likely to be said, -and trouble was generally started by the marines. Discriminatory orders -were often issued, and stevedores experienced difficulties in visiting -cafés and other public places. Sometimes they were also forbidden to -enter French homes or to be seen in company with French civilians. -With the military police there was special trouble, as the men -received the impression that they made a special effort to use their -authority to abuse Negro soldiers. Sometimes they conducted an “era of -ruthlessness,” and many of the fights and “near riots” were due to such -efforts. In the railway terminal in one cantonment city, when large -numbers of soldiers were returning to camp, every Negro was required to -show his pass, but the passes of the white men were not required. This -sort of thing made for friction, as did also the manner in which the -soldiers were often approached by the M. P.’s. - -On the other hand, the Negro soldiers themselves were not without -faults. Some of their difficulties were due to their own ignorance -and to customs that they brought into the army from civil life. On -plantations and public works some had been used to “ducking the boss” -and slipping away, and attempts to continue this practice in the army -sometimes resulted in their being placed in the guardhouse. - -In such a situation it is pleasant to recall that two junior officers -in one organization were always working in the interest of the men -and heartily disapproved of the treatment they received. In their -camp discriminatory orders were not issued. While moreover some of -the roughest treatment given the stevedores was by Southern officers, -it is also true that some of the best and fairest officers commanding -Negro troops were Southern men. Such officers saw that their men -were well equipped, if it was possible to equip them, and provided -for their recreation by organizing athletic teams and by giving full -co-operation to the “Y” in its program. The 313th Labor Battalion was -commanded by such an officer in France and its fine record was largely -due to his impartial attitude. For the 542nd Engineers, one of whose -companies worked on the roads in the Remaucourt region in France, there -was built a little auditorium. This was wired by one of the officers, -and the scenery for the shows was painted by one of the men. There -were pictures every night and people from the village near by were -free to attend. One of the men, Frank Johnson, won the middleweight -championship of the S. O. S. and his only defeat was at the hands of -the French champion. That the stevedores appreciated their commanders -in such organizations was shown by the fact that when they sailed for -America they often presented to them gifts costing hundreds of francs. - -The story of one camp will serve to illustrate both types of officers -that commanded Negro troops. Camp Williams, located at Issurtille, -was the second largest supply depot in France. During the last days -of the war 12,000 Negro soldiers, mainly engineers and stevedores, -were stationed there. They built warehouses and railroads and supplied -the combat troops with wood, food, clothing, medicine and shells and -ammunition of all kinds. The camp adjutant said that they did their -work without grumbling. The non-commissioned officers were both -white and colored, mainly white. Very often they were ignorant men. -Illiterate Negro men were often selected in preference to educated men -and sometimes were made to serve as “stool pigeons.” For nine months -at this camp there was in force a special order bearing date July 3, -1918, which said: “All colored enlisted men of this command are hereby -confined to the limits of the Camp and Depot until further advised.” -The enforcing of this order was a great cause of trouble. When white -troops were permitted to visit not only Issurtille but all the -surrounding towns, many of the colored men broke the rules and left the -camp without passes; this brought them into conflict with the M. P.’s, -and ended by their being placed in the guardhouse. On arresting the men -the M. P.’s frequently cursed them and on the slightest provocation -threatened to use revolvers. Conditions finally made necessary a change -in the camp commander. Colonel S. V. Ham, a regular army officer who -had been wounded twice at the front, assumed command. He found a -filthy camp with practically no morale. Segregation was everywhere -and prejudice was intense. At once he issued the following order: -“The restrictions against visiting towns in this district by colored -troops are hereby removed until further notice. It is the desire of -the Commanding Officer to place the colored troops on the same status -as the white troops.” This was dated March 26, 1919. Colonel Ham -also issued an order forbidding the use of the word “nigger” in the -camp. All officers attended officers’ meetings when they were held; -previously colored officers never went, for they did not know when the -meetings were to be held. Lectures were given on the treatment of the -soldiers; military discipline was enforced in the case of both officers -and men; and the Colonel himself pulled down some of the discriminatory -signs. The result was that within three weeks the number of men in the -guardhouse was reduced from three hundred to fifty; sometimes several -days would pass without a man’s being placed there. Complaints were -reduced 60 per cent within the first week. Interesting also is the fact -that the rate of venereal disease in the camp was also lowered. The -general attitude of Colonel Ham changed the spirit of both officers and -men, and before long the feeling of racial antagonism gave way to one -of comradeship. - - -PIONEER INFANTRY ORGANIZATIONS - -There were fourteen other organizations in France, known as Pioneer -Infantry Regiments, which did mainly stevedore work. These were -composed largely of men who were drafted during the summer of 1918 and -who were given from one to three months of intensive military training -in American camps and then sent overseas. The commissioned officers -were white, and the enlisted personnel colored. In France a small -number of colored dental officers, chaplains, and band leaders were -assigned in some of the regiments. It appears that the idea of the -War Department in forming these organizations was to have men trained -to fight, if needed, and also to have sufficient men to do the work -necessary for the maintenance of a big army. - -Most of the regiments reached France during the months of September and -October, 1918, and consequently did no actual fighting. They worked in -the S. O. S. and in the advanced section, sometimes in the back area -of shell fire, and in a few instances near the front lines. Their work -consisted of road building, assistance at the base ports, salvaging -the battlefields, demunition and demolition work, and the building -of ammunition dumps with material moved from the battlefields to the -roads and then to central stations. The removing of ammunition after -the Château-Thierry drive was so satisfactorily done that Lt. Col. Ord, -chief ammunition officer of the S. O. S., wrote a letter in which he -said: “These two depots were transformed from a heterogeneous pile to -this remarkable condition in seven days, and I desire to compliment the -officers and twenty-six men who went from these headquarters as well as -the 801st Pioneer Infantry for this remarkable achievement.” - -Before the Armistice several regiments worked behind the front lines -in the Argonne Forest and at St. Mihiel, where they built narrow- and -wide-gauge railroads and macadam roads for the movement of light and -heavy artillery and supplies. It was also the task of some to bury the -dead, working under shell fire. Sometimes bombs dropped among them, -killing and wounding them; but because of their late arrival in France -they did not work long in such danger. After the Armistice some did -guard duty, looking after the German prisoners. Companies of the 806th -and 811th Pioneer Infantry regiments did a part of the concrete and -grading work for the Pershing Stadium, the $100,000 structure erected -by the Y. M. C. A. for the inter-allied games held in July, 1919. - -While the Pioneer Infantry regiments and the stevedores did the -same kind of work for the most part, the former received the better -treatment, as their officers generally insisted on a square deal for -their men. In one battalion the major, an Alabamian, discouraged -segregation by removing all objectionable signs, and he made no effort -to prevent his men from associating with respectable French people. -The commander of the 815th Pioneer Infantry regiment gave wholesome -lectures to his men as a means of education and encouragement. These -organizations also, with few exceptions, were liberal in granting -leaves and in issuing week-end passes, and some of the men were sent -to the universities in France when the A. E. F. conducted its great -educational program. - -Most of the regiments had good bands, minstrel shows, and baseball -teams. The 807th Pioneer Infantry Band of fifty-two pieces was removed -from its organization for several months and stationed with General -Liggett of the First Army Corps, being called the First Army Post -Band. The 806th Pioneer Infantry Band played at the Columbus Stadium -in Paris, giving daily concerts during the A. E. F. try-outs for the -inter-allied meet. The baseball team of the 809th was the most notable -Negro team in France. It won the championship of the St. Nazaire base -and finished third in the A. E. F. league. The umpires in the league -were fair in all the games. - -The Pioneer Infantry organizations proved a disappointment to many of -the soldiers in them because, as one officer said, “they did everything -the infantry was too proud to do and the engineers too lazy to do.” -However, they did splendid work and returned to America with a record -of honorable achievement. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE NINETY-SECOND DIVISION - - -The Ninety-second Division gave to the Negroes of the United States -the opportunity which they had long desired, namely, organization into -fighting units commanded largely by Negro men. In its creation Negroes -were drafted from all sections of the country and from all walks of -life. The largest group of Negro officers ever commissioned served with -this division, which was not trained in one camp, as was true with -other divisions in the National Army, but whose various units were -distributed among seven camps, extending from Camp Funston, Kan., to -Camp Upton, N. Y. The units were stationed as follows: - - Division Headquarters } - Headquarters Troops } Camp Funston - Divisional Trains } - 365th Infantry Camp Grant - 366th Infantry Camp Dodge - 367th Infantry Camp Upton - 368th Infantry Camp Meade - 349th Field Artillery } Camp Dix - 350th Field Artillery } - 351st Field Artillery Camp Meade - 349th Machine-Gun Battalion Camp Funston - 350th Machine-Gun Battalion Camp Grant - 351st Machine-Gun Battalion Camp Upton - 317th Engineers Regiment } - 317th Engineers Train } Camp Sherman - 325th Signal Corps } - 317th Trench Mortar Battery Camp Dix - -As the headquarters troops, the military police, the 317th ammunition, -sanitary, and supply trains were all organized and trained with -the headquarters of the Division at Camp Funston, there was great -enthusiasm for achievement among these troops, and an earnest effort -was made to have them attain the highest possible efficiency. Being -close to the inspiration and brains of the Division, they set the -standard for the other units. By their wonderful progress moreover -they changed the attitude of the camp in regard to Negro soldiers -and developed in themselves and in their commanding officers greater -confidence in their ability. - -The infantry regiments were probably the best known, not only among the -Negro people but in Army circles as well. Negroes had made a glorious -record in this branch of the service and were naturally expected -to defend that record. The thousands of soldiers inducted into the -Division, and especially those drawn into the four infantry regiments, -began their training resolved that they would live up to the traditions -of the past. Every man realized that he was representing a confident -and loyal people who prayed and hoped for the success of the Division, -who followed every step of its progress, and who rejoiced with every -victory and sorrowed at every failure. The men were fully conscious of -their responsibility and began their work with enthusiasm. - -From reveille to retreat the recruits were carried through intensive -training, which included physical exercise, a study of the articles -of war, practice marching, use of the bayonet, shooting, the use of -grenades, and signal and semaphore work. Besides their program of -purely military instruction they were given lectures on personal -hygiene and first aid that prepared them to be not only good soldiers -but also better men. From five to seven months of such training showed -wonderful results in every regiment. Undeveloped young men from the -farms and cotton-fields of the South learned to stand erect and to walk -with a firm step, and they were also made to feel that America expected -each of them to do a man’s work. - -So well did Negroes absorb this training that they were often -considered the best drilled and best disciplined organizations in the -camps where they were trained. This was said to be true, for instance, -of the 367th Infantry, commonly known as the “Buffaloes,” which was -trained at Camp Upton. It paraded in New York City on Washington’s -Birthday, 1918, when it was presented with colors by the Union League -Club. The 368th was reviewed by President Wilson in Baltimore during -a Liberty Loan drive. At such times the press of the country carried -articles commending the Negro men for their martial appearance and -wonderful marching, and this praise not only developed a greater pride -in themselves but caused other Americans to recognize their real value -as soldiers. - -The organization of the 92nd Division made it necessary to train -Negroes in other branches of service than the infantry. The mere -suggestion of Negro artillery regiments brought laughter from some -old Army men, and even officers assigned to train the soldiers in -this branch of the service were dubious as to their success. However, -three artillery regiments were organized and the experiment proved a -success. After seven months of hard work at Camps Dix and Meade these -regiments were ready to sail to France, where they were to receive -additional training before doing combat duty. Specialist details, -composed of “non-coms,” were given intensive training, and before -leaving the States they were able to calculate firing data, to use the -various American optical instruments, to connect up and use the field -telephones, to signal, and to perform efficiently the work connected -with the occupation of a position. - -In the three machine-gun battalions--the 349th, 350th, and 351st, -trained at Camps Funston, Grant, and Upton respectively--it was found -that Negroes immediately grasped the intricacies of the machine-gun -and soon excelled in its mechanical manipulation. Ignorant men, those -unable either to read or to write, could take apart and assemble every -part of a gun to the minutest spring. As in other branches, they worked -with a will to succeed, and learned map-reading, trench-digging, -the use of dug-outs, and the construction of shafts and camouflaged -machine-gun emplacements, all of which knowledge was to be essential -when they met the enemy in France. They also mastered the drill and -made a splendid record on the range. In the Division overseas a -machine-gun school was also started, in charge of Lieut. Benjamin -H. Mosby, a Negro officer, one of the main objects being to make -machine-gun officers out of infantry officers. More than two hundred -men attended this course. - -The organization of the 325th Signal Corps marked the first time in -the history of the country when Negro men were placed in this branch -of the service. Before the organization of this unit was completed, -a representative of the War Department visited Negro educational -institutions and explained the qualifications for this branch of the -service. As a result, men with superior technical and academic training -were inducted into it. The work was new to most of the men, but their -training enabled them to master it rapidly, so much so that they -surprised the higher officials. The corps was organized and trained at -Camp Sherman, and six officers were raised from the ranks. The unit -boasted of having one of the best health records in France; not one -case of venereal disease was discovered in it. The story is told of one -man who, though he could scarcely write his name when he entered the -service, was able, at the time of the Armistice, to take messages at -the rate of twenty-five words a minute. - -The distribution of the troops in the Division handicapped the -administration somewhat. Orders were delayed in transmission, and -it was impossible to correlate the activities of the several arms -of the service; nor could the Division assemble for a review. The -first opportunity the different units had of meeting came when they -were ordered to join the American Army in France and met at Hoboken, -June 10, 1918, just before sailing. After an exciting voyage all -the units arrived safely at Brest; and after a short stay at Camp -Pontenazen, the headquarters troops and infantry regiments went on to -Bourbonne-les-Bains, making the four-day trip in crowded French box -cars. - -Bourbonne-les-Bains is a beautiful old city, located in Haute-Marne -at the end of a valley encircled by a picturesque chain of hills. The -people were hospitable and welcomed the soldiers into their homes -and places of amusement. While the atmosphere was restful, however, -the task before the Division was eminently serious. Eight weeks of -intensive training were given in the methods of modern warfare, and -terrain exercises and tactical problems worked out. The men perfected -themselves in shooting, in the use of the bayonet and grenades, and in -signal work and trench-digging. - -The three artillery regiments, comprising the 167th Field Artillery -Brigade, on reaching France were stationed at different centers for -six weeks of intensive training--the 349th and 350th at Montmorillion -and the 351st at Lathus. Finally the brigade was mobilized at La -Courtine. Here instruction was given in radio, telephone, and motor -operations, dug-out construction, gun emplacement, and range work. -Even after they reached France, there was still doubt in the minds -of some as to whether the Negro men would make artillerymen. A French -officer, however, came to test the barrage made by the 350th Artillery, -and after it had been put over, he jumped up and clapped his hands, -saying that it was the fastest and the most accurate he had ever seen -put over. In all the training area of the 92nd Division unusually fine -relations existed between the soldiers and the French people. - - -INFANTRY ENGAGEMENTS - -From Bourbonne-les-Bains the infantry regiments and headquarters -troops were moved to Bruyères, and it was here that they heard for -the first time the roar of the big guns. Here also it was that the -Commander-in-Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces, General John -J. Pershing, first visited the division. After spending twelve days in -securing necessary equipment, all moved to St. Die. Here the Americans -were welcomed as deliverers. The Germans had occupied the city for -fourteen days in 1914 and because of their treatment the people had -learned to hate them. The bishop’s house and the church, more than six -hundred years old, were used as headquarters. - -Because of the nature of the terrain the St. Die sector was usually -quiet and for this reason it was used for schooling divisions of -recruits, who often got here their baptism of fire before leaving. -There was a little bathing pool in “No Man’s Land,” and it was said -that at certain times, by agreement between the Germans and the French, -each had access to it without being fired upon. The 6th Division of -the American Army, however, which occupied the sector before it was -given over to the 92nd, fired on every German that ventured forth. When -the French said that such action would precipitate offensive tactics, -the Americans insisted that this was their purpose. The 92nd Division -accordingly found the enemy active when it entered the sector. While -there was no major offensive, raiding parties from both sides were -frequent and patrol duty was very necessary. - -The St. Die sector will always be remembered by the men of the -92nd Division because it was there that they received their first -casualties. The first man killed was Private Moses Justice, Company H, -365th Infantry. He had worked as a farmer and enlisted from Marietta, -Ohio. While on patrol duty September 2, 1918, Second Lieut. Thomas J. -Bullock, Company D, 367th Infantry, was killed, the first officer in -the division to fall. In this sector the Negro soldiers remained until -September 21, 1918, when they were ordered to the Meuse-Argonne region, -the 81st Division, known as the “Wildcats,” relieving the 92nd when it -entrained. - -Between September 21 and 23 the 92nd Division was carried from the St. -Die sector to the Argonne region, and by September 24 various units -had been assigned a place in the big drive scheduled for the 25th. -Headquarters were at Beauchamps Farm and Triacourt, and the division -was attached to the First Army Corps. - -On September 23 the 368th Infantry was assigned to the 38th French -Army Corps, commanded by General Durand. It was given a position -on the right bank of the Aisne, north of Vienne-Le-Château and La -Harozee and 500 meters west of Binarville. The Second Battalion of the -regiment, which was in the front line, on September 26 “reconnoitered -the enemy trench position opposite it and progressed at a slow pace, -because of the abundance of wire, until the right half had made an -advance of three kilometers, where it met with strong opposition of -machine-gun nests.” The Third Battalion, according to plan, supported -the advance of the second. On September 27 both were ordered to attack, -the objective being the Trench du Dromadaire. The Second Battalion -progressed two kilometers against machine-gun fire and the third -reached the enemy trench line. On September 28 the objective of the two -battalions remained unchanged. - -As these two battalions advanced and were subjected to heavy -machine-gun fire and enemy artillery barrage, the major commanding the -second was relieved of duty because of physical exhaustion. The Third -Battalion was within two hundred meters of its objective when, under -heavy fire, a portion of the line of an advance company broke and -withdrew to the rear. This company was reorganized and the attack was -resumed, but again the line broke. In spite of the action of some of -their comrades, however, Capt. R. A. Williams and First Lieut. T. M. -Dent held their position with the part of the company with them until -the following day, when they were relieved by the 9th Cuirassiers, a -French regiment. - -As to the withdrawals, it was stated by company officers that “some -one, identity unknown, ordered a retreat.” Secretary Baker’s report -on this affair said that “there is strongly supported evidence that -orders from some quarters were carried forward by runners directing -the withdrawal, although orders had been given ... that no withdrawal -order, not in writing and signed by the battalion commander, should -be obeyed. The investigation showed that no such written order had -been issued.” The First Battalion, which had been in reserve, was -placed in the front line to renew the attack. It joined the French in -the advance on Binarville and progressed until the leading company -reached and passed by 200 meters the objective that had been given -the regiment. The advance covered four and a half kilometers and 11 -prisoners and 5 machine-guns were captured. The total casualties, -including killed, wounded, and gassed, were 9 officers and 269 enlisted -men. The commanding officer’s report of this engagement said that there -was insufficient use of the infantry rifle. Although machine-guns and -Stokes mortars were with each battalion ready and seeking opportunity -for action, the character of the terrain prevented their use. This -sector, which had been held alternately by the French and Germans -during the war, consisted of a rolling country, cut up by ravines and -covered with the debris of the Argonne Forest, blasted by four years of -shell fire; and it was interlaced by solid wire defences of all kinds. -Col. F. R. Brown, who was in command during the engagement, said of -the regiment: “It deserves commendation for successfully performing -its original mission of liaison between the 38th (French) Corps and -the 77th Division (U. S.). It deserves commendation as a whole for -successfully advancing as rapidly as did the French units on our left, -in spite of the many difficulties encountered.” - -As a result of the withdrawals of the Third Battalion of the 368th -Infantry during the Argonne engagement, rumors spread in both France -and America that the 92nd Division had been charged with “cowardice -before the enemy.” So great was the confidence of the Negro people in -the bravery of their soldiers, based upon the deeds of a glorious past, -that such rumors seemed almost unbelievable; and when the men in other -regiments of the division heard the reports, many of them begged for an -opportunity to go to the front. The final report of the Secretary of -War, however, somewhat allayed the rumors. He said: “The circumstances -disclosed by a detailed study of the situation do not justify many of -the highly colored accounts which have been given of the behavior of -the troops in this action, and they afford no basis at all for any of -the general assumptions with regard to the action of colored troops -in this battle or elsewhere in France. On the contrary, it is to be -noted that many colored officers, and particularly three in the very -battalion here under discussion, were decorated with Distinguished -Service Crosses for extraordinary heroism under fire.” - -The Division remained in the Argonne until October 5, 1918, when it was -ordered to the Marbache sector, where it remained until the signing of -the Armistice. It was in this sector that the best fighting was done. -During the quiet days between October 5 and November 8, considerable -patrol work was carried on. Some of the enemy soldiers were killed and -others captured, and a number of 92nd soldiers met a similar fate. -Active operations began November 8, the 183rd Infantry Brigade holding -the portion of the Allied line east of the Moselle River, extending -from Pont-à-Mousson to Marbache. On the morning of November 10 an -attack was executed on Bois Frehaut by the Second Battalion of the -365th Regiment, commanded by Major Warner A. Ross. A similar attack was -made on Bois Voivrotte by two platoons of the Second Battalion of the -366th Infantry, commanded by Major A. E. Sawkins. Each battalion was -supported by its machine-gun company and had the co-operation of the -divisional artillery. Trench mortars and 37 M. M. guns were to support -the attack, the object being to capture and hold the above named places -and advance the line of observation in the sector. On the afternoon -of November 9 the Second Battalion of the 365th Infantry was placed -in Pont-à-Mousson and the Second Battalion of the 366th in Forêt de -Facq in preparation for the attack which was to be made at 5 a. m. on -November 10. The hour was changed from 5 to 7 in order that the 92nd -Division might co-operate with the Second American Army, which was -to launch its drive at that time. By 8.12 a. m. the Second Battalion -of the 366th had completely occupied Bois Voivrotte and taken three -prisoners, and by 11.45 the Second Battalion of the 365th completely -occupied Bois Frehaut, although it had been heavily shelled with gas -and high explosives. After the first objectives had been successfully -reached, reinforcements were brought forward and a new attack launched -on the strong enemy positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte, and Bois -Cheminot at 5 a. m. on November 11. The troops making the attack were -met by the strong artillery, machine-gun and infantry fire of the -enemy. However, by 7.30 they had reached the outskirts of Bouxières and -Bois Cheminot. Then a telephone message from headquarters, ordering all -hostilities to cease, stopped the advance of the 92nd Division, which -was sweeping the enemy before it. The opposing units engaged between -the Moselle and Seille rivers were the 86th and 30th Regiments of -infantry, the 31st Landwehr Brigade, and the 47th Infantry Regiment. -They were supported by one battalion of sharpshooters. East of the -Seille River were the 70th Infantry Regiment and the 6th Grenadiers. - -In the report of the commanding general of the 183rd Infantry Brigade -on the offensive operations in this sector in the last engagement -during the Great War, Brig. Gen. Malvern Hill Barnum made the following -summary and conclusion: - - “The advance of the brigade in this battle, most of which was made - on the east banks of the Moselle River was 3½ kilometers. It was - against heavy artillery and machine-gun fire and high concentration - of gas. In order to drive the enemy from their strongly fortified - positions all forms of auxiliary arms, such as machine-guns, Stokes - mortars, 37 M. M. guns, and rifle grenades, were effectively used - against them. The divisional artillery supported this attack with - a rolling barrage, which was well laid. It also placed a heavy - concentration fire on German machine-gun nests, completely routing the - enemy. - - “A great part of this attack was executed over an open, sloping - terrain, heavily wired, which was completely controlled by German - artillery. The Bois Frehaut and Bois Voivrotte were woods protected - with heavy German wire and were filled with machine-gun nests, trench - mortars, light artillery, and infantry. The enemy was driven from - his strongholds with a loss of six prisoners and approximately the - following material: 1000 grenades, all types; 5000 rounds ammunition; - 25 boxes M. G. ammunition, in belts; 50 rifles and bayonets; 10 pairs - field glasses; 4 machine-guns; 6 carrier pigeons; 1 signal lamp and - battery; 2 Very pistols; 3 carbide lamps; 100 helmets. Many overcoats, - boots, canteens, belts, and other articles of equipment were left by - the fleeing enemy. - - “In this advance the brigade suffered the following casualties in the - 365th and 366th Infantry and the 350th Machine-Gun Battalion: killed, - 32; wounded, 119; gassed, 285; missing, 8; total, 444.” - -This attack, on the last two days of the war, was made in a sector -that had been organized for four years. It was in front of the great -fortress of Metz and was occupied by young, efficient soldiers of the -most famous military power in the world. Yet against this opposition -the inexperienced Negro troops took complete possession of “No Man’s -Land,” constantly remaining on the offensive until the enemy had been -pushed back three and a half kilometers. - -The Congressional Record of February 28, 1919, contains the following -statement concerning the First Battalion of the 367th Infantry of the -92nd Division: “The entire first battalion of the three hundred and -sixty-seventh (Buffaloes) Infantry was cited for bravery, and awarded -the Croix de Guerre, thus entitling every officer and man in the -battalion to wear this distinguished French decoration. This citation -was made by the French Commission because of the splendid service and -bravery shown by this battalion in the last engagement of the war.” -The writer has been unable to find a copy of the citation in the War -Department records; but because it did appear in the Congressional -Record as indicated and also given publicity in the newspapers of the -country, it is included in the story of the 92nd Division. - - -ARTILLERY - -The various other units in the Division contributed their share toward -developing the efficiency which it attained. The 167th Field Artillery -Brigade surprised not only old Army officers but Americans generally by -the ability of the men to absorb training, which was fully demonstrated -when they forced the enemy to retire from strong fortifications held -for four years. It had been thought that it would be difficult, if not -impossible, to find Negro men with adaptability for this work; yet -sometimes it developed that non-commissioned officers were better at -taking messages than their instructors. The most surprising thing about -the Negro gunner was the rapidity with which he was able to fire. One -gun crew in the 349th Artillery fired four rounds in 6⅖ seconds with -the French 75’s, while another crew was making four shots in 7½ -seconds. A striking example of the efficiency of the artillery was the -manner in which it laid down a barrage at Pregny for a unit of the 78th -Division and its own division without endangering the lives of the men -in the infantry. - -It was during the last days of the war, from November 4 to 11, in the -fighting around Bois Frehaut, Bois de la Voivrotte, Cheminot, Pagny, -and Bois de la Côte, that Negro artillerymen did their most effective -work. At daybreak on November 4 the 349th laid down a rolling barrage -to cover the advance on Cheminot of a patrol of the 365th Infantry. -This was followed by a box barrage continuing nearly an hour, during -which time 1062 shells were fired. On November 6 the regiment was again -called upon for a rolling barrage through Bois Frehaut and a combing -fire in Bois Voivrotte, to be followed by a standing barrage in front -of Champey and Bouxières. Two hundred and fifty rounds were fired -in the combing fire, and 2033 in the rolling and box barrages. The -accuracy of the Negro artillerymen reduced the resistance of the enemy -and enabled the 92nd Division infantry to reach its objectives without -great loss. The action in co-operation with the infantry was carefully -watched by officials, who commended the brigade on “the good execution -of the Rolling and Standing Barrage” and also said that the good -work was being favorably commented on by those “higher up.” Because -of the qualities displayed by both officers and men in this sector, -General John H. Sherburne, who commanded the 167th Field Artillery -Brigade, commended them in orders on November 18, 1918, saying, “You -have been zealous soldiers and skillful artillerymen.... By day and -night, often under the hail of shrapnel, often through clouds of deadly -gas, you have marched and fought, dragged your guns sometimes by hand -into line, kept up your lines of communication and brought up your -supplies, always with a cheerfulness that earned you the admiration -of all.” Colonel Wade H. Carpenter, of the 351st Field Artillery, -was a West Point graduate and a South Carolinian by birth. Although -he too had been doubtful of success at first, in the end he was no -less enthusiastic about the achievements of his regiment. Under date -December 27, 1918, he said to his command: “When you landed in France -you were acclaimed as comrades in arms, brothers in a great cause. -In the days that have passed no man, no little child, has had cause -to regret that first glorious welcome. Surrounded by new and unusual -conditions, beset by subtle temptations, you have kept your hearts high -and, with purpose fixed on the high ideal of service, you have put away -those things that did not contribute strength for the task at hand. You -have been men.... Through rain and in tents or in cold billets you have -cheerfully pushed on to fit yourself for the final test and at length -you came to the front lines. There, under fire, by day and by night -you served the pieces, sending back gas for gas and shell for shell, -two for one. The orders reached the guns because you maintained the -connections; the ammunition was there because neither the elements nor -enemy stopped you. This mission has been accomplished and you have been -what America expects her sons to be--brave soldiers.” - -In the proposed drive against Metz, which was to have been the greatest -battle of the entire war, the 167th Field Artillery Brigade had been -selected to support the Second Army, of which the 92nd Division was a -part. Such confidence on the part of the Commander-in-Chief of the A. -E. F. clearly shows that the Negro artilleryman had proved beyond doubt -his ability to become proficient in this branch of service. - -This brigade was able to accomplish what it did because the men were -eager to learn and easily disciplined. No task was too dangerous or -too difficult for them. They kept their lines of communication intact -under all conditions. The six colored officers who were graduated at -Fort Sill and who remained with the brigade throughout the campaign -in France, greatly contributed to the morale and did excellent work -in handling and instructing the men. The Negro non-commissioned -officers were also an important factor. They took advantage of their -opportunities and made a record in the school at La Courtine that -was not surpassed in excellence by any group from other artillery -organizations. The officers and enlisted men in this brigade were -pioneers in a field where success was uncertain, but they brought -faithfulness and patriotic fervor to their task, and their record is -one that should encourage and inspire all Negro people. - - -317TH ENGINEER REGIMENT - -The 317th Engineer Regiment was formally organized at Camp Sherman on -November 4, 1917, as the sapper engineer regiment of the 92nd Division. -Two thousand draftees were turned over to this regiment from the -158th Depot Brigade. After careful examination 1490 of these men were -inducted into the regiment. This group included a large number of men -who had knowledge of the building trades and also students from well -known industrial schools. - -After it was decided to organize an engineer regiment in the 92nd -Division, considerable discussion arose in the War Department over the -question of officers to command it. Negro officers who had graduated -at the training school for infantry in Des Moines were suggested, but -engineer officials opposed this plan because these men had had no -special training for the work. Letters in the War Department files -pointed out that from 15,000 applicants to serve in this branch of -the service only one Negro, a graduate of Harvard University, had -qualified. Although it had been found expedient to have trained -engineers as officers in engineer labor battalions, thirty Negro -infantry officers with no engineering experience were assigned to the -317th Engineers. White captains were also assigned to the regiment, -but were soon transferred and sent to France. During the winter of -1917-18 a War Department inspector investigated the organization and -reported that the Negro officers did not have sufficient knowledge -and experience to train the regiment, and he recommended that they be -replaced by white officers with engineer training. In March, 1918, -accordingly white captains replaced the Negro captains, but the Negro -lieutenants were retained. - -In spite of the unrest caused in the regiment by the change in the -personnel of the officers, the training continued. On June 1 the -regiment left Camp Sherman for Hoboken, whence it sailed on June 8, -reaching Brest on the 19th. Thence it was sent to the Pontenazen -barracks, which consisted of stone buildings erected by Napoleon -Bonaparte on the site of an old Roman camp. Heavy working details, -comprising 85 per cent of the regiment’s strength, loaded baggage and -constructed roads and barracks. On June 25 the regiment left for the -Bourbonne-les-Bains area, arriving on the night of June 27. Here it was -given intensive training for four weeks, and in the area it constructed -mess halls, bath houses, warehouses, stables, and railroad yards. - -Additional equipment arrived August 2, ten days before the regiment -moved into a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains for intensive -training around Ponseux and Archettes, and on August 20 there was -further removal to the St. Die sector previously occupied by the 7th -Engineers of the 5th Division. Just before this division left for -St. Mihiel, it conducted several local attacks down the Fave Valley -and around Frappelle, which were finally captured. When then the -317th Engineers began the work of organizing and consolidating the -positions left by the 5th Division, they found the enemy active. They -constructed dug-outs, repaired trenches, often under shell fire, and -mined bridges if these were in danger of being captured by the enemy. -They also worked at logging and sawmill operations in order to supply -French institutions as well as the fighting regiments at the front with -firewood. Especially courageous was the work of twenty-five enlisted -men engaged in gas-proofing dug-outs. They worked three days and nights -under heavy bombardment where mustard gas and phosgene were used by -the enemy, but they continued their labors until all the dug-outs were -protected. - -On September 24, 1918, the regiment moved into the Argonne between Les -Islettes and Clermont, and was assigned to the First Army Corps. The -objective of the First Army was to close the Grand Pré gap and flank -the armies operating against the French and British. The bombardment -for this attack lasted three hours and it was estimated that 100,000 -shells were fired. The American artillery averaged a gun every eight -meters. After the bombardment changed to a rolling barrage, the men of -the 77th, 28th, 35th, 79th, 4th, 80th, and 33rd Divisions went over -the top in the greatest attack ever made by United States forces. In -this attack one battalion of the 317th Engineers opened the road from -Neuvilly to Bourielles, cutting it through to “No Man’s Land” on the -night of September 26. The 111th Engineers assisted in this work. The -Second Battalion opened the road from Croix de Pierre and Pierre -Croisée, while the Third opened the valley road from La Claon to La -Harze. In many places these roads had been completely obliterated by -the heavy artillery fire. The engineers had to relocate them, often at -night, and rebuild them through swamps out of logs and planks in order -that the wounded might be carried to the rear and ammunition carts -reach the front. Sometimes they used rocks and timbers taken from mined -enemy trenches and burned buildings. They built light- and heavy-gauge -railroads for hauling shells to new artillery positions on the front, -and heavy-gauge railroads in the back areas, especially in the vicinity -of Grand Pré. Throughout this offensive from September 26 to November -11 the 317th Engineers spent most of the time building roads and -supplying the fighting units at the front with the necessary materials. -The men often worked day and night under shell fire, but they labored -cheerfully and successfully. - -Orders, letters, and memoranda bear testimony to their achievement. -The chief engineer of the First Army, Colonel G. R. Spaulding, in -expressing his appreciation of what had been done by the troops aiding -in the construction of railroads in the First Army area, wrote on -November 10, 1918: “Especial credit is given to the 317th Engineers -which were very instrumental in the rehabilitation of the lines in the -Fôret d’Argonne and on the line from St. Juvin to the north.” General -Pershing wrote to Lt. Col. J. Edward Cassidy on April 7, 1919, thanking -him for his services and saying, “With the 317th Engineers on the -front you gave us valuable service.” Lt. Colonel Cassidy himself in -his order to the regiment on February 3, 1919, commended it for being -true in the fullest sense to the trust reposed in it by the American -people and for doing work of a high and efficient order. Said he: “For -more than a hundred years the Corps of Engineers has maintained a proud -record of achievement, whether in peace or war, from the blazing sun -of the tropics to the eternal ice and snow of the Arctic regions, and -it is a pleasure to the commanding officer to be able to say that your -work has been in accordance with the best traditions of the Engineer -Service.” - -The 317th Engineers “played the game” without fear and without -grumbling in the St. Die sector and in the Argonne-Meuse offensive. -For nearly three months the regiment did front line work, first as a -part of the 33rd Corps of the 7th French Army in the Vosges Mountains -at Frapelle, Lafontanelle, Lesseux, and other points in the St. Die -sector, and later as a corps regiment of the First American Army, at -Neuvilly, Bourielles, Cheppy, Varennes, Four de Paris, Abri de Crochet, -La Besogne, Lançon, Grand Pré, St. Juvin, Briquenay, St. Georges, and -Le Mort Homme in the Argonne region, and at Buzancy in the Ardennes. -For this work it was generously commended by the officials in the -American Army and it deserved the sincere gratitude of all the American -people. - - -92ND DIVISIONAL TRAINS - -The 317th Motor Supply Train was composed of 18 officers and 475 -enlisted men. At first it operated 35 trucks in the divisional area -in France, but the demand soon increased this number to 49. When there -was a scarcity of supplies the soldiers in the outfit were often -required to work both day and night and even then they were not always -able to meet the demands made upon them. In the 317th Military Police -there were 9 officers and 200 enlisted men. This group was trained at -Camp Funston and did police duty both there and in France. The 317th -Ammunition Train consisted of 38 officers and 1175 men. It included the -motor battalion, the horse battalion, ordnance, and medical detachment -headquarters. Both trucks and wagons were used and often the men helped -to move the artillery guns under fire. On one occasion the 367th -Infantry, which was under fire, gave an order for ammunition at 3 a. m. -This was obtained by the 317th Ammunition Train 37 kilometers away and -delivered under fire at 7 a. m. This unit was commanded by Major M. T. -Dean, one of the three Negroes in the 92nd Division who rose to that -rank during the war. - -The 317th Sanitary Train included the field hospitals and also the -ambulance companies of the 365th, 366th, 367th, and 368th Infantry -Regiments. These units were formed at Camp Funston on November 9, 1917, -with a personnel of 57 officers and 700 men, which last number was -later increased to 860. All of the men were trained litter-bearers. -There were also in the organization mechanics, cooks, horse-shoers, -and first class privates. During the winter of 1917-18 epidemics of -meningitis, measles, parotitis, and influenza affected the command, but -no deaths occurred at Camp Funston; and meanwhile there were weekly -inspections to safeguard the health of the men. The units entrained for -overseas June 7, 1917, remained eight days at Camp Upton, and reached -Brest on June 25. It was quartered at the Pontenazen barracks until -July 2, when it left for the training area at Bourbonne-les-Bains. On -August 13 the advanced training area was reached, and the unit received -a week of intensive training before it departed for the St. Die sector. - -Here field hospitals were established and functioned by the 365th at -Raon l’Étape and by the 366th at St. Die, and the 367th established -dressing stations at Sells, Virge, and Clarice. The organization was -moved from the St. Die sector to Givry, Argonne, on September 25, and -there it was a part of the First Army for five days. Passing through -Passovant, Jailon, and Marbache enroute to Millery, the 366th and -368th established field hospitals, and the ambulance companies of the -365th, 367th, and 368th established dressing stations. From Millery the -Sanitary Train went to Mayenne, where it remained until January 28. Le -Mans was reached on February 4, 1919, and Brest on February 6, from -which port the unit sailed on the “Olympic” on February 18, reaching -New York on the 24th. - -That the efficiency of the Sanitary Train of the 92nd was observed -and appreciated may be seen from a communication from Colonel C. R. -Reynolds, of the Medical Corps of the Second Army of the A. E. F., -to the Division Surgeon under date November 15, 1918. Said he: “I -desire to express my admiration and appreciation of the splendid -hospital organized and administered by the Medical Department of the -92nd Division at Millery. Your department has received most favorable -comments by the Army Commander ... and all medical officers who have -visited the institution. The transportation and hospitalization of the -battle casualties and respiratory diseases have been accomplished in -accordance with the principles of military surgery and preventative -medicine, which reflects the intelligence and training on the part of -the officers, nurses, and enlisted men of the Medical Department of the -92nd Division, in which pride may be justly felt.” - -That the work of the 317th Sanitary Train was successful was due in -some measure to the fact that the officers and men were encouraged -and inspired by those with whom they came in contact. There was one -promotion to the rank of major, that of Capt. Joseph H. Ward, and -sixteen lieutenants were promoted to captaincies. Major Ward was -commissioned by cablegram on September 24, 1918. At first he was -assigned to the 325th Signal Corps, but he also served as a surgeon in -Base Hospital 49, where he had been a patient. During his convalescence -he was asked to help dress wounds, and later he was given fifty cases -to attend to in a tent; being finally transferred to a ward as surgeon, -he had here his regular turn on operating day, and he was shown every -courtesy and given every privilege. For their specific duties it is -reasonable to suppose that as a group the medical men were better -prepared than many of the other officers. - - * * * * * - -The history of the 92nd Division will always be of interest to the -American Negro because it gave him his first opportunity to serve in -a great military organization where Negro officers led Negro troops. -The old idea that Negro soldiers would not respect Negro officers was -proved untrue. When the war suddenly came to an end, however, both -officers and men turned their faces homeward having uppermost in their -minds some of the policies to which they had been subjected at times -in the Army itself and in the welfare organizations. The commanding -officer, Major General Charles C. Ballou, whom the officers and the -Negro people in general had desired for the post after Colonel Charles -Young was declared ineligible, was severely criticised. Undoubtedly he -wanted the Division to succeed, but some of the methods that he used -and that he allowed his staff officers to use had a most demoralizing -effect on both officers and men. Even in the face of all the charges, -however, it must be said to his credit that both officers and men -were subjected to less humiliation and suffering when he was with -the division than they were after he left it, between the signing of -the Armistice and the departure for America. The attitude of some of -the white officers also helped. Brigadier General Malvern H. Barnum, -commanding the 183rd Brigade; General John H. Sherburne, commanding -the 167th Artillery Brigade; Colonel Vernon A. Caldwell, commanding -the 365th Regiment; Colonel James A. Moss, who at one time advised the -officers not to insist upon respect, yet worked for the interest of -the 367th in France; Majors Warner A. Ross and John C. Sheffield of the -365th; Major Appleton of the 367th, and Major Alfred E. Sawkins of the -366th, are especially named as having worked for the success of the -division. Of Major Sawkins it is said that whatever fare his officers -had he shared with them, that he worked for the interest of both -officers and men at all times, and that the spirit of his men when they -went into battle was always high. They suffered the greatest casualties -of any battalion and won nearly half the Distinguished Service medals -which were won in the 92nd Division. - -In the last analysis the verdict in regard to the 92nd Division rests -upon its achievement. Said an operation memorandum issued on November -7, 1918, from division headquarters: - - - 1. When the Marbache sector was taken over by the 92nd Division - the Germans owned “No man’s land” and were aggressive. They held: - Belie Air Farm, Bois de Tête d’Or, Bois de Frehaut, Voivrotte Farm, - Voivrotte Woods, Bois de Cheminot, Moulon Brook. - - 2. The constant aggressive action of our patrols, night and day, has - resulted in many casualties to the enemy, and the capture of many - prisoners. - - 3. Each of the places named above has been raided, as has Epley also, - and patrols have penetrated north nearly to the east and west line - through Pagny. The enemy has been driven northward beyond Frehaut and - Voivrotte woods, and eastward from Cheninit woods across the Seilée, - destroying the Cheminot bridge, flooding the Seilée, and attempting to - destroy the Seilée bridge--evidence of the fact that he regards the - 92d Division as an uncomfortable neighbor, and intends to avoid close - relations in future. - - 4. West of the river excellent results have followed energetic - offensive action. The enemy has suffered losses in killed, wounded, - and prisoners during the occupancy of this part of the sector. - - -The memorandum issued November 18, 1918, at the Division Headquarters -by Major General Ballou sums up his own estimate of the work he was -able to accomplish, as follows: - - - Five months ago to-day the 92d Division landed in France. - - After seven weeks of training it took over a sector in the front line, - and since that time some portion of the Division has been practically - continuously under fire. - - It participated in the last battle of the war with creditable - success, continually pressing the attack against highly organized - defensive works. It advanced successfully on the first day of the - battle, attaining its objectives and capturing prisoners, this in - face of determined opposition by an alert enemy, and against rifle, - machine-gun, and artillery fire. The issue of the second day’s battle - was rendered indecisive by the order to cease firing at 11 A. - M., when the Armistice became effective. - - The Division commander, in taking leave of what he considers himself - justly entitled to regard as _his_ Division, feels that he - has accomplished his mission. His work is done and will endure. - The results have not always been brilliant, and many times were - discouraging, yet a well organized, well disciplined, and well trained - colored division has been created and commanded by him to include the - last shot of the great world war. - - May the future conduct of every officer and man be such as to reflect - credit upon the Division and upon the colored race. - - -Just before the 92nd Division left France it passed in review before -General Pershing at Le Mans and on this occasion he spoke as follows: -“Officers and men of the 92nd Division, I wish to express to you my -appreciation for your co-operation during your stay on the A. E. F. -This Division is one of the best in the A. E. F., and the conduct of -the officers and men has not been surpassed in any other. The officers -are on the average with the officers of the A. E. F. Owing to the late -arrival of the Division in France, it was not able to take as active -part as was contemplated, but it had been planned to have the Division -in the action on the east bank of the Moselle, which would have taken -place two or three days preceding the Armistice, but the Armistice -prevented. I had no fear of the Division not making a showing for I -know what colored troops can do, having served with them in Cuba, the -Philippines, and in Mexico.” - -Even in the work that was done, however, there were outstanding -individual heroes. While the 368th Infantry was in the Argonne, it -became necessary to send a runner with a message to the left flank of -the American firing-line. The way was across an open field swept by -heavy machine-gun fire. Volunteers were called for, and Private Edward -Saunders of Company I responded. Before he had gone far a shell cut -him down. As he fell he cried to his comrades, “Some one come and get -this message; I am wounded.” Lieut. Robert L. Campbell of the same -company sprang forward. He dashed across the shell-swept area, picked -up the wounded man, and with the Germans fairly hailing bullets around -him, carried his comrade back to the American lines. For their valor -both men were cited for the Distinguished Service Cross and Lieutenant -Campbell was recommended for a captaincy. On another occasion this -same officer was with a few soldiers who were armed only with their -rifles, trench knives, and hand grenades picked up from small holes -along the way, and who were moving over a road in the Château-Thierry -sector. Suddenly their course was crossed by the firing of a German -machine-gun. They tried to locate it by the direction of the bullets, -but could not. To their right, a little ahead, lay a space covered with -thick underbrush; just back of it was an open field. Lieut. Campbell, -who knew by the direction of the bullets that the Germans had not seen -his party, ordered one of the men, with a rope which they happened -to have, to crawl to the thick underbrush, there to tie the rope to -several stems of the brush; then to withdraw as far as possible and -pull the rope, thus making the brush shake as though men were crawling -through it. The purpose was to draw direct fire from the machine-gun -and thus to locate its position. The ruse worked. Lieutenant Campbell -then ordered three of his men to steal out and flank the machine-gun on -one side, while he and the others moved up and flanked it on the other -side. The brush was shaken more violently by the rope, and the Germans, -with their eyes fixed upon it, poured a hail of bullets into it. Then -at a given signal the flanking party dashed up, and they killed four of -the Germans and captured the remaining three, also the machine-gun. -For such exploits Lieut. Campbell was held up to his organization -by the commanding general as an example of the soldier who combined -courage and initiative. - -Lieut. Charles G. Young, of the 368th, while in command of a scout -platoon near Dinarville, September 27-28, 1918, was twice severely -wounded by shell fire, but refused attention and remained with his men, -helping to dress their wounds and to evacuate his own wounded during -the entire night, and holding firmly his exposed position covering -the right flank of his battalion. Private Bernard Lewis, also of the -368th, during an attack on Binarville September 30, volunteered to go -down the road that led to the village to rescue a wounded soldier of -his company. He was compelled to go under heavy machine-gun and shell -fire, but in total disregard of personal danger he brought his comrade -safely back to his lines. Private Robert M. Breckenridge, an automatic -rifleman, of Company B, 365th Infantry, at Ferne de Belwir on October -29, although severely wounded in the leg, continued in action, crawled -forward for a distance of a hundred yards, and assisted in preventing -any enemy party from taking a position on the company’s flank. In -spite of his wound, he continued to use his weapon with great courage -and skill until he was killed by machine-gun fire. Corporal Russell -Pollard, of Company H of the 365th, during the assault on Bois Frehaut -on November 10, skilfully conducted his squad until his rifle was -broken. He then used his wire-cutter with speed and skill under heavy -fire, and although wounded in his right arm, he continued to cut the -wire with his left, assisting his men in getting through, until for -the second time he was ordered to the dressing-station by his company -commander. Lieut. Thomas Edward Jones, of the Medical Corps of the -368th, went into an open area swept by fire to care for a wounded -soldier who was being carried by another officer. While he was dressing -the wounded runner, a bullet passed through his arm and his chest and -a man was killed within a few yards of him. Corporal Van Horton, of -Company E of the 366th, displayed extraordinary heroism near Lesseux on -September 4. “During a hostile attack, preceded by a heavy minenwerfer -barrage, the combat group to which this courageous soldier belonged was -attacked by about twenty of the enemy, using liquid fire. The sergeant -in charge of the group and four other men having been killed, Corporal -Horton fearlessly rushed to receive the attack, and the persistency -with which he fought resulted in stopping the attack and driving back -the enemy.” - -These instances are only typical of those who were outstanding for -bravery and who were cited for honors. Thus these stalwart soldiers and -others like them upheld the record that the Negro had previously made -in the wars in which his country had engaged. - - -SECRETARY BAKER AND GENERAL PERSHING - -In all the exploits and achievements of Negro soldiers in the World -War, and the difficulties that they encountered in their display of -loyalty, it is not to be forgotten that there were true friends who -were interested in them and who believed that each one should be -given a man’s chance. One explanation of how it was that they were -able to “carry on” even under the most adverse conditions was that -they believed that the men guiding the destinies of the American arms -were fair, broad-minded men who would not countenance petty things. -Wherever Negro soldiers were visited they always seemed to feel that -Secretary Baker and General Pershing wanted them to have a square deal, -and that if these officials really knew of unsatisfactory conditions -they would endeavor to correct them immediately. Secretary Baker on -numerous occasions showed that he was actuated by a genuine belief in -democracy. This led him to examine into the conditions under which -Negro soldiers worked, trained, and fought, and also to consider their -possibilities of rendering the country the greatest possible service. -When objections were made to sending Negro soldiers to certain camps -for fear of trouble because of the Houston riot which occurred in 1917 -just as plans were being formulated to call thousands of Negroes in the -first draft, and when on other occasions pressure was strong, he never -ceased to feel that avenues open to other soldiers should be open in -like manner to Negroes. Against strong and determined opposition he -saw that training as officers was given, and when the future of the -first training camp was uncertain, it was Secretary Baker who assured -the men that he was depending on them and expected them to reach the -standards set by men in other camps. While, as he said, he was not -trying to solve the race problem, he did put forth great effort to -eliminate those things which tended to break down morale; and it is -only necessary to recall such a camp as Hill at Newport News, Virginia, -in the winter of 1917-18 to realize how War Department pressure was -exerted to remedy bad conditions. - -Some of the outstanding features of Secretary Baker’s policy with -reference to Negro soldiers may be summarized as follows, and the -statements given below embody his plans as stated before justice was -sometimes thwarted: - -1. That Negro soldiers should be organized and trained on the same -basis as all other soldiers. - -2. That Negro men should be given the opportunity to train as officers, -and that those who met the qualifications should be appointed for -service just as others who qualified. - -3. That a Negro man should be appointed as one of the assistants to the -Secretary. - -4. That Negro men should receive every possible aid in making a -thoroughgoing study of conditions in both American and French camps. - -5. That wherever injustice came to the attention of the Secretary -immediate attention should be given to the matter and effort made to -correct it. - -General Pershing’s service with the Negro units in the regular army -and his recommendation of Major Charles Young of the Tenth Cavalry to -the Adjutant General of the Army from Headquarters Punitive Expedition -U. S. Army, Colonia Dublan, Mexico, August 21, 1916, along with other -officers “who had shown very high efficiency throughout the campaign,” -and his tributes to the soldierly qualities of Negroes on several -occasions, gave Negroes in America the idea that he stood for a square -deal and would give honor to whom honor was due. When agitation arose -over the use of Negro soldiers in the war, General Pershing let it be -known that he desired Negro troops in France. When one of the Allies -made strong objections to the attachment of any battalions of Negro -infantry for training with their forces, and General Pershing was asked -for his views by the War Department, he said: “In event Department -still desires early to despatch 92nd Division, I adhere to former -recommendations that Division be included among those to be employed -temporarily with ----. I have informed ---- ---- that these soldiers -are American citizens and that I can not discriminate against them in -event War Department desires to send them to France.” - -When stories were circulated among Negro people to the effect that -Negroes were being wrongly treated, and subjected to most dangerous -positions to save white troops, and shot by Germans when captured -or left to die if wounded, General Pershing saw that these were -repudiated; and he further said that “the only regret expressed by -colored troops is that they are not given more dangerous work to do. I -can not commend too highly the spirit shown among the colored combat -troops who exhibit fine capacity for quick training and eagerness for -the most dangerous work.” When he visited any section of territory -occupied by Americans, he always showed an interest in the Negro -soldiers; they were impressed and encouraged by his inquiry into the -conditions under which they labored; and his understanding of the hard -life of the stevedores, and his appreciation of their efforts, did much -to make their work less burdensome. The men also felt that in the case -of court martials, if verdicts were reviewed by General Pershing, as -was done in some important cases, absolute justice would be meted out. - -When in the midst of the charges and counter-charges relative to the -fitness of Negro officers to lead men General Pershing was questioned -about a few Negro officers who were declared inefficient by a board, -he assured his hearers that because a few officers had been declared -unfit, this was by no means to be construed as an indication of lack of -capacity on the part of the race, because at that time more than 6000 -white officers had been returned to the states for unfitness to lead -men and certainly no one considered the white race a failure because -of that fact. Finally we have seen how the General reviewed the 92nd -Division just before it departed for America, commending the officers -and men for their splendid record overseas. He assured them of his -confidence by saying that he had planned to place them before the great -fortress of Metz; and his words did much to soften the bitterness of -feeling and let both officers and men return to their homeland feeling -that after all the commander and chief of the American Expeditionary -Forces had appreciated their part in the great struggle. No one can -tell what greater things might not have been accomplished by Negro -soldiers during the war if the spirit of Secretary Baker and General -Pershing had followed them throughout the service. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE NINETY-THIRD DIVISION - - -The organization of the 93rd Division was begun at Camp Stuart, Newport -News, Va., in December, 1917, with the few remaining National Guard -units of Negro men that had survived since the Spanish-American War. -These units were battalions from Ohio and Washington, and companies -from Massachusetts, Maryland, Connecticut, and Tennessee which later -composed the 372nd Infantry Regiment. This Division, which was never -assembled or fully organized, consisted on paper of the 369th, 370th, -371st, and 372nd Infantry Regiments. The general who was to command it -was ordered to Camp Stuart in December, 1917, but in the latter part -of this month the 369th landed in France and was brigaded with the -French, while the other three regiments were still training in America. -These three arrived in France in April, 1918, when they too were -brigaded with the French, with whom they served throughout their stay -overseas. After the cessation of hostilities on November 11, 1918, the -four regiments were reassigned to the American Army for return to the -United States and demobilization. Their record is one of the noblest -in all the history of American arms. Each regiment was decorated as a -whole or in part with the French Croix de Guerre with palm. The history -of the 93rd Division accordingly embraces the activities of the four -regiments that composed it, and these will be considered in order. - - -369TH INFANTRY - -The 369th Infantry, or the old 15th New York National Guard Regiment, -was first organized in New York City in 1916 by authority of the New -York State Legislature. It was reorganized by the War Department as -a National Guard regiment of the United States on April 9, 1917, and -placed under the command of Colonel William Hayward. It is proud of -the fact that it was the first National Guard regiment of the United -States to reach war strength of 2001 men and 56 officers, that it was -the first in the field, that it was under fire for 191 days, longer -than any other American regiment, and that after the armistice it led -the French armies to the Rhine, being the first Allied unit to enter -Germany. In all these ways its record was unique. - -The morning following its mobilization on the night of July 14, 1917, -it was moved to Camp Whitman, near Poughkeepsie; and when the President -of the United States drafted the National Guard regiments on August 5, -it was immediately placed on active duty without any training whatever. -The First Battalion, commanded by Major Lorillard Spencer, guarded -600 miles of railroad in New York and New Jersey, several uniform and -shoe factories near New York City, and the German ships seized by the -United States Government. The Second Battalion, commanded by Major -Munson Morris, did pioneer and guard duty at Camp Upton when it was a -wilderness. The Third Battalion, commanded by Major Edward Dayton, with -the band did similar work at Camp Dix, transforming it from a cornfield -into a camp. The machine-gun company guarded 2000 German spies interned -at Ellis Island. Meanwhile regimental headquarters remained in New York -City. - -On October 5, 1917, regimental headquarters and two battalions went -to Camp Wadsworth, Spartanburg, S. C., for training with the 27th -Division, but after two weeks’ stay in camp the regiment was ordered to -Hoboken to embark for France. It did not sail on October 27 as planned -because of the lack of equipment, and while this was being secured the -various battalions were billeted in armories in different parts of -New York City. On November 11, 1917, however, fully equipped, it went -aboard the U. S. S. “Pocahontas,” which sailed that night for France in -a convoy. On the second day out engine troubles developed and the ship -was obliged to return to port. The regiment went to Camp Merritt, where -details helped to finish the camp. It again embarked, but this time the -“Pocahontas” caught fire and for ten days was tied up at the docks. On -the night of December 13 she finally sailed, but even then she seemed -destined not to land the regiment in France, for she collided with a -British oil tanker which drove a hole in her bow. This, however, was -repaired and the trip was completed on December 26, when Brest was -safely reached. - -The regiment was moved to St. Nazaire by rail on January 1, 1918, and -there for more than two months it did manual labor, building docks, -erecting hospitals, doing fatigue duty, laying railroad tracks, and -doing construction work on the great dam at St. Nazaire. From the -time of their arrival at this port until March 10 the men did not -see their rifles except at night, but on this latter date they were -ordered to join a French combat unit. All entrained on March 13 for -Givry-en-Argonne, reporting on March 15 to General Le Gallais of the -16th Division, 4th French Army. It was at this place that the regiment -learned that its name was changed from 15th New York to 369th Infantry. -The American equipment was turned in and French equipment given, this -including everything needed on the Western front. The organization of -the regiment was also changed so as to make it conform to that of a -French regiment. During this training period of three weeks the men -drilled day and night under French officers. Beginning April 8 the -battalions were successively placed in front line trenches, “doubled” -with French units, their first sector being in Main de Massiges, left -of the Aisne River and northeast of Châlons in the Champagne. After -eight days of this experience the regiment took over 4½ kilometers -of front, with two battalions in the lines and one in support enjoying -a rest period which gave some opportunity for additional training. On -April 29 Colonel Hayward was placed in command of several French units -in addition to his own regiment. - -The activity in this sector consisted of nightly patrols and raids -until July 4 and 5, when active preparation was made for the big German -drive long expected by the French high command. The 369th labored -incessantly, helping to build and fortify the intermediate positions, -which were two or three kilometers from the front line. When the -battalions were relieved from front line duty, instead of going into -rest billets they worked on these positions, which were fortified as -a means of strategy by General Gouraud. This procedure enabled the -French to counter-attack and to recapture trenches secretly evacuated. -This method foiled and stopped the German drive on a fifty-mile front -between Rheims and the Argonne. The 369th participated in this attack, -with the third battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, occupying the -front line, where it did its share in stopping the enemy advance. - -During the terrific bombardment of the German artillery, which had -as its target not only the front line but also several kilometers of -rear area, the commander of the 369th was ordered to establish liaison -at once, if possible, between his headquarters and the French 27th -Infantry. This meant establishing a line of relay runners over a front -of three kilometers, the entire distance being under heavy shell fire. -This hazardous task was performed by the runners of the 369th in such a -courageous and efficient manner and with so little thought of personal -safety that the regiment received commendation from the division -commander. - -From the time of the regiment’s arrival on the front until the second -day of this battle it was a part of the 16th French Division, but on -the night of July 15, while the battle was raging, it received orders -to reinforce the 161st French Division, which was being furiously -attacked. A place was made for the 369th by taking out a French -regiment which had been greatly reduced in both officers and men. In -order to make the change of position, the regiment moved six kilometers -under constant shell fire. On reporting to General LeBouc, commander of -the 161st Division, two battalions were immediately ordered into front- -and second-line positions to relieve a Moroccan regiment. Officers and -men had been without food or water for hours, yet they occupied the -positions and took up the combat, which lasted for three days before -the enemy was definitely checked. - -On July 18 the 161st began to push the Germans back and to reoccupy -the abandoned terrain. Two battalions of the 369th shared in this -undertaking and continued in such operations until July 21, when the -regiment took over and established the front line in the Calvaire -sector north of Minaucourt. All three battalions suffered casualties in -this offensive, the third suffering most because it was in the front -line longest. - -On July 23 the 369th occupied a sector between Butte de Mesnil and Main -de Massiges under the most trying conditions. The enemy was constantly -being pushed back, but during the process artillery and infantry combat -hardly ceased for several days, and there was a constant rain of gas -and high explosive shells on all sides. The sector held by the 369th -had a front of a thousand meters, and the three battalions supported -one another from the front line to the intermediate positions in the -rear. Several raids were made each night by both sides and casualties -occurred daily and nightly on the patrols and raids that were sent into -“No Man’s Land.” - -The regiment was at length relieved in this sector and it started for -Camp St. Quen south of Châlons to get a long promised rest. It had been -under fire continuously for 130 days. At this camp the other three -Negro regiments serving with the French were supposed to be mobilized -for the complete organization of the 93rd Division. Barracks were -cleaned in expectation of these troops, but before they reached the -camp the 369th, which had been resting less than a week, was ordered -back to the front to resume its place in the 161st Division. It was -placed in a sector west of and adjacent to the sector of Calvaire -previously held. On its return to the division it replaced the 115th R. -I., which was broken up and distributed among other French units. The -new sector was the most active and deadly the regiment had held. There -were constant raids and patrols and a continuous combat of artillery. -The Germans here used the device of having several aeroplanes “loop -the loop” over the French lines in the hope that men would come out -and watch them. If they did a projector gas attack would be launched -immediately. - -One of the most furious attacks on the 367th was begun in such manner. -The aeroplanes did the “loop the loop,” which was followed by two -gas attacks separated only by seconds. Then a terrific artillery -bombardment started, lasting forty minutes, during which time it was -estimated that 9000 shells fell on the regiment. Twenty minutes after -the lull of the big guns seven German infantry regiments charged over -the top to drive the 369th from its trenches. The First Battalion, -assisted by the machine-gun companies from the other two, met the -assault with a steady, intensive, and continued fire until it broke -down in front of the lines. At no point were the enemy able to enter -the lines or capture any prisoners. Instead, the 369th Regiment -captured prisoners who gave valuable and much needed information, -and it was specially commended for its steadiness under fire in this -engagement. In this sector the regiment lost a large number of officers -and men and experienced its hardest fighting. On September 15 it was -relieved by a French Fourragère regiment and taken to the rear to Somme -Tourbe and Somme Bionne, where for eight days the men rested. Meanwhile -they were taught the principles of open warfare in anticipation of the -attack by the French and American armies which was launched September -25, 1918. - -For this attack the infantry battalions in the division were placed -in assault waves and commanded by their regimental officers. The -artillery preparation for the attack lasted six hours and twenty-five -minutes, with French and American guns of all sizes going at full -blast. At the zero hour (5.25 A. M.) the Allied armies went over the -top in one of the biggest offensives of the war. The French and -Moroccan battalions on the left and right of the 369th contracted -their fronts, thus leaving an opening between the French divisions; -and the Third Battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, advanced on the -left and established liaison with the Moroccans. On September 26 the -two units captured the town of Ripont, a large number of prisoners and -machine-guns, and advanced to the Dormois River, a distance of more -than four kilometers. Heavy casualties resulted from this advance; -several officers and men were killed, and Major Spencer himself was -wounded six times. On the afternoon of the 27th Fountaine en Dormoise -was captured and the regimental P. C. was established there. Further -advance was held up for a while by barbed wire entanglements commanded -by machine-gun nests, some of which were in concrete pill boxes. -These, however, were finally captured. During the night the Second -Battalion relieved the third in the front line, and by daylight on -the 28th it was ordered to continue the attack with the two French -battalions on its left and right. The artillery barrage for the third -day’s attack was ineffective, and the assaulting battalion had to cut -its way through wire and overcome machine-gun nests without artillery -assistance. The day’s advance was 1000 meters over hills and ridges -occupied and controlled by the enemy. On this day the battle was -hottest around Bellevue Ridge and Bellevue Signal, with the contending -forces trying to gain possession. After nightfall the French executed -a brilliant flank movement with three battalions, including the second -of the 369th, driving the enemy from all the trenches and terrain -leading to the summit of the ridge. Dawn on the 29th found the enemy -killed, captured, or driven from the ridge and the advance moving down -the slopes toward the plains beyond to the town of Sechault, the next -objective. - -The First Battalion, commanded by Major Little, led this advance, -entering the town and engaging in heavy fighting in the streets and -in house to house combat, in an attempt to clear the town of enemy -infantry and machine-gun nests. The battalion advanced through Sechault -to the plains beyond, but withdrew for the night to make way for French -artillery preparation for the continued advance, which began on the -30th through the woods of Petit Rosière and lasted until October 3. The -regiment was again commended by the division general for the way in -which it cleared Sechault of the enemy. The entire division halted to -await the capture of the town because of its importance. - -The Second and Third Battalions were sent in to relieve the first on -October 3, but the regiment had suffered so many casualties in both -officers and men that it was relieved with the 161st Division and -carried in troop trains to Vitry-le-François. A little later it was -transferred from Gouraud’s Fourth Army, where it had served during its -offensives, to become a part of the 7th French Army. - -The 369th entrained at Vitry-le-François for Belfort on October 12, -reaching its destination on the 14th. Two days later it moved by trucks -and forced marches to Thann in the Vosges Mountains, where the entire -regiment was put in front line trenches in the Thur sector. This was -comparatively quiet, and from October 16 to November 11 only six -casualties occurred, including one officer. - -The 369th Regiment played an important part in all the campaigns in -which it participated, its efficiency increasing with every engagement. -During the time that it was brigaded with the French the relations were -most cordial; and during the last days of the September offensive the -commanding general of the 161st Division attached it to his own two -crack regiments because of its fighting qualities under fire. While -there were difficulties of language, these were usually overcome by -the assignment of efficient interpreters and the French officers were -enthusiastic in their praise of the manner in which the regiment fought -in all its battles. - -After the Armistice the 161st Division became a part of the Second -French Army of Occupation. The 369th was given the post of honor as -advance guard in the Triumphal March of November 17, 1918, and led -the Army of Occupation out of the mountains to the plains lying on -the west bank of the Rhine River. Reaching Blodelsheim on the Rhine -on the morning of November 18, it was the first unit of all the -Allied armies to reach the goal toward which so many million men had -struggled through four bloody years. The regiment occupied the towns -of Blodelsheim, Fessenheim, and Balgan, which also included a pontoon -bridge head and a ferry head. Meanwhile the municipal affairs of these -towns were administered by the regimental commander and his troops, who -also guarded the surrounding territory. - -Of this duty the 369th was relieved on December 4, and it moved to -division headquarters near Ensisheim. On the 13th it took part in the -division review, at which time its colors were decorated with the Croix -de Guerre for gallantry in action in the Champagne offensive. The -recommendation for this citation was made by General LeBouc, with the -approval of General Gouraud, Marshal Petain, and General Pershing. The -translation of the citation reads as follows: - - Citation for Croix de Guerre - - 161st Division of Infantry, 8th Army Corps, Fourth Army (Aux Armées - Françaises) - - 369th Regiment of Infantry, United States, under command of Colonel - Hayward, who though injured insisted on leading his regiment in - battle, of Lieutenant Colonel Pickering, admirably cool and brave, - of Major Spencer, grievously wounded, of Major Cobb, killed, and of - Major Little, a true leader of his men, fought with great bravery, - stormed powerful enemy positions energetically defended, captured many - machine-guns, large numbers of prisoners and six cannon, and took, - after heavy fighting, the Town of Sechault. - -One hundred and sixty-seven officers and men received decorations, -including the Congressional Medal of Honor, the Distinguished Service -Cross, the Croix de Guerre, and the Legion of Honor. Where all were -brave it is almost invidious to mention names. Some of the most -noteworthy exploits, however, were those of Henry Johnson, Needham -Roberts, and Sergeant William Butler. The story of the first two -of these men is well known to the American public, as they were the -very first Americans to receive the French Croix de Guerre. Their -achievement in repulsing a German raiding party of more than twenty -men in a hand-to-hand combat served as an incentive to their comrades -and as an example for the whole American Army. Johnson’s feat was -particularly noteworthy. Soon after the beginning of the encounter -Roberts was wounded. Although surrounded by overwhelming numbers, -Johnson continued fighting, first using hand grenades, then his rifle -until that jammed, when he used the butt of it, hitting right and left. -Finally he resorted to his bolo knife as a last means of preventing -the capture of himself and his comrade. Although himself wounded, he -succeeded in killing four of the enemy and in wounding a large number -of the others. In August, while the 369th was in the front lines, and -when raiding parties from both sides went out nightly, on one occasion -the Germans laid down an encaging barrage, after which they enclosed -and captured a raiding party of one officer and four men. Sergeant -William Butler, armed with a Chauchaut rifle, attacked the group with -such effectiveness that he killed four men and wounded the officer, who -was captured and later died, the rest being put to flight. The officer -and four men of the 369th meanwhile made their escape and returned to -their regiment. A captured German report described Sergeant Butler’s -activities as “an enemy group in overwhelming numbers” and stated -that because of the superiority of the rescuing party eight Germans, -including an officer, failed to return. For his heroism on this -occasion Sergeant Butler was decorated by both the French and American -Governments. - -On December 18 the 369th bade a last farewell to its French comrades in -arms and started for Belfort, reaching there on the 20th. It had made -an enviable record, serving longer than any other American unit as an -integral part of a foreign army. In his report of the operations of -the regiment on the western front, Colonel Hayward said: “It had less -training than any American unit before action, as follows: 3 weeks at -Camp Whiteman, New York; 10 days at Camp Wadsworth, South Carolina; -2 weeks with French Army while changing equipment. It had one of -the lowest, if not the lowest percentages of venereal infections or -drunkenness in the A. E. F. It was 191 days in action in front line -trenches, believed to be the longest of any American regiment. It never -lost a trench or a foot of ground and never had one of its number -captured by the enemy.” - -With such a record the 369th turned its steps homeward on January 1, -1919, arriving on the 2nd at Le Mans, where it remained until the 11th. -It then entrained for Brest, reaching there on the 12th. The battalions -sailed on three ships, and the last contingent arrived in New York, -February 12. - -It was a happy day for these war-worn heroes when they saw again the -Statue of Liberty and set foot on American shores. As one battalion -steamed into port, the regiment’s famous band, which had toured -France under the direction of Lieut. James Reese Europe and had -the distinction of being considered the best musical organization -in the American Army, played the “Star Spangled Banner” and the -“Marseillaise”; and it was a sight never to be forgotten to see these -hardy warriors stand at attention while the national airs of two -great allies were being played. As they landed they were applauded by -thousands of their kinsmen and countrymen for their glorious deeds; and -the greatest reception ever given returning heroes was held for the -369th by the City of New York on February 17, when the regiment, led by -its band, marched up Fifth Avenue under the Victory Arch and through -Harlem to the plaudits and cheers of tens of thousands who counted it -a privilege to honor those who had so gloriously upheld the traditions -of their country. At the end of this historic day’s activities, the -regiment entrained at night for Camp Upton for demobilization, which -was completed March 1. The twelve hundred original survivors were -discharged at Camp Upton, while the replacements were sent to the camps -nearest their homes. - - -370TH INFANTRY - -The 370th Infantry Regiment, which was otherwise known as “the old -8th” of Chicago, was one of the federalized National Guard units -that entered the World War with a record of achievement and with a -tradition to uphold. The regiment’s beginning dates back to 1892, when -a small group of men in Illinois banded themselves together for the -purpose of organizing a battalion of Negro soldiers. The first company -was formed with B. G. Johnson as captain, John C. Buckner as first -lieutenant, and John R. Marshall as second lieutenant. Three years -later a battalion was formed with John C. Buckner as major, and soon -afterwards this was admitted to the Illinois State militia as the Ninth -Battalion Infantry National Guard. This organization at the time it was -formed gave Negro men their best opportunity in the country to gain a -knowledge of military tactics, which they found useful when Congress -declared war on Spain April 25, 1898. - -The allotment for Illinois under President McKinley’s call for 175,000 -men was seven regiments of infantry and one of cavalry. When these -eight regiments left for camp and the Ninth Battalion was not called -to the colors, the Negro people felt that they were wilfully being -kept out of the war with Spain. Shortly afterwards, however, John R. -Tanner, who served as governor of the state during the Spanish-American -War, called John R. Marshall to his office and suggested that he -organize a regiment of Negro men, in which case he would be the first -man of his race to bear the military title of Colonel; and the work of -organization accordingly began. - -President McKinley’s second call for 75,000 men on May 25, 1898, gave -Governor Tanner an opportunity to carry out his promise to put the -regiment into service. He ordered it to Springfield, where the work of -recruiting continued until it reached war strength with 1195 men and -76 officers, and on July 23 John R. Marshall was sworn in as Colonel. -While every other Illinois regiment had gone to Cuba and soldiers -from all parts of the country were constantly embarking, the 8th -remained at Camp Tanner in Illinois; and just about the time the Negro -soldiers were getting discouraged over their prospects of taking part -in real war, Governor Tanner visited the camp and in a speech said: -“Even from the doors of the White House have I received letters asking -and advising me not to officer this regiment with colored men, but I -promised to do so, and I have done it. I shall never rest until I see -this regiment, my regiment, on the soil of Cuba battling for the right -and its kinsmen.” - -It was not Spanish shot and shell that sent many Americans to their -graves, but the hot climate of Cuba and its fevers; in some camps the -sick and dying were found in every tent and the dead march was heard at -every mess call. Yet when the men of the 8th were asked to go to Cuba -to relieve the 1st Illinois whose men were dying daily, they readily -said “Let’s go”; and their volunteering under the circumstances was -especially commended by President McKinley. - -On August 14, 1898, the regiment arrived in Cuba and immediately it -attracted attention by its military precision. Some very efficient men -were officers, among them Major Franklin A. Dennison, who served as -judge of claims in Santiago. When the regiment returned on March 17, -1900, and marched down Michigan Avenue, it was given a great ovation -by the citizens of Chicago. Much of its success had been due to the -hard work of Colonel Marshall, who served until January 1, 1914. He was -succeeded by Major Dennison, who took command January 12. During the -next year the state legislature appropriated money for the erection of -a new armory. The corner-stone of this was laid in 1915, and it was the -first building of its kind for Negroes in America. In the course of the -trouble with Mexico the 8th was sent to the border. - -When war was declared against Germany, April 6, 1917, the regiment -was sent to Texas for preparation. It was in Houston during the riots -between the citizens and the soldiers of the 25th Infantry, but its -record for discipline was upheld. For a while after the riots it was -not thought safe for it to remain at Camp Logan, but the soldierly -bearing of its officers and men demonstrated that such fears were -unwarranted; and when the regiment left Texas for Newport News the -citizens of Houston turned out to do it honor. Its arrival at Newport -News, with a Negro colonel who placed Negro military police on the -streets, created something of a sensation. On Washington’s Birthday, -1918, three companies, led by Colonel Dennison and the regimental band, -went to Norfolk to take part in a demonstration to stimulate interest -in the sale of war stamps, and for the first time in the history of -the city Negro troops marched at the head of a procession of several -thousand American soldiers, sailors, and marines. - -The regiment did intensive training at Newport News until it sailed -for France. It arrived in Brest April 22, 1918, spent two days in -the barracks at Pontenazen, and then journeyed for three days to -Grandvillars, a village near the town of Belfort and within three -miles of the Swiss border. Here it received intensive training under -French officers for six weeks. The regiment made excellent progress and -was complimented on numerous occasions. It was supplied with French -equipment, and during the training period and the time spent in quiet -sectors it was attached to four different French divisions. - -At the end of the first training period the regiment marched on June 12 -and 13 to Morvillars, where it entrained for Ligny en Barrois (Meuse). -It then moved near the town of Bar-le-Duc in the department of the -Meuse. Here it was declared fit for active service, and on June 21 -it was placed on the front line in a quiet sector in the St. Mihiel -district for fourteen days. Leaving for the Argonne on July 19, it was -placed in the Verdun sector on the plateau of Gorgia and at Hermont -and Mont des Allieux. At the last named place, on July 24, the first -casualty in action took place when Private Robert M. Lee of machine-gun -company No. 2 was killed. The only other operation except the usual -routine work was the raid of a Stokes mortar platoon, commanded by Lt. -Robert A. Wood, on August 4. This was in the sub-sector of Vauquois. -Three hundred rounds of ammunition were fired, the object being to fill -up the gaps of the artillery barrage. - -On August 15 the 370th was placed at the disposal of General Mangin, -who was commander of the 10th Army and who ordered the regiment in -reserve along the Curcq River. From this position it was taken on -September 15 to the Soissons sector with the 59th Division in the area -of Vauxaillon with the Ailette Canal and Alizy Château as its strong -salients. The Third Battalion, commanded by Colonel Otis B. Duncan, -succeeded in taking the southern boundary of the canal. Four rifle -companies were detached with two French regiments and assisted in -taking Mont des Singes. The fighting was severe. The 370th was usually -in close support, but it also participated in several attacks, in all -of which the objectives were gained. - -For the first time, on September 22, the regiment was given a full -sector extending from L’Écluse to a point 300 meters west of the -crossing of the Pinon Braucourt road. The First Battalion went into a -position on the Oise-Aisne Canal and the Farm Guilliminet, the Second -into a support position at Mont des Tombs and Les Tueries and the -slopes west of Antioche Farm, and the third into reserve at Tincelle -Farm. The headquarters company was stationed at Levilly and the supply -company at Monte Couve. - -In the midst of the relief of the First and Second Battalions on the -front line during the night of September 27, an attack was ordered at -dawn. By the greatest effort the relief was completed and the Second -Battalion, which was ordered to work, began offensive operations. -These lasted three days. During the night, while the relief was being -conducted, there was considerable mixing of units. It was difficult to -maintain liaison and as a result one company advanced too far and a -number of casualties resulted. - -Colonel Duncan, commanding the Third Battalion, was ordered on -September 30 to attack along the canal from Mont des Singes to the -Pinon Braucourt road. The fighting in this section continued until -the evening of October 4 before it was certain that the enemy had -been driven across the canal. During this advance the patrols of -the regiment were out nightly around L’Écluse and along the canal. -The 370th drove the enemy from this triangle several times, but it -was difficult to remain where it was as it was the target of severe -artillery and machine fire from two directions. This attack of the -30th is memorable in the annals of the 370th as it was against the -Hindenburg line and was driving back the famous Prussian Guard, the -flower of Emperor William’s army. On account of the orders’ being -delayed in transmission, the advance started in broad daylight. It was -led by Colonels Roberts and Duncan with other officers close by their -sides. As they passed through a shell-torn ravine, German machine-gun -bullets rained upon them, but they pressed forward, finally engaging -in a hand-to-hand struggle and driving the enemy before them. The fact -that some of the new troops got separated from their units in the -night caused the rumor to be circulated that the regiment as a whole -was demoralized. This was found to be not true, as all the objectives -were gained and the morale of the men in the front line was good at all -times. - -The regiment took part in the general advance of the division on -October 12, pushing back the German line 70 kilometers. In this -advance the cities of Laon and Crépy were captured. The First and -Second Battalions were complimented by the commanding general, the -First for its passage of the strong position in Bois de Mortier -and its successful reaching of its objective, and the Second for a -well conducted march in pursuit of the enemy via Anizyle-Château to -Cessières, which was reached late on the night of the 12th. Here the -division stopped for twelve days, ten of which were spent in cleaning -the town and the last two in supplying the men with much needed -clothing. During these days the First and Second Battalions were in the -St. Gobain forest and the Third at Mauneux Farm. - -After this brief period of rest from fighting, the division went into -the front line again, the First and Second Battalions going in near -Grandliep, with the Third in reserve near Chambrey. There were no -engagements between October 24 and November 3, but on the latter date -a large shell fell and exploded in the midst of Company A at Chautrud -Farm where the men were gathered around the kitchen. Thirty-four were -killed and fifty-two wounded. - -On November 5 the enemy began a general withdrawal with the French -following closely. The three battalions of the 370th continued in -pursuit, alternating in the front line position. Company C of the First -Battalion, Captain James H. Smith commanding, took a German battery -consisting of three field pieces (77 cannon) and two machine-guns, for -which it was proposed for an army citation. The Second Battalion helped -to take Beaume and Aubenton, while the Third had crossed the Belgian -frontier when the Armistice was signed. On November 10 the regiment -celebrated the evacuation of Signy le Petit, a town which had been -occupied for four years by the Germans, who marched out four hours -before the parade through the town with a French soldier carrying the -Stars and Stripes and Color-Sergeant Mark P. Freeman, a Negro, carrying -the Tricolor of France. - -After the Armistice the regiment did road work and fatigue duty, -cleaning up the villages and towns where it was stationed. With the -French the relations were always most cordial; all had been comrades, -working and fighting together for a great cause. In spite of the -difficulties of language, which were often serious, the regiment showed -marked improvement as the operations progressed. It played an important -part in the activity of the division, as its numerical strength was -nearly half of that of the infantry of the whole. During most of the -advance to the Ailette and north of the Hindenburg line, the battalion -operated separately, but for three weeks in front of the Ailette the -regiment functioned as an organization, and it did as much work as any -other regiment in the 59th Division. Valuable and necessary service -was also rendered by 125 men of the regiment’s depot company who were -attached to the divisional artillery, and by 75 who were attached to -the engineers. - -On the day that the armistice was signed General Vincenden commended -the men of the 59th Division for helping to vanquish “the most powerful -instrument of conquest that a nation could forge.” In referring to the -“Black Devils,” he said: “The 370th R. I. U. S. has contributed largely -to the success of the 59th Division and has taken in bitter strife -both cannon and machine-guns. Its units, fired by a noble ardor, go -at times even beyond the objectives given by the higher command; they -have always wished to be in the front lines, for the place of honor is -in the leading rank. They have shown, in the course of our advance, -that they are worthy of being there.” As the officers and men were -leaving the French command, he further thanked and commended them in -General Order No. 4785, which especially complimented the intrepidity -of Colonel Duncan and said to the men in closing: “The blood of your -comrades who fell on the soil of France, mixed with the blood of our -soldiers, renders indissoluble the bonds of affection that unite us. -We have, besides, the pride of having worked together at a magnificent -task, and the pride of bearing on our foreheads the ray of a common -grandeur.” - -Prominent among those to whom these words were addressed and among -those who received citations were Sergeant Charles T. Monroe of the -Headquarters Company of the regiment, Sergeant Mathew Jenkins of -Company F, and First Lieut. William J. Warfield of Company L. Sergeant -Monroe displayed extraordinary heroism in action at Mont-de-Sanges, -September 24, 1918. A private at the time, in the absence of a platoon -commander he took charge of a platoon of Stokes mortars, directing the -work of the men under heavy shell fire. Although the shelling was at -times so intense that the guns were buried, Sergeant Monroe and his -men worked unceasingly in placing them back in action. He himself was -buried by the explosion of a shell, but on being dug out, continued -to direct the work of his men and to inspire them by his fearless -example. Sergeant Jenkins, on September 20, 1918, was in command of a -detachment that was ordered to attack the German line. After rescuing, -under fire, a wounded comrade, he charged with his detachment, took a -fortified tunnel, and, being far in advance of his lines and without -rations and ammunition, held the position for more than thirty-six -hours until relieved, making use of captured guns and ammunition to -repel the attacks made upon him. Lieutenant Warfield’s exploit took -place near Ferme de la Rivière, September 28, 1918. Although separated -with his platoon from the company, he continued to lead a stubborn -resistance against enemy machine-gun nests, successfully capturing a -gun and killing the crew. Although severely wounded, he still continued -to command, refusing relief until his objective was reached. Altogether -the regiment received twenty-one Distinguished Service Crosses, -sixty-eight French Croix de Guerre, and one Distinguished Service Medal. - -The 370th was released from the French command and returned to the -American Army December 12, 1918. After the change it encamped at -Soissons until December 23, then at Le Mans until January 8, 1919, and -then at Brest until February 1, when it sailed for America, arriving -at Camp Upton nine days later. As the men of the 370th turned towards -their native land, they did so with pride in the achievements of their -regiment and with the knowledge that it had lived up to its tradition. -It had served on two fronts and had participated in the Oisne-Aisne -offensive, the last great battle of the war. While patrols had gone -forth both day and night, only one man had been taken prisoner. Because -of such a record, all Chicago turned out on February 17 to do honor -to the “Old 8th.” Offices and stores were closed for the day, bells -and whistles welcomed the heroes home, and at the Coliseum, where -the regiment went after leaving the station, thousands gathered that -they might see the war-scarred and medal-bedecked soldiers and hear -something of their experiences. After this great meeting, there was -in the afternoon a regimental parade down Michigan Avenue in full war -equipment, amid the plaudits of all Chicago. At the close of the parade -the regiment entrained for Camp Grant at Rockford for demobilization. -This was completed March 12, and thus the noble record of the 370th -became history. - - -371ST INFANTRY - -The 371st Infantry Regiment, commanded by Colonel P. L. Miles, was -organized and trained at Camp Jackson, Columbia, S. C. It was composed -mainly of North and South Carolina men and was officered largely by -Southerners. The commanding officer was interested in the welfare of -his men, so also were many of the junior officers; and in spite of some -discouraging circumstances the soldiers were faithful in their work. -Especially had there been strong protest against having Negroes trained -in Columbia; but in the end all such fears proved to be unwarranted, -as the conduct of the men was above reproach. At the end of their -training period citizens from all walks of life gave testimony to the -fact that they had been a credit to their race and to the uniform they -wore, and the Columbia _State_ said that South Carolina was proud -of the regiment and that when the men went to France they would carry -with them the best wishes, the prayers, and the blessing of the best -people of the state. - -Just before the regiment left for overseas, the colored citizens -of Columbia presented it with a flag (March 27, 1918). As the men -marched through the principal street of Columbia in full uniform, they -presented a wonderful spectacle. The transformation that had been -wrought in many of them was almost unbelievable, and mothers, fathers, -wives, and friends came from far to see their kinsmen on parade. After -receiving the flag the regiment returned to camp, but it was soon -on its way to France. William Slovens McNutt, in writing about its -departure from Camp Jackson, said that while he was with some officers -he heard a great shout outside and the thump, thump, thump of marching -soldiers. On looking out he saw a Negro regiment passing in full array. -The whole camp was quiet, and the only sound was that of the marching -and the cracking of the packs. The black men from the cotton-fields -were on their way to France. A big Mississippian standing near swore -growlingly under his breath, gulped, and said: “I’m done talking about -niggers. These boys have been fine soldiers here, and if they ever get -back from France, I’m big enough to lick any man who don’t give ’em a -square deal.” Then a soft, quavery voice somewhere in the ranks began -the hymn, “Will there be any stars in my crown?” Others took it up, -and soon the whole regiment was singing the old church song as the men -tramped their solemn way out of camp to put their bodies to the chance -of war on a foreign field. - -The regiment sailed from Newport News April 9, 1918, arriving at Brest -on the 23rd. For three days the men drilled, worked, and rested before -their next journey to Rembercourt, the training area. One of its first -duties was to clean up Rembercourt, and the soldiers were interested -to find that the French people would not allow them to remove the -cobwebs from the old barns used as billets because of the superstition -that their removal would bring harm to the family. Some companies -were trained at Marats-le-Grand and others at Marats-le-Petit in the -Rembercourt area. Here under French instructors they did intensive -work, learning the French system, and the rapidity with which they -absorbed the new methods gratified both the French and the American -officers. It took the men some time to get used to the French rations, -and Colonel Miles meanwhile forbade the sale of French wines or any -form of intoxicant to the men in his charge. - -The 371st was assigned to the 157th French Division. Its training -period lasted until June 6, when it was ordered to the St. Mihiel -sector to join the 38th Division. While it was proceeding to carry out -the orders and the regimental commander was making reconnaissance -of the sector, the order was rescinded and the regiment was directed -to return to the 13th French Army Corps. It then marched to -Sivry-la-Perche, Bois Bourrus, Vigneville, and Bois de Bethlainville, -where it supported the 68th Division from June 13 to June 22. - -On the nights of June 22 and 23 the headquarters company of the First -Battalion entered the front line of the Avocourt sub-sector, west of -Hill 304, for its first experience in modern warfare. After July 14 -the regiment moved into the Varrieres sub-sector in the same vicinity, -and the Second and Third Battalions were in support. In this sector -the regiment remained until September 14, most of the time with two -battalions in the line and one in support, although for a short time -the entire regiment was in the front line. During these days there was -some nervousness on the part of the troops as they were constantly -expecting an attack; but it did not take them long to become accustomed -to the artillery fire, and their nonchalant attitude won for them the -admiration and the confidence of the French officers. - -The supporting battalion did the night work on the defenses destroyed -by the artillery fire, and its nearness to the front line prevented any -training of the regiment in offensive action. Outpost duty was done, -and at one time the 371st covered as much as five kilometers, which -was its own front and half the front of the 333rd French Infantry at -its left. There were occasional raiding parties and nightly patrols, -and daily there was harassing fire in the sector. Some men were killed -or wounded in these raids, but on the other hand some prisoners were -taken, much to the satisfaction of the French command. - -The 371st, though inexperienced in war, occupied and defended its -sectors, and provided for all means of liaison and supply just as -a French infantry regiment was expected to do. More and more its -discipline improved. On September 14 it was taken from the Verdun -region by trucks to Helitz-l’Évêque, Champagne, for two weeks of -training in offensive action, but on the first day of training new -orders came and the regiment marched to Somme Bionne, Champagne, in -the area of the great offensive which was to start on September 26. On -the night of the 26th the regiment marched from the old French line -at Boyan to Butte de Mesnil. At 12.30 on the 27th it was ordered to -a position in readiness behind the crest line facing north between -Butte de Mesnil and Maison Champagne Ferme. A position astride the -Ripont-Gratevil road was reached before daylight. There was heavy gun -fire and there were six casualties in the course of the march. - -In accordance with operation order No. 20, issued by the 157th -Division, the First Battalion of the 371st Infantry attacked at 6.45 -o’clock on September 28 on a front of 500 meters on the axis Ripont, -Bussy Farm, les Petit Rosières, between the 161st French Division on -the right and the 2nd Moroccan Division on the left. Major Joseph B. -Pate, commanding the First Battalion of the 371st, was ordered to fill -an interval that was reported to have occurred between the 161st and -the 2nd Moroccan Division. On receiving information from the commander -on the right that no gap existed, the First Battalion attacked at the -hour set, but machine-guns held up the advance for a while and caused a -large number of casualties. At daylight it was discovered that the gap -did exist, but defective liaison prevented getting the necessary aid or -artillery support. As a result machine-gun nests had to be taken with -rifle and bayonet at a heavy cost. - -The French and the 371st, advancing on Hill 188, withdrew and marched -to the right flank around the hill, as it was filled with machine-gun -nests. The hill was finally taken by the First Battalion of the -371st with the assistance of a battalion of the 372nd Infantry. This -encounter will always be remembered by the 371st, as it was here that -the regiment lost the greatest number of men. Machine-gun fire swept -the crest of the hill, but even this did not stop the advance. When -night came a position had been reached 400 meters south of Le Pied. - -Personal reconnaissance by the commander of the Second Battalion -determined that Bussy Farm had been evacuated by the enemy. Acting in -accordance with orders from the 157th Division, the Third Battalion of -the 371st occupied this farm at 7 o’clock on the morning of September -29. At 9.15 on the same morning the entire regiment advanced in a -column of battalions on a front of 500 meters’ distance between -the battalions and 500 meters from the 372nd Infantry on the right -and the 333rd French Infantry on the left. The Third Battalion of -the 371st captured the villages of Ardeuil, Montfauxelle, and the -railroad station, yards, and shops just north of Montfauxelle; and -the advance of the regiment halted at these places for the night. -During this advance Company K of the Third Battalion was on the extreme -left near the French unit. Both were subjected to heavy fire from -the hills before them. Captain Chester D. Heywood, who commanded the -company, ordered an attack to clear the hill. This was successful, and -thirty-five prisoners, including three officers, a 77 M. M. cannon -with its ammunition, and a number of machine-guns were captured. On -September 30 the regiment advanced in the same formation as on the -preceding day, with the Third, Second, and First Battalions from front -to rear in the order given. Trières Farm was captured by the Third -Battalion, which was far in advance of the troops on its right and -left. While in this position it was subjected to heavy fire and there -were heavy losses. The Second Battalion was deployed to the right and -met the same opposition. - -On October 1 at 5 o’clock the regiment was relieved of front line duty -and carried to the rear to reorganize. There it remained until October -6. Before entering the great Champagne campaign it had had no training -in offensive operations for battalions, and the signal platoon had had -experience only in a defensive sector. Lack of training on the part -of the signal platoon prevented the regiment from obtaining artillery -assistance even sometimes when it was sorely needed in the advance. -In spite of this handicap the regiment carried the attack forward in -advance of adjacent troops. No French troops led the way for the 371st. -It marched into battle and maintained its approach formation under -heavy fire without faltering. Many officers stayed at their posts even -when wounded, continually encouraging their men; and on the other hand -there were numerous acts of heroism and devotion to duty on the part of -the men. - -During the regiment’s advance it shot down three German aeroplanes -which were flying low and directing the firing. This was a unique -record. Ninety prisoners were taken, and of a total strength of 2384 -the losses of the regiment in the Champagne offensive were as follows: -Officers, killed 4, died of wounds 4, wounded 41, total 49; Enlisted -men, killed 101, died of wounds 6, wounded 866, total 973; Missing 30; -Total 1052. - -Such figures are cold. Let us note some of the concrete deeds that were -afterwards cited for honors. Near Champagne, on September 28, Corporal -Sandy E. Jones was engaged as company clerk and was left behind to care -for the company records. “When he learned that all the company officers -had become casualties, he immediately went forward, and, collecting the -scattered elements of the company, reorganized them under most trying -and difficult conditions.” Private Reuben Burrell, “although painfully -wounded in the knee, refused to be evacuated, stating that if he went -to the rear there would not be enough left for his group to function.” -Privates Ellison Moses and Junius Diggs, after their companies had been -forced to withdraw from advanced positions, “went forward and rescued -wounded soldiers, working persistently until all of them had been -carried to shelter.” Four other men, among them Bruce Stoney, Charlie -Butler, and Willie Boston, “crawled 200 yards ahead of our lines under -violent machine-gun fire and rescued an officer who was lying mortally -wounded in a shell hole.” These are only a few of the individual acts -of heroism. - -After the Champagne offensive the regiment was withdrawn and sent to -a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains, the Bonhomme sub-sector in -Alsace. It remained there from October 16 until after the Armistice, -with the assistance of one battalion of Chasseurs holding over eight -kilometers of front. There were no important operations here and for -the first time the reserve battalions were given intensive training. - -During the service with the French there were always the most cordial -relations. General Goybet had sincere affection for these Negro troops -and took personal pride in what they did. Other generals and the French -soldiers also learned to respect and admire them for their soldierly -qualities and their bravery; and so did the Moroccan division. General -Garnier Duplessis, commander of the 9th Army Corps of France, after -watching the deeds of the 371st and 372nd in the Champagne offensive, -said, “I salute the brave American regiments who have equalled in -intrepidity their French comrades.” Colonel Quillet, who commanded -the regiment in the decisive battle that brought victory, said: “In -sectors they have shown endurance, a vigilance, a spirit of devotion, -and a remarkable discipline. In battle they have taken by storm with -a magnificent animation very strong positions doggedly defended by -the enemy.” On October 11, when the regiment came out of battle, the -commander of the 157th Division wrote Colonel Miles, saying, “Your -troops have been admirable in their attack”; and when the famous -157th “Red Hand Division” was broken up, General Goybet commended -the American Negro soldiers for the part they had taken in the great -struggle as follows: “During seven months we have lived as brothers -in arms, sharing the same works, the same fatigues, the same dangers; -side by side we have participated in the great Champagne battle, which -was crowned with a prodigious victory. The 157th Division will never -forget the irresistible dash, the heroic push of the colored American -troops.... The most formidable defenses, the best organized machine-gun -nests, the most smashing artillery barrage could not stop them. These -élite regiments crossed all of it with a superb disdain of death and, -thanks to their courageous devotion, the Red Hand Division during nine -days of hard struggle always held the lead in the historic advance of -the Fourth Army.” - -For its splendid fighting in the Champagne battles the regiment was -commended by the French high command and the regimental colors were -decorated by Vice-Admiral Moreau in Brest January 27, 1919. The -citation reads as follows: - - - The 371st R. I. U. S. has shown, during its first engagement, the - very best qualities of bravery and audacity which are characteristic - of shock troops. - - Under the command of Colonel Miles, it launched itself with a - superb spirit and admirable disregard of danger at the assault of a - position stubbornly defended by the enemy. It took it by terrible - fighting, under an exceptionally violent machine-gun fire. It then - continued its progression in spite of the fire of enemy artillery - and its cruel losses, making numerous prisoners, securing cannon, - machine-guns and important material. - - PETAIN, - Marshal of France. - - -Thirty-four individual Croix de Guerre for officers and sixty-nine for -enlisted men, one Legion of Honor, and twenty-one Distinguished Service -Crosses were awarded to members of the regiment. The 371st sailed -from Brest February 3, 1919, and arrived at Camp Upton February 11th. -Thence the men were sent to the camps nearest their homes, and most of -them naturally went to Camp Jackson. Amid the plaudits of the city of -Columbia they returned the flag that had been given them, and South -Carolina, that had hesitated to receive and train these black sons of -hers, had the magnanimity to admit that no other organization that -represented the state in the World War had shed as much luster upon it -or brought as much glory to it as the 371st Regiment of Negro soldiers. - - -372ND INFANTRY - -The 372nd Infantry Regiment was organized at Camp Stuart, Newport News, -in January, 1918, of infantry troops from the First Separate Battalion -of Washington, D. C., the Ninth Separate Battalion of Ohio, First -Separate Company I of Maryland, First Separate Company K of Tennessee, -First Separate Company M of Connecticut, and Company L of the 6th -Massachusetts Regiment. These organizations had survived since the -Spanish-American War by reason of the enthusiasm of a few commanders -who had held them together from year to year in spite of handicaps, -until the call to arms in 1917. - -Every one of these units had made an interesting record. The First -Separate Battalion of Washington was the first unit of district -guardsmen to be mobilized for duty on the Mexican Border in 1916. It -served for four months, spending a part of the time at Naco, Ariz., -where it guarded waterworks. On March 29, 1917, just before the United -States entered the war, it was mustered into the Federal service and -called to guard the White House, the Capitol, and other Government -buildings and railroad properties around Washington. The Ninth Ohio -Battalion was composed of companies from Springfield, Cleveland, and -Columbus. It was called to the mobilization center in 1916, but was -not ordered to the border. In July, 1917, when the regiment was called -to service, efforts were made to raise it to war strength, which was -finally reached at Camp Stuart. The First Separate Company of Maryland -was organized in the 80’s by Capt. William R. Spencer, who commanded it -for nearly thirty years. In 1917 it first went to Pittsburgh for guard -duty, but later was sent to Camp McClellan, Anniston, Ala., where it -served at the remount station until it was ordered to France. While at -Camp McClellan it participated in a review of thirty-five thousand men -and was conceded by the reviewers to be the best drilled company in the -line of march. Company K of Tennessee, commanded by Captain Hadley, was -the only National Guard company of Negro men in the South. It trained -at Camp Sevier, Greenville, S. C., before joining the 372nd at Newport -News. Company M of Connecticut was one of the two National Guard -companies in New England composed of Negro men. During the years of its -existence it trained in camp with the Connecticut National Guard, which -as early as 1904 it accompanied to Manassas, Va., for the Bull Run sham -battle. During the maneuvers an unfortunate incident occurred, two -troopers in the unit opposing this company being injured, and it was -withdrawn from further participation in the event. Company L, of the -Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, was the only Negro company attached to a -white regiment in the United States; and William J. Williams, the first -captain, was the first Negro to receive that commission in the United -States Volunteer Army. This company served in the Spanish-American -War, and it was mustered into the Federal service on the day that the -United States declared war on Germany. It was first sent to Fort Smith, -N. H., where it remained until July. Thence it was moved successively -to Framingham, Ayer, the Watertown Arsenal, where it was raised to war -strength, then to Westfield, and thence to Camp Greene, Charlotte, N. -C. In January, 1918, it was ordered to Camp Stuart to join the other -National Guard units preparatory to the formation of the 372nd Regiment -under the command of Colonel Glendie B. Young. While organization was -being completed, the men were given three months of intensive training -in all forms of offensive and defensive tactics. - -On March 30 the regiment sailed for France, arriving at St. Nazaire -on April 13. It was stationed in one of the rest camps outside the -city, details doing stevedore work at Montoir until the 21st, when -the regiment was ordered to the Givry-en-Argonne training area, -where it was billeted at Condé-en-Barrois. Under French officers -intensive instruction was given in the use of hand and rifle grenades, -machine-guns and automatic rifles, trench construction and battle -formations; and during this period the regiment was reorganized in -accordance with the French table of organization and became an integral -part of the 63rd Division of the French Army. - -Leaving Condé-en-Barrois on May 27, the 372nd proceeded to towns in -the Meuse and Vosges Departments, there to await operation orders. -These were received on June 6, the different battalions being assigned -to the sub-sector Argonne (Meuse), which was placed under the command -of Colonel Young. The First Battalion was located at La Noue and Les -Islettes as reserve to the 63rd Division, the Second at Camp Kapp and -Basse Chevrie, and the Third at Courtes Chousses. There were no large -offensive operations in this sector, but patrols from both sides gave -the regiment its first real opportunity to see modern warfare. - -On June 21 the 372nd was transferred from the 63rd to the 35th -French Division, the latter having relieved the 63rd. On June 27 the -commanding officer of the 35th Division ordered the 372nd to relieve -the 123rd French R. I. in the Vauquois Sector (Meuse). This relief, -which was made by the battalions going into the line separately, -continued until July 3, when it was completed. On July 2 the regiment -was again transferred, this time to the 157th “Red Hand” Division. -It was immediately ordered to occupy new positions in support, and -from July 11 to 14 it relieved the 49th French R. I. in sub-sector -Courcelles. The First Battalion on the night of the 11th moved to Bois -de Fenchères, the Second and supply company on the following night to -Camp Demougin at Brabant, and the Third and headquarters company to -Lochères. On July 4, 1918, Colonel Herschel Tupes relieved Colonel -Young in the command of the regiment. - -The 372nd moved into second-line positions on July 18. The First -Battalion was stationed at sub-sector West, the Second at Vigneville, -and the Third at Bois de Bethelainsville. On the 26th the regiment -moved into a sub-sector of Hill 304 in the Verdun region, where it -relieved the 333rd French Regiment. This relief was completed on the -28th, with the First Battalion in the front line left of sub-sector -304, the Second on the right of 304, and the Third in reserve at Camp -Dormandie. The regiment remained in the Verdun region throughout the -month of August. Here it took part in no offensive operations except -active patrol duty; yet the men were under constant bombardment, which -made the line of communication difficult to hold in order. Detachments -took part in two attacks, which were accompanied by artillery operation -put over by the 333rd French Regiment. On both occasions the men of the -372nd were praised for their conduct under fire. Sub-sector 304 was -organized and consolidated for the first time by this regiment. - -While in this sector the Negro officers, many of whom had been with -their units for years, were removed. It was natural that the removal -of those who had helped to organize and promote their organizations -should affect the morale of the regiment for a time, but the men -finally adjusted themselves to the changes and the work of the regiment -proceeded. - -On September 8 the 129th U. S. Infantry relieved the 372nd. The -battalions marched to Bois de Brocourt and Bois de Fouchères, where -they remained until September 12, when orders arrived to leave for -the training area in Brienne le Château. Four days later they were -ordered by train to Vitry-le-François in Haute-Marne, and thence they -proceeded by night marches through Jussacourt, Contault-le-Maupas, -Dommartin-sur-Yevre, and Mes Maigneaux to Hans, ten kilometers west of -Ste. Menehould, where they arrived on September 25. - -In the big offensive the attack which had been scheduled for the Fourth -Army began at 5.25 on the morning of September 26. The mission of the -157th French Division was “to exploit the successes after the initial -breaking through attack had attained the assigned objectives.” The -372nd was ordered to advance at 3 in the afternoon. The headquarters -and headquarters company occupied the north bank of Marson Brook, and -the three battalions were on the south of the brook. On the 27th the -First and Third Battalions marched north to new positions in Ravin -d’Hébaterne, while the Second Battalion was held in reserve for the -157th Division. On the 28th the Second Battalion advanced to Ripont -by Corduroy road. The Third was ordered to attack north of Ripont -Rouvroy road, which it did at 11.30. Stubborn resistance was offered -by the enemy from their entrenchments on Crete-des-Observatoires, but -after hard fighting, which lasted the entire afternoon, this position -was rushed and cleared. The Third Battalion captured in this advance -60 prisoners, one 105-calibre field-gun, two 77-calibre field-guns, -2 anti-tank rifles, and large quantities of material and small arm -ammunition. The Third Battalion continued its advance until night, -reaching the woods south of Bussy Farm, three and a half kilometers -north of Ripont. Its ranks had been greatly depleted in the day’s -operations. - -On September 29 the First Battalion was ordered to attack towards -Moulin, L’Avébrune, and then towards Challerange, but after starting -the attack it was obliged to leave its direction of attack and advance -toward Sechault because of the strong resistance from that direction. -The town was finally captured, the First Battalion of the 372nd -assisting. Because of the casualties suffered by the First and Third -Battalions, they were ordered at nightfall to the woods south of Bussy -Farm, where they were reorganized into one provisional battalion. - -On September 30 the Second Battalion advanced to a plateau 250 meters -south of Bussy Farm and on October 1 to Trières Farm, where it relieved -a battalion of the 371st Infantry. The provisional battalion, commanded -by Major Johnson, advanced three kilometers north of Sechault on the -Sechault-Monthoise road, capturing the town of Ardeuil. On October -3 the advance was held up, pending the capture of Croix de Langley, -west of Monthoise, by the 120th French Division, which was stopped -in its advance. The enemy took advantage of a heavy fog on the 4th -and launched a strong counter-attack, assisted by heavy artillery -preparation. This attack, which developed into a hand-to-hand combat, -was completely repulsed by two battalions of the 333rd French Regiment, -and the Second Battalion of the 372nd, the enemy leaving behind 55 -prisoners and 6 machine-guns. - -The 372nd was relieved on October 6 by a French regiment and moved -southward to the north banks of Marson Brook for the 7th, and on to -Somme Bionne, 12 kilometers west of Ste. Menehould, on the 8th. Its -fighting qualities were put to severe test in the Champagne offensive -from September 26 to October 7. The nature of the attack may be judged -by the losses sustained. Seven officers and 74 enlisted men were killed -and 32 officers and 435 men were wounded. Three of the wounded officers -afterwards died. - -The regiment entrained at Valmy in Champagne on the 11th for Alsace, -arriving at Corcieux in the Department of Vosges the following day. -Here it detrained and marched to St. Leonard, preparatory to entering -the front lines to relieve the 70th French Infantry at Ban-de-Laveline -in sub-sector B on the 15th. It remained in this sector until after -the armistice. On the night of November 7 patrols were sent out from -each battalion to gain contact with the enemy, who were believed to -be retreating. A patrol from the Second Battalion, consisting of an -officer and twenty-three men, advanced two kilometers into territory -occupied by the Germans, who surrounded them. The officer and one -man were killed. All the rest, a number of whom were wounded, were -captured, with the exception of one man, who made his escape and -returned to the battalion. On the last morning of the war another -patrol went 1200 meters into the enemy’s line and captured a soldier -of the 2nd Ersatz Bavarian Regiment. There were no heavy offensives -in sub-sector B, but there was aggressive patrolling, which secured -valuable information from the enemy. On November 17 the regiment was -ordered to Granges, Ammontzev, and Jussarupt in the Vosges, where it -remained until January 1. At Ammontzev, on December 17, 1918, General -Goybet, commander of the 157th French Division, awarded the Croix de -Guerre to those officers and men who had won the coveted prize, and -Colonel Tupes presented to eight men the Distinguished Service Cross. - -The 157th, the “Red Hand Division,” was ordered dissolved on December -20. At the same time the 372nd was returned to the American Army. The -regiment had served with the French since April, 1918. During that -time the relations had been most friendly, the men of the two nations -working together in perfect harmony. The 372nd played an important -part in the operations of its division. Its occupation of sub-sector -Argonne Quest, considered a phase of training, was satisfactorily -conducted. In the Vauquois sub-sector its mission was difficult and -important, namely, the defense of Côtes-de-Foriment, the key to the -Aire Valley, which was threatened by a German offensive. Its fighting -in the Champagne and its capture of Crete-des-Observatoires, the key to -Challerange and Monthois, caused the French Higher Command to say that -its achievements were equal to those of any French unit in its division. - -The regiment entrained for Le Mans on January 1, arriving two days -afterwards. There it remained until the 11th, when it was ordered to -Brest, where it arrived on the 14th. At Brest, on January 24, 1919, the -regimental colors were decorated with the Croix de Guerre with palm by -Vice-Admiral Moreau of the French Navy. The citation said: - - - The 372nd Infantry - - Gave proof during its first engagement of the finest qualities - of bravery and daring exploits, which are the virtues of assaulting - troops. - - Under the orders of Colonel Tupes, dashed with superb gallantry - and admirable scorn of danger, the assault of a position continuously - defended by the enemy, taking it by storm under exceptionally violent - machine-gun fire, continued the progress in spite of the enemy’s - artillery fire and severe fire. Made numerous prisoners, captured - cannons, many machine-guns and important war material. - - (Signed) QUILLET, - Colonel, Commanding 157th L. D. - - -Of individual heroes in the regiment thus cited for gallantry there -were many. Two of the most outstanding were Corporal Clarence R. -Van Alen, of Boston, and Sergeant Clifton Merrimon, of Cambridge, -both of whom were members of the “Old 6th Massachusetts” and both of -whom received the extraordinary triple decoration of the Croix de -Guerre with palm, the Distinguished Service Cross, and the Medaille -Militaire. On the morning of September 28, 1918, when his company was -under a gruelling fire from hidden German machine-gun nests, Corporal -Van Alen, having determined the location of one of these, rushed it -single-handed. He killed four of the operators and brought the other -three as prisoners into the American lines, himself escaping with a -few scratches. Later on the same day, and during the same engagement, -he rushed and captured single-handed a trench mortar battery that was -inflicting severe losses upon the French lines. Corporal (afterwards -Sergeant) Merrimon, near Bussy Farm on September 27, made an attack -with hand grenades on an enemy machine-gun which was causing heavy -losses to his platoon, and succeeded in killing the gunner and putting -the gun out of commission. He then reorganized the remainder of the -platoon, leading his men to their position south of Bussy Farm. -Although gassed himself, he silenced the machine-gun single-handed. -Colonel Tupes himself was decorated with the Croix de Guerre, and -altogether four members of the regiment received the Medaille Militaire -and fifty-two the Croix de Guerre. - -The 372nd sailed for America on February 3, 1919, landing at Hoboken on -Lincoln’s Birthday. Demobilization was completed on March 6. - - * * * * * - -Of such nature was the work and the fighting of the 93rd Division of -the American Army in France, which was composed of Negro soldiers and -whose different regiments were so largely decorated with the Croix de -Guerre with palm. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -HOME-FIRES - - - “Keep the home-fires burning, - While your hearts are yearning; - Though your lads are far away - They dream of home; - There’s a silver lining - Through the dark cloud shining; - Turn the dark cloud inside out - Till the boys come home.” - -To the American returning from France in 1919, the whole country that -had been the scene of the war came back like a panorama or a dream. -The moans of the dying and the devastation of homes and villages -mingled with the treasures of art and the shrines of devotion. Perhaps -he recalled the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, the Palace of Kings -at Fontainebleau, the tombs of Voltaire and Rousseau and Hugo, the -Luxembourg, or the never-to-be-forgotten Promenade at Nice. Roman ruins -and amphitheatres, the parade on Bastille Day, fireworks on the Seine, -nights at the opera, the games at the Pershing Stadium, the endless -coming and going at Brest, even memories of Héloïse and Abelard, all -crowded upon the mind to awaken wonder. But above all, far above all, -came back the France of the Great Soul, of Liberty and Fraternity and -Courage, of the “Marseillaise,”--of Verdun and the deathless word, “Ils -ne passeront pas.” - -It is a country to love, a country worth dying for. Yet few Americans -would prefer even France to their own wonderful land. Memories of those -at home rushed back even on the field of battle; and though he lived in -Mississippi or Montana, to the returning soldier even the harbor of New -York spoke of home. After all there is nothing like the land of one’s -birth and loved ones. “One touch of nature makes the whole world kin.” - -To the Negro soldier who went to France the experience was, as for -every soldier, one ever to be remembered. Some men who in Alabama or -Louisiana had in all their lives hardly been twenty-five miles from -home were suddenly taken thousands of miles away, across the Atlantic, -to decide the fate of empires. Altogether four hundred thousand Negro -men answered their country’s call. Of these a little more than half saw -service abroad, and many never came back. - -Of those who remained at home importance attached to an organization of -which little has been said in these pages, that of the Students’ Army -Training Corps. Units of this were established in twenty representative -educational institutions, and with inspiring ceremony on October 1, -1918, the flower of the young men of the nation, in these and other -colleges, took the oath of loyalty to the flag. Meanwhile black -fathers and mothers invested millions of dollars in Liberty Bonds and -War Savings Stamps and contributed generously to all the numerous -“drives”; and history has not yet told of how much the Negro woman, -working hard in the fields of the South, did to feed her country and -the world while the war was on. - -To the Negro soldier no thought was dearer or more inspiring than -that of these women at home, so largely defenceless; and no hope was -stronger than that the future might be better for them and their -children. Only such feeling explains the tenderness, even the tears, -with which the men in uniform greeted the women of their race who in -one way or another strove to help them. At Camp McClellan one man was -daily growing weaker from pneumonia. One morning a Negro woman who was -a member of the Red Cross brought some flowers to be given to him. A -beautiful rose was selected by the Chaplain who, when giving it to -the soldier, said, “This is the flower that the lady brought you this -morning.” “For me?” asked the man; then, looking at the gift with all -its beautiful suggestion, he said, “Chaplain, I am twenty-three years -old. Do you know that this is the first time anyone ever gave me a -flower?” Overseas it was the same. To one talented young woman who went -to France to try to bring good cheer, and who inspired the men by her -beautiful playing on the piano, a soldier wrote appreciatively: “I just -want to thank you for the way you entertained us soldiers last evening -and say that you really did bring sunshine to us all. To-day it seems -that a burden has been lifted off us, and we wish you could stay in -our camp forever. I feel better than I have felt in the whole eleven -months that I have been overseas. All the soldiers are talking of you -to-day; it has been a year since some of them saw a colored woman. A -friend of mine is from Cincinnati and he joins me in wishing you Good -Luck and Godspeed.” - -Not only through the personal presence of such a worker as this but -in far-reaching and unseen ways the influences of home were brought -to bear upon the men at the front. Sometimes in the darkest night the -great good cheer and the big heart of the Negro shone forth. More than -one man “higher up,” while on patrol in No Man’s Land, was buoyed up -by the simple faith of an untutored Negro lad. “Officer,” said one, in -such a situation, “it is hard, but I’m with you to the end.” On another -night, before they went over the top, six boys were in a dug-out. After -talking things over, one suggested that they say the Lord’s Prayer. -Only one knew it; but while a game of dice was going on in another -corner, the little group knelt and repeated the words, gathering -strength for the attack that was to come before the new day. Hearing -a slight noise toward the close, they turned and saw that a major had -come into the dug-out. “Let’s say it again, boys,” he said, “it gives -me more courage too.” Then they knelt again and the officer joined with -them in the prayer. - -In many ways the war meant the awakening of new impulses. As one -traveled through the South, again and again he noticed a service -flag at the window, sometimes in a cabin forlorn and dilapidated, -sometimes in one neat and in a cluster of trees or surrounded by -cotton. Sometimes there was only one star, but often there were two; -and whenever those stars appeared they meant that the deeper springs -of life were being stirred, and that a people whose horizon had been -limited was beginning to think in terms of the world. If such was -the influence at home, even stronger was that with the men who went -to France. They were thrilled with a new hope. One and all they were -willing to give their very lives if things might be better for those -in the little home in South Carolina or Georgia. They had seen their -glorious Stars and Stripes and they knew that they had not fully -realized its benefits; but now as never before that banner unfurled -meant democracy, and as a beacon light it pointed the way for all -lovers of liberty. Negro men went to war believing that a new day was -dawning for them, and that loyalty to their country’s cause in her hour -of need would be the means of their enjoying in fuller measure the -blessings for which they were fighting. In that faith they were willing -to face shells and gas at Verdun, in Champagne, and in the Argonne, or -wherever duty might lead them. - -When the war closed then, it is unfortunate that the experiences of -thousands of these men had embittered them instead of bringing them -into the freedom for which they had longed. Let us pass over smaller -matters and consider only two of the larger reasons that accounted -for their feeling. It is possible that no group similarly situated -did more to make Armistice Day possible than did the American Negro -soldiers; and we have seen that the record of the 369th Infantry -was such that it was given the honor of leading French troops to the -Rhine. When, however, in Paris, on July 14, 1919--on Bastille Day, -the day of freedom--the Allied generals and their armies participated -in the greatest military demonstration in the history of the world, -the American Negro was not there. Other nations had all the races -that fought under their flags in line. Belgium had her black colonial -troops; England had Indians and Africans with her own sons and her -soldiers from the colonies; and France had her Senegalese, Moroccans, -Algerians, Soudanese, and Madagascans: every race that came to her -defence was in her victorious army on that memorable day. Only America -left her Negro troops behind. The last soldiers in the Victory Parade -passed down the Champs Elysees, and still the hero of the 369th or the -371st had not appeared. He alone in the day of glory was the Disowned, -the Disinherited. - -Then there was “Le Panthéon de la Guerre,” a great painting by “Pierre -Carrier-Belleuse, Auguste François Gorguet, and their associates, who -on the morrow of the victory of the Marne undertook a work for the -glorification of France.” Standing before the painting one beheld -thousands of French heroes, officers of all ranks, and soldiers, -gunners, horsemen, sailors, and aviators--every group that represented -France. Along the right of this great circular painting were seen -the Allied nations, represented by their sovereigns, statesmen, and -military leaders, with representatives of the groups that assisted in -the great struggle. Colonial as well as European soldiers were there. -In the American group President Wilson stood in the center with one of -his peace documents, and on either side were members of the cabinet, -statesmen, military and naval leaders. Every group of Americans was -supposed to be represented, and all were there--soldiers, sailors, -business men, farmers, cowboys, Indians,--all except the Negro, the -Negro soldier, and the stevedore who bore the heavy load. It was not -sufficient to say to the Negro that this was an accidental omission; he -knew better. - -This, then, is the question for Americans. Either these things are true -or they are not. Either they are just or they are not. That they are -true everybody knows. That they are just we leave to the conscience of -our readers. - -Meanwhile let us remember that now as ever the Negro has faith in his -country and in the principles for which it stands. In every crisis he -has been loyal and true. In the World War, in spite of propaganda, -he answered promptly every call. For him, as for others, the draft -was a great Americanizer. It did within a year what decades of quiet -existence would not have done. It carried him far from his home and -showed him other peoples and other customs; and as never before he -realized that he was to do a man’s part for his own country’s welfare. - -As a result of the war also there was co-operation between the races -in communities where previously little or none had existed. The -inter-racial committees that have been organized throughout the South -are the direct outgrowth of efforts to work together in the course of -the war. The welfare organizations moreover introduced for Negro young -men and women such wholesome recreation as had not been enjoyed by them -in large numbers before. Through this work standards developed and a -new appreciation of the place that such recreation should have in the -lives of the youth of the race. - -And in the years to come who will read of the work of the Negro -stevedores without feeling that America owes a great debt to these -men? They had a heavy and sometimes an unpleasant task, but the zeal -with which they worked hastened the peace and saved the lives of -thousands of men. In the 92nd Division also more than 20,000 Negro men -were moulded into a great fighting organization, officered largely by -Negroes for the first time in the history of America; while the record -of the 93rd Division is one to make not only every Negro but also every -American proud. - -Such memories linger in the mind of every man who played his part on -the field of battle, and also of that one who offered himself for -his country but happened not to be called to the front. Forgetting -themselves, but uplifted with hope, they went forth in the spirit of -the Master. Risking life itself, they were willing to die, if need be, -that others might live. They had only sublime faith in their country, -and over all was the divine purpose, “For God and Home and Native Land.” - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - -- Where hyphenation was inconsistent, this has been standardized using -the one more common in this text. Where that was not possible to -discern, the most common hyphenation in use at the time of publication -has been used. - -- Several unconventional spellings for French locations have been left -as per the original, except where otherwise noted. - -- Page 28: “The fact than many” changed to “The fact that many” - -- Page 36: “The Plattsburgh idea of military training was” changed to -“The Plattsburg idea of military training was” - -- Page 42: “manual of physical” changed to “manual or physical” - -- Page 46: “words of farewell and mpressed” changed to “words of -farewell and impressed” - -- Page 46: “a surprisingly efficient organzation” changed to “a -surprisingly efficient organization” - -- Page 60: “not always carried out.”” changed to “not always carried -out.” - -- Page 70: “his own comrades in arms” changed to “his own comrades in -arms.” - -- Page 80: “the first Satuday of each month” changed to “the first -Saturday of each month” - -- Page 89: “was at Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, O.” changed to “was at -Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio.” - -- Page 103: “erected for Negro stevedores” changed to “erected for -Negro stevedores.” - -- Page 114: “The next moring a hundred white and colored soldiers” -changed to “The next morning a hundred white and colored soldiers” - -- Page 116: “Here there was a minstrel troup” changed to “Here there -was a minstrel troupe” - -- Page 124: “the young woman who recieved the yarn” changed to “the -young woman who received the yarn” - -- Page 143: “317th Engineers, The task” changed to “317th Engineers. -The task” - -- Page 168: “positions of Champey, Bouières, La Côte,” changed to -“positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte,” - -- Page 179: “measles, parolitis” changed to “measles, parotitis” - -- Page 188: “by a heavy minewerfer” changed to “by a heavy minenwerfer” - -- Page 197: “northeast of Châlons in the Campagne” changed to -“northeast of Châlons in the Champagne” - -- Page 212: “Vauxaillon with the Arlette Canal” changed to “Vauxaillon -with the Ailette Canal” - -- Page 227: “General Garnier Duplossis” changed to “General Garnier -Duplessis” - -- Page 236: “capturing the town of Ardueil.” changed to “capturing the -town of Ardeuil.” - -- Page 248: “not only ever Negro but also every American proud” changed -to “not only every Negro but also every American proud” - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 67093 *** diff --git a/old/67093-h/67093-h.htm b/old/67093-h/67093-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 94e7858..0000000 --- a/old/67093-h/67093-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6495 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=UTF-8" /> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - <title> - Sidelights on Negro Soldiers, by Charles H. Williams—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; - text-indent: 1em; -} - -.p0 {text-indent: 0em;} - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.tb {width: 45%; margin-left: 27.5%; margin-right: 27.5%;} -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} -.break {page-break-before: always;} -@media print { hr.chap {display: none; visibility: hidden;} } - -hr.r65 {width: 65%; margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 3em; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} - -div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} -h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} - - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; -} -table.autotable { border-collapse: collapse;} -td.cb { - font-size: 1em; - font-weight: normal; - padding-left: 0px; - padding-top: 0px; - padding-bottom: 0px; - padding-right: 0px; - border-spacing: 0px; -} - -.tdl {text-align: left; padding: 0px;} -.tdr {text-align: right; padding: 5px;} -.mid { -vertical-align: middle; - } - -.blockquot { - margin-left: 5%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - -.quote { - margin-left:15%; -} - -.center {text-align: center;} - -.right {text-align: right;} -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} -.allsmcap {font-variant: small-caps; text-transform:lowercase;} -.space-above -{ - margin-top: 3em; -} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - - </style> - </head> -<body> -<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 67093 ***</div> - -<h1><big>SIDELIGHTS ON NEGRO SOLDIERS</big></h1> - -<p class="center space-above p0">BY</p> - -<p class="center space-above p0"><big>CHARLES H. WILLIAMS</big></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Special Investigator of Conditions among Negro<br /> -Soldiers in the World War</i></p> - -<p class="center p0 space-above"><i>With an Introduction by</i><br /> -<big>BENJAMIN BRAWLEY</big></p> - -<p class="center p0 space-above">BOSTON<br /> -<big>B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY</big><br /> -1923 -</p> - -<hr class="r65 break" /> - -<p class="center p0 space-above"><span class="smcap">Copyright 1923<br /> -By</span> B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY<br /> -First Edition, June, 1923</p> - -<p class="center p0 space-above">PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA</p> - -<p class="center p0 space-above">THE AMBROSE PRESS, <abbr title="Incorporated">INC.</abbr><br /> -Norwood, Massachusetts -</p> - -<hr class="r65 break" /> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Dedicated to the Memory of</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><big>My Mother</big></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>and to</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><big>My Aunt</big></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Mrs. Maria Burnside</i> -</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2> -</div> - - -<p><i>It is the purpose of this book to tell something of the achievement -of the Negro soldier in the World War and to describe the conditions -under which he lived as these were seen by the writer, who for eighteen -months investigated conditions in America and France under the auspices -of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America and of the -Phelps-Stokes Fund, with the recommendation of the Secretary of War -and the Adjutant General of the United States Army. Most of the -information was secured by visits to the soldiers in the camps, by -interviews with thousands of them, and by personal investigation in the -communities adjacent to the camps, as well as by the study of records -and documents. Camp commanders, officers in charge of Negro troops, -representatives of all the welfare organizations, city officials, and -both Negro and white civilians were consulted in the effort to secure -the facts concerning the fighting record, the work, the conduct, and -the treatment of Negro soldiers in the course of the war.</i></p> - -<p><i>I am indebted to the Historical Branch of the War Department for -access to its records on the operations of Negro combatant troops, to -the office of the Adjutant General for special information, and to many -friends for suggestions and help in the preparation of the material; -and it is hoped that the book now offered to the public may in some -small way help the American people better to understand not only the -perplexing situation but also the signal achievement of Negro men -working and fighting in behalf of their country and in defence of the -highest ideals of life.</i></p> - -<p class="right"> -<i>CHARLES H. WILLIAMS.</i></p> -<p class="p0"> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Hampton Institute,</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>December 15, 1922.</i></span><br /> -</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> -</div> - - -<p><i>It gives me great pleasure to write a word of introduction to this -interesting and important book that Mr. Williams has written. The -story of the Negro soldier is one of the romances of American history. -Even in the days of the Revolution and the War of 1812 he played an -honorable part; but it was the Civil War that gave him his first large -opportunity, and at Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, or Fort Pillow he passed -through the baptism of fire, striving that the emancipation of his -people might be guaranteed and the integrity of his country preserved. -We also remember another war, and Santiago and San Juan Hill, and -not only how Negro men went gallantly to the charge but also how the -soldiers in a black regiment faced pestilence and fever that their -white comrades might be saved. Then came Carrizal, strange prelude of -the great conflict to come; and once more, at an unexpected moment, the -soul of the nation was thrilled by the courage of the Tenth Cavalry. -“Theirs not to make reply; theirs but to do and die.” So in the face of -odds they obeyed orders and died beneath the Mexican stars.</i></p> - -<p><i>The recent World War, however, brought to the Negro people of -the United States an interest and an anxiety surpassed only by the -expectant hope in the days of the Civil War. They had come to the -end of an era, and all the incidents and problems of their life in -America were suddenly brought to the testing. Vast forces beyond their -control were changing the destinies of thousands—in migration, in -economic freedom, and even in spiritual outlook; and unhappy events -at East <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Louis and Houston but made the situation more critical. -They were eager to serve, but at once they came face to face with -questions that concerned the very foundations of their citizenship. -Would the men of the race, or would they not, be permitted to train -and serve as officers? If so, would they be dealt with as a distinct -and separate race, as was the case with no other race in the country, -or simply on the basis of physical and mental fitness? Why, moreover, -on the registration card for the draft should the Negro be singled out -for a special corner? To some people such questions may have seemed -unimportant, but to the Negroes themselves they meant nothing less than -life itself, and they followed the fortunes of their sons and their -husbands accordingly.</i></p> - -<p><i>In the recent war then, as in no other, the social as well as the -military phases of the life of the soldier assumed a new importance. -Wherever he went, with whomever he came in contact, in America or in -France—in the life of cantonment cities, in his dealing with his -comrades in arms, in his contact with the people of France—the Negro -in uniform met situations that had definite bearing upon his health, -his conduct, and his morale. Frequently these came to the attention -of the War Department, and sometimes also they received prominence in -the public press. Of such sort were the vexatious discussions that -sometimes arose in the Y. M. C. A. and other welfare organizations, -the reports reflecting on the character of Negro men, and the -complaints not only about the actual operation of the draft but also -about the conditions under which the soldiers, especially those in -stevedore units, sometimes lived and worked. Of distinct service to the -country accordingly was the decision of the Federal Council of Churches -of Christ in America, working in co-operation with the Phelps-Stokes -Fund, to appoint two field secretaries, one to study the situation in -so far as it had to do with Negro churches, and the other to study and -report on every phase of the life of the Negro soldier in camps and -cantonment cities, both in the United States and abroad.</i></p> - -<p><i>For this latter service Mr. Charles H. Williams was chosen. His work -for several years as Physical Director at Hampton Institute had not -only brought him to the very front in his chosen field, but had also -given him special insight into the temperament, the physical prowess, -and the social outlook of Negro men. His special task moreover had not -only the approval but also the co-operation of the Secretary of War -and the Adjutant General of the Army of the United States, and in the -course of his work he spent a total of eighteen months visiting every -place where Negro soldiers were gathered, in both America and France. -His endeavor was as painstaking as his mission was unique.</i></p> - -<p><i>Something of the result of this first-hand study will be found in -the pages that follow. Mr. Williams, it will be observed, has not -undertaken to write a history of Negro soldiers in the war. Instead -he has given us “Sidelights”; and I think the reader will agree with -me that what is more unpretentious than a history is also of more -interest than many a formal work, and valuable by reason of the -authority with which the author speaks. Before one has finished reading -he will probably be impressed with the fact that the work is indeed not -only a consideration of the Negro soldier but also a vital contribution -to the social history of the Negro people in America. It has been -eagerly awaited by those who knew of the unusual opportunity for study -that Mr. Williams had, and now that it is given to the people of the -country I bespeak for it a generous welcome.</i></p> - -<p class="right"> -<i>BENJAMIN BRAWLEY.</i></p> -<p> -<i>Cambridge, January 1, 1923.</i><br /> -</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big>I.</big> -</td> -<td> -<big><a href="#CHAPTER_I"><span class="allsmcap">The Call to the Colors</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -II.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_II"><span class="allsmcap">In Camp</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -III.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_III"><span class="allsmcap">The Negro Officer</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -IV.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_IV"><span class="allsmcap">Hopes and Fears</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -V.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_V"><span class="allsmcap">The Lure of the Uniform</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -VI.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><span class="allsmcap">The “Y” and Other Welfare Organizations</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -VII.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><span class="allsmcap">The Stevedore</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -VIII.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><span class="allsmcap">The Ninety-Second Division</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -IX.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><span class="allsmcap">The Ninety-Third Division</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -X.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_X"><span class="allsmcap">Home-Fires</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -</table> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="center" id="CREDENTIALS">CREDENTIALS</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="center">WAR DEPARTMENT <br /> -Washington</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right"> -<i>February 11th, 1919.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><i>To: Officers Commanding Colored Units from<br /> -Over Seas Service</i></p> - -<p><i>From: The Secretary of War.</i></p> - -<p><i>Subject: Interview.</i></p> - - -<p><i>This will introduce to you Charles H. Williams, who desires to -interview both colored officers and men who have seen over seas -service. I desire that every practical facility be afforded Mr. -Williams in carrying out the work.</i></p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Sincerely</i>,</p> -<p class="right"> -[<span class="allsmcap">SIGNED</span>] <i>NEWTON D. BAKER</i>,<br /> -<br /> -<i>Newton D. Baker,<br /> -Secretary of War</i>.<br /><br /> -</p> -</div> -<hr class="r65 space-above" /> - -<p class="center">WAR DEPARTMENT</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">The Adjutant General’s Office</span><br /> -Washington</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right"><i>March 7, 1918.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><i>From: The Adjutant General of the Army.</i></p> - -<p><i>To: The Commanding Generals of all Army Camps and Cantonments.</i></p> - -<p><i>Subject: Social and Religious Conditions in Communities Adjacent to -Camps and Cantonments.</i></p> - - -<p><i>This will introduce to you Mr. C. H. Williams, representing the -Federal Council of Churches and the Phelps-Stokes Fund.</i></p> - -<p><i>Mr. Williams has been appointed to observe social and religious -conditions in communities adjacent to camps and cantonments where -colored troops are stationed.</i></p> - -<p><i>The Secretary of War desires that every practicable facility be -afforded to Mr. Williams in carrying on his work.</i></p> - -<p class="right">[<span class="allsmcap">SIGNED</span>] <i>H. P. McCAIN</i>.<br /> -</p> -</div> - -<hr class="r65" /> - -<p class="center">GENERAL HEADQUARTERS</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">American Expeditionary Forces<br /> Provost Marshal General’s Office</span><br /> -A. P. O. 706</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right"><i>May 17, 1919.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p> -<i>From: Provost Marshal General, A. E. F.</i><br /> -<i>To: Whom it May Concern.</i><br /> -<i>Subject: Special Travel Permit.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><i>1. Charles H. Williams, Associate Member</i>, <span class="smcap">Army Educational -Commission</span>, <i>Y. M. C. A., holder of Red Worker’s Permit No. -32133, is authorized to travel in</i>:</p> - -<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Any part of France except Alsace-Lorraine.</i></p> - -<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Any part of the 3rd Army Area.</i></p> - -<p><i>2. This permit, which is valid until July 17, 1919, will be -returned, upon expiration, to the office of the Provost Marshal -General, A. P. O. 706.</i></p> - -<p class="right"><i>H. H. BANDHOLTZ,<br /> -Provost Marshal General.</i><br /> -<br /> -[<span class="allsmcap">SIGNED</span>] <i>JOHN W. NOBLE</i>,<br /> -<br /> -<i>for</i><br /> -<br /> -<i>By: JAMES T. LOREE,<br /> -Executive Officer.</i><br /><br /> -</p> - -<p>[OFFICIAL SEAL]</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I"><big>CHAPTER I</big><br /><br /> -THE CALL TO THE COLORS</h2> -</div> - - -<p>Little did the American Negro think, as he struggled with his own -problems in the early days of the World War, that he would be called -upon to aid his fellowmen three thousand miles away. He looked with -interest upon the conflict in Europe, his adventurous spirit was -quickened by the accounts of heroism and sacrifice, and he could but -marvel at German efficiency as he watched the great war machine crush -its way through Belgium. As the German armies marched across the fields -of France, however, leaving suffering and sorrow in their wake, the -Negro found his sympathy going out to the French people; and when it -became evident that America also would be drawn into the fighting, like -the other citizens of the country he girded himself for the contest.</p> - -<p>When war was declared on April 6, 1917, the American army numbered -75,000 officers and men, only a nucleus for the stupendous task now on -hand. As the country marshalled its forces the question arose in some -sections as to the use of a tenth part of its man-power. Some alarmists -feared that if the Negro were trained in the science of modern warfare, -not only would there be industrial and agricultural stagnation, -but, even more important, peaceful relations after the war would be -difficult if not indeed impossible. It was true that black men had gone -to the aid of France and England, not as black men but as Frenchmen and -Englishmen, and their names had been written in gold at the Marne and -at Verdun, in Mesopotamia and in Africa. They too had wielded the cold -steel, faced gas and liquid fire, and passed into the jaws of death. -America, however, it was felt by some, had her own special problems and -difficulties, and it was debatable if she could adopt a similar policy. -On the other hand, throughout the country orators and the press alike -proclaimed the patriotism of the Negro and his willingness to shed his -blood for the Stars and Stripes. The heroism and loyalty of the race -were recounted from the Revolution to Carrizal; whatever else might -be said, the Negro’s hand had never been raised against the flag, nor -had treason been found in his breast; and when the call for American -manhood came, it was for all men from twenty-one to thirty-one years of -age, regardless of color.</p> - -<p>During this period there were those among the Negroes themselves who -thought that at last the time had come to demand once for all the full -rights of American citizens. A larger group, however, maintained that -when the country was in danger the first duty of every citizen was to -remove the danger and then to settle domestic problems. A program was -adopted which resulted in the holding of great mass meetings throughout -the country. The young men of the race were urged to enlist in the -army or navy, and this they did with enthusiasm. The rush to the -colors was unprecedented. The American Negro Loyal Legion proposed to -raise 10,000 men in answer to the President’s call for 75,000 men. In -sections where national guard units existed for colored men, these were -the first to raise their units to war strength, as was demonstrated by -the old 15th New York. Often in the registration booths new records of -enlistments were made, so much so that at one time the War Department -issued orders to “take no more colored men.” Boys in their teens and -men beyond the draft age answered the call. Students left school or -college to take up the knapsack and the gun. In the Southern states -there was special eagerness to enlist, and in Florida there were -petitions to the Governor for the privilege of raising “regiments of -colored militia officered by men of the race.”</p> - -<p>In some quarters it was said that Negroes would not register and that -arrests would have to be made. Especially in country districts not -reached by publicity campaigns there was not a thorough understanding -of the requirements. This fact resulted in the arrest of a few men as -slackers, but investigation showed that what seemed to be negligence -was due to ignorance rather than to any definite intention to dodge the -draft. Some who were beyond the age limits registered because they did -not know their exact age, and some other older men believed that they -would be sent to jail if they failed to appear.</p> - -<p>When soon after registration day reports were sent out from Washington -that Negroes would be sent to the various camps, a vigorous protest -was made in some Southern states against placing them in the local -camps, the strongest objection coming from South Carolina. Elsewhere, -however, the opposition did not appear so violent; thus the <i>Atlanta -Constitution</i> took the position that Negro soldiers should be -trained in Camp Gordon along with other soldiers and felt that this -could be done without friction. In Alabama there was an expressed -feeling against “strange Negroes in large numbers,” and throughout -the South it was believed that separate camps would be preferable. -Objections grew less and less, however, as reports of the Negro’s -enthusiasm for the draft came from all parts of the country.</p> - -<p>The Negro went to camp willingly and those who remained gave him up -whole-heartedly, sending him away with feasting and speech-making, -songs and cheers, as well as with prayers and tears. Not only his -kinsmen, but white citizens as well, vied with one another in their -endeavor to do him honor and make him proud that he was going to serve -his country. Sometimes a governor would address the draftees, and, as -was often the case, parades would be led by mayors, chiefs of police, -and city councilmen. Often the stores would close in honor of those -called to the colors, and in one case an entire town turned out to see -its only colored draftee leave for service. At such times the Negro’s -patriotism reached its highest point. Not only those summoned but -every Negro present was filled with intense emotion. Especially was -this demonstrated when the colored contingent from Thomas County, -<abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, assembled prior to movement to Camp Gordon. One farmer who had -not harvested his crop made a final appeal for respite. The exemption -officer called for a volunteer to take his place from the other men who -were certified but not yet called. It is said that there was a stampede -for the place.</p> - -<p>The selective draft was fair in its inception, including all citizens -alike, but unfortunately it did not always operate impartially when -Negroes were involved. In Fulton County, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, the draft board had to -be ordered dismissed for “unwarranted exemptions and discharges.” -Out of 815 white men called by this board 526 were exempted, 44 -per cent on physical grounds. At the same time 202 Negroes were -called and only 6 exempted. The action of this board was by no means -typical, but it illustrates what the Negro draftee sometimes had to -contend with. In the determination of claims there appeared to be no -discrimination, according to the report of the Provost Marshal, yet -those called sometimes told sad stories as they were being led away -to camp. Sometimes it would be the story of a man with a wife and -five children, with ages from seven years to six months, who had been -changed from Class 4 to 1-A. Sometimes Negro men living on their own -farms, with crops growing and livestock to be cared for, were sent -away to camp, while single men working for large planters were put in -Class 4. All told it appears that many Negroes who had sufficient claim -for exemption were drafted and sent away to camp. The figures taken -from General Crowder’s report show that of the 1,078,331 colored men -who registered, 556,917, or 51.65 per cent, were placed in Class 1, -while 521,414 were in the deferred class. Of the 9,562,515 white men -who registered, 3,110,659, or 32.53 per cent, were in Class 1, while -6,451,856 were in deferred classes. The numbers selected for full -military service were 342,247 colored men and 1,916,750 white, or 31.74 -per cent and 26.84 per cent respectively. The report further showed -that 74.60 colored and 69.71 white out of every 100 men called were -physically able to serve the country. Such figures were a revelation.</p> - -<p>Various explanations were offered to account for this discrepancy. -It was noted that voluntary enlistment was not open in the South to -Negroes as to white men; thus it was estimated that 650,000 white men -enlisted in this section and only 4000 colored men. Moreover pleas -or excuses for deferment were not so readily accepted in the case of -Negroes. Some also were regarded as delinquents and brought to camp -as such when they really did not belong in this class. Migration -complicated the situation and cards notifying Negro draftees of their -call were often delayed and occasionally not even sent to them. The -result was that men who had no intention of wrongdoing were sometimes -arrested and treated as deserters. For each such case the local -officer received fifty dollars. This practice became so profitable -that camp authorities found it necessary to intervene to protect the -well-intentioned draftee whom circumstances had unfortunately placed -in the clutches of the law. If everything is considered, the evidence -is conclusive that the Negro’s response to America’s call in the World -War will remain a lasting tribute to his patriotism. He furnished his -quota cheerfully. “The doubts expressed of his Americanism were ill -considered and the fears concerning his loyalty were groundless.”</p> - -<p>Many a Negro, as he left home and loved ones, for the first time -thought of himself as a part of the Government and as sharing equally -with every other citizen in the performance of his duty. Some had heard -wonderful speeches about democracy and the brotherhood of all men, -and each man cherished in his soul the idea of liberty. Each uttered -a silent prayer that if he returned he might share more fully in the -democracy for which he fought. One captain, about to set sail for -France, expressed the hope in the heart of every Negro when he said: “I -am leaving to-day a wife and three children. As great as the sacrifice -is, I shall be satisfied never to see America again, if my wife and -children will share greater opportunities and enjoy more liberty than -I now enjoy”; and not only the men but the women who saw them leave -shared this point of view.</p> - -<p>Thus a loyal, kindly, and patient people went forth to do and to die, -answering every call, and thinking first of their country and their -great love for it in the hour of national peril.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II"><big>CHAPTER II</big><br /><br /> -IN CAMP</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>The late Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, said that two -hundred thousand men out of the first two million composing the -American army could neither write to their mothers and fathers nor -read the letters written to them. Just how many Negro soldiers were -illiterate will probably never be known, but it is certain that tens of -thousands of them could not read or write. The percentage of illiteracy -was highest in the non-combatant units, where education was not -primarily essential and where the first requirement was that the men be -physically fit to do the heavy work necessary. In such organizations it -was not unusual to find that 75 per cent of the men were illiterate. -At one time when an order was given a company that all men who could -neither read nor write should step forward, practically the whole -company advanced. In a machine-gun group of 167 men there were 127 -illiterates; in a class of seventeen of these men four had never heard -of Abraham Lincoln, seven had never heard of Booker T. Washington, and -none had ever heard of Frederick Douglass. Many soldiers had never -heard of Germany, Servia, France, or Russia, or of kaisers and czars. -Hundreds, born and raised in the states from which they were called, -did not know what city was their state capital. Birthdays were given to -many, and sometimes even names were furnished. Thousands were away from -the old plantations for the first time; until called to register, some -did not know that the Great War was raging.</p> - -<p>In striking contrast to these men was another group, those whom -education and experience had fitted for the great undertaking. These -were graduates from representative institutions, they were trained in -the various crafts, arts, and professions, and were neat in appearance, -responsive, and fired with enthusiasm. Great numbers of those of whom -we have been speaking, however, had never attended school a day in -their lives. Naturally they had little or no knowledge of the laws of -health. They did not always understand that clothes were to be changed -at bedtime and sometimes punishment had to be meted out for failure to -take the required number of baths per week. Guards frequently were on -duty at night to see that barrack windows were not closed in the effort -to keep out the treacherous night air.</p> - -<p>The barracks at the different camps to which these men were sent were -usually comfortably built. This was especially true in the national -army cantonments, where they were satisfactorily heated, lighted, and -ventilated, with spacious mess halls, sanitary latrines, and adequate -bathing facilities. Such provisions was not always found where tents -had to be used, though the situation was improved when the tents were -boxed and floored and had stoves and electric lights. It is regrettable -that in the army, when there was a supply of old tents to be used, the -Negro soldiers were generally the recipients. When camps were crowded -and units had to be moved to less desirable quarters, most frequently -it was the Negro units that were moved. In rainy seasons they suffered -from exposure, and influenza made great inroads among them.</p> - -<p>The task of supplying the men with clothes was a stupendous one. -Even honest attempts to get clothing for any group of men did not -always meet with success, and for the Negro soldiers it was at times -exceedingly difficult to secure what was necessary. When there was a -shortage they were the ones to suffer. In Camp McClellan, Anniston, -<abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, late in November they were found wearing little besides a fatigue -suit because winter underwear, “O. D.” suits, overcoats, and shoes had -not yet arrived. When there were second hand, unmatched khaki suits -and second hand hats, these passed to the Negroes. On one occasion at -Camp Sevier, Greenville, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, such clothing arrived in boxes marked -for the “current colored draft.” At Camp Hill, Newport News, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, where -there were several thousand of the suits referred to as the “old Civil -War blue,” it was decided that the Negro soldiers should wear them. -When one of the organizations thus clad marched through the camp it -became the laughing-stock of the rest of the soldiers and the men were -humiliated. In Camp Humphrey, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, through which 40,000 Negro soldiers -passed, not until after the Armistice and until the white soldiers -were discharged did the Negro men have such conveniences as barracks, -comfortable mess halls, and sanitary facilities; and their “Y” tent -was especially leaky. Such conditions in different places easily gave -the Negro people the impression that their sons were being mistreated -and were suffering in the camps, and this accounted for considerable -unrest. In spite of the occasional lack of clothing, however, and -poorly prepared food, those soldiers who survived the test were -discharged from the army more fit physically than when they entered it, -and thus the manhood of the country was made stronger and better.</p> - -<p>The modern American cantonments required the labor of hundreds of -soldiers to keep them up to the requirements set by the inspectors. -Negro soldiers who were stationed in all the camps did their full share -of this work, and their special achievement is described in our chapter -on the Stevedore. The ambition of every man in camp, however, was to be -a real soldier, one who took up his knapsack and marched off to battle. -“I don’t want to stagger under heavy boxes,” said one stevedore, “I -want a gun on my shoulder and the opportunity to go to the front.” -Nearly three-fourths of all the Negro soldiers, however, were in -non-combatant units. In these units very little military training was -given. “Our drilling,” said one soldier, “consisted in marching to and -from work with hoes, shovels, and picks on our shoulders.” In some of -the more liberal camps the men got from thirty minutes to one hour of -drill without guns after the day’s work. Where there was an absence of -genuine military training there was always a lack of soldierly spirit -on the part of both officers and men. Where there was conscientious -effort to train and instruct the men in military science, however, -there was enthusiasm for the work.</p> - -<p>The Negro is able to adjust himself to the life of a soldier with -comparative ease. His happy disposition and responsiveness to sincere, -efficient leadership, his regard for discipline and love for his -uniform, his sense of rhythm and his physical courage, are distinct -military assets. The fact that many officers preferred to command Negro -troops was a splendid tribute to their ability. In one camp where there -were eight commands with Negro soldiers, one hundred and fourteen -officers applied for the posts. With the exception of the 92nd and -93rd Divisions, Negro soldiers were almost entirely commanded by white -officers. In combatant units, and even in non-combatant units where -some military training was given, there were few complaints and the -officers were proud of their men.</p> - -<p>In non-combatant organizations, on the other hand, some of the -commanding officers were disappointed because they had not been placed -with fighting units. They felt detached and humiliated. While as the -usual thing the corporals were colored, the sergeants were generally -white men. Only in rare cases were the non-commissioned officers all -white or all colored. Several reasons were given for placing white -sergeants in these units. It was said that most of the Negroes forming -such organizations had little or no knowledge of military tactics and -that experienced white men were needed to organize them; moreover, -that white officers could get more work out of labor units than could -Negro “non-coms.” It was felt that these men, having come in contact -with Negroes on plantations, public works, and turpentine farms, would -be especially competent to handle them. Unfortunately these officers -were often ignorant and when provoked would curse the men and call them -abusive names. In rare cases they even went so far as to strike the -men. There were also some examples of colored sergeants who belonged to -the “treat ’em rough” group. On the other hand, there was a class of -white non-commissioned officers from the Western and Northern states -who, claiming no previous acquaintance with the Negro, managed by -considerate handling to have excellent morale in their organizations.</p> - -<p>There were various rules in the camps concerning the issuing of passes. -In a few camps Negroes were not required to get passes in order -to leave, provided they returned by a certain hour at night. Most -frequently, however, passes were issued, though with less frequency -than to white soldiers. Sometimes the Negroes were denied the privilege -of visiting the cantonment cities for fear that trouble might arise. -One very effective means of restriction was the establishing of a state -of quarantine.</p> - -<p>Much was said during the war about throwing the arm of protection -about the soldier lest evil should befall him. The Government desired -him to return to his home a cleaner and a better man. In states where -there were no prohibition laws the Government prohibited saloons -within a radius of twenty-five miles from a camp. Federal and city -officials worked to carry out the letter of the law, but their task -was exceedingly difficult. While no open saloons existed in cantonment -cities, there was evidence of almost free access to some kind of -intoxicating liquor. Bootleggers sold their wares for from six to -sixteen dollars a quart, and numerous resorts were close at hand. -Fortunately, while there were cases in which individual soldiers were -arrested for drunkenness, the vigilance of the authorities prevented -the problem from becoming serious in cantonment cities.</p> - -<p>In the army it was not generally felt that gambling or swearing -affected the fighting ability of the soldier. As a result of this -attitude little was done to influence the men in regard to these -evils. Officers occasionally prohibited gambling in their commands, -but generally it flourished. Y. M. C. A. secretaries sometimes called -the sergeants together and instituted campaigns against gambling, and -these did some good, but as long as camp officials were tolerant, -little could be accomplished. “Shooting craps” was a popular form of -recreation, and some officers encouraged this as long as it was played -in the open. Great crowds of men would gather in camp streets or -barracks and “roll” their last dime away. With other things affecting -the moral welfare of the men we shall deal in a later chapter.</p> - -<p>One of the strong objections to placing white and colored soldiers in -the same camps was that there would be race conflicts. This proved not -to be the case, and with few exceptions the relations between the races -in every camp were good. Where the exceptions did occur, they were due -to the policies of officials rather than to the inclinations of the -men themselves. The fact that the war was a common cause made most -soldiers tolerant of the “other fellow,” in spite of their prejudices. -Even in sections where the idea of separation prevailed white and Negro -soldiers often used the same building, played games together, and -attended the same picture shows and entertainments. Occasionally they -played in the same shows and orchestras; they frequently wrote letters -for one another, and had many other points of agreeable contact. -Sometimes, if they were from the same city or town and met in camps -miles away from home, they acted like brothers. One day two such lads -from a town in Louisiana met at Camp Pike, and their joy at meeting was -noticeable to all. Grasping each other’s arm, they walked away from the -crowd and sat down on a nearby hillside, where they spent the happiest -hour they had experienced in camp. This friendly attitude, which made -for harmony, was occasionally looked upon with disfavor by the officers -and even by “Y” secretaries, and measures intended to prevent such -contact sometimes engendered bitterness and frequently caused friction.</p> - -<p>Captain C. Rowan, stationed at Camp Pike, Little Rock, <abbr title="Arkansas">Ark.</abbr>, received -wide publicity when, on March 25, 1918, he disobeyed the order of his -brigade commander, <abbr title="Colonel">Col.</abbr> F. B. Snow, of the 162nd Depot Brigade. This -order called for a review in which Negroes and white soldiers were to -appear in the same formation. Captain Rowan said that the order called -for a formation in which there would be intermingling of the races, -that custom would be violated, and that the discipline and self-respect -of the white soldiers would be affected. He himself, he said, had no -prejudice and was willing to command a Negro organization, but he had -taken his course of action because he felt that it was for the good of -the service. He was dismissed from the service, but during the trial a -delegation from a Southern legislature visited the camp to see if the -races were intermingling, and both white and Negro soldiers, who had -temporarily laid aside race hatred, had it kindled anew within them.</p> - -<p>Just as there were camps where military authority was used to carry out -unjust orders, there were also camps where harmony prevailed because -commanding officers believed in fair play. On one occasion a Texas -regiment arrived at Camp Upton, <abbr title="New York">N. Y.</abbr> On their first night in camp a -group of the soldiers went into a Y. M. C. A. building and saw two -Negro men sitting there writing. Being unaccustomed to such scenes, the -group threw them out of the window. The camp “Y” secretary reported -the matter to the late General Bell, who said he would investigate the -case. There were four thousand Negro soldiers in camp, and as the day -passed there were rumors of an impending clash, and there was some -anxiety on the part of the authorities. Late in the afternoon the -General called all the officers of the Texas regiment to headquarters -and after they had been introduced he said: “Gentlemen, I am the -General of this camp. Something happened here last night that has -never happened before, nor will it ever happen again. If there is any -trouble here you will be held responsible. Your men started the affair. -If there is trouble every one of you will be disgraced and put in the -guard house for the duration of the war. You won’t be tried by a Texas -jury. I shall be both judge and jury. Secretary Baker and the Chief of -Staff, General March, have said that every man in the uniform is the -equal of every other man. They are my superiors and I am yours. I am -soldier enough to obey orders, and you must do likewise.” The Colonel -said, “Yes, sir, I understand,” and the officers left the headquarters -no man uttering a word. After they reached their quarters they called -their regiment together, and peace and order prevailed afterwards in -that camp.</p> - -<p>There were many lesser deeds of this kind which gave hope and -encouragement to Negro soldiers as they served the country, and it -was clearly demonstrated that colored and white soldiers could live, -work, drill, and play together without friction or riots, if only -the square deal was meted to all alike. Naturally the opportunity -of serving together in a great cause and of coming to know a little -better Americans of all groups was responsible for a greater spirit of -tolerance on the part of many thousands of men. A young lieutenant, -born and raised in South Carolina and graduated from the University -of Georgia, said that he really hated Negroes before he was assigned -to the branch of Negro artillery located at Camp Jackson. He was -brought up on a plantation and expected to see in his battery much -lying, stealing, and gambling. When he realized that the men who -had been selected for his branch of the service were physically and -educationally fit and that their conduct was excellent, he frankly said -that his ideas had changed.</p> - -<p>Of special importance was the Negro’s contribution to the joys of -camp life by his religion and song. His religion gave him courage -that enabled him to go forward when the path was dark, and his song -not only made his own burdens lighter but enabled him to bring cheer -and sunshine to thousands of discouraged soldiers. A Negro who on the -parade ground tried to master a drill or who went through a savage -bayonet exercise, at night frequently forgot completely his daily work -as he sang “Ain’t goin’ to study war no more.” From early morning until -taps sounded at night, moreover, one could hear the strains of music in -the “Y” hut. It might be anything from a “blues” played on the piano -with one finger to some classic theme. Sometimes a soldier would begin -playing a familiar song on the piano and the strain would be taken up -until all who were present were singing. On one Sunday three thousand -Negroes from Florida who had just arrived at Camp Devens, <abbr title="Massachusetts">Mass.</abbr>, held a -meeting. A quartet and a soloist rendered several numbers. Then one man -who had a beautiful baritone voice led the three thousand men as they -sang “I need thee every hour.” Most of the men were from farms and -away from their loved ones for the first time in their lives—strangers -in a strange land. As their thoughts were far away the leader began -the refrain of “S’wanee River,” and as they sang of the “old folks at -home” the music rose until the very rafters shook. Tears were in the -eyes of stalwart men that Sunday afternoon, and there was a warmth and -a harmony about it that was unlike anything in the world.</p> - -<p>With all the hardships the experience gained in camp more than repaid -the thousands of Negro soldiers, who had come from all classes and -included the country lad, who had been denied educational advantages, -as well as the college youth. The progress of many men from day to day -was an inspiration. Thousands who on entering camp had a shambling gait -soon displayed a firm step and erect carriage. The blank expression -seen on many faces gave way to one of animation and enthusiasm, not -only for the training but also for the victory of the cause in which -they were enlisted. The crudest material, under efficient guidance, -developed into the capable soldier, all because these men, like -thousands of others, in France as well as in America, were giving their -very lives to the country to which all owed so much.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III"><big>CHAPTER III</big><br /><br /> -THE NEGRO OFFICER</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>The Plattsburg idea of military training was inaugurated in 1915, when -<abbr title="Major General">Maj. Gen.</abbr> Leonard Wood organized a special training camp for civilians. -The purpose of the camp was to offer four weeks of intensive training -under the direct supervision of officers of the United States Army, and -it was intended that this should be of such thoroughness that the men -receiving it would be able to serve as officers in an emergency, as was -afterwards done by a large number of Plattsburg men who served under -General Pershing in the course of the trouble with Mexico.</p> - -<p>Colored men were not given an opportunity to attend the Plattsburg -camps. There was, consequently, no way in which any considerable -number of them could secure the training necessary to enable them, in -an emergency, to serve as officers. In order to meet this exigency, -many Negroes and their friends endeavored to secure the establishment -of a training camp for colored officers, although at first the idea -of a separate camp was not popular. In the winter of 1917, however, -Major General Wood agreed to organize the camp if two hundred -colored men would signify their intention of attending; and in this -period of uncertainty and anxiety, friends of the movement started a -campaign with the hope of creating sufficient interest to warrant the -establishment of the camp.</p> - -<p><abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Joel E. Spingarn, one of the principal officers of the National -Association for the Advancement of Colored People and a true friend of -the Negro, who was the strongest advocate of the training camp, in May, -1917, sent out a circular letter calling for colored men to enter the -volunteer service of the United States Army in order that the number -of men necessary for the establishment of the camp might be secured. -There was strong protest on the part of the Negro press and of many -individuals against a “segregated camp,” the criticisms coming from all -parts of the country. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Spingarn, in reply, gave among other reasons -for the establishment of the camp the following: “The army officials -want the camp to fail. The last thing they want is to help colored -men to become commissioned officers. The camp is intended to fight -segregation, not to encourage it. Colored men in a camp by themselves -would all get a fair chance for promotion. Opposition on the part of -Negroes is helping the South, which does not want the Negroes to have -any kind of military training. If there is a war, there will doubtless -be conscription of all able-bodied men. The choice will be no longer -between volunteering or not volunteering, but between conscription and -rebellion. If conscription comes, will the leaders of the race help -their Southern enemies by preaching treason and rebellion, or will -they face facts right now and prepare themselves to go as leaders -and not as privates?” As the notes passed between the American and -German Governments, people more and more realized that the trend of -events would inevitably lead to war; this realization gave impetus to -the movement, and finally a concerted effort was made to secure the -training camp, even the opponents of the separate camp idea becoming -its supporters.</p> - -<p>With the actual declaration of war with Germany came the imperative -need of this opportunity for Negroes to train as officers, as it was -certain that thousands would be called to the colors. Conferences -were held with the War Department officials, and <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Spingarn -meanwhile worked untiringly. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Stephen M. Newman, president of -Howard University, Washington, D. C., together with a joint committee -of teachers and students and a citizens’ committee composed of -representative Negroes of Washington, also held conferences with -officials and labored in behalf of the camp.</p> - -<p>There was misgiving on the part of many concerning the training of -Negroes as officers. Among the objections made to the establishment of -the camp was that “a separate camp could not be established because all -garrisons and forts were required for white men”; and it was further -said that “Negroes could not make officers, and if trained, Negro -soldiers would not follow them.” Many army men did not believe that the -camp would be a success because they did not feel that the Negro had -the ability to do the required work; and President Newman was even -asked by department officials if he honestly felt that colored people -had the intelligence and the grit to undergo such training as was given -in the preparation camps and come out as capable officers.</p> - -<p>When the War Department was finally convinced that colored men should -at least have the opportunity to attend an officers’ training camp, and -all arrangements were made, news of the authorization of the same was -sent broadcast over the country; and few announcements have ever been -made that were received with more enthusiasm than the special dispatch -which was sent out from Washington on May 19, 1917, by Adjutant General -H. P. McCain to the chiefs of staff of the various departments of the -army:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Training camps for colored citizens will be established at Fort Des -Moines, Iowa, under section 4, National Defense Act, and regulations -prescribed for present training camps, except as modified herein and -after. Total attendance 1250, of whom 250 will be non-commissioned -officers, colored regiments, regular army, to be sent on detached -service status, and 1000 citizens, either enlisted under section -4, National Defense Act, for three months, beginning June 18, with -agreement to accept appointment tendered, or Members of National -Guard, whose status will be as in case of National Guardsmen now -in training camps. Secure ... co-operation of colored citizens of -wide acquaintance and high standing. Training camps will be ready -to receive non-commissioned officers, regular army, June 5, and all -others June 15. Course begins June 18.”</p> -</div> - -<p>Newspapers throughout the country commented on the fact that at last -Negroes would have a real opportunity to serve not only as privates -but as officers. Southern papers, while opposed on general principles -to military training for Negroes, spoke favorably of the plan, always -making clear, however, that Southern traditions must be upheld; thus -the Charleston <i>Post</i> said, “Officers as high as majors may be -turned out, but will positively be used to command only Negroes.” But -as circumstances each day forced our countrymen to change some sacred, -traditional idea, and as the seemingly impossible came into being, as -it were, overnight, then the white citizens of each Southern state -were proud that it had its quota of Negroes “with a college training -or its equivalent” to send; and many Southern men gladly gave letters -of endorsement to representative Negroes who were setting forth upon -their great mission. Then in each of the six departments into which -the United States is divided by the War Department, Negroes presented -themselves for examination. Many traveled hundreds of miles to be -present on the appointed day. Some men, in their eagerness to serve, -appeared before the recruiting officers possessing the physical and age -qualifications, but lacking other preparation; and sometimes friends, -in their desire to reward loyal service, sent butlers and other helpers -for examination, only to have them disappointed. When it became evident -that Negroes would be called in large numbers, as the training of -officers indicated, many objections were made throughout the country -to having Negro soldiers stationed in certain camps. In an interview -<abbr title="Colonel">Col.</abbr> H. T. Ferguson especially assured the anxious citizens of Des -Moines that they would never regret the fact that their city had been -designated for the training of the first contingent of Negro officers -ever commissioned by the United States.</p> - -<p>As June 15 approached and officer candidates were notified of their -acceptance, colored America felt as never before that it was entering -upon a new era and into the larger citizenship to which it had always -aspired. Joy reigned among the army sergeants at the thought not only -of trying for commissions themselves, but also of helping others of -their race to do likewise; and the civilians went forth with the -knowledge that all eyes were on them and that the prayers and hopes of -a race went with them. No knight ever started on a nobler quest than -did these Negro men from all walks of life, and the crowds that went to -the stations to bid them good-by and that watched the trains until they -were out of sight went home with a new feeling of confidence and of -hope.</p> - -<p>On the arrival of the candidates at Des Moines, civilian customs, -thoughts, and habits soon gave way for the iron discipline involved -in making officers. Men who had thought of the camp as the place for -a summer vacation soon were undeceived. Colonel C. C. Ballou and his -staff of officers put them through a daily program beginning at 5.30 -a. m. with reveille and flag-raising and ending with taps at 9.45 p. -m. From 7.30 to 8.30 a. m. there was infantry drill without arms, from -8.30 to 9 manual or physical training, from 9.15 to 10.15 infantry -drill, from 10.45 to 11.45 a practice hike without arms; then dinner; -from 1.30 to 2.30 p. m. musketry arms, from 2.30 to 3 semaphore -signaling, from 3 to 4.30 conferences on care of equipment, and from 7 -to 8 evening study on the organization of the regiment. As progress was -made other work was taken up, including bayonet drill, trench-digging, -manoeuvering, map-making and target practice, and lectures were also -given showing the relation of the camp to the great national army. -It was fully realized that success or failure in the crucial test -carried with it far-reaching results. Colonel Ballou, in speaking to -the men on one occasion, said: “This is a momentous hour, and the -establishment of this camp is an epochal and unprecedented event in -the history of the colored race. Your race will be on trial with you -as its representatives, during the existence of this camp, and to -succeed there will be required of you strong bodies, keen intelligence, -absolute obedience to orders, unflagging industry, exemplary conduct, -and character of the highest order.” With such incentive the men worked -away at the most strenuous business in which they were ever engaged. -And yet there were some good times—recreation in the form of baseball -and other athletic contests and the privilege of visiting in the city -of Des Moines on Saturday and Sunday. The Y. M. C. A. furnished motion -pictures and programs on Saturday and Sunday evenings, and through -its efforts some of the leading speakers of the country appeared. Of -special inspiration in this connection was the presence in camp of one -of the secretaries, the “grand old man,” <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> George W. Cabiniss, who -gave up a lucrative practice in Washington to be with the “boys,” and -who spent himself unstintingly in their behalf.</p> - -<p>Soldiers were often invited to the churches as well as the homes in the -city, and here they occasionally rendered musical programs. By this -means the anxiety of the earlier days of the summer gave way to an -interest and friendship between the citizens and the candidates that -will live for decades. The first event which won general esteem for -the officer candidates was an exhibition drill in the Drake University -stadium, which was followed by musical numbers. Here ten thousand -people gathered and marveled at what their eyes beheld. The last big -event was the program given at White Sparrows, where hundreds of people -were turned away. Here the men sang the old plantation melodies with -the sweetness and plaintiveness possible only to the Negro, and arias -and recitatives from the great oratorios as well. The audience stood -in eagerness until the last note was sung; then as a tribute, at the -close of the concert, <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Medbury said of the candidates, “It is -not enough to say that by their demeanor while among us, their conduct -on the streets, in the theatres and business houses, they have brought -honor to their race; they are, rather, an honor to the race of men.”</p> - -<p>Thus the spirit of the men themselves was the biggest factor in the -success of Fort Des Moines. They began their training knowing that -there were questions in the minds of many, and they spent hours of -toil in the effort to prove that they could make good. The attitude of -each one was to help somebody else. One man might be seen explaining -to a comrade some problem in mathematics, another helping in the study -of topography, and still another with some squad trying to perfect -it in the handling of arms. A precious jewel is not more carefully -guarded than was the good name of the camp. Like a sentinel on duty -each candidate watched lest some untoward act might work harm. One day -an apple orchard belonging to a neighboring farmer was invaded. The -farmer notified Colonel Ballou that some of the soldiers had stolen -his apples. When the men concerned found that the camp was accused, on -their own initiative they reported to headquarters and offered to pay -all damages. The commanding officer, in commenting on the incident, -said, “Something has happened to-day that has made me feel fine and -that is new in my army experience.”</p> - -<p>The candidates were proud of their martial bearing. Their cleanliness -made a favorable impression everywhere they went. Soon after they -went to Des Moines some of the café and restaurant owners thought it -unwise to serve them, and when a number of the men entered a chop suey -“palace,” the Chinese proprietor rushed up to them waving his arms -wildly and shouting, “No servee black men; me lose all bliziness.” When -some other proprietors showed a disposition to act with similar policy, -Colonel George W. Ball of the 1st Iowa Infantry ordered that all men, -regardless of color, must be fed, saying, “This is Government business -and there can be no refusal to serve these men”; and drastic action -was threatened against all restaurant keepers who persisted in drawing -the color line. Naturally Utopian conditions did not always prevail -at the camp and there were many disappointments. Many an ambitious -“rookie” was sent home because of some defect or peculiarity that -prevented his making an officer, and even after some had served the -allotted time it was found that they were not suitable material. In -the process of elimination there were those who thought that they were -unjustly marked, and it is true that at Des Moines only five civilian -captains were made and that there the outcome was just the reverse of -that in the training camps for white men, which was that the men with -the superior training most frequently received the higher commissions. -Because of the policy followed one colonel said that “A great harm was -done not only the colored officer but the colored race as well,” for in -many cases the standard for officers was lowered by the commissioning -as captains of men with a sixth or eighth grade education and as second -lieutenants many college graduates. Through it all, however, there was -hope, because the candidates believed in themselves and others believed -in them, chief among whom was Secretary Baker, who said in one of the -darkest hours, “I am depending on you and the Fort Des Moines colored -officers’ training school. It should not be surpassed by any of the -other camps which are training officers, and the promotions are not to -be limited to lieutenants and captains, but to what you are capable of -making.”</p> - -<p>As the end of the training period drew near an extra month was added. -This action raised doubts, not only in the minds of the candidates -but with the colored people throughout the country. It was a trying -season everywhere, for the extension of time came close upon the riots -at Houston. A general from the War Department came to the camp and -spoke in a most discouraging manner of the future of the candidates. -He questioned the advisability of continuing the camp and raised -doubts as to whether the candidates would ever be commissioned. A few -days after his visit it was announced that all who wanted to leave -might do so. Some of the more faint-hearted left, but most of the men -continued their studies and gained further knowledge of the essentials -of warfare. Gradually the clouds cleared away and those who remained -looked forward to the time when they would be real officers in the Army -of the United States.</p> - -<p>Then came the day of days, October 15, 1917, when 625 colored men were -commissioned in the United States Army. As they came forward to receive -their commissions they were deeply moved, and even the commanding -officer showed visible signs of emotion as he gave to them words of -farewell and impressed upon them the seriousness of the task before -them. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Emmett J. Scott, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, -said to them: “I know you will bear in mind that in a very real sense -you and those who serve with you have in your keeping the good name of -a proud, expectant, and confident people”; and each man went away with -the feeling of responsibility that comes when life is dedicated to a -great cause. Thus a new chapter was begun in the history of the Negro -on this continent and the first skirmish to prove that Negro men could -absorb the training required of officers was won with honors.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>After a brief vacation of fifteen days, the new officers reported to -the various camps and were assigned to their duties. While they had -successfully completed the course of study at Fort Des Moines, the -real test of making officers was still before them. This task was made -more difficult by the assignments to duty which some of them received. -Some were sent to the artillery and engineering corps and given tasks -for which they had had no preparation. Having already absorbed army -discipline, however, they went about their tasks with the hope of -mastering them, though with opinion against them.</p> - -<p>The organization of the 92nd Division, composed entirely of Negroes -drafted into the National Army, made it necessary to train officers and -men in other branches than infantry and cavalry, with which Negroes -had formerly served and for which they had been trained. Therefore -engineer, artillery, and machine-gun regiments were formed along with -the other branches required in the full organization of a division. -While divisions were usually trained in one camp, the regiments of the -92nd were distributed in several groups.</p> - -<p>The engineers were trained at Camp Sherman. Draftees with a knowledge -of the building trades were especially desirable for this branch of -service, and volunteers from well known industrial schools entered -this regiment. Colored infantry officers from Des Moines, captains and -lieutenants, who were without training in engineering, were put in -command. After seven months of training prior to their embarkation for -France, the captains were sent to infantry outfits, being relieved by -white engineer officers. This action on the part of the War Department -affected somewhat the morale of the regiment. After nearly three -months in France the colored lieutenants were also transferred. There -remained, however, five colored officers with the outfit—two tram -officers, two physicians, and a dentist. When these also were not -retained they and the soldiers felt that there was discrimination. -It is true that they were not trained as engineers, but the ultimate -trouble would seem rather to lie in withholding engineer training from -them while they were in the officers’ training school in Des Moines.</p> - -<p>Negro soldiers had long been distinguished in the infantry and cavalry, -but they had never been placed in the artillery branch of service. It -was said that they could not learn the principles of artillery warfare, -and, as for their being officers, it was doubtful if they could measure -up to the requirements. Nevertheless at Camp Dix the 349th and 350th -artillery regiments were formed with colored men, and officers who had -graduated at Des Moines were put in command. Since it had been said -that Negro men could not be trained as artillerymen, it is interesting -that it should be thought that they could make artillery officers -without any training at all. A week before the recruits appeared -at the camp, some classes in artillery subjects were held for the -officers, and during the training of the regiment the officers were -many times taught subjects just the night before they were to teach -them to the men, school being held from one to two hours. Even under -these conditions a surprisingly efficient organization was developed. -After nearly seven months, however, the colored artillery officers -were declared inefficient. It was then decided that they would have to -go to the artillery school at Fort Sill, Okla. Twenty-four men were -sent, these being largely regular army men. Many of the well educated -infantry officers from other regiments applied for the artillery -work, but it was claimed that they could not be spared from their -organizations, and in some cases officers with low rating were sent to -Fort Sill against their desires. Is it surprising that many of these -failed to pass the entrance examination and that about half of them -asked to be returned to Camp Dix after the first week?</p> - -<p>While the artillery school at Fort Sill gave the men every chance, -after the first two weeks the camp began returning the colored officers -to their outfits, until at the end of ten weeks only six remained. -These six were given artillery commissions. During their training -period they had separate barracks and a separate mess, though the camp -commander, Colonel Fleming, demanded that they receive the courtesy due -officers.</p> - -<p>Soon after these graduates returned to Camp Dix, all the colored -officers were ordered to Camp Meade to attend an artillery school. On -their arrival at Meade, orders were issued that they put on enlisted -men’s clothes. The impression among the white officers of the 351st -Artillery, said to be due to verbal orders, was that senior colored -officers would first salute junior white officers and that, as far as -white officers were concerned, the colored officers were considered -officer candidates. They could wear their uniforms on Sunday, if passes -were given them to leave the camp. The War Department was notified of -conditions in the school and in four days the men were again returned -to their outfit just before it sailed for France.</p> - -<p>White officers in the 349th and 350th who had commanded the colored -officers, formed a board to examine them. All were declared -inefficient, even the six graduates from Fort Sill, and were assigned -to the Depot Brigade. The War Department again intervened, and the -six graduates were ordered with their outfits again, and accompanied -them to France. While the remaining officers did not accompany their -regiments to France, they had done some fine work in teaching the men -the use of horses and in putting snap in the drill and in the handling -of the guns. The record made by these regiments, which continued their -training in France, was more than surprising. Accounts of their work -will be given elsewhere.</p> - -<p>The experience of these officers in attempting to do artillery work -without training resulted in many charges and counter-charges with -reference to their fitness for this branch of service. Through the -office of the Assistant to the Secretary of War conferences were held -with department officials in the endeavor to secure for Negro men an -opportunity to train as officers. While there was opposition to the -undertaking, the plan was finally approved and an honest attempt was -made to select Negro men fitted, because of their training, to do work -in artillery schools. Ninety-six were gathered at Camp Meade, some -having been selected from the Signal Corps Engineers and artillery -regiments and some from the camps where infantry regiments of the -92nd Division were stationed. These men remained at Meade for a -month, with two white batteries, after which time they were sent to -Camp Taylor, Ky., where all artillery schools were centralized. The -colored candidates were not expected when they reached the school and -no arrangements had been made for them. The first night they spent -on the outskirts of the camp, and before they finally got settled -they were moved six times, always after spending enough time in one -place to get floors scrubbed, windows washed, and barracks thoroughly -cleaned. The commander of the school spoke to the battery and gave the -impression that it was not wanted. Between the batteries, however, the -relationship was good; the Western men were considerate in sharing -their knowledge with the colored candidates, who made an excellent -impression by their “pep” and snap in drilling and by the aptitude for -artillery work which they showed. Those candidates who remained in -the school until the end were recommended for firing battery, combat -trains, and replacement draft, but at the last the camp commander -decided that only those men recommended for firing batteries should -receive commissions. Thirty-three of the ninety-six men who started out -were graduated. Of the twenty-five hundred graduates of the school, ten -were honor men, and six of these were colored. Eleven more colored men -were graduated in October. The five students in each battery who were -highest at graduation were called out and given diplomas. As the five -Negro men came forward, the white candidates led in the cheering. After -the first graduation, of those men who remained, ten to fifteen were -dropped weekly. The last twelve were transferred to the 814th Pioneer -Infantry as sergeants, and accompanied that organization to England and -France. After much discussion in the War Department, and effort on the -part of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, concessions were -finally made and the thirty-three artillery officers were sent to Camp -Jackson, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, where Negro men were being trained as artillerymen. -Here there was great interest in them, especially on the part of the -Negro population of Columbia. These people stood in admiring groups -as the officers passed and sometimes gave vent to their emotions by -clapping or cheering. Trouble arose, however, chiefly over the matter -of salutes from the other soldiers; riots were feared; and after a week -these officers were sent to Newport News, and then on to France.</p> - -<p>To the aviation school at Fort Sill four colored officers were -sent. The first to arrive was supposed to be white and was treated -accordingly. In the case of the other three, however, who arrived a -few days later, there could be no mistake as to identity. These men -were given a separate table and placed in a separate class, with -a sergeant instructor who observed no military courtesies. Such -treatment continued until the men asked to be returned to their -outfit. Because he was constantly seen in the company of the other -three men, the officer who was the first to arrive had been asked to -move to their table. After the others left, he continued the course, -remaining in camp until two days before graduation. To Fort Sill were -also sent those officers who were to receive instruction in the use -of the machine-gun. It developed that the man in the class who was -most efficient was a Negro. At the end of the course there was squad -competition in the mechanical manipulation of a machine-gun, and the -best of each squad was chosen. Some men objected to being represented -by a Negro, but a major intervened and said, “I don’t give a —— if -the man is black; everybody knows he is the best.” All who watched the -competition marveled at the speed with which this man worked.</p> - -<p>While these new officers were working at their task of training men -to fight, it became certain that replacements would have to be made -after they were in action at the front. Plans were not made on a scale -comparable with the demand, but there was some effort to meet the need. -A small number of men were selected from the various units of the -92nd Division and sent to the third officers’ training schools held -in such camps as Upton, Meade, Sherman, Dodge, Funston, and Travis. -Among the thousands who were receiving training they were almost lost, -but sometimes they won the highest honors. In all these camps, except -at Funston, they attended the same schools as the other candidates -and received the treatment due them. Some were assigned to the 92nd -Division and sailed to France with it, while others were detained to -assist as instructors in the cantonments.</p> - -<p>When the fighting units reached France and were receiving final -training before moving up to the front line trenches, many of the -officers attended various schools. The majority of such men completed -the courses with high standing. One of the schools that proved a -distinct success was a machine-gun school conducted by colored officers -in charge of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> B. A. Mosley, who made out the courses of study. -The object was to make machine-gun officers out of infantry officers, -giving them the principles of machine gunnery. Nearly two hundred -officers and non-commissioned officers were sent from this school, -which was approved by the First Corps and put on the standard of the A. -E. F. schools. Under date August 27, 1918, Major John P. Bubb said of -one of these schools: “In submitting reports of proficiency of captains -of the 92nd Division who have recently been under my instruction, I -request attention to the following facts. Certain captains, namely, -Jones, Saunders, Scott, Stephens, Holland, Hollingsworth, and Granson, -have done very well in their work. They are serious, dignified men of -excellent caliber and are fully able to maintain the positions of trust -and confidence in which they have been placed.... The balance of the -class (all captains) are I believe as good as the average student who -has passed through the school.”</p> - -<p>In the fourth officers’ school, opened on May 15, 1918, at Camp Dodge, -there were 280 Negro candidates, which number was soon increased to -more than 300. These candidates were selected principally from the -units of the 92nd Division, though some came from elsewhere. This -school began under the command of <abbr title="Lieutenant Colonel">Lt. Col.</abbr> William G. Doane, who -was assisted by ten colored men, with Captain M. T. Dean as senior -instructor. For the first time in America, Negro officers in large -numbers were instructing soldiers in the science of modern warfare, -preparing them directly to take their places as officers in the great -National Army. These men served for fifteen days, when a telegram -was sent from the headquarters of the 92nd calling all the officers -to their regiment. Their work, however, had proved a success. The -candidates were all picked men, the school was well organized, and the -officers showed the greatest confidence and faith in each other.</p> - -<p>In the centralization of the officers’ training schools the infantry -candidates were sent to Camp Pike, Little Rock, <abbr title="Arkansas">Ark.</abbr>, while the -machine-gun candidates were sent to Camp Hancock, Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr> Camp -Pike had been spoken of in such a way by many Negro soldiers that -the officer candidates were not enthusiastic about going there, and -certainly this was true of the twenty-four second lieutenants who -were assigned as assistant instructors. Truck drivers sent to meet -them, on finding that they were colored, drove off, claiming that no -provision had been made for Negroes. In the camp they were a source of -wonderment. The instructors were white Southern officers and neither -officers nor men were cordial. As time passed, however, prejudice in -most cases turned to interest.</p> - -<p>To Camp Hancock, Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, selected for the machine-gun school, -fifty-six Negro men were sent. Forty-three of that number were -graduated as second lieutenants. These men had been selected from -various outfits in the 92nd because of the knowledge of mathematics -and of the mechanical manipulation of the machine-gun which they had -acquired in the various camp schools. The presence of a number of -Negro officers in Augusta created a new situation, but both camp and -city rose to the occasion. The commander decreed that every officer -in the camp must receive the courtesy due him, and the leading paper -of Augusta carried editorials that had a wholesome effect on public -opinion. It happened that the thirteenth and last company in the school -was colored. In the drills and in marching to the range, these men were -last according to their number; but in marching in reverse order, as -they did in returning from the range, they became the leaders. Some -white candidates are said to have lost their commissions rather than -drill behind this company. Most of the men, however, co-operated with -the candidates in every way, and taught them map-reading in exchange -for explanation in the mechanism of the gun. The instructors were for -the most part French or British and apparently had little time for race -feeling.</p> - -<p>When the companies were divided into sections for trench-digging, -dug-out practice, construction of shafts, and camouflaged machine-gun -emplacements, the white and the colored men were in the same classes, -and because of this contact both groups learned something of their -comrades and became more liberal in their thoughts. In general the fine -spirit prevailing in the camp was attributed to two things: first, to -the influence of the camp commander, who was himself a Southern man, -and second, to the fact that the new men reached camp just at the -time of the Fourth Liberty Loan drive. The South, as well as the rest -of the country, had really begun to feel the effects of the war, not -only financially but also in the drain on its man-power; and as the -13th company pursued its work with diligence and concentration, always -comparing favorably with others on the drill field, on the range, -and in class work, there was a realization of the fact that, after -all, they were fellow-Americans, slowly making headway; and when at -graduation these Negro men came forward to receive their commissions in -the great Liberty Theatre, where thousands of their comrades were, they -were greeted with deafening applause and every heart and voice and hand -seemed to cheer them on their way.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>In the course of the preceding pages we have more than once touched -upon incidents which not only affected the Negro officer personally but -which also involved his real status in the army. It might now be in -place to consider a little more fully some of the points raised.</p> - -<p>On the arrival of Negro officers at a camp, several questions -immediately arose, as to their eating, their living, and their general -contact with other officers. Sometimes they were not expected and -found that no preparation had been made for them. Fairly typical of -the Southern camps was Camp McClellan, Anniston, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, which showed -something of conditions especially at the beginning. Seven officers -were sent here in September, 1918, and placed in command of the -detention camp. In three weeks the detention camp was broken up and -the soldiers transferred to the depot brigade. The colored officers -were then attached to the 437th Reserve Labor Battalion, where they -were required to do very little work and were soon relieved of all -responsibility. Not all of the problems were confined to the South. In -the North, however, big-hearted generals were usually in command and -they decreed that regular army requirements should prevail.</p> - -<p>One matter that constantly arose was that of the salute. Because of the -conflicting opinions on this subject, <abbr title="General">Gen.</abbr> John B. Castleman, a major -in the Confederate army, was asked for a statement as to his attitude. -In giving his opinion he said: “The discipline of the army must be -maintained, and non-commissioned officers understand little of the -spirit of the army when they refuse to salute a Negro officer. I have -held several commissions in the military service, and I unhesitatingly -say that I would or will, at any time, salute an officer, superior or -inferior, who salutes me, without regard to the color of his skin. The -regulations, the laws, and the fundamentals of courtesy and discipline -upon which these regulations are based prescribe this. We are at war, -and soldiers are under the rules of the American army. We are all under -the flag. We salute the rank, not the individual.” This statement -by General Castleman did much to help conditions at Camp Taylor and -elsewhere. In general the military courtesies accorded Negro officers -depended largely on the stand of the generals commanding the camps. If -they demanded that strict military regulations be followed, trouble was -immediately reduced to a minimum. A notable example was the action of -<abbr title="General">Gen.</abbr> Thomas H. Barry, of Camp Grant, Rockford, Ill., who on the arrival -of the Negro officers and men gave a “family talk” at headquarters in -which he said: “These men have come here on the same duty, actuated by -the same principles, as ourselves. They are entitled to respect because -they soon will be fighting to defend our homes. Colored officers -must be saluted as punctiliously as the white ones. The salute is of -vital importance to the whole fabric of discipline. It is not only a -courtesy, but a recognition of personal relations in the service.”</p> - -<p>From time to time there were unfortunate occurrences which received -much publicity. Such was the case of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Joseph B. Saunders, who -was publicly assaulted at Vicksburg, <abbr title="Mississippi">Miss.</abbr>, because he wore his -uniform home after his period of training at Des Moines; also that -of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Charles A. Tribbett, who was arrested and placed in jail -for riding in a pullman car through the state of Oklahoma. There were -also many instances in camp in which the Negro men themselves largely -solved their problem. When colored officers arrived at Camp Funston, -Kan., not over 10 per cent of the white officers and men saluted them. -They had been told that they were going to have a hard time and set -themselves with resolute purpose to the great task before them. In -a month’s time the raw recruits were marching with heads up, eyes -front, shoulders back, and with every arm swinging in line. As they -marched to and from drill, the generals, colonels, and other officers -as well as the men would stand along the “Golden Belt” and watch the -black host as it passed. “This demonstration,” said one Negro captain, -“changed everything. Now all men salute, and officers always try to -salute first.” As Negro officers grew in numbers and were distributed -throughout the camps, and as accounts of heroic deeds were heralded -from the battlefields, and as it became generally known that Negroes -were responding liberally to the various calls at home, the American -public saw the justice of according recognition or merit where it was -due, and the principle of the salute for Negro officers was settled, -although in practice it was not always carried out.</p> - -<p>Another matter that occasioned considerable feeling was that of -promotions. Many regular army officers served for several years with -junior rank, but always looked forward to the time when they would be -promoted. Their opportunity came during the war. Many junior officers -in the regular army and even civilian officers were promoted several -times in the course of a year. It was natural that colored officers -should also look forward to promotions, which were regarded as a -recognition of work well done.</p> - -<p>According to a memorandum of September 11, 1918, the War Department -established the commands to be occupied by white and colored officers -in the organization of the 92nd Division, and indicated that every -opportunity would be given the Negro men to advance. In practice, -however, there seems to have been some difficulty about carrying out -the ideas therein suggested. The percentage of white officers in the -Division increased from 18 per cent at the beginning, to 42 per cent -on November 30, 1918. Very few recommendations for the promotion of -Negro officers were made and most of these are said to have been -“pigeon-holed” at headquarters. Some recommendations that were filed -in July and August, 1918, were held until after the signing of the -Armistice on November 11, when an A. E. F. order prohibited the -granting of any more commissions. Another factor which prevented -promotions in the 92nd Division was that colored officers from the -369th, 370th, and 372nd, and graduates from officers’ training schools -in France were largely transferred to the 92nd Division. This made -room for the promotion of white officers in the units from which the -Negro officers were transferred, but prevented the promotion of colored -officers in the 92nd.</p> - -<p>Thus most of the Negro officers who served in the National Army were -in the 92nd Division. The creation of this Division with Negro line -officers was regarded by practically all regular army officers as one -of the greatest mistakes ever made by the War Department. From their -viewpoint it was wrong in principle, against all tradition, and could -not possibly be a success. Not believing in the matter in principle, -they did not want to deal with Negro men on such a basis; they did -things to discredit them, even to the extent of spreading propaganda as -to their unfitness for the work. Thus unfortunately the Negro officers -returned home feeling that their commanding officers were not their -friends; nor were matters improved by the effort of some incompetent -men “higher up” who tried to cover their own inefficiency by laying the -blame on the Negroes. The prevailing opinion expressed by the white -officers returning from France was that the Negro soldier up to the -rank of sergeant-major was a success, and they lauded the stevedore and -labor organizations as contributing much to the magnificent service -rendered by the Americans in Europe. The “experiment” of the Negro -officer, they felt, was a different matter. A careful review of all -the adverse points made might place them under four heads, as follows: -First, the racial distinctions recognized in civilian life continued to -be recognized in military life and presented a formidable barrier to -the existence of a genuine feeling of comradeship; second, the colored -officers were lacking in initiative and exhibited a characteristic -tendency to neglect the welfare of their men and to perform their -duties in a perfunctory manner, thus entailing on the part of senior -officers frequent attention to petty details; third, many of the Negro -officers went around with “a chip on their shoulders,” looking for -discrimination and trouble; and fourth, most of the colored officers -were willing to discipline their men but were unwilling themselves to -be disciplined, charging any attempt to discipline them to prejudice.</p> - -<p>These are serious charges. In reply to them first of all it is to be -noted that on the troop ships, even before they got to France, the -Negro officers were treated not according to their military rank but -as on the basis of color. On the “George Washington,” for instance, -which carried the 368th infantry, the tickets for the colored officers -were marked with an X in the upper left hand corner, which enabled the -purser to place them “conveniently.” The tickets for the white officers -were not marked, and they were given first class passage on Deck A in -respect to both dining and state rooms; but the colored officers, from -the rank of captain down, were given second class passage in respect -to staterooms and dining rooms. In traveling in France also the Negro -officers were many times given third class coaches while the white -officers were given first class. Specific cases are given where the -officers were ordered by their commanders to take such passage. In the -hotels and cafés as well constant effort was made for segregation, -and in some cases instructions were given not to accept officers or -soldiers when applications for rooms were made. At the Grand Hotel -in Mayenne, where the division billeting officer was stationed, the -hotel proprietress informed the colored officers, many of whom had -previously stayed in the hotel, that they would have to go elsewhere -for accommodations. On going to the “town major” to see about the new -condition that had developed, the men were told that instructions had -been given to the effect that no more colored officers were to be -allowed in the hotel. Such incidents could be multiplied a hundred -times. While in themselves they are no positive proof of Negro valor, -they explain a situation which certainly has to be taken into account -in an impartial review.</p> - -<p>As to the charges of lack of initiative and the neglect of their -men, the facts gathered from an investigation of conditions among -thousands of soldiers, both in America and France, would rather -indicate that colored officers generally took more interest in their -men than the average white officer, though of course some Negro -officers were inefficient just as were some of other races. The -charges of “neglecting the welfare of their men” were based in most -cases upon the difficulty in securing supplies for colored troops. -This was true not only with colored officers, for it was an accepted -fact that white officers over Negro troops often experienced the -greatest difficulty in getting the necessary supplies for their men. -Negro officers who displayed initiative were frequently reprimanded -for assuming authority, while on the other hand they were condemned -if they waited for instructions; for example, some who completed the -course at the First Corps School in France with credit were censured -for not performing duties that they had been ordered to discontinue -and were told to mind their business when they called attention to -grave military errors, some of which resulted in casualties. Duties -performed satisfactorily as a sergeant for more than ten years could -not be performed by the same man after he became a lieutenant without -the supervision of a battalion commander.</p> - -<p>In general the colored officers found complete co-operation with -commanding officers nearly impossible. They were never taken into -the confidence of their military superiors and were rarely ever -questioned about matters affecting the men. One day a colonel met a -colored captain whom he thought he had seen before. “Haven’t I seen you -somewhere?” he asked. “Yes, sir,” replied the man, “I was with you on -the border; Captain French is my name, sir.” “Oh, I do remember,” said -the colonel, “you are Sergeant French.” “No, sir, I am Captain French.” -“Well,” said the colonel as he walked away, “if I forget and call you -Sergeant, don’t mind.”</p> - -<p>In spite of all the difficulties and criticisms, however, large numbers -of Negro officers were able to command and lead troops for the first -time. In the pages to come there will be noted many instances not only -of courage but also of efficiency, and it is a significant fact that -the majority of these officers returned to the states in the 92nd -Division. This alone is proof that they were <em>fairly</em> efficient, -especially when it is remembered that on the slightest occasion they -were sent before efficiency boards. More than a thousand of these Negro -line officers “saw it through” in France, rendering heroic service -in the World War; and it is pleasant to record that among those who -served with them there were those who were not afraid to give credit -where credit was due.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>One other matter is of importance in this general connection, and -that is the question of the relation of the Negro officer to the -reorganization of the army after the war was over. There are and -probably always will be divers opinions as to the size and training -of the regular army in peace times, as well as to the composition of -the different units. In general, regular army officers felt that the -time had not come in army affairs when it was expedient to include -Negro officers in the plan of reorganization. Such a course was -considered “an injustice to West Point graduates who had served as -second lieutenants and waited their turn for promotion.” The question -was essentially not one of fitness but of tradition, as was shown by -the word of a major who now sleeps in the Argonne and who was asked to -send in the names of the men in his command who should go before an -efficiency board. He commended highly the work of his officers, but -concluded by saying that the whole principle of Negro officers was -wrong and that he recommended that all should be relieved from duty. -Such an attitude took tangible form in the action of members of some -of the examining boards for the regular army. One board discharged more -than half of the officers in the division it was considering. Many who -formerly had good grades were rated below 60, and while the questions -asked were simple enough, all answers were deemed unsatisfactory. In -the medical department similar conditions prevailed. It was natural -that the Negro men should feel that under the circumstances they had -hardly been fairly dealt with; moreover they had to meet the general -prejudice of regular army officers against all civilian officers. One -official said, “The regular army officers looked with disfavor upon -both the National Guard and National Army officers, the National Guard -officers discredited the National Army (90-day) officer, and all three -combined against the Negro officer.” When everything is considered, it -is difficult to reconcile the methods used to eliminate Negro officers -with the spirit of fairness and justice for which the army is renowned, -or with the gentleman’s agreement known to exist among fellow-officers, -and it is to be regretted that some of the adverse opinions expressed -were uttered by men in high positions who will help to determine the -future policy of the War Department.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV"><big>CHAPTER IV</big><br /><br /> -HOPES AND FEARS</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>Propaganda was recognized by all the belligerent nations as a mighty -weapon when effectively used. That great things could be accomplished -by its use was demonstrated when a part of the Russian army surrendered -to the enemy without bloodshed, when the Russian people rose up -against their rulers, and when the German sailors turned against their -commanders. In spite of some suggestions made to him, however, the -Negro in the United States chose the better part, pledging his loyalty -and support to the Government as far as necessary.</p> - -<p>When the selective draft was voted by Congress, there arose cries -against the sending of Negroes to certain sections, and petitions and -delegations went to Washington to prevail with the officials. It was -feared that race friction would lead to riots, and especially that -there would be difficulty between the Negro soldiers and the civilian -population. The Houston riot, occurring in 1917 just before Negro men -were called to the camps, intensified this feeling and caused many -cantonment cities to raise objections to the placing of Negro soldiers -in the camps near them. In South Carolina especially there was strong -protest on the part of prominent citizens, led by the Governor of the -State; and even one of the Negro churches, on the arrival of Negro -soldiers at Camp Jackson, discontinued evening services for fear of -trouble. Yet, although it was thought that this innovation would -bring disaster to the state, from the beginning there was a feeling -of comradeship between the white and the Negro soldiers. In a speech -before the race conference held in Columbia March 13, 1918, the -Governor, who had opposed the coming of the latter, commended them in -the highest manner; and the police department gave testimony to the -fact that the Negro soldiers had been a credit to themselves and to -the uniform they wore. At Camp Shelby, Hattiesburg, <abbr title="Mississippi">Miss.</abbr>, there was -also opposition, but here again the conduct of the soldiers allayed -all fears. At Rockford, <abbr title="Illinois">Ill.</abbr>, where the police force was enlarged in -anticipation of the coming of the Negro men, and where an addition was -built to the jail to accommodate the expected number of offenders, -the chief of police afterwards said that “The Negro soldiers made a -splendid record—much better than was expected; the enlarged jail was -never needed for them.”</p> - -<p>The finest atmosphere surrounding Negro soldiers in America was found -at Camp Upton, <abbr title="New York">N. Y.</abbr> No protest was made by New York people about -training Negroes at the camp, nor was there any propaganda about race -riots or other disasters; and because of this fact the relationship -between the different groups was exceptionally good. The officers -and also the welfare workers were, with rare exceptions, fair and -considerate in their treatment. This example of real Americanism was -due to the generous spirit of the New York people and to the high -stand and impartial attitude taken by the late <abbr title="General">Gen.</abbr> I. Franklin Bell, -commander. In settling all questions of racial relationship he insisted -that all men be given fair and equal treatment. Not only in this -camp, but in every cantonment city, East, West, North, or South, the -officials, including judges and chiefs of police, as well as citizens -from all walks of life, spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of -the Negro soldiers.</p> - -<p>In France there arose two forms of subtle and dangerous propaganda with -which the Negro had to contend. One was disseminated by the Germans -and the other by some of his own comrades in arms. Over the lines the -Germans sent their insidious matter, of which the following is a sample:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p> - -“To the Colored Soldiers of the U. S. Army,</p> -<p class="right">September, 1918, Vosges Mountains. -</p> - -<p>“Hello, boys, what are you doing over there? Fighting the Germans? -Why? Have they ever done you any harm? Of course, some white folks -and the lying English-American papers told you that the Germans ought -to be wiped out for the sake of humanity and democracy. What is -democracy? Personal freedom, all citizens enjoying the same rights -socially and before the law. Do you enjoy the same rights as the -white people do in America, the land of freedom and democracy? Or -aren’t you rather rated over there as second class citizens? Can you -go to a restaurant where white people dine, can you get a seat in a -theatre where white people sit, can you get a pullman seat or berth -in a railroad car, or can you ride in the South in the same street -car with white people? And how about the law? Is lynching and the -most horrible cruelties connected therewith a lawful proceeding in a -democratic country?</p> - -<p>“Now all of this is entirely different in Germany, where they do like -colored people, where they do treat them as gentlemen and not as -second class citizens. They enjoy exactly the same social privileges -as every white man, and quite a number of colored people have mighty -fine positions in Berlin and other big German cities.</p> - -<p>“Why, then, fight the Germans only for the benefit of the Wall Street -robbers to protect the millions they have lent to the English, French, -and Italians? You have been made the tool of the egotistic and -rapacious rich in England and America, and there is nothing in the -whole game for you but broken bones, horrible wounds, broken health -or—death. No satisfaction whatever will you get out of this unjust -war. You have never seen Germany; so you are fools if you allow people -to teach you to hate it. Come over and see for yourself. Let those do -the fighting who make profit out of this war; don’t allow them to use -you as cannon food. To carry the gun in their defense is not an honor -but a shame. Throw it away and come over to the German lines. You will -find friends who will help you along.”</p> -</div> - -<p>Copies of this document fell among the Negro soldiers in the front line -trenches. Every effort was made to keep the men from reading it, but -many secured copies nevertheless. They said to their officers who went -among them to gather up the copies, “We know what they say is true, but -don’t worry; we’re not going over.”</p> - -<p>The other propaganda with which Negro officers and soldiers had to -contend was inaugurated to discredit them in French opinion to the -extent that they would not be accorded social recognition or accepted -as equals. There was organized effort on the part of the American -military authorities to influence French public opinion in this regard. -In its issue for May, 1919, the <i>Crisis</i> published a document -on “Secret information concerning black American troops,” sent out -on August 7, 1918, by the French military mission stationed with the -American Army. The object of this document was to give French officers -commanding black American troops “an exact idea of the position -occupied by Negroes in the United States.” Conclusions were reached as -follows: “We must prevent the rise of any pronounced degree of intimacy -between French officers and black officers”; “We must not commend too -highly the black Americans”; and “Make a point of keeping the native -cantonment population from ‘spoiling’ the Negroes.” This document did -not represent French but American opinion, and when the French ministry -heard of its distribution, copies were collected and burned.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile individuals exerted great effort to influence the French -population in the treatment of Negro soldiers. At times when Negro -troops went to a city which had been occupied by white soldiers, the -people stood off and were afraid, partly because they had not seen -so many Negroes before, but also because of the statements that had -been made. At Bourbonne-les-Bains the people were told that they must -remain indoors, carry guns, and not allow Negroes in their homes. -Among the statements that the French people themselves afterwards -informed the Negroes were made were the following: “Negroes cannot be -treated with common civility”; “They are no good”; “They are rapists”; -“Americans lynch and burn Negroes to keep them in their places”; -and “They are uncivilized and have tails like monkeys.” The spirit -which prompted some men to make the statements given here prompted -others to use their authority to carry out their ideas. There were -“campaigns of ruthlessness,” and many unkind deeds occurred in the -effort to perpetuate “American ideals.” Certainly two-thirds of the -difficulties experienced by the colored soldiers in France were due to -American resentment of the attitude of the French people in receiving -them on equal terms, and especially of the kindly disposition of the -French women. Much of the denial of privileges to Negro soldiers to -visit parts of France was due, directly or indirectly, to the effort -to prevent them from associating with the French people. Thousands -of men within a few hours of Paris were not able to get more than a -twelve-hour pass.</p> - -<p>Facts gathered from personal investigation and interviews in France -indicate that in spite of propaganda Negro officers and soldiers got -along well with the French people. After they were in town a few days -the people would cease to fear them and would ask why such strange -relationships existed between comrades in arms from the same country. -Both officers and men were invited into the homes of the people. -French children were treated with the greatest deference by the -Negro soldiers, and as a result a real brotherhood was established. -The picture that appeared in <i>Life</i>, showing a colored soldier -carrying a bundle for an old French woman met along the way, was -typical and represented what occurred almost daily in France. Many -helped the peasants to harvest their crops or to do any other work -in which they were engaged. They always lent a hand whenever it was -possible.</p> - -<p>During 1918 reports were current in France, especially in American -circles, including the army and welfare organizations, that the -committing of the crime of rape was very common and that Negro officers -as well as privates were guilty. On August 21 a memorandum was issued -from the headquarters of the 92nd Division “to prevent the presence of -colored troops from being a menace to women.” This said in part: “On -account of the increasing frequency of the crime of rape, or attempted -rape, in this Division, drastic preventive measures have become -necessary.... Until further notice, there will be a check of all troops -of the 92nd Division every hour daily between reveille and 11.00 p. m., -with a written record showing how each check was made, by whom, and -the result.... The one-mile limit regulation will be strictly enforced -at all times, and no passes will be issued except to men of known -reliability.” The next day another memorandum was sent out saying that -the commander-in-chief of the American Expeditionary Forces “would send -the 92nd Division back to the United States or break it up into labor -battalions as unfit to bear arms in France, if efforts to prevent rape -were not taken more seriously.” The next day the order for the hourly -check of personnel was annulled, but in the meantime much discussion -had been occasioned.</p> - -<p>As the rumors continued to spread, <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Robert R. Moton was asked by the -President of the United States and the Secretary of War to go to France -and investigate the charges. On reaching France he went immediately to -General Headquarters at Chaumont and from there to the Marbache sector, -where he met General Martin, who was in command of the 92nd Division. -On making inquiry <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Moton was informed by the General that twenty-six -cases of the crime had occurred in the Division up to December 16, -1918, and staff officers who were present substantiated by conversation -the general statements. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Moton then asked the General if he would -mind having one of his aides get the records inasmuch as the reputation -of a race was at stake and as general statements were often misleading. -When the records were brought in and examined only seven cases charged -could be found. Of those charged only two men had been found guilty -and convicted, and one of the two convictions had been turned down by -general headquarters. “In other fighting units,” says <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Moton, “as -well as in Bordeaux, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, and Brest, where many of the service -of supplies troops were located, and at many other places, I made the -same investigations. I interviewed American and French commanding -officers. I talked as well with scores of American and French officers -of lower rank. When the records were taken, as was the case with the -92nd Division, the number of cases charged were few. The opinion at -general headquarters of the American forces was that the crime to which -I have referred was no more prevalent among Negro soldiers than among -white soldiers or any soldiers.”</p> - -<p>The following record of rape in the 92nd Division was given to the -writer by Major A. E. Patterson, judge advocate: “Ten soldiers were -tried for assault with intent to rape. Five of those were <i lang="la">bona -fide</i> efforts to accomplish that crime. The other five were simple -assaults with no evidence to support the charge of assault with intent -to commit rape. Three of the cases were actual rape cases, only one of -which was in the 92nd Division. The other two were in units commanded -by white officers. The other two men convicted, one of whom was hanged, -were in labor battalions in the 92nd Division area, neither of the -three cases of rape occurring in units commanded by colored officers.” -The judge advocate in the headquarters of the service of supplies at -Tours said that “since February, 1919, there had been only one assault -with intent to commit rape in sections 4, 6, 7, and 9, where there -were more than 75,000 Negro soldiers. The rape stories seem not to be -substantiated.” In American camps there were two cases of the crime, -one at Camp Dodge and one at Camp Grant.</p> - -<p>The rape charges against Negro soldiers appear to have been greatly -magnified. They were simply a part of the general propaganda to -discredit Negro men in arms. It is not our intention to give the -impression that there were not a few individuals who were guilty of -the crime. It is a fact, however, that the wild rumors were simply one -more effort to influence the French people in their dealings with Negro -Americans.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V"><big>CHAPTER V</big><br /><br /> -THE LURE OF THE UNIFORM</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>Historians tell us that when, in the fifteenth century, Jeanne d’Arc -led the soldiers of France to victory, no women followed the army. This -was not true of the victorious armies in the World War. Wherever the -soldiers camped, in the North, East, South, or West, in a camp near a -great metropolis or in one far from cities and railroads, in America -or in France, there women were to be found. For the first time also -the War Department made formal provision for the American soldiers to -have the gentle and civilizing influence of women; and barracks and -tented camps were soon followed by hostess houses or other structures, -tastefully furnished and decorated, and presided over by kind-hearted -hostesses.</p> - -<p>When this great plan was conceived, little thought was given at first -to the Negro soldier and to the entertainment of his women folk. For -some time, if they visited camp, they found that no provision was made -to receive them. Sometimes it was a mother who had traveled miles just -to see if Uncle Sam was kind to her only son, or a wife from a distant -state, who arrived discouraged and with depleted funds, only to find -that her husband had just embarked for a distant land; or perhaps a -sweetheart hoped to get a last glance and bid a last farewell.</p> - -<p>There was still another woman who had no such innocent mission and -whose heart went out to every soldier. It was this one who made a -real problem. Little interest was shown in her by camp authorities. -Sometimes she remained in camp streets until as late as eleven o’clock -at night; or she might be seen under the trees, in the groves, or -waiting along the camp roads. At Camp Dodge women were allowed in camp -from early morning until late in the evening, with no restrictions -whatever. Some were the wives of soldiers, but some others came to the -camp for the purpose of forming acquaintances. Occasionally a girl was -seen giving her address to a crowd of soldiers surrounding her. At -Camp Hancock, Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, a quarantine stopped the daily visiting of -women, who were required to register in the “Y” tent, which they soon -practically deserted. In general the commander of a camp made such -regulations as he thought best. On rare occasions women were compelled -to secure passes before entering; but in most cases they could enter -during the day without passes, being governed only by visiting hours, -which were usually from 8 a. m. to 5 p. m.</p> - -<p>As the war progressed, the tendency throughout the country was to -improve conditions in this connection. Even before the spring and -summer of 1918, when some hostess houses were erected for colored -soldiers, there were bright spots where an effort was made to meet the -problem. One of the best systems regulating the visiting of women -found anywhere was at Camp Funston, where a visitors’ day was held the -first Saturday of each month. This rule was strictly enforced and not -even officers could take women into the camp except on this day. On -this occasion, however, the officers and soldiers became the hosts, -entertaining their friends at dinner, after which there were usually -socials and dances. Large numbers of colored women visited Camp Taylor, -Louisville, <abbr title="Kentucky">Ky.</abbr>, and their conduct is said to have been excellent. -The Y. W. C. A. had the use of a small building, conveniently located -on the car track, and here the women were helped to get in touch with -relatives. Where the number of women who visited a camp was small, -the problem of providing facilities was naturally less difficult. -At Camp Devens, <abbr title="Massachusetts">Mass.</abbr>, near which the colored population was small, -women visited the “Y” buildings and also the houses in charge of white -hostesses, if they so desired. The soldiers were permitted to invite -them to dinner in their mess halls. All were expected to leave the camp -by 7.30, and the military police saw that this rule was enforced. In -general where there was a sincere effort on the part of the authorities -and the different agencies to provide for the welfare of colored -women visitors, the problem was reduced to a minimum, and the visits -contributed to the happiness of the soldiers and the morale of the -army, as was the intention from the beginning.</p> - -<p>The problem which grew to be vexing in the camps became far more -difficult to control in the cities; and Government officials familiar -with the popularity of the uniform proceeded immediately to clean up -every city adjacent to the cantonments by abolishing all forms of -legalized vice. Cities thus located were able, with Federal aid, to -introduce in one week reforms that had been desired and worked for, -with no results, for decades. The closing of the districts, however, -did not mean the complete elimination of the evils which existed. It -often meant simply a distributing of the problem to various sections of -the city. New restaurants, hotels, and boarding houses were opened, and -there were usually to be found in them attractive girls who served as -waitresses. Although the café sign was sometimes seen on the windows, -“no meals were ever served nor fire ever seen in the kitchen.” It was -through such places as these that well-intentioned women and girls -sometimes found themselves in the clutches of the law.</p> - -<p>It was in one of the large cantonment cities that a party of four such -women arrived from the far South to see their husbands before they -entrained for parts unknown. The women were not met at the station by -their husbands, as was planned, because they were several hours late -in arriving. They were directed to a hotel just two blocks from the -station, and here they found the parlor and dining room filled with -soldiers and their friends. Among the men in uniform they felt more -at ease, and they asked several soldiers if they knew their husbands. -Finally a young man said that he was in the same company as one of the -men named, and that he would tell him about his wife as soon as he -reached camp, as it was not possible to reach him that night. Tired -from travel and anxiety, the women retired with pleasant thoughts of -meeting their loved ones in the morning. In the very early morning, -however, while the city still slumbered, a knock on the door awoke -them. One sprang to the door, but instead of finding her husband she -was greeted by an officer, who told all four to dress and follow him. -All their tears and explanations did not suffice to move him. With a -score of other women they were carried away to prison. As the turnkey -closed the great iron door some of the number seemed indifferent, but -the hearts of others were seized with fear lest some awful thing should -happen. The next morning the husbands of the four women were reached -and they were released, made wiser by their bitter experience.</p> - -<p>Hotels and boarding houses, however, were only one phase of the -matter. On the city streets, in the dance halls, in the soft drink -parlors, wherever soldiers craved companionship, there the problem of -the girl was to be found. It was most serious in the case of young -girls fourteen to sixteen years of age, who were sometimes seen on the -streets long after midnight, and it is to be remembered that in the -Negro sections of the cities the streets were often dark and conducive -to all forms of evil. Sometimes conditions were winked at by officials -who opposed destroying the old order of things. In one case, after -Government criticism, the local police made indiscriminate arrests in -a pretended effort to clean up. This resulted in lawsuits which halted -the work. Ignorant girls were brought into court, but those in higher -places were seldom arrested. Even when arrests were made, the evidence -revealed often brought a quick release. In one court a woman was -sentenced to a year in prison and fined $1000 for leading girls astray, -but within a few days, through the influence of unseen forces, she was -again enjoying her liberty. A strange leniency also was often found in -Southern courts in the case of colored girls whose conduct had brought -them there; it did not seem to be required or expected that colored -girls should live up to the same standards as white girls. Sometimes -unsympathetic lawyers made sport of them for the amusement of crowded -court rooms. They were not taken behind closed doors for protection, -as were other girls charged with similar offences. Seldom, until near -the end of the war, were there detention homes to which they could -go and find a genuinely helpful guiding hand. Money appropriated by -the Government for the establishment of detention homes in cantonment -cities was seldom used for Negro girls. Instead they were usually -placed in jail, or sent to the prison farm or the “stockade,” the home -of the chain gang. The jails in which they were confined were, with -few exceptions, demoralizing and a disgrace to the cities. The inmates -lived in dirt and disease, sleeping on ragged, greasy mattresses on -concrete floors and eating food prepared in the most unsanitary manner. -In one instance colored girls were placed in a room 20 feet by 10, -with their cots close together. An open toilet was in the back of the -room, which was without windows or any means of ventilation except -an electric fan. In such environment were placed many girls arrested -for the first time. They associated with confirmed criminals and the -living conditions and the treatment which they received made it well -nigh impossible for them to lead a different life after being released. -Sometimes they worked on the city farms, in the jails, or on rock piles -in the jail yards. In one case they were marched through the streets to -and from the work of cleaning the city cemetery.</p> - -<p>Who were these girls who, in their early teens, found themselves in -the clutches of the law? For the most part they were ignorant and -were growing up without the influence of interested parents. Some -could not read or write; frequently they were exploited. It is to be -noted also that this concrete problem was often complicated by other -social or economic forces. In practically every cantonment city orders -were issued to prevent white soldiers from entering undesirable Negro -sections. The enforcement of such orders, however, was difficult -because of the frequent leniency of the guardians of the law. In one -city a prominent member of the Chamber of Commerce said, “The colored -people will probably never get over the effect of the moral lapse due -to the presence of the camp and the soldiers.” He grew eloquent in -describing the depths to which the city had fallen and the difficulty -of getting servants. Those who had formerly helped in some of the old -families were now leading an easier life and wearing on the streets -clothes of the most expensive style. Such a speaker apparently forgot -that the exodus had made great drafts on labor, that many women were -doing work formerly done by men, and that the increased wages had -enabled many men to keep their wives at home.</p> - -<p>Even when the moral situation was dark, however, all was not hopeless. -Sometimes a wise and big-hearted judge gave justice tempered with -mercy. Sometimes women, both colored and white, toiled untiringly in -their effort to save girls from the folly of their ways. The attitude -of the Negro people themselves was most important. Among them there was -often found a strange lack of sympathy and interest. This was sometimes -attributed to the attitude of officials who would not deal with them in -a respectful manner. While this was often the case, there was also a -feeling on the part of many good people that they could not afford to -help such girls. One churchman who was asked for his co-operation said, -“I don’t know whether I can afford to come to the jail,” and another, -“My mind is on heavenly things; I haven’t any time for such work.” -Gradually the situation improved, however, and we shall now consider -some of the forces for moral betterment. One of these, the War Camp -Community Service, will receive extended treatment in our next chapter -in connection with the subject of Welfare Organizations. Just now we -are interested especially in the influences that bore directly upon the -Negro woman or girl who in one way or another was affected by the war.</p> - - -<h3>GIRLS’ PROTECTIVE AGENCY</h3> - -<p>The Girls’ Protective Agency was active in several cantonment cities -where Negro soldiers were stationed. Comparatively few colored -women represented this organization, but those who did labored most -effectively. The worker at Anniston, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, gave her entire time to -colored girls. The Negro women of the city formed a co-operating -committee composed of representatives from every church. The names of -girls who were thought to be careless in their conduct were given to -the one in charge and she visited the girls and their parents. In this -way many were helped. The white workers also sometimes took an active -interest in colored girls, especially those who found their way into -the courts. Where grave problems arose from the intermingling of the -races, every effort was made to relieve the situation for the good of -both.</p> - - -<h3>TRAVELERS’ AID SOCIETY</h3> - -<p>Representatives of the Travelers’ Aid Society often rendered genuine -service to colored women visiting cantonment cities in search of their -friends in the camps. They usually put them in touch with the local Y. -W. C. A. or with representative women who could tell them of reliable -places where they could stay. While some assistants were indifferent, -most of them were impartial and took the same interest in providing -for the Negro women who came to their cities as for the white women. -This was especially true of a worker in Manhattan, Kansas, who labored -earnestly for the colored girls who visited the railroad stations -in order to meet soldiers. According to reports of reliable colored -citizens, she talked to the girls as she would to her own daughters.</p> - - -<h3>Y. W. C. A.—HOSTESS HOUSES</h3> - -<p>The Young Women’s Christian Association established constructive work -in cantonment cities by organizing the best girls into clubs and -patriotic leagues for various kinds of war effort. Such endeavor was -in the field of preventive rather than of constructive work. That at -Louisville is fairly representative of what was done in the cantonment -cities. Here an attractive building was secured and placed in charge -of an executive secretary, who was assisted by a girls’ worker. Clubs -were organized among the employed girls and school girls, and Bible, -cooking, and French classes conducted. Five hundred women and girls -were organized into twenty-six circles, with a captain over each -circle; and an information bureau was conducted for the soldiers.</p> - -<p>Of the various kinds of service rendered by the Y. W. C. A. the -erection of fifteen hostess houses in the various camps was the -greatest achievement and filled one of the greatest needs of the -Negro soldier and his women folk. It is doubtful if any other welfare -work gave more pleasure. Rightly was the hostess house called “a -bit of home in the camps, a place of rest and refreshment for the -women folks belonging to the soldiers, a sheltering chaperonage for -too-enthusiastic girls, a dainty supplement to the stern fare of the -camp life of the soldiers, a clearing house for the social activities -which included the men in the camps and their women visitors.”</p> - -<p>While the need was always great, the development of hostess houses -for Negro soldiers and women was very slow. Camp commanders often -failed to see the need of such an addition, and the uncertainty of -Negro soldiers’ definitely remaining a part of camp organizations was -usually given as the reason for delay. At length, however, through the -untiring efforts of Miss Eva D. Bowles, leader of Y. W. C. A. work for -Negro girls, her co-workers, and the War Work Council of the Y. W. -C. A., these buildings came into being. The work was started at Camp -Upton, <abbr title="New York">N. Y.</abbr>, where barracks were used as temporary quarters. Later -the first hostess house for Negro workers was erected in this camp. -It was well located, attractively finished, and splendidly equipped. -Five efficient secretaries were employed. Every evening the house was -crowded. The soldiers were served at the cafeteria, or they read, -wrote letters, sang, played, or mingled with their comrades. For -some of the men it was the most wholesome environment they had ever -enjoyed. The second hostess house was erected at Camp Dix, <abbr title="New Jersey">N. J.</abbr> It -was a spacious building, beautifully furnished and arranged, and the -New Jersey Federated Clubs of Colored Women spent $1200 in helping to -furnish the building. The third was at Camp Funston. Late in the spring -of 1918 barracks were used here, but in the course of the summer a -hostess house was completed just outside the camp and three secretaries -were employed. Perhaps the largest and most attractive house was at -Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio. When it was opened the sergeants in the -various companies of Negro soldiers entertained their men in it in -order to make them interested. At the suggestion of the hostesses a -Christmas tree was secured by the Y. M. C. A. secretary and a Negro -officer, and put up for the men by the co-operation of the fire and -electrical departments in the camp. The need was greatest in the -Southern camps because these were visited by hundreds of Negro women -daily. By the fall of 1918 houses were at both Camp Gordon and Camp -Jackson. The building at Gordon was situated just beyond the street -car station outside the camp. The one at Jackson was well located in -relation to the headquarters group of buildings. Both had unusually -large porches. At Camp Jackson the settees used in the yard were built -by soldiers. Two of the last houses opened for Negro men were at Camp -Meade, <abbr title="Maryland">Md.</abbr>, and Camp Alexander, Newport News, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr> Returning soldiers -held their farewell socials in these buildings.</p> - -<p>In every camp the soldiers showed a fine spirit in visiting the -hostess houses, especially in regard to conduct. They looked upon the -secretaries as their friends and ofttimes went to them with their -troubles. In turn those in charge not only served the women visitors, -but brought comfort and cheer to many a heartsick soldier, and they -gave many a commanding officer and welfare worker a new conception of -the ability and worth of Negro womanhood. In one case the executive -secretary was known throughout the camp as “Mother,” because of her -understanding heart and her large appreciation of the problems of the -men.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Negroes were highly commended for their loyalty in aiding the -Government and for their willingness to co-operate with all welfare -agencies during the war. There were, however, some workers who, though -they rendered great service, did not always receive the plaudits of -the crowd because they worked more humbly and did not always have the -backing of a great organization. Among these were those women who went -out into the highways and byways in order to help girls and lead them -into the noblest life. Sometimes their work was difficult, for public -officials did not always welcome them; but initiative and tact told, -and we must speak of three such women who were representative.</p> - -<p>The first was Mrs. R. T. Brooks, who when the war began was working for -the associated charities of Columbia, S. C. Her experience in dealing -with poverty and with lives that had been wasted or whose opportunities -had been lost, prepared her to meet the problems following the -establishment of Camp Jackson. Day and night she was seen in all parts -of the city on the watch for those whom she might help, and the little -pay she received was often divided with those who needed aid. She was -respected by judges and policemen in the court room, where she often -went to intercede for some erring girl, and one of the leading lawyers -of Columbia said of her work, “Mrs. Brooks is the most efficient -worker, white or colored, in the city.”</p> - -<p>In Little Rock, <abbr title="Arkansas">Ark.</abbr>, a few years before the war, a fourteen-year old -Negro girl was arraigned in court, charged with murder and seven other -offences, any one of which, if proved, would have given her a prison -sentence. The case aroused the colored women of the city, who followed -the trial with interest. The city attorney who was conducting the case -had little belief in Negro womanhood, but before the case was summed -up a number of the women called on him and presented the girl’s side. -The conference bore fruit, for the attorney, who had been violent in -his attack, at the end of his argument asked for mercy, showing how -environment had played a large part in the unfortunate girl’s life.</p> - -<p>After this trial the Negro women of Little Rock, with the permission -of the court, appointed and for two years paid the salary of Mrs. -Maggie A. Jeffries, who looked after the interest of Negro girls. When -soldiers came to Little Rock, her experience had prepared her for the -emergency. Her work received the most enthusiastic approval of numbers -of prominent citizens, and through her aid the work was formally taken -over by the city, and all probation workers used the same office. Many -a time this earnest helper pleaded with the judge to turn some erring -girl over to her, and she found honest work for the girl or bought a -ticket and sent her home to her parents.</p> - -<p>It was realized and often admitted by policemen and judges that a well -trained Negro woman with police authority could render invaluable -service with the problems of the Negro girl who appeared at court, -but generally such power was denied. Mrs. Mary Colson, of Des Moines, -however, was given such authority, being commissioned by the Governor -as a member of the secret service of the state. She also received a -certificate from the Policemen’s Institute, a course of lectures given -to the Des Moines police. When Mrs. Colson was first appointed many a -policeman treated the appointment as a joke, but before long she was -able to prove her worth, and she became a force that helped hundreds of -women and girls to make a new start. It was not her prime mission to -arrest, and she did so only in extreme cases. Her work was as blessed -as it was far-reaching.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI"><big>CHAPTER VI</big><br /><br /> -THE “Y” AND OTHER WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS</h2> -</div> - - -<p>No organization ever employed a greater number of workers to serve men -without cost than did the Young Men’s Christian Association during the -Great War. Millions of dollars given by the American people were spent -in carrying out its program of service. Wherever there were American -soldiers, in the camps at home, at the base ports, on the battle front, -in leave areas, or behind the lines in France, there they were followed -and served by the Y. M. C. A. Some of the workers even followed the -troops “over the top,” sacrificing life itself in their endeavor to -give comfort and cheer to the men.</p> - -<p>Negro soldiers shared in the “Y” service both at home and in France. -At first they were somewhat overlooked, but through the efforts of Dr. -Jesse E. Moorland and his associates provision was made for them. In -the National Army cantonments large “Y” huts with six secretaries were -maintained,—building, business, religious, educational, physical, and -social secretaries,—each of whom developed his particular line of -work. Sometimes a second building or tent was used. The secretaries -met in the general Y. M. C. A. conferences held weekly with the camp -secretary, who usually co-operated in every possible way.</p> - -<p>The effectiveness of the work depended largely upon the efficiency -and ability of the building secretary to co-operate with his staff -and the camp officials. Often these secretaries not only effectively -supervised the work in their buildings, but they also watched the -morale of the soldiers and held conferences with commanding officers -for the purpose of improving unsatisfactory conditions. The business -secretary conducted the stamp and money order business. This alone in -some camps amounted to sums ranging from $150 to $200 a day. Lectures -were given to the men on the value of saving and they often bore fruit. -At Camp Dodge $10,000 was sent home by the soldiers in one month. The -educational secretary worked mainly to reach the men who could not read -or write. In Camp Dodge, where perhaps the most successful work was -done, 2300 Negro soldiers learned to read and write and to do simple -work in arithmetic and drawing, using implements of warfare as models. -A business course and instruction in French were offered to those men -who had sufficient education.</p> - -<p>Colonel Bush, who was in charge of the educational work at Camp -Dodge, ordered all illiterate men to attend school, and the rule made -by many company commanders that every man must sign his name before -drawing his pay, served as a great incentive to study. This school -for Negro soldiers in the 366th Regiment was well organized, with the -educational secretary, George H. Fortner, as superintendent. Each -company represented a part of the school, with a lieutenant as head, -and non-commissioned officers, who did the teaching, as assistants. -For every fourteen men a teacher was furnished, and there were ample -materials. Educational lectures in the different camps were also -appreciated, as well as the circulation of books. Naturally the success -of all such work as this depended primarily on the initiative of the -secretary and his co-operation with the camp authorities.</p> - -<p>The physical secretary’s work was to promote athletics, chiefly games, -boxing and wrestling. In camps where there were combatant units the -athletic officers and the physical secretaries co-operated, and there -the best organizations were found. In non-combatant units effective -athletic work was seldom found, partly because of the nature of their -organization. However, in some of these, teams were organized, and -the secretaries were able at times to get outside agencies to provide -equipment. The women of Cuthbert, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, gave basket ball equipment for -two teams and a shooting gallery costing $44. As a result there was -organized a team which played Morehouse College and the Columbus Y. M. -C. A.</p> - -<p>The work of the social secretary was of great importance. He it was who -furnished relaxation and entertainment after the arduous tasks of the -day. Moving pictures, given from two to five times a week; programs, -consisting of singing, dancing, stunts, and recitations, by talent in -cantonment cities or by company entertainers; concerts, by bands or -great singers; and addresses by famous speakers, filled the “Y,” even -the windows and rafters, with men at night. Of such service no group -was more appreciative than the Negro soldiers. Members of the race -in cantonment cities co-operated splendidly, and schools sometimes -sent quartets or orchestras. Sometimes there were Christmas trees -hung with presents ranging from tooth brushes to wrist watches, and -with each present was a bag of popcorn and a personal letter. On one -occasion when more than a hundred white soldiers were present at such -a festivity, they also received presents. Many of the entertainers on -the “Y” circuit were also enjoyed by the men, though too often in some -camps their programs happened to be given in every building except the -one attended by the Negro soldiers.</p> - -<p>The religious secretaries were usually ministers of considerable -experience. Negro soldiers had high regard for things religious. Bible -classes were conducted every Sunday morning, and were followed by -preaching, sometimes by local ministers. Weekly Bible classes or prayer -meetings were also held, and sometimes “sings” or testimonial meetings. -At these meetings the soldiers often took a stand for Christ, and in -such cases the secretary wrote personal letters to their families, -informing them of the fact and asking them to write letters of -encouragement. The many personal interviews which these secretaries had -with the soldiers gave them some of the best opportunities of rendering -service.</p> - -<p>In the smaller camps things were not always as well appointed as in -the larger ones. No big program could be carried out, though religious -and sometimes educational work was conducted. In the South, moreover, -the colored secretaries most frequently did not attend the general “Y” -conferences. In spite of all discouraging circumstances, however, the -development of the work was rapid. What was done at Camp Hill, Newport -News, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, shows what was possible after an unpromising beginning. In -October, 1917, two Hampton students, W. D. Elam and E. M. Mitchell, -went to serve 4500 men, using an army tent for the work. The tent was -destroyed in a storm and was replaced by a smaller one, 16 by 16, in -which three men lived and where there were, in addition, a stove, a -victrola, and a piano. Stamps and stationery were handled, and small -meetings held. This was the extent of the facilities in one of the -coldest winters Virginians had ever seen. In the early spring, however, -a barrack was secured through the aid of the officers, and in April a -large “Y” building was dedicated with a full staff of secretaries and -all necessary equipment. Here, as elsewhere, the soldiers were served -in numberless ways; and when the time came to go to France, there was -chocolate or lemonade, with sandwiches, and the secretaries accompanied -the men to the port of embarkation, where they separated from each with -a touching farewell and a most fervent “God bless you.”</p> - - -<h3>IN FRANCE</h3> - -<p>As one traveled among the soldiers in France he saw in almost every -camp the Y. M. C. A. hut or tent. There were 7850 “Y” workers overseas, -1350 of whom were women. Of this large number 87 were Negroes and 19, -women of the race. Only three of these Negro women were in France -during the actual fighting, and not until the spring of 1919 did -others sail. At the head of the colored secretaries was <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> John Hope, -president of Morehouse College, Atlanta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, who was stationed at -the “Y” headquarters in Paris, where he helped to solve many problems -regarding the work. Traveling over France, he visited many units of -troops, saw their needs, and tried to meet them. There were hardly -ever more than 75 Negro secretaries in France at one time, and these -were scattered among nearly 200,000 Negro soldiers. They served with -the fighting units, with the troops in the service of supplies, and in -the leave areas. The fighting units of Negro soldiers were the 92nd -and 93rd Divisions, the latter comprising four regiments brigaded with -the French. It was in these units that the secretaries won deserved -praise for their service and courage. Airplane raids, bombardments, -and bursting gas shells did not slacken their ardor to follow the men -wherever they went.</p> - -<p>H. E. Caldwell, with the 369th Regiment, was under shell fire longer -than any other Negro secretary. Matthew W. Bullock and <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> B. N. -Murrell followed the 369th into the thickest of the fight and were with -it when it led the allied armies to the banks of the Rhine, a position -of honor accorded it because of its excellent service in the trenches. -Of Mr. Bullock it was said that when the fight was hardest and the -soldiers were wounded and dying, he was ever with his men encouraging -them to press forward to victory. Of <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Murrell we shall speak again. -T. C. Cook, of the 371st Regiment, was cited in orders for his bravery -in rescuing two wounded soldiers exposed in pouring rain and shell -fire. He succeeded in moving them to a narrow dug-out that was soon -afterwards filled with poisonous gas. In attempting to escape, he left -the dug-out only to fall unconscious in the open. On that morning of -the battle officers and men had entrusted to his care $35,000 of their -savings, which he carried on his back as he helped the wounded. When -he regained consciousness in a hospital behind the lines, he found -that the money had disappeared, but his anxiety was relieved when he -was informed that the colored sergeant-major of the regiment, whom he -had requested to guard the money in case of accident to himself, had -forwarded it to the Paris office of the Y. M. C. A. and that every cent -had been safely delivered. Of Secretary James G. Wiley of the 92nd -Division <abbr title="Lieutenant Colonel">Lt. Col.</abbr> A. E. Deitsch wrote: “During the occupancy of the -Marbache sector, he established an Association in the town of Atton -which was bombarded daily. Even when the German bombardment tore the -roof from the building and all civilians had left the vicinity, only -the soldiers necessary for the relaying of supplies and ammunition to -the front lines remaining, this man held on and served the soldiers -faithfully.”</p> - -<p>Sometimes the Negro secretary served not only the men in one camp -but in several, even covering an area containing as many as 50,000 -soldiers. Such a worker was J. E. Saddler, who was engaged in the -Chaumont region. The labor battalions which he served worked on the -roads, at bakeries, rail heads and ammunition dumps, often working -both day and night, one man doing two men’s work. At first Mr. Saddler -went on foot, walking 30 kilometers a day, carrying all the supplies -he could, and distributing them to groups of men doing road work. -Then he secured a motorcycle, and when that was completely used up -he obtained a Ford, with the aid of which he could reach more men. -Sometimes he organized schools, offering prizes to induce the men to -learn to write. Occasionally he conducted spelling bees, taking the -words from the <i>Stars and Stripes</i>. He was not a preacher, but -some Sundays he held as many as seven services. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Murrell served in -the Verdun region where thousands of men were engaged in salvaging and -in burying the American dead. He, like Mr. Saddler, traveled about in -a truck with supplies. At Romagne, the site of the Argonne cemetery, -he and his staff did excellent work. Two huts were constructed from -sheet iron taken from German dug-outs. At night these were so crowded -that one could hardly move about in them. The men wrote letters, -played games, or gathered around the piano; they also had daily shows, -athletic contests, and the canteen was excellent. All such service was -of great value in building up the morale of the men and in relieving -them from the depressing effects of the grewsome work they were called -on to perform. At Liffol-le-Grand, M. R. Atwell had a hut which was -attractively whitewashed and painted inside. Pictures of Negro officers -and nurses were on the walls, and generally the work ranked with the -most efficient in France.</p> - -<p>After the Armistice a splendid piece of work was done for the soldiers -at Issurtille by W. W. Waitneight, a white secretary, who in the -beginning was opposed to working with colored men. In the early days of -the camp these soldiers were not permitted to visit the “Y” buildings, -and no other place of recreation was provided for them. Finally a -captain, moved by the situation, asked for volunteers to help erect a -building. The “Y” furnished the lumber, some of the engineer regiments -supplied foremen, and the soldiers, including forty mechanics, -undertook to do the work. The site selected was in a bottom where the -entire camp drained, and at times the water was six inches deep on the -floor. In such an environment there was little enthusiasm on the part -of white secretaries to undertake the work; but the one who did found -the greater joy in the hearty appreciation of the men. Two thousand -were in nightly attendance, and from three thousand to thirty-five -hundred were served daily in the “Y” and in the wet canteen. The -work developed until it became the most popular in the camp, and the -secretary who at first doubted, learned to love the men and to work -untiringly for them. At Gierve, a white Baptist minister, Mr. Rankin, -served Negro soldiers in a spacious and well equipped hut, and he also -endeared himself to the men.</p> - -<p>At the biggest base ports in France—Bordeaux, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, and -Brest—the Y. M. C. A. did a wonderful work. For months there were -20,000 Negro soldiers at Bordeaux alone, doing stevedore work. Some of -the first colored secretaries sent to France went to this city during -the period of active fighting. They and the army officers did not work -harmoniously together, and after some stormy days they were ordered -to Paris with recommendations to Y. M. C. A. headquarters that they -be sent to America. After investigation, however, they were sent to -other fields of labor, but meanwhile Negro secretaries in New York, -about to sail for France, were detained for months. The situation was -finally adjusted and two other men, B. F. Seldon and A. W. Shockley, -who went to Bordeaux, successfully co-operated with the officers and -worked among the white as well as the colored soldiers. At <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Sulpice -Mr. Seldon had charge of a hut that was well equipped, and Mr. Shockley -conducted a canteen that was said to be one of the cleanest in France. -Thomas Clayton, another secretary in the Bordeaux area, conducted -schools for 600 illiterate men. Twenty-seven men were sent from the -section to the universities in France, and thirty were sent to the -agricultural department at Bonn. At Anconia, also in this area, a big -hut was in charge of J. M. Price, a white secretary who served with -colored troops from the beginning. This hut had an auditorium seating -2000, a spacious sitting-room, a good library, and a large room for -games. Two shows daily were given the 10,000 men. They were encouraged -to save, and in one month $22,000 was sent to the States. Mr. Price -was a Southern man, but he was so much admired by the men and he made -such a favorable impression on the commanding officers that, when the -troops sailed for America, he was, against the rules of the Y. M. C. -A., allowed to sail with the men he had served.</p> - -<p>The “Y” at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire did one of the biggest pieces of work seen -anywhere in France. There were at times more than 50,000 Negro soldiers -at this base. The first colored secretary sent to France, Franklin -W. Nichols, worked here and had the honor of building the first hut -erected for Negro stevedores. Other pioneers were <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> Leroy Ferguson, -J. O. Wright, William Stevenson, James H. Robinson, R. E. Williams, -and the three canteen workers who reached France before the Armistice, -Mrs. Helen Curtis, Mrs. Addie W. Hunton, and Miss Kathryn Johnson. -These workers left splendid records of achievement. During the last -months at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, Negro soldiers were served in four Y. M. C. A. -buildings operated by Negro secretaries and also in some conducted by -white secretaries. The huts of the former were located at Camps Dodge, -Guthrie, Montoir, Lusitania, and Camp I. That at Lusitania was the -largest; it had an auditorium seating 1800. The commanding officers -co-operated gladly, and the divisional secretaries in the area, -especially M. B. Wallace, showed fine spirit in helping to make the -work a success.</p> - -<p>During the days of fighting and immediately after the Armistice, Negro -soldiers at Brest related stories of discrimination by the “Y” and of -its refusal to serve them. In the spring of 1919, however, the camp -commander and the divisional secretary declared that the men should -have a “fifty-fifty” deal. The organization conducted altogether -fifteen huts in Camp Pontenazen, one in Camp President Lincoln, and a -small room at the sorting yard. “Soldiers’ Rest” at Camp Pontenazen -was especially set aside for the Negro soldiers, though all soldiers -were served there. In March, 1919, B. F. Lee was sent to work in this -hut. He later became general secretary for the building, and four -canteen workers helped in the last days. In all the other huts at -Pontenazen Negro soldiers were also served. While some canteen women -were not enthusiastic about assisting them, the divisional secretary, -a Tennesseean, tried to give all men equal service, and one secretary -who refused to serve the Negroes was sent back to America. At Camp -President Lincoln Secretaries Fritz Cansler and Nelson were stationed -and did some very effective educational work. After prayer meetings -movies were advertised and these always meant a full house. At the -sorting yard, located on the docks at Brest, a group of Negro soldiers -ran a kitchen where embarking soldiers were fed and where stevedores -working on the docks got one meal to prevent the necessity of returning -to camp; they also had a secretary. In the city of Brest Negro soldiers -were served at both the Y. M. C. A. restaurant and the big cafeteria, -and generally the improvement in the conditions at this base accounted -for a more favorable impression than that borne away from some other -places.</p> - -<p>There were many other instances of devoted service. “Y” work was -by no means easy. Many army officers looked upon any secretary with -disfavor. On the other hand, the secretaries themselves were not always -infallible, nor were their words and actions unerringly discreet.</p> - -<p>Hundreds of entertainers who went overseas visited the soldiers in all -branches of the service. Among these there were no theatrical people of -color, nor any of the leading singers of the race. However, during the -last months there was a religious entertaining unit composed of Rev. -H. H. Proctor, who spoke, J. E. Blanton, song leader, and Miss Helen -Hagan, a noted pianist. These helpers carried cheer wherever they went.</p> - -<p>The few Negro women who went to France as canteen workers exerted a -great influence for good. While many officers and secretaries were -opposed to having women serve the men, their presence was like the -calming of a great storm. They built up the morale instantly, as was -noted in every camp to which they were sent. Once or twice, as when -Mrs. Hunton first appeared at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, some of the men cried for -joy. The men loved, protected, and honored these workers for what they -represented, and one of them said that she had to go to France to be -truly proud of the fact that she was a Negro woman.</p> - -<p>The work of the canteen women received probably the greatest praise in -the leave areas. This work was conducted in the Department of Savoie, -among beautiful mountains and lakes conducive to rest and relaxation; -and Chambéry, Challes les Eaux, and Aix les Bains were the leading -cities. Aix les Bains is noted for its baths, used by the Romans -and visited by tourists from all over the world. Chambéry, used as -headquarters, is an educational center with colleges and art museums. -On the outskirts of the city overlooking the valley below is the home -of Jean Jacques Rousseau; and from there one might view also the cross -of Nivolet and a chain of snow-capped Alps. Seven miles away is the -famous Pass where Hannibal with his army crossed the Alps. To this day -the road said to have been built by him is in perfect condition. To -such an environment the Negro soldiers came, and they were welcomed by -the citizens as men who had helped to save their country. They stood -in the Pass, viewed Lake Bourget below, and the Italian Alps in the -distance. Here also it was that the secretaries, under the direction of -William Stevenson and Mrs. Curtis, did some of the best work in France.</p> - -<p>Other places of interest visited by the soldiers were the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Bernard’s -Pass, Mt. Revard, and the Church of the Black Madonna. The last place -was the most interesting of all because of its unusual sight. Inside -the church is a small figure of the Madonna with a black child in -her arms. The robes are of gold studded with diamonds, and pictures, -crutches, canes and other tokens of thanks have been left here by -people who have been blessed and healed. Once when the town was -destroyed by a mountain slide, only the church stood, and the presence -of the Madonna was thought by the people to be responsible for the -miraculous escape. Here the Negro soldiers were more than welcome and -the keepers felt honored by their visits.</p> - -<p>Altogether more than twenty thousand soldiers visited this leave area, -coming from all parts of France. They were selected from the various -organizations in the A. E. F. and sent for periods of from seven to -fourteen days. Before they arrived some unpleasant propaganda was -spread about them, but they made a highly favorable impression. The “Y” -headquarters was a spacious building, splendidly equipped. There were -band concerts, and on Sunday afternoons there were refreshments in the -beautiful garden, with representative people of the vicinity assisting -in the serving. Because of the good conduct of the men and the success -of the secretaries in establishing such fine relations between citizens -and soldiers, the Governor of Savoie gave a farewell reception, -including a public meeting in a theatre and an entertainment in his own -home afterwards; and letters were written by the mayors of all three -towns and by leading citizens to praise the work and to express regret -at its closing.</p> - -<p>While thousands of soldiers visited the leave areas, tens of thousands -went to see Paris the Beautiful. Naturally officers and welfare -workers as well as the men in the ranks desired especially to see this -great city before returning to America. Ordinarily three-day leaves -were granted, and each day in the spring of 1919 brought hundreds -of soldiers to the city. In order that the limited time might mean -as much as possible to the men, the Y. M. C. A. organized wonderful -sight-seeing programs, including all the famous places of historic -interest. With every party there were efficient guides, and the Negro -soldiers, like all the others, appreciated fully and thoroughly enjoyed -the never-to-be-forgotten experience.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - - -<h3>CRITICISM OF THE “Y”</h3> - -<p>The work of the Y. M. C. A. in American camps was so conducted that -it met with comparatively little criticism. Headquarters could be -easily reached for the adjustment of any question arising over the -Negro, and during the war public sentiment was more decidedly against -discrimination than in peace time. Such matters as arose generally -grew out of the attitude or action of individual wearers of the red -triangle. At Camp Greene, Charlotte, <abbr title="North Carolina">N. C.</abbr>, for instance, there were -10,000 Negro soldiers. Five “Y” buildings in the camp were located in -areas allotted to these men, but in no case were they allowed to use -the buildings except possibly for stamps and paper. A sign over one -read “This building is for white men only,” and the secretary placed -outside the building a table that colored men might use in writing -letters. In Camp Lee, Petersburg, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, a prayer meeting was conducted -in an area where Negro soldiers were located, but a soldier with a -rifle on his shoulder was doing guard duty, pacing in a circle around -the group to see that no Negroes attended. The comments made by the -Negro soldiers under the circumstances were interesting. In some camps -the soldiers of both races used the same building, playing games -together, attending the same picture shows, sometimes playing in the -same orchestra, and even writing letters for one another. Such friendly -contact was looked upon with disfavor by some secretaries, and they -introduced discriminatory measures, which naturally led to friction.</p> - -<p>It was from overseas, however, that the severest criticism of the -organization came. During the spring of 1919, in every shipment of -soldiers that landed on American shores there were those who denounced -the “Y” for something it had or had not done. The Negro soldiers -did their share of the criticising in spite of the fact that the -organization had done much to help them. Why, then, did they criticise -it?</p> - -<p>First of all, the “Y” appeared to have no definite policy regarding -Negro soldiers in France. Endeavor was left mainly in the hands of -divisional or regional directors, and these men inaugurated such -policies as they thought best, and a most careful investigation -indicates that some secretaries resorted to discrimination and -segregation more than the men in any other organization and even more -than the army with its military caste. Sometimes such an attitude was -assumed even by ministers of the gospel. The general situation was -described, very accurately, by one regional secretary as follows: -“About 25 per cent of the white secretaries served the colored soldiers -gladly, about 25 per cent served them half-heartedly, and about 50 -per cent either refused to serve them or made them feel they were -not wanted.” When soldiers were building the Pershing Stadium for the -allied games, the “Y” served for months all the men in the order in -which they appeared for service. One day a young Southern woman was -sent out as a canteen worker. The soldiers lined up as formerly. All -went well until a colored soldier in the line was reached. The young -woman asked him to get out of the line. He said he was an American -soldier and would not get out of the line. Thereupon she closed the -canteen. A noted divine from Atlanta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, was for a time in charge -of one of the three-day conferences for new secretaries in France. At -the close of one of the sessions a colored canteen worker told him she -had enjoyed the discussion. “I am glad you enjoyed it,” he said, “but -we don’t mix in the States and you must not expect to here.” All such -incidents could be multiplied hundreds of times, and because of them -there grew up in the hearts of the Negro soldiers a contempt for the -general organization that made such things possible.</p> - -<p>An interesting sidelight was afforded by the fate of what was known -as the “Honey Bee Club.” A Negro soldier who was sentenced to death, -just a few days before his execution asked a “Y” secretary at Brest to -come and pray with him. After four days of struggle with the soldier -and himself, the secretary felt that he too was changed and should -work in some large way for the good of the Negro men. He began with -prayer meetings among small groups that had been somewhat neglected, -and at one such meeting he told the story of the Honey Bee that -was busy and successful and another about birds that preyed on the -undesirable things of the world. Using with telling effect the lesson -drawn from the experience of the soldier who paid with his life for -the undesirable, he asked, “How many of you would like to be the -Honey Bee?” All responded with raised hands. Soon afterwards he was -given permission by the Paris office to devote all his time to the -organization of Honey Bee clubs. When it became known, however, that -membership was to be limited to Negro soldiers, opposition developed. -The colored men felt that if the club was capable of doing so much for -them, white soldiers in France should not be denied a share in its -blessings. The original idea was undoubtedly to help the Negro soldier -in France, but the method by which the idea was developed did not meet -with approval, and accordingly, in most cases, it was either opposed or -treated with indifference.</p> - -<p>In spite of all the criticism, however, the fact remains that the Young -Men’s Christian Association did more for the recreation, entertainment, -and educational development of Negro soldiers than any other welfare -organization in the course of the war. Through its agency thousands of -men learned to read and write. Moreover, it is to be remembered that -it was the “Y” that sent Negro welfare workers to France, including -nineteen women for canteen work, while other organizations faltered. -Such effort did not materialize without hard work on the part of the -Negro people and their friends. However, it did materialize, and the -Negro workers were a credit both to the organization and to their -race. In a talk to a number of them at a banquet in Paris, E. C. -Carter, head of the Y. M. C. A. overseas, said in summing up their -work: “No group of secretaries has been more successful, nor has any -work been on a higher level. I have been impressed most by your spirit. -Sometimes you have met with difficulties and have been insulted by -workers with the red triangle on their arms, but through it all you -have shown the spirit of true greatness as did the Master.”</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>During the World War not only the Y. M. C. A. but other leading -religious and social organizations in America aided the War Department -in providing for the welfare of the soldiers, both inside and outside -the camps. We may now consider briefly the Salvation Army, the Knights -of Columbus, the large agencies within the army itself, passing -on to War Camp Community Service, the Red Cross, and also to some -consideration of what was done by the Negro Church and the Federal -Council of Churches.</p> - - -<h3>SALVATION ARMY</h3> - -<p>The Salvation Army did little or no work for Negro soldiers in American -camps, but when the men returned from France they spoke about the -service the organization had rendered with an appreciation akin to -reverence. This agency did not have great buildings and hundreds of -workers distributed throughout the camps, but it did have here and -there faithful representatives imbued with the spirit of service. One -of its largest huts was at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, and here the relation between -men of different races was of the most cordial sort. The Salvation Army -workers stated that on no occasion had there been any trouble, and -this example well illustrates their spirit and it explains the deep -appreciation that the Negro soldiers had for their organization.</p> - - -<h3>KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS</h3> - -<p>The Knights of Columbus erected their first building for Negro soldiers -at Camp Funston, <abbr title="Kansas">Kan.</abbr> This was opened on December 1, 1917, with -Clarence Guillot as executive secretary and two assistants. Religious -services were conducted every Sunday for the four hundred Catholics in -the camp, with communion every Sunday morning. One of the two chaplains -was always available for consultation, there were excellent library -facilities, and also special effort for recreation. In Camps Taylor, -Dodge, Meade, and Beauregard (at Alexandria, <abbr title="Louisiana">La.</abbr>) buildings were also -provided. At Camps Dodge and Beauregard white secretaries were in -charge, while at Taylor and Meade Negro secretaries conducted the work. -The building at Dodge was visited by both white and colored soldiers, -and the kindliest feeling was maintained. At Beauregard a mess hall was -renovated and attractively furnished for the large Catholic element -there. The building at Camp Taylor, which was beautifully furnished -and adequately equipped, was first used by white soldiers, but when -they left the camp and Negro soldiers were moved into the area, it -was turned over to them. At Meade there was a small but attractive -portable building. The work was similar to that at Camp Funston. Not -all secretaries were in sympathy with the liberal policy that seemed to -be intended by the organization, but those who were not were sometimes -transferred.</p> - -<p>The Knights of Columbus had a small building for Negro soldiers at -Tours, and there was also special provision at Romagne, where the -soldiers were reburying the dead. After a tent was erected and supplied -with tobacco, chocolate, gum, packages of cakes, stationery, and other -such things, the secretary came to the Y. M. C. A. hut and addressed -the soldiers, informing them that the K. C. tent had been erected and -that to it they were very welcome. The next morning a hundred white and -colored soldiers were in line at it receiving supplies. When the camp -commander instituted a policy of segregation, the K. C. was compelled -to adopt it or leave camp. It chose the former course and put up signs -accordingly. When these signs appeared some of the soldiers pulled them -off and pulled down the tent, and there was a riot.</p> - -<p>The Knights of Columbus were criticised for the procedure at Romagne, -which was contrary to the general belief as to the policy of the -organization. As has been shown, however, while only a small number of -Negro secretaries were employed and in only a few camps was there any -special effort to serve Negro soldiers, they were generally admitted to -K. C. buildings and in general the organization impressed them by its -catholicity of spirit.</p> - - -<h3>AGENCIES IN THE ARMY</h3> - -<p>In addition to the work of the welfare organizations in the camps, -the Army also contributed something to the pleasure of the soldiers -by providing for athletics and socials. Holidays were usually given -on Wednesdays, Saturday afternoons, and Sundays, though in the -non-combatant units these were not always observed. In the combatant -units where athletic officers were selected, there was competition in -baseball, basket ball, or football, and occasionally a track meet was -held. For the most part, however, organized effort in athletics was -hardly ever successfully carried out among Negro soldiers, largely -because of the failure of the officers to realize the need. There were, -however, exceptions. An enviable record was made by the stevedore team -at Camp Alexander, Newport News, which defeated all the teams, white -or colored, in the various camps on the lower peninsula of Virginia. -One of the best examples of athletic competition in non-combatant units -was seen in the depot brigades at Camp Gordon, Atlanta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr> Three -fields were provided for the men and the teams were well equipped by -their organizations with suits and materials. During the baseball -season two scheduled games were played each week. The two battalions -represented, which formed and marched to the field, always furnished -an enthusiastic crowd. Games were also played with the colleges and -the Federal Prison team in Atlanta, and there was a big field and -track meet. They also had representation in the Camp Gordon meet. In -another camp a regimental cross-country run of two miles was held. -One hundred and thirty-five men entered and one hundred and twenty-six -finished. Boxing was also a source of recreation, and in some camps -men were selected for a special class. These later became instructors. -Boxing contests and exhibitions were held each week, and in some of the -stevedore regiments “battles royal” were conducted. Wrestling was also -introduced, but it was not as popular as boxing and did not receive -much encouragement.</p> - -<p>In Western and Southern camps only a small number of Negro soldiers -frequented the Liberty theatres and Y. M. C. A. auditoriums. In the -South they were not always permitted to attend. In some places they -built their own amusement houses and furnished their own entertainment, -as at Camp Travis, Texas. Here there was a minstrel troupe composed of -exceptional talent, most of the men having been stars in the profession -before being drafted into the army. They gave weekly shows in the camp, -and during the warm weather they played in an open air theatre on the -hillside, with thousands of white and Negro soldiers attending. They -also played in the city theatre in San Antonio, as well as elsewhere -in Texas; and they were accompanied by a forty-piece band which was -considered the finest in the camp. One tangible result of the work of -these entertainers was the erection of a beautiful recreation house at -a cost of $6000 with funds raised entirely by their work.</p> - -<p>Two other notable examples where provision was made for the recreation -and entertainment of Negro soldiers were found in the 92nd Division. -One was at Camp Funston and the other at Camp Upton. The theatre at -Camp Funston was first planned for the soldiers of the 89th Division, -who already had three theatres and a moving-picture show. General -Ballou accordingly used his influence to have the new one erected for -the use of the headquarters section of the 92nd Division, and the -money for the material was furnished by the Government. The soldiers -furnished the labor, with the exception of a foreman, an expert -carpenter, and some interior finishers. The building was wired by a -master electrician, who was drafted from <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Louis; it seated more than -2500; and it was the most beautiful and conveniently arranged theatre -seen in the camps. The “Buffalo” auditorium at Camp Upton was built by -the soldiers of the 367th Regiment, with the assistance of friends. -It was designed for both instruction and recreation. The total cost -was $40,000. Of this amount the officers and men subscribed more than -$14,000, and they conducted a campaign to raise the balance in New -York City. Within the building there was everything from religious -services and lectures to preliminary instruction in the use of the -bayonet, moving pictures and vaudeville. This auditorium was a great -factor in building up the fine <i lang="fr">esprit de corps</i> of the “Buffalo” -regiment; and the three outstanding examples which we have recorded are -representative of what was done with the co-operation of officers in -the different camps for the recreation and entertainment of the Negro -soldiers.</p> - - -<h3>NEGRO CHAPLAINS</h3> - -<p>It mattered not how ignorant a Negro soldier was, or how difficult his -life had been, he believed in God and in the efficacy of prayer. There -was something about his religion that was satisfying and genuine, and -no one could attend his services and hear him sing and pray without -being touched. In writing to his family and friends he usually asked -for their prayers. “Tell them all to pray for me and that I am trusting -in the Lord,” said one in dictating a letter, and another: “Tell them -not to worry about me now. I am happy and contented. I have prayed -constantly and have now no fear of death. Whatever happens will be all -right. Tell them to pray for me.” On one Sunday night at Camp Jackson -several white soldiers came into one of the religious services at the -colored “Y,” and they joined heartily in the singing. After the meeting -they told the secretary that they were leaving for France the next -morning and had come to the meeting in order to get a little nearer to -God.</p> - -<p>Such being the general situation, importance attached to the man who -became the religious guide in time of stress. The average minister -was hardly adapted to the work of chaplain, because his experience -had not prepared him to have an understanding and appreciation of the -problems of the men in the new situation. Some who were fitted were -pastors of leading churches and in most cases it was impossible for -them to get a leave of absence. Besides the difficulty of securing -competent men, there was also opposition on the part of many officers -to having Negro chaplains in their organizations. When the efforts -of the Federal Council of Churches resulted in increasing the number, -they found difficulty in serving the Negro men because several of them -were kept in one camp and often in one organization. At Camp Meade, -for instance, at one time there were three Negro chaplains in the 1st -Development Battalion. When this battalion was disbanded in December, -1918, two of the chaplains were assigned to the 4th Battalion, where -there were already one Negro and two white chaplains. At Camp Travis -three Negro chaplains were found serving one organization, and at both -Camps Taylor and Sherman there were several chaplains with a small -number of soldiers. At the same time there were throughout the South -Negro organizations without any chaplain at all, except a machine-gun -group at Camp Hancock and a part of the 157th Development Battalion at -Camp McClellan, which units were served respectively by a white and a -colored chaplain.</p> - -<p>The work of the chaplains who remained in the States consisted in -conducting religious services and in educational work, visiting -the sick in the hospitals, aiding the soldiers in securing their -allotments and allowances, and often adjusting difficulties. A number -of white chaplains served Negro soldiers, especially in the labor -organizations and in one instance in a fighting unit, the 371st -Infantry. Many of these men were sincere and conscientious, yet they -were not able to influence the men to any great extent. One said that -he felt the soldiers would rather have one of their own race for -a religious leader. At first the soldiers would not go to him with -their difficulties, but as he worked among them they came to have more -confidence in him, and a few began to seek his aid in the matter of -securing their allotments and allowances. His most effective work, -however, was in conducting schools for the illiterate. In general it -was not impossible for the white chaplain to enter into the life of -the Negro soldier, if he dealt with him as man to man and was a living -example of his teachings.</p> - -<p>To be a Negro, however, was by no means the only requisite of a -successful chaplain for Negro troops. Personality and moral force also -counted. Because care was not exercised at first in the selections -for Negro soldiers, a great opportunity was lost to serve them in -their darkest hours, when both physical and moral dangers surrounded -them. Some workers, however, won the hearty commendation of both -officers and men. Whether in America or in France, they gave of -themselves freely for their comrades. Such a man was Allen O. Newman -of the 366th Infantry. Soon after joining his regiment he won his -way to the hearts of the men by his genuine appreciation of their -difficulties. When they were in training at Camp Dodge he became one -of them. He ate with some company daily and afterwards gave a short -talk on patriotism or morality. He was also regimental song leader. -A chorus of two hundred and fifty men that he developed gave several -concerts in the city of Des Moines. Chaplain Newman accompanied his -regiment through France, and in the front line trenches he visited -and comforted them constantly. Chaplain H. M. Collins, who served the -stevedore organizations at Camp Williams, Issurtille, was a genuine -“big brother” to his men. The commander, in speaking of his work, said -that he had been the greatest factor in helping to better conditions in -the camp. He remained until the last Negro soldier started for America. -Altogether the sixty Negro chaplains who served during the war made -a real contribution in building up the morale, the morality, and the -loyalty of the Negro soldier.</p> - - -<h3>BASE HOSPITALS</h3> - -<p>In the National Army cantonments there were at times from 40,000 to -60,000 men. As a part of the equipment of these camps great base -hospitals were erected and supplied with the most modern improvements. -Negro soldiers shared with others the blessings of wonderful -discoveries in surgery and preventive medicine. Even in camps where -living conditions were unsatisfactory, in the base hospitals they were -well treated. Sometimes, as at Camp McClellan at Anniston, there was -such a marked difference within the hospital from the general situation -in the camp, that the men asked questions in their wonderment. Of -course there were exceptions, but whether in the North, the South, the -East, or the West, there was usually to be found among the doctors and -nurses the spirit of the Great Physician and the desire to heal all -men.</p> - - -<h3>RED CROSS. NEGRO NURSES</h3> - -<p>When American men were called to service, women throughout the -country enrolled as Red Cross members and worked for the organization -in various ways, rendering every service that would make life more -comfortable for the soldiers. They not only served as nurses but -also as canteen workers; and they knitted, sewed, and made bandages. -Hundreds of qualified and registered Negro nurses gladly offered -themselves for service. The Red Cross appeared to be willing to use -these nurses and at times greatly needed them, but for some reason it -was difficult for them actually to enroll for service. Considerable -correspondence with reference to the matter passed through the office -of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, and at last, after -the Armistice was signed, some Negro nurses served at Camps Grant -and Sherman. The first five called by the Red Cross were on duty in -Washington at the time, but on two hours’ notice they were traveling -to Camp Stuart, Newport News, where they were put on duty in the base -hospital to serve four weeks as a trial. They had every consideration -and courtesy, and the commanding officer said of them that he had never -had more competent nurses and that their conduct was above reproach. -After this trial at Newport News, four more were added and all were -sent to the base hospital at Camp Sherman, where they were provided -with a modern home. They worked in the wards on both day and night duty -with the white nurses and served all the soldiers, and because of their -efficiency they won the respect of all. Colored nurses were assigned -to Camp Grant where they made a similar record.</p> - -<p>Important in this general connection is the matter of the general -relation of Negro women throughout the country to Red Cross work. In -the North and West they joined the organization and worked in more -or less complete harmony; but in the South they had difficulty in -becoming members. Yet it was in the South that their services were -most needed. The whole matter is important as a study in effort toward -racial co-operation, and we shall refer to the experience of three -representative cities.</p> - -<p>In Atlanta the colored people were willing to work, because there were -thousands of Negro soldiers at Camp Gordon, some of whom were their -sons. Several attempts were made at first to work, but the Atlanta -chapter assumed an attitude of aloofness. When the Red Cross launched -its campaign in October, 1917, the Negro people were not asked to take -part until only two days were left. They objected at first but finally -decided to do what they could in the remaining two days. A committee -of the most influential men was formed and this raised $400. They also -contributed eight dozen sheets and eight dozen pillow cases. The money -was turned over to the Atlanta chapter, with the names of all persons -who contributed a dollar, the understanding being that this would go as -membership fees in the branch which they would be allowed to form. They -elected temporary officers and applied to the president of the Atlanta -chapter for the complete organization of a branch, but were met by a -policy of evasion. Meanwhile the women were eager to do knitting for -the soldiers and they secured some yarn; but the next morning the young -woman who received the yarn was called up over the telephone and asked -to return the wool she had received, as the Red Cross was “not giving -wool to new organizations.” Further effort on the part of the colored -people at length brought forth a formal letter giving them authority to -establish a branch, but because of certain conditions specified in the -letter and the previous attitude of the chapter in Atlanta, the Negro -people in this city did not finally co-operate in any large measure.</p> - -<p>The attitude of the Red Cross in Little Rock was in the beginning -similar to that of the Atlanta chapter, but there was a feeling on the -part of some of the white people that they should utilize the efforts -of the Negroes because they represented so large a part of their total -strength. W. H. Holt, a representative citizen, believed that some -satisfactory adjustment could be made and took charge of a campaign to -raise $15,000 among the colored people. Instead of $15,000, $22,000 -was raised. This result changed the situation entirely. The Negro -branch was immediately recognized and rooms were opened in the county -courthouse in which various kinds of Red Cross work was done by the -colored women.</p> - -<p>Very different was the case in Greenville, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, where was found -the most liberal attitude in any Southern city. The Negro women were -organized in a branch and did the same work as that done by the -members of the white branches. They made comfort-kits for every drafted -man sent from Greenville, as well as other articles desired by the Red -Cross, and they gave $100 to the Y. M. C. A. for the South Carolina -boys at Camp Jackson. They were enthusiastic about the work. The fine -spirit of co-operation shown in Greenville was due in large measure to -the attitude of Mrs. W. G. Sirrine, chairman of the local chapter, who -believed heartily in the assistance of the Negro women and finally said -of them, “They have responded to every call.” In general the work at -this place was an example of what was possible in teamwork between the -races when there was hearty good will and when all were striving for a -common cause.</p> - -<p>In every cantonment city in the South toward the end of the war there -was some form of co-operation between the Red Cross and the colored -women. The organization often aided the families of Negro soldiers when -they were in need, as was necessary in the case of the soldiers at Camp -Knox near Louisville, <abbr title="Kentucky">Ky.</abbr> The service records of more than a hundred -men were lost. Although they had been in the army for months, their -families had not received a cent of their allotments or allowances. -The Red Cross representative in Louisville took up the matter with the -commanding officer, and he saw that the claims were paid immediately. -This was only one of thousands of cases of such assistance.</p> - - -<h3>RED CROSS CANTEEN SERVICE</h3> - -<p>Over 65,000 women enrolled in the seven hundred American Red Cross -canteens. This service consisted of canteen kitchens, medical -supplies, and small transfer hospitals. It was organized to stimulate -the morale of the soldiers and to make them feel that the people of the -country appreciated the loyal manner in which they had responded to -the country’s call. In some of the chapters there were organized Negro -canteen auxiliaries, and these did very effective work in such centers -as Hamlet, <abbr title="North Carolina">N. C.</abbr>, Greenville, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, Montgomery, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, and New Orleans. -At first there was some objection to the wearing of the uniform by -Negro women, but in the centers mentioned they wore it and did regular -work for the soldiers passing through on the trains. At Montgomery -there was a canteen room at the station for colored soldiers, and in -New Orleans there was a well equipped auxiliary with headquarters -on the ground floor of the Pythian Temple owned by Negroes. In the -beginning it was said in some places that the canteen workers failed -to serve Negro soldiers, and to some extent this was true, but it was -by no means the rule. The policy was to render service to all officers -and enlisted men without distinction. On one occasion six hundred Negro -soldiers stopped at a town in Arkansas. They had come direct from the -farms in Louisiana, and were timid and uncertain when they arrived, but -they felt very different when they left. As the local paper said, “The -interest shown in them here made new and fighting men out of them. It -will be a long time before the American Red Cross will perform a better -service, or one that gives the good women, both white and colored, -more pleasure.” Another time, as a train stopped at the station in -Charlotte, N. C., a canteen worker came to a car window and asked the -Negro soldier in the car to have a cup of coffee and a sandwich. He -refused at first, but she insisted, passing the refreshments to him, -and as the train pulled out she uttered a hearty “Good luck!” and “God -bless you!”</p> - -<p>Not only in America but in France also the Red Cross served these men. -At Thiaucourt the canteen was in charge of a young woman who gave away -large quantities of supplies, such as towels, summer underwear, shaving -sticks, razor blades, gum and chocolate. In this instance the Negro -soldiers shared almost entirely in the generosity, but this was only -one of many, many cases of whole-hearted and highly appreciated service.</p> - - -<h3>WAR CAMP COMMUNITY SERVICE</h3> - -<p>Raymond B. Fosdick, chairman of the Committee on Training Camp -Activities, said in writing about the work of the Commission: “It is -our task, in the first place, to see that the inside of the sixty-odd -army camps furnish real amusement and recreation and social life. In -the second place, we are to see to it that the towns and cities near -by the camps are organized to provide recreation and social life to -the soldiers who flock there when on leave. The Government will give -the men while they train every possible opportunity for education, -amusement, and social life.”</p> - -<p>Negro soldiers were a part of the army for whom recreation was an -essential. In most places, however, the pool rooms and the ice cream -and soft drink parlors very frequently were but meeting-places for -the soldiers and girls, and the boarding and rooming houses were -especially questionable. Public dance halls were hardly ever adequately -supervised. In Charlotte, for instance, where two public halls were -conducted, the most popular one was open and crowded every night. A -policeman acted as doorkeeper and received all tickets. Little effort -was made to control the conduct and none to supervise dancing.</p> - -<p>The War Camp Community Service came into being to organize the social -and recreational facilities of the communities adjacent to the training -camps and to furnish the best possible places for the soldiers in their -free time. City organizations were impressed with their responsibility -for showing genuine hospitality to the men, and invariably they -co-operated. In the beginning there was very little effort to provide -centers for Negro soldiers. Within the first seven months that Negro -soldiers were in the camps in only one city did the War Camp Community -Service make provision for their entertainment. In May, 1918, however, -eight clubs were opened in different cities, and in all cases these -were the best places that provided wholesome amusement, and usually the -only available places.</p> - -<p>While discussion was going on as to whether Negro soldiers would be -permanent and whether it was necessary to establish clubs for them, -R. B. Patin, executive secretary of the War Camp Community Service -at Des Moines, established the first club for Negro soldiers. -The Lincoln School, a large three-story building, was secured by -the Community Service and the Des Moines Chamber of Commerce, and -Herbert R. Wright, a lawyer and former consul of the United States in -Honduras and Venezuela, was placed in charge of the club, which had -a spacious reading-room, well supplied with writing materials, and a -music room with piano, victrola, and numerous records. There was also -an up-to-date cafeteria, as well as a bootblack parlor and a well -conducted pool room. Citizens were invited to the band concerts in the -auditorium, as well as to the socials of the various companies in the -366th Infantry.</p> - -<p>Two of the largest community centers for Negro soldiers were located -at Washington, D. C., and Baltimore, <abbr title="Maryland">Md.</abbr> During the summer of 1918 a -well equipped “Soldiers’ Club” was established in Washington; it was -conducted by J. B. Ramsey and the co-operation of the community was -more effective than in any other center visited by the writer. Some -form of entertainment was given practically every evening by club or -church organizations; on Sundays many wounded soldiers at the Walter -Reed Hospital were taken to church and then to dinner; and on Christmas -Day, 1918, and New Year’s Day, 1919, there was very special hospitality -and entertainment. The center in Baltimore was opened July 20, 1918, -and was in charge of <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> W. H. Weaver, a Presbyterian minister. The -club was visited by soldiers from Camp Meade, Camp Holabird, Curtis -Bay, the Canton warehouses, and Edgewood, and its chief feature was -its sleeping-quarters accommodating two hundred men. For these the -fee was 25 cents a night and they were the most attractive found in -any center for Negro soldiers. The men at Camp Upton had access to the -recreational facilities of New York, and while a club was established -for them in Harlem, they did not depend upon the community center as in -most other places. At Camp Devens in Massachusetts the soldiers’ clubs -were open to all men in uniform irrespective of race.</p> - -<p>So much has been said about racial goodwill in Virginia that it was -surprising that there should be in this state in the beginning an -indifference that was very close to opposition to the establishing of -clubs for Negro soldiers. After the first eight months of war, however, -the need became so urgent that clubs were established at Petersburg -and Richmond for the soldiers at Camp Lee, at Alexandria for those at -Camp Humphrey, and at Norfolk, Portsmouth, Newport News, and Hampton -for the sailors and soldiers in the various camps and training stations -on the Lower Peninsula. At Petersburg, on account of the opposition of -the local ministers, dancing was not included as a part of the club -entertainment. At Alexandria an Odd Fellows Hall, owned by Negroes, was -donated to the Community Service without rent. The first club erected -at Newport News proving altogether inadequate, eighteen city lots were -purchased and a new building costing $25,000 erected. A staff of six -secretaries was employed. To furnish the building at Hampton, Negro -citizens raised $1,000, an effective program being carried out under -the direction of Miss Elizabeth Martin. The success of the work in -Newport News and Hampton was largely due to the sincere effort of J. L. -Einstein, director of community work on the Lower Peninsula.</p> - -<p>In Columbia, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, community work was influenced by local sentiment -and it was more than a year before a club was provided for Negro -soldiers. At Spartanburg and Greenville there were small clubs which -were principally bureaus of information, and at Greenville the colored -committee especially opposed dancing. At Charlotte, where a hotel -was renovated and made into an attractive club, the Negro ministers -gave their moral support, and clubs of colored women aided greatly. -In Atlanta it was said that the Negro soldiers were not “stationary -enough” for a club, though thousands of them were constantly at Camp -Gordon during the first year of the war. It was necessary at length for -the War Department to intervene on behalf of the men and a club was -finally established November 15, 1918, after fifteen months of waiting. -When it was established the colored committee objected to dancing, -pool and card playing, thus eliminating the forms of recreation that -the soldiers especially enjoyed. In Augusta, near Camp Hancock, more -than $3,000 was spent in renovating a two-story hall, and the club was -in charge of a liberal Baptist minister, <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> R. J. McCain. At Macon, -near Camp Wheeler, club rooms were secured in the Pythian Temple. At -Anniston, near Camp McClellan, the man employed as janitor was expected -to do the executive work and very little was done by way of carrying -out a constructive program. At Hattiesburg, <abbr title="Mississippi">Miss.</abbr>, a committee of -Negro men raised $100, rented and furnished a small rest room for the -Negro soldiers when they were first sent to Camp Shelby; later the War -Camp Community Service renovated the Masonic Hall with two floors and -attractively furnished it as a club. At Alexandria, <abbr title="Louisiana">La.</abbr>, near Camp -Beauregard, a club was opened in the Masonic Hall and repaired by the -Community Service at a cost of $1,000. At Little Rock the club was in -the Taborian Hall, a modern, well located building. The Negro citizens -paid the rent of $10 a month, while the Community Service equipped the -room. A soldier from Camp Pike was in charge. Effective work was not -done at this center because of lack of co-operation with the citizens. -The state of Texas was generally behind others in the work. At Camp -Logan, Houston, Camp MacArthur, Waco, and Camp Bowie, Fort Worth, there -were no centers. $5,000 was placed in the budget at Fort Worth for a -club, but it was cut out entirely, and the Negro people felt keenly the -attitude toward Negro soldiers after they had contributed generously -toward the various “drives” for the war. At Camp Travis in San Antonio, -after eight months had passed, the Negro citizens purchased a site and -gave it to the War Department for as long a time as it might be needed. -The War Camp Community Service appropriated $10,000, and a building was -opened at Christmas, 1918. When this was no longer needed for war work, -it was turned over to the colored people and used as a public library.</p> - -<p>All told this work gave to many Negro people a new conception of well -organized and supervised recreation for the young people. Scores of -men and women were employed as secretaries and tens of thousands of -dollars spent in promoting the work. Realizing that the development of -recreation centers for Negro girls was a part of the bigger problem -from the standpoint of the soldiers, the War Camp Community Service did -not confine its activities to maintaining clubs for soldiers but also -established centers where there were persons who gave their entire time -to girls. In the cantonment cities the young women were organized into -patriotic leagues and clubs, and these co-operated with the soldiers -in giving entertainments and socials, and in those cities where the -work for girls was most active there it was that Community Service as a -whole was most successful. When the first soldiers’ club was equipped -at Des Moines, one of the chief factors contributing to its success was -the organization also of four girls’ clubs with a total membership of -one hundred and thirty. There was a chaperone for each club; gymnasium -classes met twice a week, and at the close a demonstration in folk -games was given. At Chillicothe the club room was located under an -Episcopal mission and was beautifully furnished. In Baltimore the -whole effort was handled with unusual success, and no young woman was -admitted to the parties without a card from the hostesses. The work -in these three places was typical. Sometimes employment departments -and classes in cooking and sewing were conducted. All such effort -gave the young women better protection and at the same time afforded -them social contact in a wholesome environment. It also gave to the -different communities a deeper sense of responsibility for the welfare -of the Negro girl.</p> - - -<h3>THE NEGRO CHURCH</h3> - -<p>In the cantonment cities, especially in the South, there were numerous -representative Negro churches. A few of these had adequate facilities -for the entertainment of soldiers, but many were too poorly located or -equipped to conduct social centers. The ministers’ unions or alliances -always endorsed the war work for the soldiers, but rarely was there -organized effort on the part of the churches. On one occasion in -Columbia, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, the ministers’ alliance assumed responsibility for the -money contributed by the citizens for a flag presented to the 371st -Infantry. Some important factors contributed to the general situation. -In many cases at the beginning the welfare agencies in the cantonment -cities showed a tendency to ignore the Negro citizens. Another -difficulty was found in the uncertainty as to the soldiers’ presence. -Numerous cases occurred where elaborate arrangements were made for the -men and they did not arrive at all. In such a case of course either -the church or the camp authorities had failed to do what was necessary -for the most complete co-operation. Sometimes when rest rooms were -provided by the churches, the soldiers were not enthusiastic about them -because of the limitations placed upon them. Excellent concerts and -well ordered socials were sometimes given by the churches, however, -and soldiers were frequently invited to dinner at the homes of members -of congregations after the Sunday services.</p> - -<p>The best co-operation in any cantonment city between the Negro -churches and the camp authorities was probably that in Atlanta. The -Congregational church here had a spacious basement, a good library and -a well equipped gymnasium, and a trained worker organized and worked -with the girls’ clubs. A special Sunday afternoon service was held and -after this there were refreshments. Other large churches in Atlanta -were also active. San Antonio followed closely in such endeavor; -and in Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, one church sent a wagon load of watermelons to -the soldiers, and another twenty gallons of ice cream. In all the -cantonment cities ministers from the various churches preached in the -camps and they often took with them their church choirs. Some of the -national religious bodies sent camp pastors to the soldiers, and these -men sometimes spent as much as three days a week addressing those in -uniform and visiting the hospitals.</p> - - -<h3>FEDERAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES</h3> - -<p>The General Wartime Commission of the Churches was constituted by the -Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America soon after the -nation entered the war. This commission was composed of more than a -hundred men chosen from the different religious bodies which were -dealing with the problems raised by the war, and its activities were -conducted through committees charged with specific phases of war -work. Reports of conditions in the camps led to the Appointment of a -Committee on the Welfare of Negro troops. This consisted of Bishop -Wilbur P. Thirkield, chairman, George Foster Peabody, <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> R. R. Moton, -<abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> James H. Dillard, J. R. Hawkins, Thomas Jesse Jones, <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> M. Ashby -Jones, Bishop R. E. Jones, Robert E. Speer, <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> Henry A. Atkinson, -<abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> W. H. Jernagin, and <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> Gaylord S. White.</p> - -<p>In order that the Committee might have definite information for its -work, two Negro men, Charles H. Williams and <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> G. Lake Imes, were -appointed as field secretaries. Of their work <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Thomas Jesse Jones, -executive secretary of the committee, wrote as follows: “One of -these, financed by the Phelps-Stokes Fund, made careful observations -of conditions in and about the cantonments where colored soldiers -were located. The reports prepared by this worker showed such a -thoroughness in ascertaining the truth and such a constructive point -of view in the recommendations made as to win the cordial approval of -the War Department and all the agencies co-operating in the care of -the soldiers. The second worker devoted his time to the study of the -churches in their relations to colored soldiers. On the basis of these -observations he assisted the churches to plan their activities so as -to be of real help to the soldiers in the community.” The reports of -the field secretaries were sent direct to the War Department and on -the basis of them conferences were held with the Secretary of War and -the various welfare organizations. It was in this connection that the -Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Emmett J. Scott, labored -unceasingly to remove discrimination and adjust difficulties. Members -of the committee, though in an unofficial capacity, often assisted -directly. Bishop Thirkield visited various camps and cantonment cities -and conferred with army officers, chambers of commerce, and Rotary -clubs, always with a view to improving conditions. Mr. Peabody on a -number of occasions went to Washington and conferred with the President -and the Secretary of War with reference to the Negro soldiers. In a -most uncompromising manner he always advocated a square deal. Dr. -Moton was frequently called into conference with President Wilson and -Secretary Baker and was also asked to go to France to investigate the -situation when damaging reports had been spread in both America and -France with reference to the conduct of Negro officers and soldiers. -<abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Jones was also called into conference and toward the close of the -war went to France under the auspices of the Y. M. C. A.</p> - -<p>Thus, while there were many difficulties and an enormous amount of -work to be done in the different welfare agencies—whether the Y. M. -C. A., the Red Cross, the Community Service, or some other—there were -loyal souls who were laboring unceasingly for the comfort of the Negro -soldier and also for the final consummation of victory for the great -cause in which all were engaged.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII"><big>CHAPTER VII</big><br /><br /> -THE STEVEDORE</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>Very early in the war it was found that there was a serious shortage -of common labor in the American army. France was unable to supply -her own needs, and therefore not at all able to assist her allies. -To supply the American need for common labor Negroes were suggested, -G. K. Little, assistant engineer at Mobile, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, writing to the -chief engineer that they were “loyal and willing to obey all orders -irrespective of weather conditions or other hardships” and generally -“peculiarly desirable.” It was the plan of these engineer service -battalions to work wherever they could help and to do whatever was -necessary. Forty-six such battalions were formed. The first four -consisted of white men and the others of Negroes.</p> - -<p>The stevedores represent that part of an army about which little is -said because it does the rough, unskilled work; yet no group renders a -more valiant service or contributes more to the success of an army than -do these men.</p> - -<p>This was especially true of the 150,000 Negro stevedores in the Great -War, who played an important part both at home and abroad. Included -in the term were the engineer regiments, the depot brigades, and the -service, labor, and development battalions. Some officials have said -that the Negro stevedore rendered the most magnificent service of any -Negro organizations in France. Their work was undoubtedly appreciated -by the War Department and by most citizens; yet honors were not -conferred upon them as upon the fighting men. No brass bands came out -to greet them on their return. Few had opportunities to win the Croix -de Guerre or the Distinguished Service Cross, although they often -performed deeds of bravery while working behind the lines in the range -of the big guns.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately the term “stevedores” came to mean to many people those -who were physically or mentally unfit to be fighting men and they were -looked upon as inferior to other soldiers. Sometimes this was true, but -it is also true that there were thousands of stevedores who represented -the best of the young manhood of America. In the beginning of the draft -hundreds of Negro men who met all the physical qualifications could -not meet the educational tests. Such men were usually transferred -to stevedore organizations, and the rate of illiteracy in these ran -from 35 to 75 per cent. Sometimes also those who because of physical -unfitness were only partially able to serve their country when it -needed them, nevertheless rendered some valuable service in American -camps. Such a company was the 402nd Reserve Labor Battalion, stationed -at Camp Hancock, Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr> This was located fifteen miles from the -camp in a wood, where it built roads and also kept in condition the -range for the officers and men being trained for the battle fronts in -France.</p> - -<p>The question naturally arises how it happened that some of the best -of the Negro youth were placed in the stevedore regiments. In the -beginning there was great need for men to do the manual work connected -with supplying with food and equipment two million soldiers in France. -The Negro was regarded by many army officials as specially adapted -to this work because of his previous training and his cheerful -disposition; and for one reason or another some other officials -deemed it advisable to withhold from him regular military training. -Accordingly, in the fall of 1917, colored draftees and volunteers were -sent to various assembling camps and formed into stevedore and labor -units. Thousands from the Southern states, many of them students in the -schools and colleges, rushed to the colors with the hope of entering -combatant units, only to find, to their great disappointment, that they -had been assigned to service regiments.</p> - -<p>The work in the United States varied with the different camps. -Sometimes it was the handling of supplies or ammunition. Then again -it was grading, ditching, digging stumps, cleaning up new ground for -building purposes, or draining camps. The men did every form of fatigue -work and sometimes built roads along with civilians who received $3.50 -or $4.00 a day. Those who remained in the United States did not, as a -rule, experience as hard a life as their comrades in France. Living -conditions in the cantonments were usually very good, even in the tent -camps after the necessary improvements had been made. Sometimes it -happened that the stevedore was neglected in the beginning, especially -if he was placed in a camp apart from the other soldiers. Such was -the case at Camp Hill, Newport News, in the winter of 1917-18. In the -coldest weather experienced in this part of the country in a quarter of -a century, the stevedores lived in tents without floors or stoves. Most -of them could get only one blanket and some could not secure even that. -Twenty to thirty occupied one tent 16 feet square. Often men reaching -the camp in zero weather were compelled to stand around a fire outside -all night or sleep under trees for partial shelter from the wind, rain, -and snow. For four months no bathing facilities or changes of clothing -were provided. Food was served outdoors and often froze before it could -be eaten. After inspectors and other investigators constantly reported -these conditions they were changed. Comfortable barracks and mess halls -were built, a Y. M. C. A. building and a hostess house erected, and -the name of the camp was changed from Hill to Alexander in honor of -one of the three Negro lieutenants who had been graduated from West -Point. Not only in this camp, but in every other where unsatisfactory -conditions prevailed, improvements were gradually made until, at the -end of the war, most of the stevedores in American camps were living in -comfortable surroundings.</p> - -<p>The stevedore units were commanded almost entirely by white -commissioned officers, with white sergeants and colored corporals. In -some engineer units all the non-commissioned officers were white, -though in rare cases they were all colored. The work of the Negro -stevedore in the American Expeditionary Force was considered of prime -importance. He was among the first to sail for France, and among the -very first was a group of one hundred men from New Orleans. They and -those who followed them were to be found at the base ports of Brest, -<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, Bordeaux, Marseilles, and Le Havre, and at such railheads -as Tours, Liffol-le-Grand, Gierve, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Sulpice, Chaumont, and other -such centers. The largest of these ports was Brest, and here the men -did more work than anywhere else. They handled all kinds of supplies -at the docks, coaled ships, and helped to build piers and docks. They -labored night and day, sometimes continuously for sixteen hours. -Although they worked in the rain and snow, it was only after months -had passed that they were provided with oil-skin suits and gum boots. -One high officer said, “The men who worked on these docks have had the -hardest job of any men in France, but their spirit has been fine.” In -the “Race to Berlin” the Brest port won the championship, a company of -the 310th Service Battalion winning the honor of having done more work -than any similar outfit in France. As a reward it was sent back to the -States earlier than would otherwise have been the case.</p> - -<p>The <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire base was the second largest port. Numerous camps were -located outside the city, extending as far as fifteen kilometers. -Twenty-eight miles of warehouses were constructed at Montois and -filled with supplies of every description, while outside there were -railroad engines, cars, and vast quantities of construction material. -<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire was also a huge embarkation port. At times more than -50,000 colored soldiers were stationed in this vicinity. The long pier -extending a mile out into the water was built almost exclusively by -the 317th Engineers. The task was very dangerous, as the men had to -work standing on slippery boards, but it was finally completed and -stood as a memorial to the Negro soldiers. Camp Guthrie was built -entirely by Negro men. They composed the personnel and ran the big -troop kitchens, the delousing plants, the officers’ mess halls, and -the infirmaries. Here, as at Brest, the hardest work on the docks -was done exclusively by Negro soldiers. This included coaling ships -and unloading supplies of all kinds, including railroad engines and -tractors. During the “Race to Berlin” new port records for unloading -ships were made weekly. The men sometimes “worked like mad men,” -having received the impression that they were going home as soon as -the armistice was signed. Badges were given to those who got the most -work done, and the base port winning the week’s competition flew a flag -for the next week. In addition to the work on the docks, the soldiers -built and repaired roads, built railroads, warehouses, a round house, -a water-filtering plant, and did general fatigue duty. In referring -to what they accomplished a major said, “It has been no hero service, -but has been hard, long, and faithful, and it is appreciated. These -men have handled 30,000 tons of material in one day.” Another officer -said, “Many colored soldiers are sleeping in the little graveyard on -the hill because they broke their heartstrings in the ‘Race to Berlin.’”</p> - -<p>Bordeaux was the third of the large ports. In the camps outside the -city as many as fifty thousand soldiers were stationed at times. At St. -Sulpice in the Bordeaux area the American army built and filled with -provisions and munitions about one hundred warehouses. At two camps on -the outskirts of the city, Anconia and Bassens, twenty thousand Negro -soldiers were stationed for months, handling cargoes day and night. -Many of them worked sixteen hours a day and rarely ever saw the camp in -the daytime, as they went to and from work in the dark.</p> - -<p>The work at the other base ports was similar, though on a smaller -scale. Sometimes hundreds of miles of railroad track had to be laid or -great steel warehouses erected. Gierve was outstanding as a center for -such work, as it was the largest supply depot in France. Warehouses -here covered an area seven miles long and three miles wide. There were -always some Negro units stationed at this place, along with white -units which did stevedore work. The two organizations which served at -Gierve for the longest period were the 313th and 328th Negro labor -battalions. At Liffol-le-Grand, near Chaumont, the headquarters of the -commander-in-chief of the American Army, there was another large supply -depot. Here the Negro engineers drained and cleared a swamp, laid miles -of railroad track, and helped to build a large round house and several -warehouses.</p> - -<p>The stevedores were the great roadbuilders in France. Thousands -also worked in the great forests, cutting wood, peeling trees, and -laboring in the sawmills. In the Forestry Division at Jironde they -made an average of peeling 35 trees a day per man, while the average -of other engineers were only 15 trees. Nazareth Thaggard of the 323rd -Service Battalion made the highest record of any man in the A. E. F. -by cutting 30 steres of wood in one day. The task for his company was -five steres. For this notable achievement he was given a twenty-day -pass to travel over France and made a corporal in his organization. The -320th Engineers cut and carried wood for a mile and a half on their -backs. The men in the 332nd Labor Battalion, stationed at Brion, cut -six steres of wood as a daily task. They cut 1500 steres at Jerocho -and 5400 at Comercy. The woodcutters lived in floorless tents often -surrounded by mud. Many times the necessary clothing and boots could -not be secured, and sometimes they were obliged to eat in the rain and -snow. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Hope, of whom we have spoken as at the head of Y. M. C. A. -work for Negro soldiers in France, said in speaking of a visit to the -woodcutters: “One night I went in a car fifteen miles out in a wood -with a chaplain who came to a small French town to buy ‘smokes’ for -the men. When we reached the camp it was dark. Lights were seen in -the narrow streets and mud deeper than I had ever seen before. In the -morning the men got up at 4.45. The sound they made walking through -the mud was unlike any noise that I had ever heard. Even at that early -hour some were joking, some singing.” The record of almost every -organization cutting wood shows that the men endured great suffering, -and the Negro’s sense of humor was a great asset to him. Said one -private who served with the 323rd service battalion: “We have come in -wet to the skin, with our boots half full of water. Some would go to a -stove and get warm, some would sing, some play cards. Others would walk -five miles for French bread and butter and eggs that they would cook -in their mess-kits. Some would laugh and be happy, while others beside -them would die.”</p> - -<p>After peace was declared and the American army started home, there -remained still much work to be done “over there.” The heroes who fell -at Château-Thierry, Amiens, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel, in Belleau Wood and the Argonne -Forest deserved a suitable resting-place. The work of reburying the -dead was done almost exclusively by the Negro stevedores. Daily convoys -of trucks went as far as a hundred kilometers, and men searched the -fields, forests, and shell holes for the dead, who were brought to the -cemeteries and reinterred. This was the most ghastly and gruesome task -in the A. E. F.; yet the way the Negroes worked may be judged from the -fact that at Romagne, where the largest American cemetery is located, -1038 and 1050 soldiers were reburied in two successive days. The nature -of the work required that much of it be done after midnight when most -of the men were asleep. One could hear the sound of the hammer and -the tread of feet, and the lonely minor chord of the Negroes’ song -as they drove nails into the coffins. The electric lights all over -the cemeteries at night showed these men moving about without the -traditional fear attributed to them. Theirs was no enviable task, but -no group of men ever displayed finer spirit in the performance of duty, -and no soldiers more loyally served the republic.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>With all of their good service, however, the stevedore organizations -were not popular with the Negro soldiers. One reason for this was the -lack of opportunity in them for promotion. One incident will illustrate -the situation. A colonel who was organizing one of these regiments out -of recently drafted men, in an attempt to stir up enthusiasm, said, -“Men, we are going overseas in two weeks. We are going to see the -country and have some fun. You’ll probably never hear a gun fired.” -There was no applause, and the colonel seemed not to realize that -the lack of it was due to the fact that the men not only wanted to -hear guns fired but wanted to fire some themselves. Continuing, he -said, “This is the first opportunity Negroes ever had to serve as -engineers. It is all an experiment. It’s up to you men to make good.” -After concluding his remarks he asked if there were any questions. -“Sir, Colonel, what about promotions?” asked one man. This turn rather -surprised the officer, but he recovered and said, “The officers will -be white.” A moment later he added, “The non-commissioned officers -will also be white.” Then he paused, and the soldier repeated the -question. The colonel then said, “There will be twenty-five first class -privates, who will carry rifles, and you know they get three dollars -a month more pay. You know cooks are needed. A lot of men will want -that job, but it takes a —— good man to be a cook.” The silence -which greeted this remark indicated great disappointment on the part -of the men. Seeing this, the colonel tried to hold out some hope by -saying that some non-commissioned officers would be made in France -when new organizations were formed. As a matter of fact, as the war -progressed, many appointments as non-commissioned officers were made, -the commanders of Negro soldiers ultimately realizing that they as well -as other soldiers were prompted to do better work when there were even -remote possibilities of securing promotions.</p> - -<p>The kind of treatment accorded the men was due almost entirely to -the attitude of the officers who immediately commanded them. In some -organizations commanding officers were more like foremen and overseers -over railroad gangs and plantation workers than like officers in -command of American soldiers. Very frequently little interest was taken -in the personal appearance of the men, and military law was practically -disregarded in dealing with them. One commander did not hesitate to -say that if the men did not move as he thought they should, he helped -them with his foot, and the soldiers were placed in the guardhouse -on the most trivial pretense. “The spirit of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire,” said one -officer, “is the spirit of the South,” and in the early days of this -great camp there were constant clashes caused by racial feeling and by -drinking. There were several colored French women at this base. White -officers and soldiers were frequently seen with them, but if a Negro -was seen with a white French woman a good deal was likely to be said, -and trouble was generally started by the marines. Discriminatory orders -were often issued, and stevedores experienced difficulties in visiting -cafés and other public places. Sometimes they were also forbidden to -enter French homes or to be seen in company with French civilians. -With the military police there was special trouble, as the men -received the impression that they made a special effort to use their -authority to abuse Negro soldiers. Sometimes they conducted an “era of -ruthlessness,” and many of the fights and “near riots” were due to such -efforts. In the railway terminal in one cantonment city, when large -numbers of soldiers were returning to camp, every Negro was required to -show his pass, but the passes of the white men were not required. This -sort of thing made for friction, as did also the manner in which the -soldiers were often approached by the M. P.’s.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the Negro soldiers themselves were not without -faults. Some of their difficulties were due to their own ignorance -and to customs that they brought into the army from civil life. On -plantations and public works some had been used to “ducking the boss” -and slipping away, and attempts to continue this practice in the army -sometimes resulted in their being placed in the guardhouse.</p> - -<p>In such a situation it is pleasant to recall that two junior officers -in one organization were always working in the interest of the men -and heartily disapproved of the treatment they received. In their -camp discriminatory orders were not issued. While moreover some of -the roughest treatment given the stevedores was by Southern officers, -it is also true that some of the best and fairest officers commanding -Negro troops were Southern men. Such officers saw that their men -were well equipped, if it was possible to equip them, and provided -for their recreation by organizing athletic teams and by giving full -co-operation to the “Y” in its program. The 313th Labor Battalion was -commanded by such an officer in France and its fine record was largely -due to his impartial attitude. For the 542nd Engineers, one of whose -companies worked on the roads in the Remaucourt region in France, there -was built a little auditorium. This was wired by one of the officers, -and the scenery for the shows was painted by one of the men. There -were pictures every night and people from the village near by were -free to attend. One of the men, Frank Johnson, won the middleweight -championship of the S. O. S. and his only defeat was at the hands of -the French champion. That the stevedores appreciated their commanders -in such organizations was shown by the fact that when they sailed for -America they often presented to them gifts costing hundreds of francs.</p> - -<p>The story of one camp will serve to illustrate both types of officers -that commanded Negro troops. Camp Williams, located at Issurtille, -was the second largest supply depot in France. During the last days -of the war 12,000 Negro soldiers, mainly engineers and stevedores, -were stationed there. They built warehouses and railroads and supplied -the combat troops with wood, food, clothing, medicine and shells and -ammunition of all kinds. The camp adjutant said that they did their -work without grumbling. The non-commissioned officers were both -white and colored, mainly white. Very often they were ignorant men. -Illiterate Negro men were often selected in preference to educated men -and sometimes were made to serve as “stool pigeons.” For nine months -at this camp there was in force a special order bearing date July 3, -1918, which said: “All colored enlisted men of this command are hereby -confined to the limits of the Camp and Depot until further advised.” -The enforcing of this order was a great cause of trouble. When white -troops were permitted to visit not only Issurtille but all the -surrounding towns, many of the colored men broke the rules and left the -camp without passes; this brought them into conflict with the M. P.’s, -and ended by their being placed in the guardhouse. On arresting the men -the M. P.’s frequently cursed them and on the slightest provocation -threatened to use revolvers. Conditions finally made necessary a change -in the camp commander. Colonel S. V. Ham, a regular army officer who -had been wounded twice at the front, assumed command. He found a -filthy camp with practically no morale. Segregation was everywhere -and prejudice was intense. At once he issued the following order: -“The restrictions against visiting towns in this district by colored -troops are hereby removed until further notice. It is the desire of -the Commanding Officer to place the colored troops on the same status -as the white troops.” This was dated March 26, 1919. Colonel Ham -also issued an order forbidding the use of the word “nigger” in the -camp. All officers attended officers’ meetings when they were held; -previously colored officers never went, for they did not know when the -meetings were to be held. Lectures were given on the treatment of the -soldiers; military discipline was enforced in the case of both officers -and men; and the Colonel himself pulled down some of the discriminatory -signs. The result was that within three weeks the number of men in the -guardhouse was reduced from three hundred to fifty; sometimes several -days would pass without a man’s being placed there. Complaints were -reduced 60 per cent within the first week. Interesting also is the fact -that the rate of venereal disease in the camp was also lowered. The -general attitude of Colonel Ham changed the spirit of both officers and -men, and before long the feeling of racial antagonism gave way to one -of comradeship.</p> - - -<h3>PIONEER INFANTRY ORGANIZATIONS</h3> - -<p>There were fourteen other organizations in France, known as Pioneer -Infantry Regiments, which did mainly stevedore work. These were -composed largely of men who were drafted during the summer of 1918 and -who were given from one to three months of intensive military training -in American camps and then sent overseas. The commissioned officers -were white, and the enlisted personnel colored. In France a small -number of colored dental officers, chaplains, and band leaders were -assigned in some of the regiments. It appears that the idea of the -War Department in forming these organizations was to have men trained -to fight, if needed, and also to have sufficient men to do the work -necessary for the maintenance of a big army.</p> - -<p>Most of the regiments reached France during the months of September and -October, 1918, and consequently did no actual fighting. They worked in -the S. O. S. and in the advanced section, sometimes in the back area -of shell fire, and in a few instances near the front lines. Their work -consisted of road building, assistance at the base ports, salvaging -the battlefields, demunition and demolition work, and the building -of ammunition dumps with material moved from the battlefields to the -roads and then to central stations. The removing of ammunition after -the Château-Thierry drive was so satisfactorily done that <abbr title="Lieutenant Colonel">Lt. Col.</abbr> Ord, -chief ammunition officer of the S. O. S., wrote a letter in which he -said: “These two depots were transformed from a heterogeneous pile to -this remarkable condition in seven days, and I desire to compliment the -officers and twenty-six men who went from these headquarters as well as -the 801st Pioneer Infantry for this remarkable achievement.”</p> - -<p>Before the Armistice several regiments worked behind the front lines -in the Argonne Forest and at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel, where they built narrow- and -wide-gauge railroads and macadam roads for the movement of light and -heavy artillery and supplies. It was also the task of some to bury the -dead, working under shell fire. Sometimes bombs dropped among them, -killing and wounding them; but because of their late arrival in France -they did not work long in such danger. After the Armistice some did -guard duty, looking after the German prisoners. Companies of the 806th -and 811th Pioneer Infantry regiments did a part of the concrete and -grading work for the Pershing Stadium, the $100,000 structure erected -by the Y. M. C. A. for the inter-allied games held in July, 1919.</p> - -<p>While the Pioneer Infantry regiments and the stevedores did the -same kind of work for the most part, the former received the better -treatment, as their officers generally insisted on a square deal for -their men. In one battalion the major, an Alabamian, discouraged -segregation by removing all objectionable signs, and he made no effort -to prevent his men from associating with respectable French people. -The commander of the 815th Pioneer Infantry regiment gave wholesome -lectures to his men as a means of education and encouragement. These -organizations also, with few exceptions, were liberal in granting -leaves and in issuing week-end passes, and some of the men were sent -to the universities in France when the A. E. F. conducted its great -educational program.</p> - -<p>Most of the regiments had good bands, minstrel shows, and baseball -teams. The 807th Pioneer Infantry Band of fifty-two pieces was removed -from its organization for several months and stationed with General -Liggett of the First Army Corps, being called the First Army Post -Band. The 806th Pioneer Infantry Band played at the Columbus Stadium -in Paris, giving daily concerts during the A. E. F. try-outs for the -inter-allied meet. The baseball team of the 809th was the most notable -Negro team in France. It won the championship of the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire base -and finished third in the A. E. F. league. The umpires in the league -were fair in all the games.</p> - -<p>The Pioneer Infantry organizations proved a disappointment to many of -the soldiers in them because, as one officer said, “they did everything -the infantry was too proud to do and the engineers too lazy to do.” -However, they did splendid work and returned to America with a record -of honorable achievement.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII"><big>CHAPTER VIII</big><br /><br /> -THE NINETY-SECOND DIVISION</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>The Ninety-second Division gave to the Negroes of the United States -the opportunity which they had long desired, namely, organization into -fighting units commanded largely by Negro men. In its creation Negroes -were drafted from all sections of the country and from all walks of -life. The largest group of Negro officers ever commissioned served with -this division, which was not trained in one camp, as was true with -other divisions in the National Army, but whose various units were -distributed among seven camps, extending from Camp Funston, <abbr title="Kansas">Kan.</abbr>, to -Camp Upton, <abbr title="New York">N. Y.</abbr> The units were stationed as follows:</p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Division Headquarters -</td> -<td class="cb" rowspan="3"><span style="font-size: 3em;">}</span> -</td> -<td rowspan="3" class="tdr mid">Camp Funston -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Headquarters Troops -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Divisional Trains -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">365th Infantry -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Grant -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">366th Infantry -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Dodge -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">367th Infantry -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Upton -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">368th Infantry -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Meade -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">349th Field Artillery -</td> -<td class="cb" rowspan="2"><span style="font-size: 2.5em;">}</span> -</td> -<td rowspan="2" class="tdr mid">Camp Dix -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">350th Field Artillery -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">351st Field Artillery -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Meade -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">349th Machine-Gun Battalion -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Funston -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">350th Machine-Gun Battalion -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Grant -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">351st Machine-Gun Battalion -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Upton -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">317th Engineers Regiment -</td> -<td class="cb" rowspan="3"><span style="font-size: 3em;">}</span> -</td> -<td class="tdr mid" rowspan="3">Camp Sherman -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">317th Engineers Train -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">325th Signal Corps -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">317th Trench Mortar Battery -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Dix -</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p>As the headquarters troops, the military police, the 317th ammunition, -sanitary, and supply trains were all organized and trained with -the headquarters of the Division at Camp Funston, there was great -enthusiasm for achievement among these troops, and an earnest effort -was made to have them attain the highest possible efficiency. Being -close to the inspiration and brains of the Division, they set the -standard for the other units. By their wonderful progress moreover -they changed the attitude of the camp in regard to Negro soldiers -and developed in themselves and in their commanding officers greater -confidence in their ability.</p> - -<p>The infantry regiments were probably the best known, not only among the -Negro people but in Army circles as well. Negroes had made a glorious -record in this branch of the service and were naturally expected -to defend that record. The thousands of soldiers inducted into the -Division, and especially those drawn into the four infantry regiments, -began their training resolved that they would live up to the traditions -of the past. Every man realized that he was representing a confident -and loyal people who prayed and hoped for the success of the Division, -who followed every step of its progress, and who rejoiced with every -victory and sorrowed at every failure. The men were fully conscious of -their responsibility and began their work with enthusiasm.</p> - -<p>From reveille to retreat the recruits were carried through intensive -training, which included physical exercise, a study of the articles -of war, practice marching, use of the bayonet, shooting, the use of -grenades, and signal and semaphore work. Besides their program of -purely military instruction they were given lectures on personal -hygiene and first aid that prepared them to be not only good soldiers -but also better men. From five to seven months of such training showed -wonderful results in every regiment. Undeveloped young men from the -farms and cotton-fields of the South learned to stand erect and to walk -with a firm step, and they were also made to feel that America expected -each of them to do a man’s work.</p> - -<p>So well did Negroes absorb this training that they were often -considered the best drilled and best disciplined organizations in the -camps where they were trained. This was said to be true, for instance, -of the 367th Infantry, commonly known as the “Buffaloes,” which was -trained at Camp Upton. It paraded in New York City on Washington’s -Birthday, 1918, when it was presented with colors by the Union League -Club. The 368th was reviewed by President Wilson in Baltimore during -a Liberty Loan drive. At such times the press of the country carried -articles commending the Negro men for their martial appearance and -wonderful marching, and this praise not only developed a greater pride -in themselves but caused other Americans to recognize their real value -as soldiers.</p> - -<p>The organization of the 92nd Division made it necessary to train -Negroes in other branches of service than the infantry. The mere -suggestion of Negro artillery regiments brought laughter from some -old Army men, and even officers assigned to train the soldiers in -this branch of the service were dubious as to their success. However, -three artillery regiments were organized and the experiment proved a -success. After seven months of hard work at Camps Dix and Meade these -regiments were ready to sail to France, where they were to receive -additional training before doing combat duty. Specialist details, -composed of “non-coms,” were given intensive training, and before -leaving the States they were able to calculate firing data, to use the -various American optical instruments, to connect up and use the field -telephones, to signal, and to perform efficiently the work connected -with the occupation of a position.</p> - -<p>In the three machine-gun battalions—the 349th, 350th, and 351st, -trained at Camps Funston, Grant, and Upton respectively—it was found -that Negroes immediately grasped the intricacies of the machine-gun -and soon excelled in its mechanical manipulation. Ignorant men, those -unable either to read or to write, could take apart and assemble every -part of a gun to the minutest spring. As in other branches, they worked -with a will to succeed, and learned map-reading, trench-digging, -the use of dug-outs, and the construction of shafts and camouflaged -machine-gun emplacements, all of which knowledge was to be essential -when they met the enemy in France. They also mastered the drill and -made a splendid record on the range. In the Division overseas a -machine-gun school was also started, in charge of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Benjamin -H. Mosby, a Negro officer, one of the main objects being to make -machine-gun officers out of infantry officers. More than two hundred -men attended this course.</p> - -<p>The organization of the 325th Signal Corps marked the first time in -the history of the country when Negro men were placed in this branch -of the service. Before the organization of this unit was completed, -a representative of the War Department visited Negro educational -institutions and explained the qualifications for this branch of the -service. As a result, men with superior technical and academic training -were inducted into it. The work was new to most of the men, but their -training enabled them to master it rapidly, so much so that they -surprised the higher officials. The corps was organized and trained at -Camp Sherman, and six officers were raised from the ranks. The unit -boasted of having one of the best health records in France; not one -case of venereal disease was discovered in it. The story is told of one -man who, though he could scarcely write his name when he entered the -service, was able, at the time of the Armistice, to take messages at -the rate of twenty-five words a minute.</p> - -<p>The distribution of the troops in the Division handicapped the -administration somewhat. Orders were delayed in transmission, and -it was impossible to correlate the activities of the several arms -of the service; nor could the Division assemble for a review. The -first opportunity the different units had of meeting came when they -were ordered to join the American Army in France and met at Hoboken, -June 10, 1918, just before sailing. After an exciting voyage all -the units arrived safely at Brest; and after a short stay at Camp -Pontenazen, the headquarters troops and infantry regiments went on to -Bourbonne-les-Bains, making the four-day trip in crowded French box -cars.</p> - -<p>Bourbonne-les-Bains is a beautiful old city, located in Haute-Marne -at the end of a valley encircled by a picturesque chain of hills. The -people were hospitable and welcomed the soldiers into their homes -and places of amusement. While the atmosphere was restful, however, -the task before the Division was eminently serious. Eight weeks of -intensive training were given in the methods of modern warfare, and -terrain exercises and tactical problems worked out. The men perfected -themselves in shooting, in the use of the bayonet and grenades, and in -signal work and trench-digging.</p> - -<p>The three artillery regiments, comprising the 167th Field Artillery -Brigade, on reaching France were stationed at different centers for -six weeks of intensive training—the 349th and 350th at Montmorillion -and the 351st at Lathus. Finally the brigade was mobilized at La -Courtine. Here instruction was given in radio, telephone, and motor -operations, dug-out construction, gun emplacement, and range work. -Even after they reached France, there was still doubt in the minds -of some as to whether the Negro men would make artillerymen. A French -officer, however, came to test the barrage made by the 350th Artillery, -and after it had been put over, he jumped up and clapped his hands, -saying that it was the fastest and the most accurate he had ever seen -put over. In all the training area of the 92nd Division unusually fine -relations existed between the soldiers and the French people.</p> - - -<h3>INFANTRY ENGAGEMENTS</h3> - -<p>From Bourbonne-les-Bains the infantry regiments and headquarters -troops were moved to Bruyères, and it was here that they heard for -the first time the roar of the big guns. Here also it was that the -Commander-in-Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces, General John -J. Pershing, first visited the division. After spending twelve days in -securing necessary equipment, all moved to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die. Here the Americans -were welcomed as deliverers. The Germans had occupied the city for -fourteen days in 1914 and because of their treatment the people had -learned to hate them. The bishop’s house and the church, more than six -hundred years old, were used as headquarters.</p> - -<p>Because of the nature of the terrain the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector was usually -quiet and for this reason it was used for schooling divisions of -recruits, who often got here their baptism of fire before leaving. -There was a little bathing pool in “No Man’s Land,” and it was said -that at certain times, by agreement between the Germans and the French, -each had access to it without being fired upon. The 6th Division of -the American Army, however, which occupied the sector before it was -given over to the 92nd, fired on every German that ventured forth. When -the French said that such action would precipitate offensive tactics, -the Americans insisted that this was their purpose. The 92nd Division -accordingly found the enemy active when it entered the sector. While -there was no major offensive, raiding parties from both sides were -frequent and patrol duty was very necessary.</p> - -<p>The <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector will always be remembered by the men of the -92nd Division because it was there that they received their first -casualties. The first man killed was Private Moses Justice, Company H, -365th Infantry. He had worked as a farmer and enlisted from Marietta, -Ohio. While on patrol duty September 2, 1918, Second <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Thomas J. -Bullock, Company D, 367th Infantry, was killed, the first officer in -the division to fall. In this sector the Negro soldiers remained until -September 21, 1918, when they were ordered to the Meuse-Argonne region, -the 81st Division, known as the “Wildcats,” relieving the 92nd when it -entrained.</p> - -<p>Between September 21 and 23 the 92nd Division was carried from the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> -Die sector to the Argonne region, and by September 24 various units -had been assigned a place in the big drive scheduled for the 25th. -Headquarters were at Beauchamps Farm and Triacourt, and the division -was attached to the First Army Corps.</p> - -<p>On September 23 the 368th Infantry was assigned to the 38th French -Army Corps, commanded by General Durand. It was given a position -on the right bank of the Aisne, north of Vienne-Le-Château and La -Harozee and 500 meters west of Binarville. The Second Battalion of the -regiment, which was in the front line, on September 26 “reconnoitered -the enemy trench position opposite it and progressed at a slow pace, -because of the abundance of wire, until the right half had made an -advance of three kilometers, where it met with strong opposition of -machine-gun nests.” The Third Battalion, according to plan, supported -the advance of the second. On September 27 both were ordered to attack, -the objective being the Trench du Dromadaire. The Second Battalion -progressed two kilometers against machine-gun fire and the third -reached the enemy trench line. On September 28 the objective of the two -battalions remained unchanged.</p> - -<p>As these two battalions advanced and were subjected to heavy -machine-gun fire and enemy artillery barrage, the major commanding the -second was relieved of duty because of physical exhaustion. The Third -Battalion was within two hundred meters of its objective when, under -heavy fire, a portion of the line of an advance company broke and -withdrew to the rear. This company was reorganized and the attack was -resumed, but again the line broke. In spite of the action of some of -their comrades, however, <abbr title="Captain">Capt.</abbr> R. A. Williams and First <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> T. M. -Dent held their position with the part of the company with them until -the following day, when they were relieved by the 9th Cuirassiers, a -French regiment.</p> - -<p>As to the withdrawals, it was stated by company officers that “some -one, identity unknown, ordered a retreat.” Secretary Baker’s report -on this affair said that “there is strongly supported evidence that -orders from some quarters were carried forward by runners directing -the withdrawal, although orders had been given ... that no withdrawal -order, not in writing and signed by the battalion commander, should -be obeyed. The investigation showed that no such written order had -been issued.” The First Battalion, which had been in reserve, was -placed in the front line to renew the attack. It joined the French in -the advance on Binarville and progressed until the leading company -reached and passed by 200 meters the objective that had been given -the regiment. The advance covered four and a half kilometers and 11 -prisoners and 5 machine-guns were captured. The total casualties, -including killed, wounded, and gassed, were 9 officers and 269 enlisted -men. The commanding officer’s report of this engagement said that there -was insufficient use of the infantry rifle. Although machine-guns and -Stokes mortars were with each battalion ready and seeking opportunity -for action, the character of the terrain prevented their use. This -sector, which had been held alternately by the French and Germans -during the war, consisted of a rolling country, cut up by ravines and -covered with the debris of the Argonne Forest, blasted by four years of -shell fire; and it was interlaced by solid wire defences of all kinds. -<abbr title="Colonel">Col.</abbr> F. R. Brown, who was in command during the engagement, said of -the regiment: “It deserves commendation for successfully performing -its original mission of liaison between the 38th (French) Corps and -the 77th Division (U. S.). It deserves commendation as a whole for -successfully advancing as rapidly as did the French units on our left, -in spite of the many difficulties encountered.”</p> - -<p>As a result of the withdrawals of the Third Battalion of the 368th -Infantry during the Argonne engagement, rumors spread in both France -and America that the 92nd Division had been charged with “cowardice -before the enemy.” So great was the confidence of the Negro people in -the bravery of their soldiers, based upon the deeds of a glorious past, -that such rumors seemed almost unbelievable; and when the men in other -regiments of the division heard the reports, many of them begged for an -opportunity to go to the front. The final report of the Secretary of -War, however, somewhat allayed the rumors. He said: “The circumstances -disclosed by a detailed study of the situation do not justify many of -the highly colored accounts which have been given of the behavior of -the troops in this action, and they afford no basis at all for any of -the general assumptions with regard to the action of colored troops -in this battle or elsewhere in France. On the contrary, it is to be -noted that many colored officers, and particularly three in the very -battalion here under discussion, were decorated with Distinguished -Service Crosses for extraordinary heroism under fire.”</p> - -<p>The Division remained in the Argonne until October 5, 1918, when it was -ordered to the Marbache sector, where it remained until the signing of -the Armistice. It was in this sector that the best fighting was done. -During the quiet days between October 5 and November 8, considerable -patrol work was carried on. Some of the enemy soldiers were killed and -others captured, and a number of 92nd soldiers met a similar fate. -Active operations began November 8, the 183rd Infantry Brigade holding -the portion of the Allied line east of the Moselle River, extending -from Pont-à-Mousson to Marbache. On the morning of November 10 an -attack was executed on Bois Frehaut by the Second Battalion of the -365th Regiment, commanded by Major Warner A. Ross. A similar attack was -made on Bois Voivrotte by two platoons of the Second Battalion of the -366th Infantry, commanded by Major A. E. Sawkins. Each battalion was -supported by its machine-gun company and had the co-operation of the -divisional artillery. Trench mortars and 37 M. M. guns were to support -the attack, the object being to capture and hold the above named places -and advance the line of observation in the sector. On the afternoon -of November 9 the Second Battalion of the 365th Infantry was placed -in Pont-à-Mousson and the Second Battalion of the 366th in Forêt de -Facq in preparation for the attack which was to be made at 5 a. m. on -November 10. The hour was changed from 5 to 7 in order that the 92nd -Division might co-operate with the Second American Army, which was -to launch its drive at that time. By 8.12 a. m. the Second Battalion -of the 366th had completely occupied Bois Voivrotte and taken three -prisoners, and by 11.45 the Second Battalion of the 365th completely -occupied Bois Frehaut, although it had been heavily shelled with gas -and high explosives. After the first objectives had been successfully -reached, reinforcements were brought forward and a new attack launched -on the strong enemy positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte, and Bois -Cheminot at 5 a. m. on November 11. The troops making the attack were -met by the strong artillery, machine-gun and infantry fire of the -enemy. However, by 7.30 they had reached the outskirts of Bouxières and -Bois Cheminot. Then a telephone message from headquarters, ordering all -hostilities to cease, stopped the advance of the 92nd Division, which -was sweeping the enemy before it. The opposing units engaged between -the Moselle and Seille rivers were the 86th and 30th Regiments of -infantry, the 31st Landwehr Brigade, and the 47th Infantry Regiment. -They were supported by one battalion of sharpshooters. East of the -Seille River were the 70th Infantry Regiment and the 6th Grenadiers.</p> - -<p>In the report of the commanding general of the 183rd Infantry Brigade -on the offensive operations in this sector in the last engagement -during the Great War, <abbr title="Brigadier General">Brig. Gen.</abbr> Malvern Hill Barnum made the following -summary and conclusion:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“The advance of the brigade in this battle, most of which was made -on the east banks of the Moselle River was 3½ kilometers. It was -against heavy artillery and machine-gun fire and high concentration -of gas. In order to drive the enemy from their strongly fortified -positions all forms of auxiliary arms, such as machine-guns, Stokes -mortars, 37 M. M. guns, and rifle grenades, were effectively used -against them. The divisional artillery supported this attack with -a rolling barrage, which was well laid. It also placed a heavy -concentration fire on German machine-gun nests, completely routing the -enemy.</p> - -<p>“A great part of this attack was executed over an open, sloping -terrain, heavily wired, which was completely controlled by German -artillery. The Bois Frehaut and Bois Voivrotte were woods protected -with heavy German wire and were filled with machine-gun nests, trench -mortars, light artillery, and infantry. The enemy was driven from -his strongholds with a loss of six prisoners and approximately the -following material: 1000 grenades, all types; 5000 rounds ammunition; -25 boxes M. G. ammunition, in belts; 50 rifles and bayonets; 10 pairs -field glasses; 4 machine-guns; 6 carrier pigeons; 1 signal lamp and -battery; 2 Very pistols; 3 carbide lamps; 100 helmets. Many overcoats, -boots, canteens, belts, and other articles of equipment were left by -the fleeing enemy.</p> - -<p>“In this advance the brigade suffered the following casualties in the -365th and 366th Infantry and the 350th Machine-Gun Battalion: killed, -32; wounded, 119; gassed, 285; missing, 8; total, 444.”</p> -</div> - -<p>This attack, on the last two days of the war, was made in a sector -that had been organized for four years. It was in front of the great -fortress of Metz and was occupied by young, efficient soldiers of the -most famous military power in the world. Yet against this opposition -the inexperienced Negro troops took complete possession of “No Man’s -Land,” constantly remaining on the offensive until the enemy had been -pushed back three and a half kilometers.</p> - -<p>The Congressional Record of February 28, 1919, contains the following -statement concerning the First Battalion of the 367th Infantry of the -92nd Division: “The entire first battalion of the three hundred and -sixty-seventh (Buffaloes) Infantry was cited for bravery, and awarded -the Croix de Guerre, thus entitling every officer and man in the -battalion to wear this distinguished French decoration. This citation -was made by the French Commission because of the splendid service and -bravery shown by this battalion in the last engagement of the war.” -The writer has been unable to find a copy of the citation in the War -Department records; but because it did appear in the Congressional -Record as indicated and also given publicity in the newspapers of the -country, it is included in the story of the 92nd Division.</p> - - -<h3>ARTILLERY</h3> - -<p>The various other units in the Division contributed their share toward -developing the efficiency which it attained. The 167th Field Artillery -Brigade surprised not only old Army officers but Americans generally by -the ability of the men to absorb training, which was fully demonstrated -when they forced the enemy to retire from strong fortifications held -for four years. It had been thought that it would be difficult, if not -impossible, to find Negro men with adaptability for this work; yet -sometimes it developed that non-commissioned officers were better at -taking messages than their instructors. The most surprising thing about -the Negro gunner was the rapidity with which he was able to fire. One -gun crew in the 349th Artillery fired four rounds in 6<abbr title="two-fifths"><sup>2</sup>⁄<sub>5</sub></abbr> seconds with -the French 75’s, while another crew was making four shots in 7½ -seconds. A striking example of the efficiency of the artillery was the -manner in which it laid down a barrage at Pregny for a unit of the 78th -Division and its own division without endangering the lives of the men -in the infantry.</p> - -<p>It was during the last days of the war, from November 4 to 11, in the -fighting around Bois Frehaut, Bois de la Voivrotte, Cheminot, Pagny, -and Bois de la Côte, that Negro artillerymen did their most effective -work. At daybreak on November 4 the 349th laid down a rolling barrage -to cover the advance on Cheminot of a patrol of the 365th Infantry. -This was followed by a box barrage continuing nearly an hour, during -which time 1062 shells were fired. On November 6 the regiment was again -called upon for a rolling barrage through Bois Frehaut and a combing -fire in Bois Voivrotte, to be followed by a standing barrage in front -of Champey and Bouxières. Two hundred and fifty rounds were fired -in the combing fire, and 2033 in the rolling and box barrages. The -accuracy of the Negro artillerymen reduced the resistance of the enemy -and enabled the 92nd Division infantry to reach its objectives without -great loss. The action in co-operation with the infantry was carefully -watched by officials, who commended the brigade on “the good execution -of the Rolling and Standing Barrage” and also said that the good -work was being favorably commented on by those “higher up.” Because -of the qualities displayed by both officers and men in this sector, -General John H. Sherburne, who commanded the 167th Field Artillery -Brigade, commended them in orders on November 18, 1918, saying, “You -have been zealous soldiers and skillful artillerymen.... By day and -night, often under the hail of shrapnel, often through clouds of deadly -gas, you have marched and fought, dragged your guns sometimes by hand -into line, kept up your lines of communication and brought up your -supplies, always with a cheerfulness that earned you the admiration -of all.” Colonel Wade H. Carpenter, of the 351st Field Artillery, -was a West Point graduate and a South Carolinian by birth. Although -he too had been doubtful of success at first, in the end he was no -less enthusiastic about the achievements of his regiment. Under date -December 27, 1918, he said to his command: “When you landed in France -you were acclaimed as comrades in arms, brothers in a great cause. -In the days that have passed no man, no little child, has had cause -to regret that first glorious welcome. Surrounded by new and unusual -conditions, beset by subtle temptations, you have kept your hearts high -and, with purpose fixed on the high ideal of service, you have put away -those things that did not contribute strength for the task at hand. You -have been men.... Through rain and in tents or in cold billets you have -cheerfully pushed on to fit yourself for the final test and at length -you came to the front lines. There, under fire, by day and by night -you served the pieces, sending back gas for gas and shell for shell, -two for one. The orders reached the guns because you maintained the -connections; the ammunition was there because neither the elements nor -enemy stopped you. This mission has been accomplished and you have been -what America expects her sons to be—brave soldiers.”</p> - -<p>In the proposed drive against Metz, which was to have been the greatest -battle of the entire war, the 167th Field Artillery Brigade had been -selected to support the Second Army, of which the 92nd Division was a -part. Such confidence on the part of the Commander-in-Chief of the A. -E. F. clearly shows that the Negro artilleryman had proved beyond doubt -his ability to become proficient in this branch of service.</p> - -<p>This brigade was able to accomplish what it did because the men were -eager to learn and easily disciplined. No task was too dangerous or -too difficult for them. They kept their lines of communication intact -under all conditions. The six colored officers who were graduated at -Fort Sill and who remained with the brigade throughout the campaign -in France, greatly contributed to the morale and did excellent work -in handling and instructing the men. The Negro non-commissioned -officers were also an important factor. They took advantage of their -opportunities and made a record in the school at La Courtine that -was not surpassed in excellence by any group from other artillery -organizations. The officers and enlisted men in this brigade were -pioneers in a field where success was uncertain, but they brought -faithfulness and patriotic fervor to their task, and their record is -one that should encourage and inspire all Negro people.</p> - - -<h3>317TH ENGINEER REGIMENT</h3> - -<p>The 317th Engineer Regiment was formally organized at Camp Sherman on -November 4, 1917, as the sapper engineer regiment of the 92nd Division. -Two thousand draftees were turned over to this regiment from the -158th Depot Brigade. After careful examination 1490 of these men were -inducted into the regiment. This group included a large number of men -who had knowledge of the building trades and also students from well -known industrial schools.</p> - -<p>After it was decided to organize an engineer regiment in the 92nd -Division, considerable discussion arose in the War Department over the -question of officers to command it. Negro officers who had graduated -at the training school for infantry in Des Moines were suggested, but -engineer officials opposed this plan because these men had had no -special training for the work. Letters in the War Department files -pointed out that from 15,000 applicants to serve in this branch of -the service only one Negro, a graduate of Harvard University, had -qualified. Although it had been found expedient to have trained -engineers as officers in engineer labor battalions, thirty Negro -infantry officers with no engineering experience were assigned to the -317th Engineers. White captains were also assigned to the regiment, -but were soon transferred and sent to France. During the winter of -1917-18 a War Department inspector investigated the organization and -reported that the Negro officers did not have sufficient knowledge -and experience to train the regiment, and he recommended that they be -replaced by white officers with engineer training. In March, 1918, -accordingly white captains replaced the Negro captains, but the Negro -lieutenants were retained.</p> - -<p>In spite of the unrest caused in the regiment by the change in the -personnel of the officers, the training continued. On June 1 the -regiment left Camp Sherman for Hoboken, whence it sailed on June 8, -reaching Brest on the 19th. Thence it was sent to the Pontenazen -barracks, which consisted of stone buildings erected by Napoleon -Bonaparte on the site of an old Roman camp. Heavy working details, -comprising 85 per cent of the regiment’s strength, loaded baggage and -constructed roads and barracks. On June 25 the regiment left for the -Bourbonne-les-Bains area, arriving on the night of June 27. Here it was -given intensive training for four weeks, and in the area it constructed -mess halls, bath houses, warehouses, stables, and railroad yards.</p> - -<p>Additional equipment arrived August 2, ten days before the regiment -moved into a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains for intensive -training around Ponseux and Archettes, and on August 20 there was -further removal to the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector previously occupied by the 7th -Engineers of the 5th Division. Just before this division left for -<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel, it conducted several local attacks down the Fave Valley -and around Frappelle, which were finally captured. When then the -317th Engineers began the work of organizing and consolidating the -positions left by the 5th Division, they found the enemy active. They -constructed dug-outs, repaired trenches, often under shell fire, and -mined bridges if these were in danger of being captured by the enemy. -They also worked at logging and sawmill operations in order to supply -French institutions as well as the fighting regiments at the front with -firewood. Especially courageous was the work of twenty-five enlisted -men engaged in gas-proofing dug-outs. They worked three days and nights -under heavy bombardment where mustard gas and phosgene were used by -the enemy, but they continued their labors until all the dug-outs were -protected.</p> - -<p>On September 24, 1918, the regiment moved into the Argonne between Les -Islettes and Clermont, and was assigned to the First Army Corps. The -objective of the First Army was to close the Grand Pré gap and flank -the armies operating against the French and British. The bombardment -for this attack lasted three hours and it was estimated that 100,000 -shells were fired. The American artillery averaged a gun every eight -meters. After the bombardment changed to a rolling barrage, the men of -the 77th, 28th, 35th, 79th, 4th, 80th, and 33rd Divisions went over -the top in the greatest attack ever made by United States forces. In -this attack one battalion of the 317th Engineers opened the road from -Neuvilly to Bourielles, cutting it through to “No Man’s Land” on the -night of September 26. The 111th Engineers assisted in this work. The -Second Battalion opened the road from Croix de Pierre and Pierre -Croisée, while the Third opened the valley road from La Claon to La -Harze. In many places these roads had been completely obliterated by -the heavy artillery fire. The engineers had to relocate them, often at -night, and rebuild them through swamps out of logs and planks in order -that the wounded might be carried to the rear and ammunition carts -reach the front. Sometimes they used rocks and timbers taken from mined -enemy trenches and burned buildings. They built light- and heavy-gauge -railroads for hauling shells to new artillery positions on the front, -and heavy-gauge railroads in the back areas, especially in the vicinity -of Grand Pré. Throughout this offensive from September 26 to November -11 the 317th Engineers spent most of the time building roads and -supplying the fighting units at the front with the necessary materials. -The men often worked day and night under shell fire, but they labored -cheerfully and successfully.</p> - -<p>Orders, letters, and memoranda bear testimony to their achievement. -The chief engineer of the First Army, Colonel G. R. Spaulding, in -expressing his appreciation of what had been done by the troops aiding -in the construction of railroads in the First Army area, wrote on -November 10, 1918: “Especial credit is given to the 317th Engineers -which were very instrumental in the rehabilitation of the lines in the -Fôret d’Argonne and on the line from <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Juvin to the north.” General -Pershing wrote to <abbr title="Lieutenant Colonel">Lt. Col.</abbr> J. Edward Cassidy on April 7, 1919, thanking -him for his services and saying, “With the 317th Engineers on the -front you gave us valuable service.” <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lt.</abbr> Colonel Cassidy himself in -his order to the regiment on February 3, 1919, commended it for being -true in the fullest sense to the trust reposed in it by the American -people and for doing work of a high and efficient order. Said he: “For -more than a hundred years the Corps of Engineers has maintained a proud -record of achievement, whether in peace or war, from the blazing sun -of the tropics to the eternal ice and snow of the Arctic regions, and -it is a pleasure to the commanding officer to be able to say that your -work has been in accordance with the best traditions of the Engineer -Service.”</p> - -<p>The 317th Engineers “played the game” without fear and without -grumbling in the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector and in the Argonne-Meuse offensive. -For nearly three months the regiment did front line work, first as a -part of the 33rd Corps of the 7th French Army in the Vosges Mountains -at Frapelle, Lafontanelle, Lesseux, and other points in the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die -sector, and later as a corps regiment of the First American Army, at -Neuvilly, Bourielles, Cheppy, Varennes, Four de Paris, Abri de Crochet, -La Besogne, Lançon, Grand Pré, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Juvin, Briquenay, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Georges, and -Le Mort Homme in the Argonne region, and at Buzancy in the Ardennes. -For this work it was generously commended by the officials in the -American Army and it deserved the sincere gratitude of all the American -people.</p> - - -<h3>92ND DIVISIONAL TRAINS</h3> - -<p>The 317th Motor Supply Train was composed of 18 officers and 475 -enlisted men. At first it operated 35 trucks in the divisional area -in France, but the demand soon increased this number to 49. When there -was a scarcity of supplies the soldiers in the outfit were often -required to work both day and night and even then they were not always -able to meet the demands made upon them. In the 317th Military Police -there were 9 officers and 200 enlisted men. This group was trained at -Camp Funston and did police duty both there and in France. The 317th -Ammunition Train consisted of 38 officers and 1175 men. It included the -motor battalion, the horse battalion, ordnance, and medical detachment -headquarters. Both trucks and wagons were used and often the men helped -to move the artillery guns under fire. On one occasion the 367th -Infantry, which was under fire, gave an order for ammunition at 3 a. m. -This was obtained by the 317th Ammunition Train 37 kilometers away and -delivered under fire at 7 a. m. This unit was commanded by Major M. T. -Dean, one of the three Negroes in the 92nd Division who rose to that -rank during the war.</p> - -<p>The 317th Sanitary Train included the field hospitals and also the -ambulance companies of the 365th, 366th, 367th, and 368th Infantry -Regiments. These units were formed at Camp Funston on November 9, 1917, -with a personnel of 57 officers and 700 men, which last number was -later increased to 860. All of the men were trained litter-bearers. -There were also in the organization mechanics, cooks, horse-shoers, -and first class privates. During the winter of 1917-18 epidemics of -meningitis, measles, parotitis, and influenza affected the command, but -no deaths occurred at Camp Funston; and meanwhile there were weekly -inspections to safeguard the health of the men. The units entrained for -overseas June 7, 1917, remained eight days at Camp Upton, and reached -Brest on June 25. It was quartered at the Pontenazen barracks until -July 2, when it left for the training area at Bourbonne-les-Bains. On -August 13 the advanced training area was reached, and the unit received -a week of intensive training before it departed for the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector.</p> - -<p>Here field hospitals were established and functioned by the 365th at -Raon l’Étape and by the 366th at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die, and the 367th established -dressing stations at Sells, Virge, and Clarice. The organization was -moved from the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector to Givry, Argonne, on September 25, and -there it was a part of the First Army for five days. Passing through -Passovant, Jailon, and Marbache enroute to Millery, the 366th and -368th established field hospitals, and the ambulance companies of the -365th, 367th, and 368th established dressing stations. From Millery the -Sanitary Train went to Mayenne, where it remained until January 28. Le -Mans was reached on February 4, 1919, and Brest on February 6, from -which port the unit sailed on the “Olympic” on February 18, reaching -New York on the 24th.</p> - -<p>That the efficiency of the Sanitary Train of the 92nd was observed -and appreciated may be seen from a communication from Colonel C. R. -Reynolds, of the Medical Corps of the Second Army of the A. E. F., -to the Division Surgeon under date November 15, 1918. Said he: “I -desire to express my admiration and appreciation of the splendid -hospital organized and administered by the Medical Department of the -92nd Division at Millery. Your department has received most favorable -comments by the Army Commander ... and all medical officers who have -visited the institution. The transportation and hospitalization of the -battle casualties and respiratory diseases have been accomplished in -accordance with the principles of military surgery and preventative -medicine, which reflects the intelligence and training on the part of -the officers, nurses, and enlisted men of the Medical Department of the -92nd Division, in which pride may be justly felt.”</p> - -<p>That the work of the 317th Sanitary Train was successful was due in -some measure to the fact that the officers and men were encouraged -and inspired by those with whom they came in contact. There was one -promotion to the rank of major, that of <abbr title="Captain">Capt.</abbr> Joseph H. Ward, and -sixteen lieutenants were promoted to captaincies. Major Ward was -commissioned by cablegram on September 24, 1918. At first he was -assigned to the 325th Signal Corps, but he also served as a surgeon in -Base Hospital 49, where he had been a patient. During his convalescence -he was asked to help dress wounds, and later he was given fifty cases -to attend to in a tent; being finally transferred to a ward as surgeon, -he had here his regular turn on operating day, and he was shown every -courtesy and given every privilege. For their specific duties it is -reasonable to suppose that as a group the medical men were better -prepared than many of the other officers.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>The history of the 92nd Division will always be of interest to the -American Negro because it gave him his first opportunity to serve in -a great military organization where Negro officers led Negro troops. -The old idea that Negro soldiers would not respect Negro officers was -proved untrue. When the war suddenly came to an end, however, both -officers and men turned their faces homeward having uppermost in their -minds some of the policies to which they had been subjected at times -in the Army itself and in the welfare organizations. The commanding -officer, Major General Charles C. Ballou, whom the officers and the -Negro people in general had desired for the post after Colonel Charles -Young was declared ineligible, was severely criticised. Undoubtedly he -wanted the Division to succeed, but some of the methods that he used -and that he allowed his staff officers to use had a most demoralizing -effect on both officers and men. Even in the face of all the charges, -however, it must be said to his credit that both officers and men -were subjected to less humiliation and suffering when he was with -the division than they were after he left it, between the signing of -the Armistice and the departure for America. The attitude of some of -the white officers also helped. Brigadier General Malvern H. Barnum, -commanding the 183rd Brigade; General John H. Sherburne, commanding -the 167th Artillery Brigade; Colonel Vernon A. Caldwell, commanding -the 365th Regiment; Colonel James A. Moss, who at one time advised the -officers not to insist upon respect, yet worked for the interest of -the 367th in France; Majors Warner A. Ross and John C. Sheffield of the -365th; Major Appleton of the 367th, and Major Alfred E. Sawkins of the -366th, are especially named as having worked for the success of the -division. Of Major Sawkins it is said that whatever fare his officers -had he shared with them, that he worked for the interest of both -officers and men at all times, and that the spirit of his men when they -went into battle was always high. They suffered the greatest casualties -of any battalion and won nearly half the Distinguished Service medals -which were won in the 92nd Division.</p> - -<p>In the last analysis the verdict in regard to the 92nd Division rests -upon its achievement. Said an operation memorandum issued on November -7, 1918, from division headquarters:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. When the Marbache sector was taken over by the 92nd Division -the Germans owned “No man’s land” and were aggressive. They held: -Belie Air Farm, Bois de Tête d’Or, Bois de Frehaut, Voivrotte Farm, -Voivrotte Woods, Bois de Cheminot, Moulon Brook.</p> - -<p>2. The constant aggressive action of our patrols, night and day, has -resulted in many casualties to the enemy, and the capture of many -prisoners.</p> - -<p>3. Each of the places named above has been raided, as has Epley also, -and patrols have penetrated north nearly to the east and west line -through Pagny. The enemy has been driven northward beyond Frehaut and -Voivrotte woods, and eastward from Cheninit woods across the Seilée, -destroying the Cheminot bridge, flooding the Seilée, and attempting to -destroy the Seilée bridge—evidence of the fact that he regards the -92d Division as an uncomfortable neighbor, and intends to avoid close -relations in future.</p> - -<p>4. West of the river excellent results have followed energetic -offensive action. The enemy has suffered losses in killed, wounded, -and prisoners during the occupancy of this part of the sector.</p> -</div> - -<p>The memorandum issued November 18, 1918, at the Division Headquarters -by Major General Ballou sums up his own estimate of the work he was -able to accomplish, as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>Five months ago to-day the 92d Division landed in France.</p> - -<p>After seven weeks of training it took over a sector in the front line, -and since that time some portion of the Division has been practically -continuously under fire.</p> - -<p>It participated in the last battle of the war with creditable -success, continually pressing the attack against highly organized -defensive works. It advanced successfully on the first day of the -battle, attaining its objectives and capturing prisoners, this in -face of determined opposition by an alert enemy, and against rifle, -machine-gun, and artillery fire. The issue of the second day’s battle -was rendered indecisive by the order to cease firing at 11 <span class="allsmcap">A. -M.</span>, when the Armistice became effective.</p> - -<p>The Division commander, in taking leave of what he considers himself -justly entitled to regard as <em>his</em> Division, feels that he -has accomplished his mission. His work is done and will endure. -The results have not always been brilliant, and many times were -discouraging, yet a well organized, well disciplined, and well trained -colored division has been created and commanded by him to include the -last shot of the great world war.</p> - -<p>May the future conduct of every officer and man be such as to reflect -credit upon the Division and upon the colored race.</p> -</div> - -<p>Just before the 92nd Division left France it passed in review before -General Pershing at Le Mans and on this occasion he spoke as follows: -“Officers and men of the 92nd Division, I wish to express to you my -appreciation for your co-operation during your stay on the A. E. F. -This Division is one of the best in the A. E. F., and the conduct of -the officers and men has not been surpassed in any other. The officers -are on the average with the officers of the A. E. F. Owing to the late -arrival of the Division in France, it was not able to take as active -part as was contemplated, but it had been planned to have the Division -in the action on the east bank of the Moselle, which would have taken -place two or three days preceding the Armistice, but the Armistice -prevented. I had no fear of the Division not making a showing for I -know what colored troops can do, having served with them in Cuba, the -Philippines, and in Mexico.”</p> - -<p>Even in the work that was done, however, there were outstanding -individual heroes. While the 368th Infantry was in the Argonne, it -became necessary to send a runner with a message to the left flank of -the American firing-line. The way was across an open field swept by -heavy machine-gun fire. Volunteers were called for, and Private Edward -Saunders of Company I responded. Before he had gone far a shell cut -him down. As he fell he cried to his comrades, “Some one come and get -this message; I am wounded.” <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Robert L. Campbell of the same -company sprang forward. He dashed across the shell-swept area, picked -up the wounded man, and with the Germans fairly hailing bullets around -him, carried his comrade back to the American lines. For their valor -both men were cited for the Distinguished Service Cross and Lieutenant -Campbell was recommended for a captaincy. On another occasion this -same officer was with a few soldiers who were armed only with their -rifles, trench knives, and hand grenades picked up from small holes -along the way, and who were moving over a road in the Château-Thierry -sector. Suddenly their course was crossed by the firing of a German -machine-gun. They tried to locate it by the direction of the bullets, -but could not. To their right, a little ahead, lay a space covered with -thick underbrush; just back of it was an open field. <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Campbell, -who knew by the direction of the bullets that the Germans had not seen -his party, ordered one of the men, with a rope which they happened -to have, to crawl to the thick underbrush, there to tie the rope to -several stems of the brush; then to withdraw as far as possible and -pull the rope, thus making the brush shake as though men were crawling -through it. The purpose was to draw direct fire from the machine-gun -and thus to locate its position. The ruse worked. Lieutenant Campbell -then ordered three of his men to steal out and flank the machine-gun on -one side, while he and the others moved up and flanked it on the other -side. The brush was shaken more violently by the rope, and the Germans, -with their eyes fixed upon it, poured a hail of bullets into it. Then -at a given signal the flanking party dashed up, and they killed four of -the Germans and captured the remaining three, also the machine-gun. -For such exploits <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Campbell was held up to his organization -by the commanding general as an example of the soldier who combined -courage and initiative.</p> - -<p><abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Charles G. Young, of the 368th, while in command of a scout -platoon near Dinarville, September 27-28, 1918, was twice severely -wounded by shell fire, but refused attention and remained with his men, -helping to dress their wounds and to evacuate his own wounded during -the entire night, and holding firmly his exposed position covering -the right flank of his battalion. Private Bernard Lewis, also of the -368th, during an attack on Binarville September 30, volunteered to go -down the road that led to the village to rescue a wounded soldier of -his company. He was compelled to go under heavy machine-gun and shell -fire, but in total disregard of personal danger he brought his comrade -safely back to his lines. Private Robert M. Breckenridge, an automatic -rifleman, of Company B, 365th Infantry, at Ferne de Belwir on October -29, although severely wounded in the leg, continued in action, crawled -forward for a distance of a hundred yards, and assisted in preventing -any enemy party from taking a position on the company’s flank. In -spite of his wound, he continued to use his weapon with great courage -and skill until he was killed by machine-gun fire. Corporal Russell -Pollard, of Company H of the 365th, during the assault on Bois Frehaut -on November 10, skilfully conducted his squad until his rifle was -broken. He then used his wire-cutter with speed and skill under heavy -fire, and although wounded in his right arm, he continued to cut the -wire with his left, assisting his men in getting through, until for -the second time he was ordered to the dressing-station by his company -commander. <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Thomas Edward Jones, of the Medical Corps of the -368th, went into an open area swept by fire to care for a wounded -soldier who was being carried by another officer. While he was dressing -the wounded runner, a bullet passed through his arm and his chest and -a man was killed within a few yards of him. Corporal Van Horton, of -Company E of the 366th, displayed extraordinary heroism near Lesseux on -September 4. “During a hostile attack, preceded by a heavy minenwerfer -barrage, the combat group to which this courageous soldier belonged was -attacked by about twenty of the enemy, using liquid fire. The sergeant -in charge of the group and four other men having been killed, Corporal -Horton fearlessly rushed to receive the attack, and the persistency -with which he fought resulted in stopping the attack and driving back -the enemy.”</p> - -<p>These instances are only typical of those who were outstanding for -bravery and who were cited for honors. Thus these stalwart soldiers and -others like them upheld the record that the Negro had previously made -in the wars in which his country had engaged.</p> - - -<h3>SECRETARY BAKER AND GENERAL PERSHING</h3> - -<p>In all the exploits and achievements of Negro soldiers in the World -War, and the difficulties that they encountered in their display of -loyalty, it is not to be forgotten that there were true friends who -were interested in them and who believed that each one should be -given a man’s chance. One explanation of how it was that they were -able to “carry on” even under the most adverse conditions was that -they believed that the men guiding the destinies of the American arms -were fair, broad-minded men who would not countenance petty things. -Wherever Negro soldiers were visited they always seemed to feel that -Secretary Baker and General Pershing wanted them to have a square deal, -and that if these officials really knew of unsatisfactory conditions -they would endeavor to correct them immediately. Secretary Baker on -numerous occasions showed that he was actuated by a genuine belief in -democracy. This led him to examine into the conditions under which -Negro soldiers worked, trained, and fought, and also to consider their -possibilities of rendering the country the greatest possible service. -When objections were made to sending Negro soldiers to certain camps -for fear of trouble because of the Houston riot which occurred in 1917 -just as plans were being formulated to call thousands of Negroes in the -first draft, and when on other occasions pressure was strong, he never -ceased to feel that avenues open to other soldiers should be open in -like manner to Negroes. Against strong and determined opposition he -saw that training as officers was given, and when the future of the -first training camp was uncertain, it was Secretary Baker who assured -the men that he was depending on them and expected them to reach the -standards set by men in other camps. While, as he said, he was not -trying to solve the race problem, he did put forth great effort to -eliminate those things which tended to break down morale; and it is -only necessary to recall such a camp as Hill at Newport News, Virginia, -in the winter of 1917-18 to realize how War Department pressure was -exerted to remedy bad conditions.</p> - -<p>Some of the outstanding features of Secretary Baker’s policy with -reference to Negro soldiers may be summarized as follows, and the -statements given below embody his plans as stated before justice was -sometimes thwarted:</p> - -<p>1. That Negro soldiers should be organized and trained on the same -basis as all other soldiers.</p> - -<p>2. That Negro men should be given the opportunity to train as officers, -and that those who met the qualifications should be appointed for -service just as others who qualified.</p> - -<p>3. That a Negro man should be appointed as one of the assistants to the -Secretary.</p> - -<p>4. That Negro men should receive every possible aid in making a -thoroughgoing study of conditions in both American and French camps.</p> - -<p>5. That wherever injustice came to the attention of the Secretary -immediate attention should be given to the matter and effort made to -correct it.</p> - -<p>General Pershing’s service with the Negro units in the regular army -and his recommendation of Major Charles Young of the Tenth Cavalry to -the Adjutant General of the Army from Headquarters Punitive Expedition -U. S. Army, Colonia Dublan, Mexico, August 21, 1916, along with other -officers “who had shown very high efficiency throughout the campaign,” -and his tributes to the soldierly qualities of Negroes on several -occasions, gave Negroes in America the idea that he stood for a square -deal and would give honor to whom honor was due. When agitation arose -over the use of Negro soldiers in the war, General Pershing let it be -known that he desired Negro troops in France. When one of the Allies -made strong objections to the attachment of any battalions of Negro -infantry for training with their forces, and General Pershing was asked -for his views by the War Department, he said: “In event Department -still desires early to despatch 92nd Division, I adhere to former -recommendations that Division be included among those to be employed -temporarily with ——. I have informed —— —— that these soldiers -are American citizens and that I can not discriminate against them in -event War Department desires to send them to France.”</p> - -<p>When stories were circulated among Negro people to the effect that -Negroes were being wrongly treated, and subjected to most dangerous -positions to save white troops, and shot by Germans when captured -or left to die if wounded, General Pershing saw that these were -repudiated; and he further said that “the only regret expressed by -colored troops is that they are not given more dangerous work to do. I -can not commend too highly the spirit shown among the colored combat -troops who exhibit fine capacity for quick training and eagerness for -the most dangerous work.” When he visited any section of territory -occupied by Americans, he always showed an interest in the Negro -soldiers; they were impressed and encouraged by his inquiry into the -conditions under which they labored; and his understanding of the hard -life of the stevedores, and his appreciation of their efforts, did much -to make their work less burdensome. The men also felt that in the case -of court martials, if verdicts were reviewed by General Pershing, as -was done in some important cases, absolute justice would be meted out.</p> - -<p>When in the midst of the charges and counter-charges relative to the -fitness of Negro officers to lead men General Pershing was questioned -about a few Negro officers who were declared inefficient by a board, -he assured his hearers that because a few officers had been declared -unfit, this was by no means to be construed as an indication of lack of -capacity on the part of the race, because at that time more than 6000 -white officers had been returned to the states for unfitness to lead -men and certainly no one considered the white race a failure because -of that fact. Finally we have seen how the General reviewed the 92nd -Division just before it departed for America, commending the officers -and men for their splendid record overseas. He assured them of his -confidence by saying that he had planned to place them before the great -fortress of Metz; and his words did much to soften the bitterness of -feeling and let both officers and men return to their homeland feeling -that after all the commander and chief of the American Expeditionary -Forces had appreciated their part in the great struggle. No one can -tell what greater things might not have been accomplished by Negro -soldiers during the war if the spirit of Secretary Baker and General -Pershing had followed them throughout the service.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX"><big>CHAPTER IX</big><br /><br /> -THE NINETY-THIRD DIVISION</h2> -</div> - - -<p>The organization of the 93rd Division was begun at Camp Stuart, Newport -News, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, in December, 1917, with the few remaining National Guard -units of Negro men that had survived since the Spanish-American War. -These units were battalions from Ohio and Washington, and companies -from Massachusetts, Maryland, Connecticut, and Tennessee which later -composed the 372nd Infantry Regiment. This Division, which was never -assembled or fully organized, consisted on paper of the 369th, 370th, -371st, and 372nd Infantry Regiments. The general who was to command it -was ordered to Camp Stuart in December, 1917, but in the latter part -of this month the 369th landed in France and was brigaded with the -French, while the other three regiments were still training in America. -These three arrived in France in April, 1918, when they too were -brigaded with the French, with whom they served throughout their stay -overseas. After the cessation of hostilities on November 11, 1918, the -four regiments were reassigned to the American Army for return to the -United States and demobilization. Their record is one of the noblest -in all the history of American arms. Each regiment was decorated as a -whole or in part with the French Croix de Guerre with palm. The history -of the 93rd Division accordingly embraces the activities of the four -regiments that composed it, and these will be considered in order.</p> - - -<h3>369TH INFANTRY</h3> - -<p>The 369th Infantry, or the old 15th New York National Guard Regiment, -was first organized in New York City in 1916 by authority of the New -York State Legislature. It was reorganized by the War Department as -a National Guard regiment of the United States on April 9, 1917, and -placed under the command of Colonel William Hayward. It is proud of -the fact that it was the first National Guard regiment of the United -States to reach war strength of 2001 men and 56 officers, that it was -the first in the field, that it was under fire for 191 days, longer -than any other American regiment, and that after the armistice it led -the French armies to the Rhine, being the first Allied unit to enter -Germany. In all these ways its record was unique.</p> - -<p>The morning following its mobilization on the night of July 14, 1917, -it was moved to Camp Whitman, near Poughkeepsie; and when the President -of the United States drafted the National Guard regiments on August 5, -it was immediately placed on active duty without any training whatever. -The First Battalion, commanded by Major Lorillard Spencer, guarded -600 miles of railroad in New York and New Jersey, several uniform and -shoe factories near New York City, and the German ships seized by the -United States Government. The Second Battalion, commanded by Major -Munson Morris, did pioneer and guard duty at Camp Upton when it was a -wilderness. The Third Battalion, commanded by Major Edward Dayton, with -the band did similar work at Camp Dix, transforming it from a cornfield -into a camp. The machine-gun company guarded 2000 German spies interned -at Ellis Island. Meanwhile regimental headquarters remained in New York -City.</p> - -<p>On October 5, 1917, regimental headquarters and two battalions went -to Camp Wadsworth, Spartanburg, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, for training with the 27th -Division, but after two weeks’ stay in camp the regiment was ordered to -Hoboken to embark for France. It did not sail on October 27 as planned -because of the lack of equipment, and while this was being secured the -various battalions were billeted in armories in different parts of -New York City. On November 11, 1917, however, fully equipped, it went -aboard the U. S. S. “Pocahontas,” which sailed that night for France in -a convoy. On the second day out engine troubles developed and the ship -was obliged to return to port. The regiment went to Camp Merritt, where -details helped to finish the camp. It again embarked, but this time the -“Pocahontas” caught fire and for ten days was tied up at the docks. On -the night of December 13 she finally sailed, but even then she seemed -destined not to land the regiment in France, for she collided with a -British oil tanker which drove a hole in her bow. This, however, was -repaired and the trip was completed on December 26, when Brest was -safely reached.</p> - -<p>The regiment was moved to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire by rail on January 1, 1918, and -there for more than two months it did manual labor, building docks, -erecting hospitals, doing fatigue duty, laying railroad tracks, and -doing construction work on the great dam at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire. From the -time of their arrival at this port until March 10 the men did not -see their rifles except at night, but on this latter date they were -ordered to join a French combat unit. All entrained on March 13 for -Givry-en-Argonne, reporting on March 15 to General Le Gallais of the -16th Division, 4th French Army. It was at this place that the regiment -learned that its name was changed from 15th New York to 369th Infantry. -The American equipment was turned in and French equipment given, this -including everything needed on the Western front. The organization of -the regiment was also changed so as to make it conform to that of a -French regiment. During this training period of three weeks the men -drilled day and night under French officers. Beginning April 8 the -battalions were successively placed in front line trenches, “doubled” -with French units, their first sector being in Main de Massiges, left -of the Aisne River and northeast of Châlons in the Champagne. After -eight days of this experience the regiment took over 4½ kilometers -of front, with two battalions in the lines and one in support enjoying -a rest period which gave some opportunity for additional training. On -April 29 Colonel Hayward was placed in command of several French units -in addition to his own regiment.</p> - -<p>The activity in this sector consisted of nightly patrols and raids -until July 4 and 5, when active preparation was made for the big German -drive long expected by the French high command. The 369th labored -incessantly, helping to build and fortify the intermediate positions, -which were two or three kilometers from the front line. When the -battalions were relieved from front line duty, instead of going into -rest billets they worked on these positions, which were fortified as -a means of strategy by General Gouraud. This procedure enabled the -French to counter-attack and to recapture trenches secretly evacuated. -This method foiled and stopped the German drive on a fifty-mile front -between Rheims and the Argonne. The 369th participated in this attack, -with the third battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, occupying the -front line, where it did its share in stopping the enemy advance.</p> - -<p>During the terrific bombardment of the German artillery, which had -as its target not only the front line but also several kilometers of -rear area, the commander of the 369th was ordered to establish liaison -at once, if possible, between his headquarters and the French 27th -Infantry. This meant establishing a line of relay runners over a front -of three kilometers, the entire distance being under heavy shell fire. -This hazardous task was performed by the runners of the 369th in such a -courageous and efficient manner and with so little thought of personal -safety that the regiment received commendation from the division -commander.</p> - -<p>From the time of the regiment’s arrival on the front until the second -day of this battle it was a part of the 16th French Division, but on -the night of July 15, while the battle was raging, it received orders -to reinforce the 161st French Division, which was being furiously -attacked. A place was made for the 369th by taking out a French -regiment which had been greatly reduced in both officers and men. In -order to make the change of position, the regiment moved six kilometers -under constant shell fire. On reporting to General LeBouc, commander of -the 161st Division, two battalions were immediately ordered into front- -and second-line positions to relieve a Moroccan regiment. Officers and -men had been without food or water for hours, yet they occupied the -positions and took up the combat, which lasted for three days before -the enemy was definitely checked.</p> - -<p>On July 18 the 161st began to push the Germans back and to reoccupy -the abandoned terrain. Two battalions of the 369th shared in this -undertaking and continued in such operations until July 21, when the -regiment took over and established the front line in the Calvaire -sector north of Minaucourt. All three battalions suffered casualties in -this offensive, the third suffering most because it was in the front -line longest.</p> - -<p>On July 23 the 369th occupied a sector between Butte de Mesnil and Main -de Massiges under the most trying conditions. The enemy was constantly -being pushed back, but during the process artillery and infantry combat -hardly ceased for several days, and there was a constant rain of gas -and high explosive shells on all sides. The sector held by the 369th -had a front of a thousand meters, and the three battalions supported -one another from the front line to the intermediate positions in the -rear. Several raids were made each night by both sides and casualties -occurred daily and nightly on the patrols and raids that were sent into -“No Man’s Land.”</p> - -<p>The regiment was at length relieved in this sector and it started for -Camp <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Quen south of Châlons to get a long promised rest. It had been -under fire continuously for 130 days. At this camp the other three -Negro regiments serving with the French were supposed to be mobilized -for the complete organization of the 93rd Division. Barracks were -cleaned in expectation of these troops, but before they reached the -camp the 369th, which had been resting less than a week, was ordered -back to the front to resume its place in the 161st Division. It was -placed in a sector west of and adjacent to the sector of Calvaire -previously held. On its return to the division it replaced the 115th R. -I., which was broken up and distributed among other French units. The -new sector was the most active and deadly the regiment had held. There -were constant raids and patrols and a continuous combat of artillery. -The Germans here used the device of having several aeroplanes “loop -the loop” over the French lines in the hope that men would come out -and watch them. If they did a projector gas attack would be launched -immediately.</p> - -<p>One of the most furious attacks on the 367th was begun in such manner. -The aeroplanes did the “loop the loop,” which was followed by two -gas attacks separated only by seconds. Then a terrific artillery -bombardment started, lasting forty minutes, during which time it was -estimated that 9000 shells fell on the regiment. Twenty minutes after -the lull of the big guns seven German infantry regiments charged over -the top to drive the 369th from its trenches. The First Battalion, -assisted by the machine-gun companies from the other two, met the -assault with a steady, intensive, and continued fire until it broke -down in front of the lines. At no point were the enemy able to enter -the lines or capture any prisoners. Instead, the 369th Regiment -captured prisoners who gave valuable and much needed information, -and it was specially commended for its steadiness under fire in this -engagement. In this sector the regiment lost a large number of officers -and men and experienced its hardest fighting. On September 15 it was -relieved by a French Fourragère regiment and taken to the rear to Somme -Tourbe and Somme Bionne, where for eight days the men rested. Meanwhile -they were taught the principles of open warfare in anticipation of the -attack by the French and American armies which was launched September -25, 1918.</p> - -<p>For this attack the infantry battalions in the division were placed -in assault waves and commanded by their regimental officers. The -artillery preparation for the attack lasted six hours and twenty-five -minutes, with French and American guns of all sizes going at full -blast. At the zero hour (5.25 A. M.) the Allied armies went over the -top in one of the biggest offensives of the war. The French and -Moroccan battalions on the left and right of the 369th contracted -their fronts, thus leaving an opening between the French divisions; -and the Third Battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, advanced on the -left and established liaison with the Moroccans. On September 26 the -two units captured the town of Ripont, a large number of prisoners and -machine-guns, and advanced to the Dormois River, a distance of more -than four kilometers. Heavy casualties resulted from this advance; -several officers and men were killed, and Major Spencer himself was -wounded six times. On the afternoon of the 27th Fountaine en Dormoise -was captured and the regimental P. C. was established there. Further -advance was held up for a while by barbed wire entanglements commanded -by machine-gun nests, some of which were in concrete pill boxes. -These, however, were finally captured. During the night the Second -Battalion relieved the third in the front line, and by daylight on -the 28th it was ordered to continue the attack with the two French -battalions on its left and right. The artillery barrage for the third -day’s attack was ineffective, and the assaulting battalion had to cut -its way through wire and overcome machine-gun nests without artillery -assistance. The day’s advance was 1000 meters over hills and ridges -occupied and controlled by the enemy. On this day the battle was -hottest around Bellevue Ridge and Bellevue Signal, with the contending -forces trying to gain possession. After nightfall the French executed -a brilliant flank movement with three battalions, including the second -of the 369th, driving the enemy from all the trenches and terrain -leading to the summit of the ridge. Dawn on the 29th found the enemy -killed, captured, or driven from the ridge and the advance moving down -the slopes toward the plains beyond to the town of Sechault, the next -objective.</p> - -<p>The First Battalion, commanded by Major Little, led this advance, -entering the town and engaging in heavy fighting in the streets and -in house to house combat, in an attempt to clear the town of enemy -infantry and machine-gun nests. The battalion advanced through Sechault -to the plains beyond, but withdrew for the night to make way for French -artillery preparation for the continued advance, which began on the -30th through the woods of Petit Rosière and lasted until October 3. The -regiment was again commended by the division general for the way in -which it cleared Sechault of the enemy. The entire division halted to -await the capture of the town because of its importance.</p> - -<p>The Second and Third Battalions were sent in to relieve the first on -October 3, but the regiment had suffered so many casualties in both -officers and men that it was relieved with the 161st Division and -carried in troop trains to Vitry-le-François. A little later it was -transferred from Gouraud’s Fourth Army, where it had served during its -offensives, to become a part of the 7th French Army.</p> - -<p>The 369th entrained at Vitry-le-François for Belfort on October 12, -reaching its destination on the 14th. Two days later it moved by trucks -and forced marches to Thann in the Vosges Mountains, where the entire -regiment was put in front line trenches in the Thur sector. This was -comparatively quiet, and from October 16 to November 11 only six -casualties occurred, including one officer.</p> - -<p>The 369th Regiment played an important part in all the campaigns in -which it participated, its efficiency increasing with every engagement. -During the time that it was brigaded with the French the relations were -most cordial; and during the last days of the September offensive the -commanding general of the 161st Division attached it to his own two -crack regiments because of its fighting qualities under fire. While -there were difficulties of language, these were usually overcome by -the assignment of efficient interpreters and the French officers were -enthusiastic in their praise of the manner in which the regiment fought -in all its battles.</p> - -<p>After the Armistice the 161st Division became a part of the Second -French Army of Occupation. The 369th was given the post of honor as -advance guard in the Triumphal March of November 17, 1918, and led -the Army of Occupation out of the mountains to the plains lying on -the west bank of the Rhine River. Reaching Blodelsheim on the Rhine -on the morning of November 18, it was the first unit of all the -Allied armies to reach the goal toward which so many million men had -struggled through four bloody years. The regiment occupied the towns -of Blodelsheim, Fessenheim, and Balgan, which also included a pontoon -bridge head and a ferry head. Meanwhile the municipal affairs of these -towns were administered by the regimental commander and his troops, who -also guarded the surrounding territory.</p> - -<p>Of this duty the 369th was relieved on December 4, and it moved to -division headquarters near Ensisheim. On the 13th it took part in the -division review, at which time its colors were decorated with the Croix -de Guerre for gallantry in action in the Champagne offensive. The -recommendation for this citation was made by General LeBouc, with the -approval of General Gouraud, Marshal Petain, and General Pershing. The -translation of the citation reads as follows:</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="center"><i>Citation for Croix de Guerre</i></p> - -<p class="center"><i>161st Division of Infantry, 8th Army Corps, Fourth Army (Aux Armées -Françaises)</i></p> - -<p><i>369th Regiment of Infantry, United States, under command of Colonel -Hayward, who though injured insisted on leading his regiment in -battle, of Lieutenant Colonel Pickering, admirably cool and brave, -of Major Spencer, grievously wounded, of Major Cobb, killed, and of -Major Little, a true leader of his men, fought with great bravery, -stormed powerful enemy positions energetically defended, captured many -machine-guns, large numbers of prisoners and six cannon, and took, -after heavy fighting, the Town of Sechault.</i></p> -</div> - -<p>One hundred and sixty-seven officers and men received decorations, -including the Congressional Medal of Honor, the Distinguished Service -Cross, the Croix de Guerre, and the Legion of Honor. Where all were -brave it is almost invidious to mention names. Some of the most -noteworthy exploits, however, were those of Henry Johnson, Needham -Roberts, and Sergeant William Butler. The story of the first two -of these men is well known to the American public, as they were the -very first Americans to receive the French Croix de Guerre. Their -achievement in repulsing a German raiding party of more than twenty -men in a hand-to-hand combat served as an incentive to their comrades -and as an example for the whole American Army. Johnson’s feat was -particularly noteworthy. Soon after the beginning of the encounter -Roberts was wounded. Although surrounded by overwhelming numbers, -Johnson continued fighting, first using hand grenades, then his rifle -until that jammed, when he used the butt of it, hitting right and left. -Finally he resorted to his bolo knife as a last means of preventing -the capture of himself and his comrade. Although himself wounded, he -succeeded in killing four of the enemy and in wounding a large number -of the others. In August, while the 369th was in the front lines, and -when raiding parties from both sides went out nightly, on one occasion -the Germans laid down an encaging barrage, after which they enclosed -and captured a raiding party of one officer and four men. Sergeant -William Butler, armed with a Chauchaut rifle, attacked the group with -such effectiveness that he killed four men and wounded the officer, who -was captured and later died, the rest being put to flight. The officer -and four men of the 369th meanwhile made their escape and returned to -their regiment. A captured German report described Sergeant Butler’s -activities as “an enemy group in overwhelming numbers” and stated -that because of the superiority of the rescuing party eight Germans, -including an officer, failed to return. For his heroism on this -occasion Sergeant Butler was decorated by both the French and American -Governments.</p> - -<p>On December 18 the 369th bade a last farewell to its French comrades in -arms and started for Belfort, reaching there on the 20th. It had made -an enviable record, serving longer than any other American unit as an -integral part of a foreign army. In his report of the operations of -the regiment on the western front, Colonel Hayward said: “It had less -training than any American unit before action, as follows: 3 weeks at -Camp Whiteman, New York; 10 days at Camp Wadsworth, South Carolina; -2 weeks with French Army while changing equipment. It had one of -the lowest, if not the lowest percentages of venereal infections or -drunkenness in the A. E. F. It was 191 days in action in front line -trenches, believed to be the longest of any American regiment. It never -lost a trench or a foot of ground and never had one of its number -captured by the enemy.”</p> - -<p>With such a record the 369th turned its steps homeward on January 1, -1919, arriving on the 2nd at Le Mans, where it remained until the 11th. -It then entrained for Brest, reaching there on the 12th. The battalions -sailed on three ships, and the last contingent arrived in New York, -February 12.</p> - -<p>It was a happy day for these war-worn heroes when they saw again the -Statue of Liberty and set foot on American shores. As one battalion -steamed into port, the regiment’s famous band, which had toured -France under the direction of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> James Reese Europe and had -the distinction of being considered the best musical organization -in the American Army, played the “Star Spangled Banner” and the -“Marseillaise”; and it was a sight never to be forgotten to see these -hardy warriors stand at attention while the national airs of two -great allies were being played. As they landed they were applauded by -thousands of their kinsmen and countrymen for their glorious deeds; and -the greatest reception ever given returning heroes was held for the -369th by the City of New York on February 17, when the regiment, led by -its band, marched up Fifth Avenue under the Victory Arch and through -Harlem to the plaudits and cheers of tens of thousands who counted it -a privilege to honor those who had so gloriously upheld the traditions -of their country. At the end of this historic day’s activities, the -regiment entrained at night for Camp Upton for demobilization, which -was completed March 1. The twelve hundred original survivors were -discharged at Camp Upton, while the replacements were sent to the camps -nearest their homes.</p> - - -<h3>370TH INFANTRY</h3> - -<p>The 370th Infantry Regiment, which was otherwise known as “the old -8th” of Chicago, was one of the federalized National Guard units -that entered the World War with a record of achievement and with a -tradition to uphold. The regiment’s beginning dates back to 1892, when -a small group of men in Illinois banded themselves together for the -purpose of organizing a battalion of Negro soldiers. The first company -was formed with B. G. Johnson as captain, John C. Buckner as first -lieutenant, and John R. Marshall as second lieutenant. Three years -later a battalion was formed with John C. Buckner as major, and soon -afterwards this was admitted to the Illinois State militia as the Ninth -Battalion Infantry National Guard. This organization at the time it was -formed gave Negro men their best opportunity in the country to gain a -knowledge of military tactics, which they found useful when Congress -declared war on Spain April 25, 1898.</p> - -<p>The allotment for Illinois under President McKinley’s call for 175,000 -men was seven regiments of infantry and one of cavalry. When these -eight regiments left for camp and the Ninth Battalion was not called -to the colors, the Negro people felt that they were wilfully being -kept out of the war with Spain. Shortly afterwards, however, John R. -Tanner, who served as governor of the state during the Spanish-American -War, called John R. Marshall to his office and suggested that he -organize a regiment of Negro men, in which case he would be the first -man of his race to bear the military title of Colonel; and the work of -organization accordingly began.</p> - -<p>President McKinley’s second call for 75,000 men on May 25, 1898, gave -Governor Tanner an opportunity to carry out his promise to put the -regiment into service. He ordered it to Springfield, where the work of -recruiting continued until it reached war strength with 1195 men and -76 officers, and on July 23 John R. Marshall was sworn in as Colonel. -While every other Illinois regiment had gone to Cuba and soldiers -from all parts of the country were constantly embarking, the 8th -remained at Camp Tanner in Illinois; and just about the time the Negro -soldiers were getting discouraged over their prospects of taking part -in real war, Governor Tanner visited the camp and in a speech said: -“Even from the doors of the White House have I received letters asking -and advising me not to officer this regiment with colored men, but I -promised to do so, and I have done it. I shall never rest until I see -this regiment, my regiment, on the soil of Cuba battling for the right -and its kinsmen.”</p> - -<p>It was not Spanish shot and shell that sent many Americans to their -graves, but the hot climate of Cuba and its fevers; in some camps the -sick and dying were found in every tent and the dead march was heard at -every mess call. Yet when the men of the 8th were asked to go to Cuba -to relieve the 1st Illinois whose men were dying daily, they readily -said “Let’s go”; and their volunteering under the circumstances was -especially commended by President McKinley.</p> - -<p>On August 14, 1898, the regiment arrived in Cuba and immediately it -attracted attention by its military precision. Some very efficient men -were officers, among them Major Franklin A. Dennison, who served as -judge of claims in Santiago. When the regiment returned on March 17, -1900, and marched down Michigan Avenue, it was given a great ovation -by the citizens of Chicago. Much of its success had been due to the -hard work of Colonel Marshall, who served until January 1, 1914. He was -succeeded by Major Dennison, who took command January 12. During the -next year the state legislature appropriated money for the erection of -a new armory. The corner-stone of this was laid in 1915, and it was the -first building of its kind for Negroes in America. In the course of the -trouble with Mexico the 8th was sent to the border.</p> - -<p>When war was declared against Germany, April 6, 1917, the regiment -was sent to Texas for preparation. It was in Houston during the riots -between the citizens and the soldiers of the 25th Infantry, but its -record for discipline was upheld. For a while after the riots it was -not thought safe for it to remain at Camp Logan, but the soldierly -bearing of its officers and men demonstrated that such fears were -unwarranted; and when the regiment left Texas for Newport News the -citizens of Houston turned out to do it honor. Its arrival at Newport -News, with a Negro colonel who placed Negro military police on the -streets, created something of a sensation. On Washington’s Birthday, -1918, three companies, led by Colonel Dennison and the regimental band, -went to Norfolk to take part in a demonstration to stimulate interest -in the sale of war stamps, and for the first time in the history of -the city Negro troops marched at the head of a procession of several -thousand American soldiers, sailors, and marines.</p> - -<p>The regiment did intensive training at Newport News until it sailed -for France. It arrived in Brest April 22, 1918, spent two days in -the barracks at Pontenazen, and then journeyed for three days to -Grandvillars, a village near the town of Belfort and within three -miles of the Swiss border. Here it received intensive training under -French officers for six weeks. The regiment made excellent progress and -was complimented on numerous occasions. It was supplied with French -equipment, and during the training period and the time spent in quiet -sectors it was attached to four different French divisions.</p> - -<p>At the end of the first training period the regiment marched on June 12 -and 13 to Morvillars, where it entrained for Ligny en Barrois (Meuse). -It then moved near the town of Bar-le-Duc in the department of the -Meuse. Here it was declared fit for active service, and on June 21 -it was placed on the front line in a quiet sector in the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel -district for fourteen days. Leaving for the Argonne on July 19, it was -placed in the Verdun sector on the plateau of Gorgia and at Hermont -and Mont des Allieux. At the last named place, on July 24, the first -casualty in action took place when Private Robert M. Lee of machine-gun -company No. 2 was killed. The only other operation except the usual -routine work was the raid of a Stokes mortar platoon, commanded by <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lt.</abbr> -Robert A. Wood, on August 4. This was in the sub-sector of Vauquois. -Three hundred rounds of ammunition were fired, the object being to fill -up the gaps of the artillery barrage.</p> - -<p>On August 15 the 370th was placed at the disposal of General Mangin, -who was commander of the 10th Army and who ordered the regiment in -reserve along the Curcq River. From this position it was taken on -September 15 to the Soissons sector with the 59th Division in the area -of Vauxaillon with the Ailette Canal and Alizy Château as its strong -salients. The Third Battalion, commanded by Colonel Otis B. Duncan, -succeeded in taking the southern boundary of the canal. Four rifle -companies were detached with two French regiments and assisted in -taking Mont des Singes. The fighting was severe. The 370th was usually -in close support, but it also participated in several attacks, in all -of which the objectives were gained.</p> - -<p>For the first time, on September 22, the regiment was given a full -sector extending from L’Écluse to a point 300 meters west of the -crossing of the Pinon Braucourt road. The First Battalion went into a -position on the Oise-Aisne Canal and the Farm Guilliminet, the Second -into a support position at Mont des Tombs and Les Tueries and the -slopes west of Antioche Farm, and the third into reserve at Tincelle -Farm. The headquarters company was stationed at Levilly and the supply -company at Monte Couve.</p> - -<p>In the midst of the relief of the First and Second Battalions on the -front line during the night of September 27, an attack was ordered at -dawn. By the greatest effort the relief was completed and the Second -Battalion, which was ordered to work, began offensive operations. -These lasted three days. During the night, while the relief was being -conducted, there was considerable mixing of units. It was difficult to -maintain liaison and as a result one company advanced too far and a -number of casualties resulted.</p> - -<p>Colonel Duncan, commanding the Third Battalion, was ordered on -September 30 to attack along the canal from Mont des Singes to the -Pinon Braucourt road. The fighting in this section continued until -the evening of October 4 before it was certain that the enemy had -been driven across the canal. During this advance the patrols of -the regiment were out nightly around L’Écluse and along the canal. -The 370th drove the enemy from this triangle several times, but it -was difficult to remain where it was as it was the target of severe -artillery and machine fire from two directions. This attack of the -30th is memorable in the annals of the 370th as it was against the -Hindenburg line and was driving back the famous Prussian Guard, the -flower of Emperor William’s army. On account of the orders’ being -delayed in transmission, the advance started in broad daylight. It was -led by Colonels Roberts and Duncan with other officers close by their -sides. As they passed through a shell-torn ravine, German machine-gun -bullets rained upon them, but they pressed forward, finally engaging -in a hand-to-hand struggle and driving the enemy before them. The fact -that some of the new troops got separated from their units in the -night caused the rumor to be circulated that the regiment as a whole -was demoralized. This was found to be not true, as all the objectives -were gained and the morale of the men in the front line was good at all -times.</p> - -<p>The regiment took part in the general advance of the division on -October 12, pushing back the German line 70 kilometers. In this -advance the cities of Laon and Crépy were captured. The First and -Second Battalions were complimented by the commanding general, the -First for its passage of the strong position in Bois de Mortier -and its successful reaching of its objective, and the Second for a -well conducted march in pursuit of the enemy via Anizyle-Château to -Cessières, which was reached late on the night of the 12th. Here the -division stopped for twelve days, ten of which were spent in cleaning -the town and the last two in supplying the men with much needed -clothing. During these days the First and Second Battalions were in the -<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Gobain forest and the Third at Mauneux Farm.</p> - -<p>After this brief period of rest from fighting, the division went into -the front line again, the First and Second Battalions going in near -Grandliep, with the Third in reserve near Chambrey. There were no -engagements between October 24 and November 3, but on the latter date -a large shell fell and exploded in the midst of Company A at Chautrud -Farm where the men were gathered around the kitchen. Thirty-four were -killed and fifty-two wounded.</p> - -<p>On November 5 the enemy began a general withdrawal with the French -following closely. The three battalions of the 370th continued in -pursuit, alternating in the front line position. Company C of the First -Battalion, Captain James H. Smith commanding, took a German battery -consisting of three field pieces (77 cannon) and two machine-guns, for -which it was proposed for an army citation. The Second Battalion helped -to take Beaume and Aubenton, while the Third had crossed the Belgian -frontier when the Armistice was signed. On November 10 the regiment -celebrated the evacuation of Signy le Petit, a town which had been -occupied for four years by the Germans, who marched out four hours -before the parade through the town with a French soldier carrying the -Stars and Stripes and Color-Sergeant Mark P. Freeman, a Negro, carrying -the Tricolor of France.</p> - -<p>After the Armistice the regiment did road work and fatigue duty, -cleaning up the villages and towns where it was stationed. With the -French the relations were always most cordial; all had been comrades, -working and fighting together for a great cause. In spite of the -difficulties of language, which were often serious, the regiment showed -marked improvement as the operations progressed. It played an important -part in the activity of the division, as its numerical strength was -nearly half of that of the infantry of the whole. During most of the -advance to the Ailette and north of the Hindenburg line, the battalion -operated separately, but for three weeks in front of the Ailette the -regiment functioned as an organization, and it did as much work as any -other regiment in the 59th Division. Valuable and necessary service -was also rendered by 125 men of the regiment’s depot company who were -attached to the divisional artillery, and by 75 who were attached to -the engineers.</p> - -<p>On the day that the armistice was signed General Vincenden commended -the men of the 59th Division for helping to vanquish “the most powerful -instrument of conquest that a nation could forge.” In referring to the -“Black Devils,” he said: “The 370th R. I. U. S. has contributed largely -to the success of the 59th Division and has taken in bitter strife -both cannon and machine-guns. Its units, fired by a noble ardor, go -at times even beyond the objectives given by the higher command; they -have always wished to be in the front lines, for the place of honor is -in the leading rank. They have shown, in the course of our advance, -that they are worthy of being there.” As the officers and men were -leaving the French command, he further thanked and commended them in -General Order No. 4785, which especially complimented the intrepidity -of Colonel Duncan and said to the men in closing: “The blood of your -comrades who fell on the soil of France, mixed with the blood of our -soldiers, renders indissoluble the bonds of affection that unite us. -We have, besides, the pride of having worked together at a magnificent -task, and the pride of bearing on our foreheads the ray of a common -grandeur.”</p> - -<p>Prominent among those to whom these words were addressed and among -those who received citations were Sergeant Charles T. Monroe of the -Headquarters Company of the regiment, Sergeant Mathew Jenkins of -Company F, and First <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> William J. Warfield of Company L. Sergeant -Monroe displayed extraordinary heroism in action at Mont-de-Sanges, -September 24, 1918. A private at the time, in the absence of a platoon -commander he took charge of a platoon of Stokes mortars, directing the -work of the men under heavy shell fire. Although the shelling was at -times so intense that the guns were buried, Sergeant Monroe and his -men worked unceasingly in placing them back in action. He himself was -buried by the explosion of a shell, but on being dug out, continued -to direct the work of his men and to inspire them by his fearless -example. Sergeant Jenkins, on September 20, 1918, was in command of a -detachment that was ordered to attack the German line. After rescuing, -under fire, a wounded comrade, he charged with his detachment, took a -fortified tunnel, and, being far in advance of his lines and without -rations and ammunition, held the position for more than thirty-six -hours until relieved, making use of captured guns and ammunition to -repel the attacks made upon him. Lieutenant Warfield’s exploit took -place near Ferme de la Rivière, September 28, 1918. Although separated -with his platoon from the company, he continued to lead a stubborn -resistance against enemy machine-gun nests, successfully capturing a -gun and killing the crew. Although severely wounded, he still continued -to command, refusing relief until his objective was reached. Altogether -the regiment received twenty-one Distinguished Service Crosses, -sixty-eight French Croix de Guerre, and one Distinguished Service Medal.</p> - -<p>The 370th was released from the French command and returned to the -American Army December 12, 1918. After the change it encamped at -Soissons until December 23, then at Le Mans until January 8, 1919, and -then at Brest until February 1, when it sailed for America, arriving -at Camp Upton nine days later. As the men of the 370th turned towards -their native land, they did so with pride in the achievements of their -regiment and with the knowledge that it had lived up to its tradition. -It had served on two fronts and had participated in the Oisne-Aisne -offensive, the last great battle of the war. While patrols had gone -forth both day and night, only one man had been taken prisoner. Because -of such a record, all Chicago turned out on February 17 to do honor -to the “Old 8th.” Offices and stores were closed for the day, bells -and whistles welcomed the heroes home, and at the Coliseum, where -the regiment went after leaving the station, thousands gathered that -they might see the war-scarred and medal-bedecked soldiers and hear -something of their experiences. After this great meeting, there was -in the afternoon a regimental parade down Michigan Avenue in full war -equipment, amid the plaudits of all Chicago. At the close of the parade -the regiment entrained for Camp Grant at Rockford for demobilization. -This was completed March 12, and thus the noble record of the 370th -became history.</p> - - -<h3>371ST INFANTRY</h3> - -<p>The 371st Infantry Regiment, commanded by Colonel P. L. Miles, was -organized and trained at Camp Jackson, Columbia, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr> It was composed -mainly of North and South Carolina men and was officered largely by -Southerners. The commanding officer was interested in the welfare of -his men, so also were many of the junior officers; and in spite of some -discouraging circumstances the soldiers were faithful in their work. -Especially had there been strong protest against having Negroes trained -in Columbia; but in the end all such fears proved to be unwarranted, -as the conduct of the men was above reproach. At the end of their -training period citizens from all walks of life gave testimony to the -fact that they had been a credit to their race and to the uniform they -wore, and the Columbia <i>State</i> said that South Carolina was proud -of the regiment and that when the men went to France they would carry -with them the best wishes, the prayers, and the blessing of the best -people of the state.</p> - -<p>Just before the regiment left for overseas, the colored citizens -of Columbia presented it with a flag (March 27, 1918). As the men -marched through the principal street of Columbia in full uniform, they -presented a wonderful spectacle. The transformation that had been -wrought in many of them was almost unbelievable, and mothers, fathers, -wives, and friends came from far to see their kinsmen on parade. After -receiving the flag the regiment returned to camp, but it was soon -on its way to France. William Slovens McNutt, in writing about its -departure from Camp Jackson, said that while he was with some officers -he heard a great shout outside and the thump, thump, thump of marching -soldiers. On looking out he saw a Negro regiment passing in full array. -The whole camp was quiet, and the only sound was that of the marching -and the cracking of the packs. The black men from the cotton-fields -were on their way to France. A big Mississippian standing near swore -growlingly under his breath, gulped, and said: “I’m done talking about -niggers. These boys have been fine soldiers here, and if they ever get -back from France, I’m big enough to lick any man who don’t give ’em a -square deal.” Then a soft, quavery voice somewhere in the ranks began -the hymn, “Will there be any stars in my crown?” Others took it up, -and soon the whole regiment was singing the old church song as the men -tramped their solemn way out of camp to put their bodies to the chance -of war on a foreign field.</p> - -<p>The regiment sailed from Newport News April 9, 1918, arriving at Brest -on the 23rd. For three days the men drilled, worked, and rested before -their next journey to Rembercourt, the training area. One of its first -duties was to clean up Rembercourt, and the soldiers were interested -to find that the French people would not allow them to remove the -cobwebs from the old barns used as billets because of the superstition -that their removal would bring harm to the family. Some companies -were trained at Marats-le-Grand and others at Marats-le-Petit in the -Rembercourt area. Here under French instructors they did intensive -work, learning the French system, and the rapidity with which they -absorbed the new methods gratified both the French and the American -officers. It took the men some time to get used to the French rations, -and Colonel Miles meanwhile forbade the sale of French wines or any -form of intoxicant to the men in his charge.</p> - -<p>The 371st was assigned to the 157th French Division. Its training -period lasted until June 6, when it was ordered to the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel -sector to join the 38th Division. While it was proceeding to carry out -the orders and the regimental commander was making reconnaissance -of the sector, the order was rescinded and the regiment was directed -to return to the 13th French Army Corps. It then marched to -Sivry-la-Perche, Bois Bourrus, Vigneville, and Bois de Bethlainville, -where it supported the 68th Division from June 13 to June 22.</p> - -<p>On the nights of June 22 and 23 the headquarters company of the First -Battalion entered the front line of the Avocourt sub-sector, west of -Hill 304, for its first experience in modern warfare. After July 14 -the regiment moved into the Varrieres sub-sector in the same vicinity, -and the Second and Third Battalions were in support. In this sector -the regiment remained until September 14, most of the time with two -battalions in the line and one in support, although for a short time -the entire regiment was in the front line. During these days there was -some nervousness on the part of the troops as they were constantly -expecting an attack; but it did not take them long to become accustomed -to the artillery fire, and their nonchalant attitude won for them the -admiration and the confidence of the French officers.</p> - -<p>The supporting battalion did the night work on the defenses destroyed -by the artillery fire, and its nearness to the front line prevented any -training of the regiment in offensive action. Outpost duty was done, -and at one time the 371st covered as much as five kilometers, which -was its own front and half the front of the 333rd French Infantry at -its left. There were occasional raiding parties and nightly patrols, -and daily there was harassing fire in the sector. Some men were killed -or wounded in these raids, but on the other hand some prisoners were -taken, much to the satisfaction of the French command.</p> - -<p>The 371st, though inexperienced in war, occupied and defended its -sectors, and provided for all means of liaison and supply just as -a French infantry regiment was expected to do. More and more its -discipline improved. On September 14 it was taken from the Verdun -region by trucks to Helitz-l’Évêque, Champagne, for two weeks of -training in offensive action, but on the first day of training new -orders came and the regiment marched to Somme Bionne, Champagne, in -the area of the great offensive which was to start on September 26. On -the night of the 26th the regiment marched from the old French line -at Boyan to Butte de Mesnil. At 12.30 on the 27th it was ordered to -a position in readiness behind the crest line facing north between -Butte de Mesnil and Maison Champagne Ferme. A position astride the -Ripont-Gratevil road was reached before daylight. There was heavy gun -fire and there were six casualties in the course of the march.</p> - -<p>In accordance with operation order No. 20, issued by the 157th -Division, the First Battalion of the 371st Infantry attacked at 6.45 -o’clock on September 28 on a front of 500 meters on the axis Ripont, -Bussy Farm, les Petit Rosières, between the 161st French Division on -the right and the 2nd Moroccan Division on the left. Major Joseph B. -Pate, commanding the First Battalion of the 371st, was ordered to fill -an interval that was reported to have occurred between the 161st and -the 2nd Moroccan Division. On receiving information from the commander -on the right that no gap existed, the First Battalion attacked at the -hour set, but machine-guns held up the advance for a while and caused a -large number of casualties. At daylight it was discovered that the gap -did exist, but defective liaison prevented getting the necessary aid or -artillery support. As a result machine-gun nests had to be taken with -rifle and bayonet at a heavy cost.</p> - -<p>The French and the 371st, advancing on Hill 188, withdrew and marched -to the right flank around the hill, as it was filled with machine-gun -nests. The hill was finally taken by the First Battalion of the -371st with the assistance of a battalion of the 372nd Infantry. This -encounter will always be remembered by the 371st, as it was here that -the regiment lost the greatest number of men. Machine-gun fire swept -the crest of the hill, but even this did not stop the advance. When -night came a position had been reached 400 meters south of Le Pied.</p> - -<p>Personal reconnaissance by the commander of the Second Battalion -determined that Bussy Farm had been evacuated by the enemy. Acting in -accordance with orders from the 157th Division, the Third Battalion of -the 371st occupied this farm at 7 o’clock on the morning of September -29. At 9.15 on the same morning the entire regiment advanced in a -column of battalions on a front of 500 meters’ distance between -the battalions and 500 meters from the 372nd Infantry on the right -and the 333rd French Infantry on the left. The Third Battalion of -the 371st captured the villages of Ardeuil, Montfauxelle, and the -railroad station, yards, and shops just north of Montfauxelle; and -the advance of the regiment halted at these places for the night. -During this advance Company K of the Third Battalion was on the extreme -left near the French unit. Both were subjected to heavy fire from -the hills before them. Captain Chester D. Heywood, who commanded the -company, ordered an attack to clear the hill. This was successful, and -thirty-five prisoners, including three officers, a 77 M. M. cannon -with its ammunition, and a number of machine-guns were captured. On -September 30 the regiment advanced in the same formation as on the -preceding day, with the Third, Second, and First Battalions from front -to rear in the order given. Trières Farm was captured by the Third -Battalion, which was far in advance of the troops on its right and -left. While in this position it was subjected to heavy fire and there -were heavy losses. The Second Battalion was deployed to the right and -met the same opposition.</p> - -<p>On October 1 at 5 o’clock the regiment was relieved of front line duty -and carried to the rear to reorganize. There it remained until October -6. Before entering the great Champagne campaign it had had no training -in offensive operations for battalions, and the signal platoon had had -experience only in a defensive sector. Lack of training on the part -of the signal platoon prevented the regiment from obtaining artillery -assistance even sometimes when it was sorely needed in the advance. -In spite of this handicap the regiment carried the attack forward in -advance of adjacent troops. No French troops led the way for the 371st. -It marched into battle and maintained its approach formation under -heavy fire without faltering. Many officers stayed at their posts even -when wounded, continually encouraging their men; and on the other hand -there were numerous acts of heroism and devotion to duty on the part of -the men.</p> - -<p>During the regiment’s advance it shot down three German aeroplanes -which were flying low and directing the firing. This was a unique -record. Ninety prisoners were taken, and of a total strength of 2384 -the losses of the regiment in the Champagne offensive were as follows: -Officers, killed 4, died of wounds 4, wounded 41, total 49; Enlisted -men, killed 101, died of wounds 6, wounded 866, total 973; Missing 30; -Total 1052.</p> - -<p>Such figures are cold. Let us note some of the concrete deeds that were -afterwards cited for honors. Near Champagne, on September 28, Corporal -Sandy E. Jones was engaged as company clerk and was left behind to care -for the company records. “When he learned that all the company officers -had become casualties, he immediately went forward, and, collecting the -scattered elements of the company, reorganized them under most trying -and difficult conditions.” Private Reuben Burrell, “although painfully -wounded in the knee, refused to be evacuated, stating that if he went -to the rear there would not be enough left for his group to function.” -Privates Ellison Moses and Junius Diggs, after their companies had been -forced to withdraw from advanced positions, “went forward and rescued -wounded soldiers, working persistently until all of them had been -carried to shelter.” Four other men, among them Bruce Stoney, Charlie -Butler, and Willie Boston, “crawled 200 yards ahead of our lines under -violent machine-gun fire and rescued an officer who was lying mortally -wounded in a shell hole.” These are only a few of the individual acts -of heroism.</p> - -<p>After the Champagne offensive the regiment was withdrawn and sent to -a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains, the Bonhomme sub-sector in -Alsace. It remained there from October 16 until after the Armistice, -with the assistance of one battalion of Chasseurs holding over eight -kilometers of front. There were no important operations here and for -the first time the reserve battalions were given intensive training.</p> - -<p>During the service with the French there were always the most cordial -relations. General Goybet had sincere affection for these Negro troops -and took personal pride in what they did. Other generals and the French -soldiers also learned to respect and admire them for their soldierly -qualities and their bravery; and so did the Moroccan division. General -Garnier Duplessis, commander of the 9th Army Corps of France, after -watching the deeds of the 371st and 372nd in the Champagne offensive, -said, “I salute the brave American regiments who have equalled in -intrepidity their French comrades.” Colonel Quillet, who commanded -the regiment in the decisive battle that brought victory, said: “In -sectors they have shown endurance, a vigilance, a spirit of devotion, -and a remarkable discipline. In battle they have taken by storm with -a magnificent animation very strong positions doggedly defended by -the enemy.” On October 11, when the regiment came out of battle, the -commander of the 157th Division wrote Colonel Miles, saying, “Your -troops have been admirable in their attack”; and when the famous -157th “Red Hand Division” was broken up, General Goybet commended -the American Negro soldiers for the part they had taken in the great -struggle as follows: “During seven months we have lived as brothers -in arms, sharing the same works, the same fatigues, the same dangers; -side by side we have participated in the great Champagne battle, which -was crowned with a prodigious victory. The 157th Division will never -forget the irresistible dash, the heroic push of the colored American -troops.... The most formidable defenses, the best organized machine-gun -nests, the most smashing artillery barrage could not stop them. These -élite regiments crossed all of it with a superb disdain of death and, -thanks to their courageous devotion, the Red Hand Division during nine -days of hard struggle always held the lead in the historic advance of -the Fourth Army.”</p> - -<p>For its splendid fighting in the Champagne battles the regiment was -commended by the French high command and the regimental colors were -decorated by Vice-Admiral Moreau in Brest January 27, 1919. The -citation reads as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><i>The 371st R. I. U. S. has shown, during its first engagement, the -very best qualities of bravery and audacity which are characteristic -of shock troops.</i></p> - -<p><i>Under the command of Colonel Miles, it launched itself with a -superb spirit and admirable disregard of danger at the assault of a -position stubbornly defended by the enemy. It took it by terrible -fighting, under an exceptionally violent machine-gun fire. It then -continued its progression in spite of the fire of enemy artillery -and its cruel losses, making numerous prisoners, securing cannon, -machine-guns and important material.</i></p> - -<p class="right"> -<i>PETAIN</i>,<br /> -<i>Marshal of France</i>.<br /> -</p> -</div> - - -<p>Thirty-four individual Croix de Guerre for officers and sixty-nine for -enlisted men, one Legion of Honor, and twenty-one Distinguished Service -Crosses were awarded to members of the regiment. The 371st sailed -from Brest February 3, 1919, and arrived at Camp Upton February 11th. -Thence the men were sent to the camps nearest their homes, and most of -them naturally went to Camp Jackson. Amid the plaudits of the city of -Columbia they returned the flag that had been given them, and South -Carolina, that had hesitated to receive and train these black sons of -hers, had the magnanimity to admit that no other organization that -represented the state in the World War had shed as much luster upon it -or brought as much glory to it as the 371st Regiment of Negro soldiers.</p> - - -<h3>372ND INFANTRY</h3> - -<p>The 372nd Infantry Regiment was organized at Camp Stuart, Newport News, -in January, 1918, of infantry troops from the First Separate Battalion -of Washington, D. C., the Ninth Separate Battalion of Ohio, First -Separate Company I of Maryland, First Separate Company K of Tennessee, -First Separate Company M of Connecticut, and Company L of the 6th -Massachusetts Regiment. These organizations had survived since the -Spanish-American War by reason of the enthusiasm of a few commanders -who had held them together from year to year in spite of handicaps, -until the call to arms in 1917.</p> - -<p>Every one of these units had made an interesting record. The First -Separate Battalion of Washington was the first unit of district -guardsmen to be mobilized for duty on the Mexican Border in 1916. It -served for four months, spending a part of the time at Naco, <abbr title="Arizona">Ariz.</abbr>, -where it guarded waterworks. On March 29, 1917, just before the United -States entered the war, it was mustered into the Federal service and -called to guard the White House, the Capitol, and other Government -buildings and railroad properties around Washington. The Ninth Ohio -Battalion was composed of companies from Springfield, Cleveland, and -Columbus. It was called to the mobilization center in 1916, but was -not ordered to the border. In July, 1917, when the regiment was called -to service, efforts were made to raise it to war strength, which was -finally reached at Camp Stuart. The First Separate Company of Maryland -was organized in the 80’s by <abbr title="Captain">Capt.</abbr> William R. Spencer, who commanded it -for nearly thirty years. In 1917 it first went to Pittsburgh for guard -duty, but later was sent to Camp McClellan, Anniston, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, where it -served at the remount station until it was ordered to France. While at -Camp McClellan it participated in a review of thirty-five thousand men -and was conceded by the reviewers to be the best drilled company in the -line of march. Company K of Tennessee, commanded by Captain Hadley, was -the only National Guard company of Negro men in the South. It trained -at Camp Sevier, Greenville, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, before joining the 372nd at Newport -News. Company M of Connecticut was one of the two National Guard -companies in New England composed of Negro men. During the years of its -existence it trained in camp with the Connecticut National Guard, which -as early as 1904 it accompanied to Manassas, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, for the Bull Run sham -battle. During the maneuvers an unfortunate incident occurred, two -troopers in the unit opposing this company being injured, and it was -withdrawn from further participation in the event. Company L, of the -Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, was the only Negro company attached to a -white regiment in the United States; and William J. Williams, the first -captain, was the first Negro to receive that commission in the United -States Volunteer Army. This company served in the Spanish-American -War, and it was mustered into the Federal service on the day that the -United States declared war on Germany. It was first sent to Fort Smith, -<abbr title="New Hampshire">N. H.</abbr>, where it remained until July. Thence it was moved successively -to Framingham, Ayer, the Watertown Arsenal, where it was raised to war -strength, then to Westfield, and thence to Camp Greene, Charlotte, N. -C. In January, 1918, it was ordered to Camp Stuart to join the other -National Guard units preparatory to the formation of the 372nd Regiment -under the command of Colonel Glendie B. Young. While organization was -being completed, the men were given three months of intensive training -in all forms of offensive and defensive tactics.</p> - -<p>On March 30 the regiment sailed for France, arriving at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire -on April 13. It was stationed in one of the rest camps outside the -city, details doing stevedore work at Montoir until the 21st, when -the regiment was ordered to the Givry-en-Argonne training area, -where it was billeted at Condé-en-Barrois. Under French officers -intensive instruction was given in the use of hand and rifle grenades, -machine-guns and automatic rifles, trench construction and battle -formations; and during this period the regiment was reorganized in -accordance with the French table of organization and became an integral -part of the 63rd Division of the French Army.</p> - -<p>Leaving Condé-en-Barrois on May 27, the 372nd proceeded to towns in -the Meuse and Vosges Departments, there to await operation orders. -These were received on June 6, the different battalions being assigned -to the sub-sector Argonne (Meuse), which was placed under the command -of Colonel Young. The First Battalion was located at La Noue and Les -Islettes as reserve to the 63rd Division, the Second at Camp Kapp and -Basse Chevrie, and the Third at Courtes Chousses. There were no large -offensive operations in this sector, but patrols from both sides gave -the regiment its first real opportunity to see modern warfare.</p> - -<p>On June 21 the 372nd was transferred from the 63rd to the 35th -French Division, the latter having relieved the 63rd. On June 27 the -commanding officer of the 35th Division ordered the 372nd to relieve -the 123rd French R. I. in the Vauquois Sector (Meuse). This relief, -which was made by the battalions going into the line separately, -continued until July 3, when it was completed. On July 2 the regiment -was again transferred, this time to the 157th “Red Hand” Division. -It was immediately ordered to occupy new positions in support, and -from July 11 to 14 it relieved the 49th French R. I. in sub-sector -Courcelles. The First Battalion on the night of the 11th moved to Bois -de Fenchères, the Second and supply company on the following night to -Camp Demougin at Brabant, and the Third and headquarters company to -Lochères. On July 4, 1918, Colonel Herschel Tupes relieved Colonel -Young in the command of the regiment.</p> - -<p>The 372nd moved into second-line positions on July 18. The First -Battalion was stationed at sub-sector West, the Second at Vigneville, -and the Third at Bois de Bethelainsville. On the 26th the regiment -moved into a sub-sector of Hill 304 in the Verdun region, where it -relieved the 333rd French Regiment. This relief was completed on the -28th, with the First Battalion in the front line left of sub-sector -304, the Second on the right of 304, and the Third in reserve at Camp -Dormandie. The regiment remained in the Verdun region throughout the -month of August. Here it took part in no offensive operations except -active patrol duty; yet the men were under constant bombardment, which -made the line of communication difficult to hold in order. Detachments -took part in two attacks, which were accompanied by artillery operation -put over by the 333rd French Regiment. On both occasions the men of the -372nd were praised for their conduct under fire. Sub-sector 304 was -organized and consolidated for the first time by this regiment.</p> - -<p>While in this sector the Negro officers, many of whom had been with -their units for years, were removed. It was natural that the removal -of those who had helped to organize and promote their organizations -should affect the morale of the regiment for a time, but the men -finally adjusted themselves to the changes and the work of the regiment -proceeded.</p> - -<p>On September 8 the 129th U. S. Infantry relieved the 372nd. The -battalions marched to Bois de Brocourt and Bois de Fouchères, where -they remained until September 12, when orders arrived to leave for -the training area in Brienne le Château. Four days later they were -ordered by train to Vitry-le-François in Haute-Marne, and thence they -proceeded by night marches through Jussacourt, Contault-le-Maupas, -Dommartin-sur-Yevre, and Mes Maigneaux to Hans, ten kilometers west of -Ste. Menehould, where they arrived on September 25.</p> - -<p>In the big offensive the attack which had been scheduled for the Fourth -Army began at 5.25 on the morning of September 26. The mission of the -157th French Division was “to exploit the successes after the initial -breaking through attack had attained the assigned objectives.” The -372nd was ordered to advance at 3 in the afternoon. The headquarters -and headquarters company occupied the north bank of Marson Brook, and -the three battalions were on the south of the brook. On the 27th the -First and Third Battalions marched north to new positions in Ravin -d’Hébaterne, while the Second Battalion was held in reserve for the -157th Division. On the 28th the Second Battalion advanced to Ripont -by Corduroy road. The Third was ordered to attack north of Ripont -Rouvroy road, which it did at 11.30. Stubborn resistance was offered -by the enemy from their entrenchments on Crete-des-Observatoires, but -after hard fighting, which lasted the entire afternoon, this position -was rushed and cleared. The Third Battalion captured in this advance -60 prisoners, one 105-calibre field-gun, two 77-calibre field-guns, -2 anti-tank rifles, and large quantities of material and small arm -ammunition. The Third Battalion continued its advance until night, -reaching the woods south of Bussy Farm, three and a half kilometers -north of Ripont. Its ranks had been greatly depleted in the day’s -operations.</p> - -<p>On September 29 the First Battalion was ordered to attack towards -Moulin, L’Avébrune, and then towards Challerange, but after starting -the attack it was obliged to leave its direction of attack and advance -toward Sechault because of the strong resistance from that direction. -The town was finally captured, the First Battalion of the 372nd -assisting. Because of the casualties suffered by the First and Third -Battalions, they were ordered at nightfall to the woods south of Bussy -Farm, where they were reorganized into one provisional battalion.</p> - -<p>On September 30 the Second Battalion advanced to a plateau 250 meters -south of Bussy Farm and on October 1 to Trières Farm, where it relieved -a battalion of the 371st Infantry. The provisional battalion, commanded -by Major Johnson, advanced three kilometers north of Sechault on the -Sechault-Monthoise road, capturing the town of Ardeuil. On October -3 the advance was held up, pending the capture of Croix de Langley, -west of Monthoise, by the 120th French Division, which was stopped -in its advance. The enemy took advantage of a heavy fog on the 4th -and launched a strong counter-attack, assisted by heavy artillery -preparation. This attack, which developed into a hand-to-hand combat, -was completely repulsed by two battalions of the 333rd French Regiment, -and the Second Battalion of the 372nd, the enemy leaving behind 55 -prisoners and 6 machine-guns.</p> - -<p>The 372nd was relieved on October 6 by a French regiment and moved -southward to the north banks of Marson Brook for the 7th, and on to -Somme Bionne, 12 kilometers west of Ste. Menehould, on the 8th. Its -fighting qualities were put to severe test in the Champagne offensive -from September 26 to October 7. The nature of the attack may be judged -by the losses sustained. Seven officers and 74 enlisted men were killed -and 32 officers and 435 men were wounded. Three of the wounded officers -afterwards died.</p> - -<p>The regiment entrained at Valmy in Champagne on the 11th for Alsace, -arriving at Corcieux in the Department of Vosges the following day. -Here it detrained and marched to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Leonard, preparatory to entering -the front lines to relieve the 70th French Infantry at Ban-de-Laveline -in sub-sector B on the 15th. It remained in this sector until after -the armistice. On the night of November 7 patrols were sent out from -each battalion to gain contact with the enemy, who were believed to -be retreating. A patrol from the Second Battalion, consisting of an -officer and twenty-three men, advanced two kilometers into territory -occupied by the Germans, who surrounded them. The officer and one -man were killed. All the rest, a number of whom were wounded, were -captured, with the exception of one man, who made his escape and -returned to the battalion. On the last morning of the war another -patrol went 1200 meters into the enemy’s line and captured a soldier -of the 2nd Ersatz Bavarian Regiment. There were no heavy offensives -in sub-sector B, but there was aggressive patrolling, which secured -valuable information from the enemy. On November 17 the regiment was -ordered to Granges, Ammontzev, and Jussarupt in the Vosges, where it -remained until January 1. At Ammontzev, on December 17, 1918, General -Goybet, commander of the 157th French Division, awarded the Croix de -Guerre to those officers and men who had won the coveted prize, and -Colonel Tupes presented to eight men the Distinguished Service Cross.</p> - -<p>The 157th, the “Red Hand Division,” was ordered dissolved on December -20. At the same time the 372nd was returned to the American Army. The -regiment had served with the French since April, 1918. During that -time the relations had been most friendly, the men of the two nations -working together in perfect harmony. The 372nd played an important -part in the operations of its division. Its occupation of sub-sector -Argonne Quest, considered a phase of training, was satisfactorily -conducted. In the Vauquois sub-sector its mission was difficult and -important, namely, the defense of Côtes-de-Foriment, the key to the -Aire Valley, which was threatened by a German offensive. Its fighting -in the Champagne and its capture of Crete-des-Observatoires, the key to -Challerange and Monthois, caused the French Higher Command to say that -its achievements were equal to those of any French unit in its division.</p> - -<p>The regiment entrained for Le Mans on January 1, arriving two days -afterwards. There it remained until the 11th, when it was ordered to -Brest, where it arrived on the 14th. At Brest, on January 24, 1919, the -regimental colors were decorated with the Croix de Guerre with palm by -Vice-Admiral Moreau of the French Navy. The citation said:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><i>The 372nd Infantry</i></p> - -<p><i>Gave proof during its first engagement of the finest qualities -of bravery and daring exploits, which are the virtues of assaulting -troops.</i></p> - -<p><i>Under the orders of Colonel Tupes, dashed with superb gallantry -and admirable scorn of danger, the assault of a position continuously -defended by the enemy, taking it by storm under exceptionally violent -machine-gun fire, continued the progress in spite of the enemy’s -artillery fire and severe fire. Made numerous prisoners, captured -cannons, many machine-guns and important war material.</i></p> - -<p class="right"> -(Signed) <i>QUILLET</i>,<br /> -<i>Colonel, Commanding 157th L. D.</i><br /> -</p> -</div> - - -<p>Of individual heroes in the regiment thus cited for gallantry there -were many. Two of the most outstanding were Corporal Clarence R. -Van Alen, of Boston, and Sergeant Clifton Merrimon, of Cambridge, -both of whom were members of the “Old 6th Massachusetts” and both of -whom received the extraordinary triple decoration of the Croix de -Guerre with palm, the Distinguished Service Cross, and the Medaille -Militaire. On the morning of September 28, 1918, when his company was -under a gruelling fire from hidden German machine-gun nests, Corporal -Van Alen, having determined the location of one of these, rushed it -single-handed. He killed four of the operators and brought the other -three as prisoners into the American lines, himself escaping with a -few scratches. Later on the same day, and during the same engagement, -he rushed and captured single-handed a trench mortar battery that was -inflicting severe losses upon the French lines. Corporal (afterwards -Sergeant) Merrimon, near Bussy Farm on September 27, made an attack -with hand grenades on an enemy machine-gun which was causing heavy -losses to his platoon, and succeeded in killing the gunner and putting -the gun out of commission. He then reorganized the remainder of the -platoon, leading his men to their position south of Bussy Farm. -Although gassed himself, he silenced the machine-gun single-handed. -Colonel Tupes himself was decorated with the Croix de Guerre, and -altogether four members of the regiment received the Medaille Militaire -and fifty-two the Croix de Guerre.</p> - -<p>The 372nd sailed for America on February 3, 1919, landing at Hoboken on -Lincoln’s Birthday. Demobilization was completed on March 6.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Of such nature was the work and the fighting of the 93rd Division of -the American Army in France, which was composed of Negro soldiers and -whose different regiments were so largely decorated with the Croix de -Guerre with palm.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X"><big>CHAPTER X</big><br /><br /> - -HOME-FIRES</h2> -</div> - - - -<p class="quote p0"> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">“Keep the home-fires burning,</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">While your hearts are yearning;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Though your lads are far away</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">They dream of home;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">There’s a silver lining</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Through the dark cloud shining;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">Turn the dark cloud inside out</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">Till the boys come home.”</span><br /> -</p> - - -<p>To the American returning from France in 1919, the whole country that -had been the scene of the war came back like a panorama or a dream. -The moans of the dying and the devastation of homes and villages -mingled with the treasures of art and the shrines of devotion. Perhaps -he recalled the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, the Palace of Kings -at Fontainebleau, the tombs of Voltaire and Rousseau and Hugo, the -Luxembourg, or the never-to-be-forgotten Promenade at Nice. Roman ruins -and amphitheatres, the parade on Bastille Day, fireworks on the Seine, -nights at the opera, the games at the Pershing Stadium, the endless -coming and going at Brest, even memories of Héloïse and Abelard, all -crowded upon the mind to awaken wonder. But above all, far above all, -came back the France of the Great Soul, of Liberty and Fraternity and -Courage, of the “Marseillaise,”—of Verdun and the deathless word, “Ils -ne passeront pas.”</p> - -<p>It is a country to love, a country worth dying for. Yet few Americans -would prefer even France to their own wonderful land. Memories of those -at home rushed back even on the field of battle; and though he lived in -Mississippi or Montana, to the returning soldier even the harbor of New -York spoke of home. After all there is nothing like the land of one’s -birth and loved ones. “One touch of nature makes the whole world kin.”</p> - -<p>To the Negro soldier who went to France the experience was, as for -every soldier, one ever to be remembered. Some men who in Alabama or -Louisiana had in all their lives hardly been twenty-five miles from -home were suddenly taken thousands of miles away, across the Atlantic, -to decide the fate of empires. Altogether four hundred thousand Negro -men answered their country’s call. Of these a little more than half saw -service abroad, and many never came back.</p> - -<p>Of those who remained at home importance attached to an organization of -which little has been said in these pages, that of the Students’ Army -Training Corps. Units of this were established in twenty representative -educational institutions, and with inspiring ceremony on October 1, -1918, the flower of the young men of the nation, in these and other -colleges, took the oath of loyalty to the flag. Meanwhile black -fathers and mothers invested millions of dollars in Liberty Bonds and -War Savings Stamps and contributed generously to all the numerous -“drives”; and history has not yet told of how much the Negro woman, -working hard in the fields of the South, did to feed her country and -the world while the war was on.</p> - -<p>To the Negro soldier no thought was dearer or more inspiring than -that of these women at home, so largely defenceless; and no hope was -stronger than that the future might be better for them and their -children. Only such feeling explains the tenderness, even the tears, -with which the men in uniform greeted the women of their race who in -one way or another strove to help them. At Camp McClellan one man was -daily growing weaker from pneumonia. One morning a Negro woman who was -a member of the Red Cross brought some flowers to be given to him. A -beautiful rose was selected by the Chaplain who, when giving it to -the soldier, said, “This is the flower that the lady brought you this -morning.” “For me?” asked the man; then, looking at the gift with all -its beautiful suggestion, he said, “Chaplain, I am twenty-three years -old. Do you know that this is the first time anyone ever gave me a -flower?” Overseas it was the same. To one talented young woman who went -to France to try to bring good cheer, and who inspired the men by her -beautiful playing on the piano, a soldier wrote appreciatively: “I just -want to thank you for the way you entertained us soldiers last evening -and say that you really did bring sunshine to us all. To-day it seems -that a burden has been lifted off us, and we wish you could stay in -our camp forever. I feel better than I have felt in the whole eleven -months that I have been overseas. All the soldiers are talking of you -to-day; it has been a year since some of them saw a colored woman. A -friend of mine is from Cincinnati and he joins me in wishing you Good -Luck and Godspeed.”</p> - -<p>Not only through the personal presence of such a worker as this but -in far-reaching and unseen ways the influences of home were brought -to bear upon the men at the front. Sometimes in the darkest night the -great good cheer and the big heart of the Negro shone forth. More than -one man “higher up,” while on patrol in No Man’s Land, was buoyed up -by the simple faith of an untutored Negro lad. “Officer,” said one, in -such a situation, “it is hard, but I’m with you to the end.” On another -night, before they went over the top, six boys were in a dug-out. After -talking things over, one suggested that they say the Lord’s Prayer. -Only one knew it; but while a game of dice was going on in another -corner, the little group knelt and repeated the words, gathering -strength for the attack that was to come before the new day. Hearing -a slight noise toward the close, they turned and saw that a major had -come into the dug-out. “Let’s say it again, boys,” he said, “it gives -me more courage too.” Then they knelt again and the officer joined with -them in the prayer.</p> - -<p>In many ways the war meant the awakening of new impulses. As one -traveled through the South, again and again he noticed a service -flag at the window, sometimes in a cabin forlorn and dilapidated, -sometimes in one neat and in a cluster of trees or surrounded by -cotton. Sometimes there was only one star, but often there were two; -and whenever those stars appeared they meant that the deeper springs -of life were being stirred, and that a people whose horizon had been -limited was beginning to think in terms of the world. If such was -the influence at home, even stronger was that with the men who went -to France. They were thrilled with a new hope. One and all they were -willing to give their very lives if things might be better for those -in the little home in South Carolina or Georgia. They had seen their -glorious Stars and Stripes and they knew that they had not fully -realized its benefits; but now as never before that banner unfurled -meant democracy, and as a beacon light it pointed the way for all -lovers of liberty. Negro men went to war believing that a new day was -dawning for them, and that loyalty to their country’s cause in her hour -of need would be the means of their enjoying in fuller measure the -blessings for which they were fighting. In that faith they were willing -to face shells and gas at Verdun, in Champagne, and in the Argonne, or -wherever duty might lead them.</p> - -<p>When the war closed then, it is unfortunate that the experiences of -thousands of these men had embittered them instead of bringing them -into the freedom for which they had longed. Let us pass over smaller -matters and consider only two of the larger reasons that accounted -for their feeling. It is possible that no group similarly situated -did more to make Armistice Day possible than did the American Negro -soldiers; and we have seen that the record of the 369th Infantry -was such that it was given the honor of leading French troops to the -Rhine. When, however, in Paris, on July 14, 1919—on Bastille Day, -the day of freedom—the Allied generals and their armies participated -in the greatest military demonstration in the history of the world, -the American Negro was not there. Other nations had all the races -that fought under their flags in line. Belgium had her black colonial -troops; England had Indians and Africans with her own sons and her -soldiers from the colonies; and France had her Senegalese, Moroccans, -Algerians, Soudanese, and Madagascans: every race that came to her -defence was in her victorious army on that memorable day. Only America -left her Negro troops behind. The last soldiers in the Victory Parade -passed down the Champs Elysees, and still the hero of the 369th or the -371st had not appeared. He alone in the day of glory was the Disowned, -the Disinherited.</p> - -<p>Then there was “Le Panthéon de la Guerre,” a great painting by “Pierre -Carrier-Belleuse, Auguste François Gorguet, and their associates, who -on the morrow of the victory of the Marne undertook a work for the -glorification of France.” Standing before the painting one beheld -thousands of French heroes, officers of all ranks, and soldiers, -gunners, horsemen, sailors, and aviators—every group that represented -France. Along the right of this great circular painting were seen -the Allied nations, represented by their sovereigns, statesmen, and -military leaders, with representatives of the groups that assisted in -the great struggle. Colonial as well as European soldiers were there. -In the American group President Wilson stood in the center with one of -his peace documents, and on either side were members of the cabinet, -statesmen, military and naval leaders. Every group of Americans was -supposed to be represented, and all were there—soldiers, sailors, -business men, farmers, cowboys, Indians,—all except the Negro, the -Negro soldier, and the stevedore who bore the heavy load. It was not -sufficient to say to the Negro that this was an accidental omission; he -knew better.</p> - -<p>This, then, is the question for Americans. Either these things are true -or they are not. Either they are just or they are not. That they are -true everybody knows. That they are just we leave to the conscience of -our readers.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile let us remember that now as ever the Negro has faith in his -country and in the principles for which it stands. In every crisis he -has been loyal and true. In the World War, in spite of propaganda, -he answered promptly every call. For him, as for others, the draft -was a great Americanizer. It did within a year what decades of quiet -existence would not have done. It carried him far from his home and -showed him other peoples and other customs; and as never before he -realized that he was to do a man’s part for his own country’s welfare.</p> - -<p>As a result of the war also there was co-operation between the races -in communities where previously little or none had existed. The -inter-racial committees that have been organized throughout the South -are the direct outgrowth of efforts to work together in the course of -the war. The welfare organizations moreover introduced for Negro young -men and women such wholesome recreation as had not been enjoyed by them -in large numbers before. Through this work standards developed and a -new appreciation of the place that such recreation should have in the -lives of the youth of the race.</p> - -<p>And in the years to come who will read of the work of the Negro -stevedores without feeling that America owes a great debt to these -men? They had a heavy and sometimes an unpleasant task, but the zeal -with which they worked hastened the peace and saved the lives of -thousands of men. In the 92nd Division also more than 20,000 Negro men -were moulded into a great fighting organization, officered largely by -Negroes for the first time in the history of America; while the record -of the 93rd Division is one to make not only every Negro but also every -American proud.</p> - -<p>Such memories linger in the mind of every man who played his part on -the field of battle, and also of that one who offered himself for -his country but happened not to be called to the front. Forgetting -themselves, but uplifted with hope, they went forth in the spirit of -the Master. Risking life itself, they were willing to die, if need be, -that others might live. They had only sublime faith in their country, -and over all was the divine purpose, “For God and Home and Native Land.”</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter transnote"> -<p class="center"><strong>Transcriber’s Notes</strong></p> - -<p>— Where hyphenation was inconsistent, this has been -standardized using the one more common in this text. Where that was not -possible to discern, the most common hyphenation in use at the time of -publication has been used.</p> - -<p>— Several unconventional spellings for French locations have been left as per the original, except where otherwise noted.</p> - -<p>— Page 28: “The fact than many” changed to “The fact that many”</p> - -<p>— Page 36: “The Plattsburgh idea of military training was” changed to -“The Plattsburg idea of military training was”</p> - -<p>— Page 42: “manual of physical” changed to “manual or physical”</p> - -<p>— Page 46: “words of farewell and mpressed” changed to “words of -farewell and impressed”</p> - -<p>— Page 46: “a surprisingly efficient organzation” changed to “a -surprisingly efficient organization”</p> - -<p>— Page 60: “not always carried out.”” changed to “not always carried out.”</p> - -<p>— Page 70: “his own comrades in arms” changed to “his own comrades in arms.”</p> - -<p>— Page 80: “the first Satuday of each month” changed to “the first -Saturday of each month”</p> - -<p>— Page 89: “was at Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, O.” changed to -“was at Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio.”</p> - -<p>— Page 103: “erected for Negro stevedores” changed to “erected for Negro stevedores.”</p> - -<p>— Page 114: “The next moring a hundred white and colored soldiers” -changed to “The next morning a hundred white and colored soldiers”</p> - -<p>— Page 116: “Here there was a minstrel troup” changed to “Here there -was a minstrel troupe”</p> - -<p>— Page 124: “the young woman who recieved the yarn” changed to “the -young woman who received the yarn”</p> - -<p>— Page 143: “317th Engineers, The task” changed to “317th Engineers. The task”</p> - -<p>— Page 168: “positions of Champey, Bouières, La Côte,” changed to -“positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte,”</p> - -<p>— Page 179: “measles, parolitis” changed to “measles, parotitis”</p> - -<p>— Page 188: “by a heavy minewerfer” changed to “by a heavy minenwerfer”</p> - -<p>— Page 197: “northeast of Châlons in the Campagne” changed to -“northeast of Châlons in the Champagne”</p> - -<p>— Page 212: “Vauxaillon with the Arlette Canal” changed to “Vauxaillon -with the Ailette Canal”</p> - -<p>— Page 227: “General Garnier Duplossis” changed to “General Garnier Duplessis”</p> - -<p>— Page 236: “capturing the town of Ardueil.” changed to “capturing the -town of Ardeuil.”</p> - -<p>— Page 248: “not only ever Negro but also every American proud” changed -to “not only every Negro but also every American proud”</p> -</div> -<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 67093 ***</div> -</body> -</html> diff --git a/old/67093-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/67093-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index baecf43..0000000 --- a/old/67093-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/old/67093-0.txt b/old/old/67093-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 90cab85..0000000 --- a/old/old/67093-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6544 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Sidelights on Negro Soldiers, by -Charles H. Williams - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Sidelights on Negro Soldiers - -Author: Charles H. Williams - -Contributor: Benjamin Brawley - -Release Date: January 3, 2022 [eBook #67093] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SIDELIGHTS ON NEGRO -SOLDIERS *** - - - - - - SIDELIGHTS ON - NEGRO SOLDIERS - - BY - - CHARLES H. WILLIAMS - - Special Investigator of Conditions among Negro - Soldiers in the World War - - With an Introduction by - BENJAMIN BRAWLEY - - - BOSTON - B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY - 1923 - - - - - COPYRIGHT 1923 - BY B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY - First Edition, June, 1923 - - - PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA - - THE AMBROSE PRESS, INC. - Norwood, Massachusetts - - - - - Dedicated to the Memory of My Mother and to My Aunt Mrs. Maria Burnside - - - - -PREFACE - - -It is the purpose of this book to tell something of the achievement -of the Negro soldier in the World War and to describe the conditions -under which he lived as these were seen by the writer, who for eighteen -months investigated conditions in America and France under the auspices -of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America and of the -Phelps-Stokes Fund, with the recommendation of the Secretary of War -and the Adjutant General of the United States Army. Most of the -information was secured by visits to the soldiers in the camps, by -interviews with thousands of them, and by personal investigation in the -communities adjacent to the camps, as well as by the study of records -and documents. Camp commanders, officers in charge of Negro troops, -representatives of all the welfare organizations, city officials, and -both Negro and white civilians were consulted in the effort to secure -the facts concerning the fighting record, the work, the conduct, and -the treatment of Negro soldiers in the course of the war. - -I am indebted to the Historical Branch of the War Department for -access to its records on the operations of Negro combatant troops, to -the office of the Adjutant General for special information, and to many -friends for suggestions and help in the preparation of the material; -and it is hoped that the book now offered to the public may in some -small way help the American people better to understand not only the -perplexing situation but also the signal achievement of Negro men -working and fighting in behalf of their country and in defence of the -highest ideals of life. - - CHARLES H. WILLIAMS. - - Hampton Institute, - December 15, 1922. - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -It gives me great pleasure to write a word of introduction to this -interesting and important book that Mr. Williams has written. The -story of the Negro soldier is one of the romances of American history. -Even in the days of the Revolution and the War of 1812 he played an -honorable part; but it was the Civil War that gave him his first large -opportunity, and at Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, or Fort Pillow he passed -through the baptism of fire, striving that the emancipation of his -people might be guaranteed and the integrity of his country preserved. -We also remember another war, and Santiago and San Juan Hill, and -not only how Negro men went gallantly to the charge but also how the -soldiers in a black regiment faced pestilence and fever that their -white comrades might be saved. Then came Carrizal, strange prelude of -the great conflict to come; and once more, at an unexpected moment, the -soul of the nation was thrilled by the courage of the Tenth Cavalry. -“Theirs not to make reply; theirs but to do and die.” So in the face of -odds they obeyed orders and died beneath the Mexican stars. - -The recent World War, however, brought to the Negro people of -the United States an interest and an anxiety surpassed only by the -expectant hope in the days of the Civil War. They had come to the -end of an era, and all the incidents and problems of their life in -America were suddenly brought to the testing. Vast forces beyond their -control were changing the destinies of thousands--in migration, in -economic freedom, and even in spiritual outlook; and unhappy events -at East St. Louis and Houston but made the situation more critical. -They were eager to serve, but at once they came face to face with -questions that concerned the very foundations of their citizenship. -Would the men of the race, or would they not, be permitted to train -and serve as officers? If so, would they be dealt with as a distinct -and separate race, as was the case with no other race in the country, -or simply on the basis of physical and mental fitness? Why, moreover, -on the registration card for the draft should the Negro be singled out -for a special corner? To some people such questions may have seemed -unimportant, but to the Negroes themselves they meant nothing less than -life itself, and they followed the fortunes of their sons and their -husbands accordingly. - -In the recent war then, as in no other, the social as well as the -military phases of the life of the soldier assumed a new importance. -Wherever he went, with whomever he came in contact, in America or in -France--in the life of cantonment cities, in his dealing with his -comrades in arms, in his contact with the people of France--the Negro -in uniform met situations that had definite bearing upon his health, -his conduct, and his morale. Frequently these came to the attention -of the War Department, and sometimes also they received prominence in -the public press. Of such sort were the vexatious discussions that -sometimes arose in the Y. M. C. A. and other welfare organizations, -the reports reflecting on the character of Negro men, and the -complaints not only about the actual operation of the draft but also -about the conditions under which the soldiers, especially those in -stevedore units, sometimes lived and worked. Of distinct service to the -country accordingly was the decision of the Federal Council of Churches -of Christ in America, working in co-operation with the Phelps-Stokes -Fund, to appoint two field secretaries, one to study the situation in -so far as it had to do with Negro churches, and the other to study and -report on every phase of the life of the Negro soldier in camps and -cantonment cities, both in the United States and abroad. - -For this latter service Mr. Charles H. Williams was chosen. His work -for several years as Physical Director at Hampton Institute had not -only brought him to the very front in his chosen field, but had also -given him special insight into the temperament, the physical prowess, -and the social outlook of Negro men. His special task moreover had not -only the approval but also the co-operation of the Secretary of War -and the Adjutant General of the Army of the United States, and in the -course of his work he spent a total of eighteen months visiting every -place where Negro soldiers were gathered, in both America and France. -His endeavor was as painstaking as his mission was unique. - -Something of the result of this first-hand study will be found in -the pages that follow. Mr. Williams, it will be observed, has not -undertaken to write a history of Negro soldiers in the war. Instead -he has given us “Sidelights”; and I think the reader will agree with -me that what is more unpretentious than a history is also of more -interest than many a formal work, and valuable by reason of the -authority with which the author speaks. Before one has finished reading -he will probably be impressed with the fact that the work is indeed not -only a consideration of the Negro soldier but also a vital contribution -to the social history of the Negro people in America. It has been -eagerly awaited by those who knew of the unusual opportunity for study -that Mr. Williams had, and now that it is given to the people of the -country I bespeak for it a generous welcome. - - BENJAMIN BRAWLEY. - - Cambridge, January 1, 1923. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - I. THE CALL TO THE COLORS 17 - - II. IN CAMP 24 - - III. THE NEGRO OFFICER 36 - - IV. HOPES AND FEARS 68 - - V. THE LURE OF THE UNIFORM 78 - - VI. THE “Y” AND OTHER WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS 93 - - VII. THE STEVEDORE 138 - - VIII. THE NINETY-SECOND DIVISION 156 - - IX. THE NINETY-THIRD DIVISION 194 - - X. HOME-FIRES 241 - - - - - CREDENTIALS - - - WAR DEPARTMENT - Washington - - February 11th, 1919. - - To: Officers Commanding Colored Units from Over Seas Service - - From: The Secretary of War. - - Subject: Interview. - - - This will introduce to you Charles H. Williams, who desires to - interview both colored officers and men who have seen over seas - service. I desire that every practical facility be afforded Mr. - Williams in carrying out the work. - - Sincerely, - - [SIGNED] NEWTON D. BAKER, - - Newton D. Baker, - Secretary of War. - - - WAR DEPARTMENT - - THE ADJUTANT GENERAL’S OFFICE - Washington - - March 7, 1918. - - From: The Adjutant General of the Army. - - To: The Commanding Generals of all Army Camps and Cantonments. - - Subject: Social and Religious Conditions in Communities Adjacent to - Camps and Cantonments. - - - This will introduce to you Mr. C. H. Williams, representing the - Federal Council of Churches and the Phelps-Stokes Fund. - - Mr. Williams has been appointed to observe social and religious - conditions in communities adjacent to camps and cantonments where - colored troops are stationed. - - The Secretary of War desires that every practicable facility be - afforded to Mr. Williams in carrying on his work. - - [SIGNED] H. P. McCAIN. - - - GENERAL HEADQUARTERS - - AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES - PROVOST MARSHAL GENERAL’S OFFICE - A. P. O. 706 - - May 17, 1919. - - From: Provost Marshal General, A. E. F. - To: Whom it May Concern. - Subject: Special Travel Permit. - - - 1. Charles H. Williams, Associate Member, ARMY EDUCATIONAL - COMMISSION, Y. M. C. A., holder of Red Worker’s Permit No. - 32133, is authorized to travel in: - - (a) Any part of France except Alsace-Lorraine. - - (b) Any part of the 3rd Army Area. - - 2. This permit, which is valid until July 17, 1919, will be - returned, upon expiration, to the office of the Provost Marshal - General, A. P. O. 706. - - H. H. BANDHOLTZ, - Provost Marshal General. - - [SIGNED] JOHN W. NOBLE, - - for - - By: JAMES T. LOREE, - Executive Officer. - - [OFFICIAL SEAL] - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE CALL TO THE COLORS - - -Little did the American Negro think, as he struggled with his own -problems in the early days of the World War, that he would be called -upon to aid his fellowmen three thousand miles away. He looked with -interest upon the conflict in Europe, his adventurous spirit was -quickened by the accounts of heroism and sacrifice, and he could but -marvel at German efficiency as he watched the great war machine crush -its way through Belgium. As the German armies marched across the fields -of France, however, leaving suffering and sorrow in their wake, the -Negro found his sympathy going out to the French people; and when it -became evident that America also would be drawn into the fighting, like -the other citizens of the country he girded himself for the contest. - -When war was declared on April 6, 1917, the American army numbered -75,000 officers and men, only a nucleus for the stupendous task now on -hand. As the country marshalled its forces the question arose in some -sections as to the use of a tenth part of its man-power. Some alarmists -feared that if the Negro were trained in the science of modern warfare, -not only would there be industrial and agricultural stagnation, -but, even more important, peaceful relations after the war would be -difficult if not indeed impossible. It was true that black men had gone -to the aid of France and England, not as black men but as Frenchmen and -Englishmen, and their names had been written in gold at the Marne and -at Verdun, in Mesopotamia and in Africa. They too had wielded the cold -steel, faced gas and liquid fire, and passed into the jaws of death. -America, however, it was felt by some, had her own special problems and -difficulties, and it was debatable if she could adopt a similar policy. -On the other hand, throughout the country orators and the press alike -proclaimed the patriotism of the Negro and his willingness to shed his -blood for the Stars and Stripes. The heroism and loyalty of the race -were recounted from the Revolution to Carrizal; whatever else might -be said, the Negro’s hand had never been raised against the flag, nor -had treason been found in his breast; and when the call for American -manhood came, it was for all men from twenty-one to thirty-one years of -age, regardless of color. - -During this period there were those among the Negroes themselves who -thought that at last the time had come to demand once for all the full -rights of American citizens. A larger group, however, maintained that -when the country was in danger the first duty of every citizen was to -remove the danger and then to settle domestic problems. A program was -adopted which resulted in the holding of great mass meetings throughout -the country. The young men of the race were urged to enlist in the -army or navy, and this they did with enthusiasm. The rush to the -colors was unprecedented. The American Negro Loyal Legion proposed to -raise 10,000 men in answer to the President’s call for 75,000 men. In -sections where national guard units existed for colored men, these were -the first to raise their units to war strength, as was demonstrated by -the old 15th New York. Often in the registration booths new records of -enlistments were made, so much so that at one time the War Department -issued orders to “take no more colored men.” Boys in their teens and -men beyond the draft age answered the call. Students left school or -college to take up the knapsack and the gun. In the Southern states -there was special eagerness to enlist, and in Florida there were -petitions to the Governor for the privilege of raising “regiments of -colored militia officered by men of the race.” - -In some quarters it was said that Negroes would not register and that -arrests would have to be made. Especially in country districts not -reached by publicity campaigns there was not a thorough understanding -of the requirements. This fact resulted in the arrest of a few men as -slackers, but investigation showed that what seemed to be negligence -was due to ignorance rather than to any definite intention to dodge the -draft. Some who were beyond the age limits registered because they did -not know their exact age, and some other older men believed that they -would be sent to jail if they failed to appear. - -When soon after registration day reports were sent out from Washington -that Negroes would be sent to the various camps, a vigorous protest -was made in some Southern states against placing them in the local -camps, the strongest objection coming from South Carolina. Elsewhere, -however, the opposition did not appear so violent; thus the _Atlanta -Constitution_ took the position that Negro soldiers should be -trained in Camp Gordon along with other soldiers and felt that this -could be done without friction. In Alabama there was an expressed -feeling against “strange Negroes in large numbers,” and throughout -the South it was believed that separate camps would be preferable. -Objections grew less and less, however, as reports of the Negro’s -enthusiasm for the draft came from all parts of the country. - -The Negro went to camp willingly and those who remained gave him up -whole-heartedly, sending him away with feasting and speech-making, -songs and cheers, as well as with prayers and tears. Not only his -kinsmen, but white citizens as well, vied with one another in their -endeavor to do him honor and make him proud that he was going to serve -his country. Sometimes a governor would address the draftees, and, as -was often the case, parades would be led by mayors, chiefs of police, -and city councilmen. Often the stores would close in honor of those -called to the colors, and in one case an entire town turned out to see -its only colored draftee leave for service. At such times the Negro’s -patriotism reached its highest point. Not only those summoned but -every Negro present was filled with intense emotion. Especially was -this demonstrated when the colored contingent from Thomas County, -Ga., assembled prior to movement to Camp Gordon. One farmer who had -not harvested his crop made a final appeal for respite. The exemption -officer called for a volunteer to take his place from the other men who -were certified but not yet called. It is said that there was a stampede -for the place. - -The selective draft was fair in its inception, including all citizens -alike, but unfortunately it did not always operate impartially when -Negroes were involved. In Fulton County, Ga., the draft board had to -be ordered dismissed for “unwarranted exemptions and discharges.” -Out of 815 white men called by this board 526 were exempted, 44 -per cent on physical grounds. At the same time 202 Negroes were -called and only 6 exempted. The action of this board was by no means -typical, but it illustrates what the Negro draftee sometimes had to -contend with. In the determination of claims there appeared to be no -discrimination, according to the report of the Provost Marshal, yet -those called sometimes told sad stories as they were being led away -to camp. Sometimes it would be the story of a man with a wife and -five children, with ages from seven years to six months, who had been -changed from Class 4 to 1-A. Sometimes Negro men living on their own -farms, with crops growing and livestock to be cared for, were sent -away to camp, while single men working for large planters were put in -Class 4. All told it appears that many Negroes who had sufficient claim -for exemption were drafted and sent away to camp. The figures taken -from General Crowder’s report show that of the 1,078,331 colored men -who registered, 556,917, or 51.65 per cent, were placed in Class 1, -while 521,414 were in the deferred class. Of the 9,562,515 white men -who registered, 3,110,659, or 32.53 per cent, were in Class 1, while -6,451,856 were in deferred classes. The numbers selected for full -military service were 342,247 colored men and 1,916,750 white, or 31.74 -per cent and 26.84 per cent respectively. The report further showed -that 74.60 colored and 69.71 white out of every 100 men called were -physically able to serve the country. Such figures were a revelation. - -Various explanations were offered to account for this discrepancy. -It was noted that voluntary enlistment was not open in the South to -Negroes as to white men; thus it was estimated that 650,000 white men -enlisted in this section and only 4000 colored men. Moreover pleas -or excuses for deferment were not so readily accepted in the case of -Negroes. Some also were regarded as delinquents and brought to camp -as such when they really did not belong in this class. Migration -complicated the situation and cards notifying Negro draftees of their -call were often delayed and occasionally not even sent to them. The -result was that men who had no intention of wrongdoing were sometimes -arrested and treated as deserters. For each such case the local -officer received fifty dollars. This practice became so profitable -that camp authorities found it necessary to intervene to protect the -well-intentioned draftee whom circumstances had unfortunately placed -in the clutches of the law. If everything is considered, the evidence -is conclusive that the Negro’s response to America’s call in the World -War will remain a lasting tribute to his patriotism. He furnished his -quota cheerfully. “The doubts expressed of his Americanism were ill -considered and the fears concerning his loyalty were groundless.” - -Many a Negro, as he left home and loved ones, for the first time -thought of himself as a part of the Government and as sharing equally -with every other citizen in the performance of his duty. Some had heard -wonderful speeches about democracy and the brotherhood of all men, -and each man cherished in his soul the idea of liberty. Each uttered -a silent prayer that if he returned he might share more fully in the -democracy for which he fought. One captain, about to set sail for -France, expressed the hope in the heart of every Negro when he said: “I -am leaving to-day a wife and three children. As great as the sacrifice -is, I shall be satisfied never to see America again, if my wife and -children will share greater opportunities and enjoy more liberty than -I now enjoy”; and not only the men but the women who saw them leave -shared this point of view. - -Thus a loyal, kindly, and patient people went forth to do and to die, -answering every call, and thinking first of their country and their -great love for it in the hour of national peril. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -IN CAMP - - -The late Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, said that two -hundred thousand men out of the first two million composing the -American army could neither write to their mothers and fathers nor -read the letters written to them. Just how many Negro soldiers were -illiterate will probably never be known, but it is certain that tens of -thousands of them could not read or write. The percentage of illiteracy -was highest in the non-combatant units, where education was not -primarily essential and where the first requirement was that the men be -physically fit to do the heavy work necessary. In such organizations it -was not unusual to find that 75 per cent of the men were illiterate. -At one time when an order was given a company that all men who could -neither read nor write should step forward, practically the whole -company advanced. In a machine-gun group of 167 men there were 127 -illiterates; in a class of seventeen of these men four had never heard -of Abraham Lincoln, seven had never heard of Booker T. Washington, and -none had ever heard of Frederick Douglass. Many soldiers had never -heard of Germany, Servia, France, or Russia, or of kaisers and czars. -Hundreds, born and raised in the states from which they were called, -did not know what city was their state capital. Birthdays were given to -many, and sometimes even names were furnished. Thousands were away from -the old plantations for the first time; until called to register, some -did not know that the Great War was raging. - -In striking contrast to these men was another group, those whom -education and experience had fitted for the great undertaking. These -were graduates from representative institutions, they were trained in -the various crafts, arts, and professions, and were neat in appearance, -responsive, and fired with enthusiasm. Great numbers of those of whom -we have been speaking, however, had never attended school a day in -their lives. Naturally they had little or no knowledge of the laws of -health. They did not always understand that clothes were to be changed -at bedtime and sometimes punishment had to be meted out for failure to -take the required number of baths per week. Guards frequently were on -duty at night to see that barrack windows were not closed in the effort -to keep out the treacherous night air. - -The barracks at the different camps to which these men were sent were -usually comfortably built. This was especially true in the national -army cantonments, where they were satisfactorily heated, lighted, and -ventilated, with spacious mess halls, sanitary latrines, and adequate -bathing facilities. Such provisions was not always found where tents -had to be used, though the situation was improved when the tents were -boxed and floored and had stoves and electric lights. It is regrettable -that in the army, when there was a supply of old tents to be used, the -Negro soldiers were generally the recipients. When camps were crowded -and units had to be moved to less desirable quarters, most frequently -it was the Negro units that were moved. In rainy seasons they suffered -from exposure, and influenza made great inroads among them. - -The task of supplying the men with clothes was a stupendous one. -Even honest attempts to get clothing for any group of men did not -always meet with success, and for the Negro soldiers it was at times -exceedingly difficult to secure what was necessary. When there was a -shortage they were the ones to suffer. In Camp McClellan, Anniston, -Ala., late in November they were found wearing little besides a fatigue -suit because winter underwear, “O. D.” suits, overcoats, and shoes had -not yet arrived. When there were second hand, unmatched khaki suits -and second hand hats, these passed to the Negroes. On one occasion at -Camp Sevier, Greenville, S. C., such clothing arrived in boxes marked -for the “current colored draft.” At Camp Hill, Newport News, Va., where -there were several thousand of the suits referred to as the “old Civil -War blue,” it was decided that the Negro soldiers should wear them. -When one of the organizations thus clad marched through the camp it -became the laughing-stock of the rest of the soldiers and the men were -humiliated. In Camp Humphrey, Va., through which 40,000 Negro soldiers -passed, not until after the Armistice and until the white soldiers -were discharged did the Negro men have such conveniences as barracks, -comfortable mess halls, and sanitary facilities; and their “Y” tent -was especially leaky. Such conditions in different places easily gave -the Negro people the impression that their sons were being mistreated -and were suffering in the camps, and this accounted for considerable -unrest. In spite of the occasional lack of clothing, however, and -poorly prepared food, those soldiers who survived the test were -discharged from the army more fit physically than when they entered it, -and thus the manhood of the country was made stronger and better. - -The modern American cantonments required the labor of hundreds of -soldiers to keep them up to the requirements set by the inspectors. -Negro soldiers who were stationed in all the camps did their full share -of this work, and their special achievement is described in our chapter -on the Stevedore. The ambition of every man in camp, however, was to be -a real soldier, one who took up his knapsack and marched off to battle. -“I don’t want to stagger under heavy boxes,” said one stevedore, “I -want a gun on my shoulder and the opportunity to go to the front.” -Nearly three-fourths of all the Negro soldiers, however, were in -non-combatant units. In these units very little military training was -given. “Our drilling,” said one soldier, “consisted in marching to and -from work with hoes, shovels, and picks on our shoulders.” In some of -the more liberal camps the men got from thirty minutes to one hour of -drill without guns after the day’s work. Where there was an absence of -genuine military training there was always a lack of soldierly spirit -on the part of both officers and men. Where there was conscientious -effort to train and instruct the men in military science, however, -there was enthusiasm for the work. - -The Negro is able to adjust himself to the life of a soldier with -comparative ease. His happy disposition and responsiveness to sincere, -efficient leadership, his regard for discipline and love for his -uniform, his sense of rhythm and his physical courage, are distinct -military assets. The fact that many officers preferred to command Negro -troops was a splendid tribute to their ability. In one camp where there -were eight commands with Negro soldiers, one hundred and fourteen -officers applied for the posts. With the exception of the 92nd and -93rd Divisions, Negro soldiers were almost entirely commanded by white -officers. In combatant units, and even in non-combatant units where -some military training was given, there were few complaints and the -officers were proud of their men. - -In non-combatant organizations, on the other hand, some of the -commanding officers were disappointed because they had not been placed -with fighting units. They felt detached and humiliated. While as the -usual thing the corporals were colored, the sergeants were generally -white men. Only in rare cases were the non-commissioned officers all -white or all colored. Several reasons were given for placing white -sergeants in these units. It was said that most of the Negroes forming -such organizations had little or no knowledge of military tactics and -that experienced white men were needed to organize them; moreover, -that white officers could get more work out of labor units than could -Negro “non-coms.” It was felt that these men, having come in contact -with Negroes on plantations, public works, and turpentine farms, would -be especially competent to handle them. Unfortunately these officers -were often ignorant and when provoked would curse the men and call them -abusive names. In rare cases they even went so far as to strike the -men. There were also some examples of colored sergeants who belonged to -the “treat ’em rough” group. On the other hand, there was a class of -white non-commissioned officers from the Western and Northern states -who, claiming no previous acquaintance with the Negro, managed by -considerate handling to have excellent morale in their organizations. - -There were various rules in the camps concerning the issuing of passes. -In a few camps Negroes were not required to get passes in order -to leave, provided they returned by a certain hour at night. Most -frequently, however, passes were issued, though with less frequency -than to white soldiers. Sometimes the Negroes were denied the privilege -of visiting the cantonment cities for fear that trouble might arise. -One very effective means of restriction was the establishing of a state -of quarantine. - -Much was said during the war about throwing the arm of protection -about the soldier lest evil should befall him. The Government desired -him to return to his home a cleaner and a better man. In states where -there were no prohibition laws the Government prohibited saloons -within a radius of twenty-five miles from a camp. Federal and city -officials worked to carry out the letter of the law, but their task -was exceedingly difficult. While no open saloons existed in cantonment -cities, there was evidence of almost free access to some kind of -intoxicating liquor. Bootleggers sold their wares for from six to -sixteen dollars a quart, and numerous resorts were close at hand. -Fortunately, while there were cases in which individual soldiers were -arrested for drunkenness, the vigilance of the authorities prevented -the problem from becoming serious in cantonment cities. - -In the army it was not generally felt that gambling or swearing -affected the fighting ability of the soldier. As a result of this -attitude little was done to influence the men in regard to these -evils. Officers occasionally prohibited gambling in their commands, -but generally it flourished. Y. M. C. A. secretaries sometimes called -the sergeants together and instituted campaigns against gambling, and -these did some good, but as long as camp officials were tolerant, -little could be accomplished. “Shooting craps” was a popular form of -recreation, and some officers encouraged this as long as it was played -in the open. Great crowds of men would gather in camp streets or -barracks and “roll” their last dime away. With other things affecting -the moral welfare of the men we shall deal in a later chapter. - -One of the strong objections to placing white and colored soldiers in -the same camps was that there would be race conflicts. This proved not -to be the case, and with few exceptions the relations between the races -in every camp were good. Where the exceptions did occur, they were due -to the policies of officials rather than to the inclinations of the -men themselves. The fact that the war was a common cause made most -soldiers tolerant of the “other fellow,” in spite of their prejudices. -Even in sections where the idea of separation prevailed white and Negro -soldiers often used the same building, played games together, and -attended the same picture shows and entertainments. Occasionally they -played in the same shows and orchestras; they frequently wrote letters -for one another, and had many other points of agreeable contact. -Sometimes, if they were from the same city or town and met in camps -miles away from home, they acted like brothers. One day two such lads -from a town in Louisiana met at Camp Pike, and their joy at meeting was -noticeable to all. Grasping each other’s arm, they walked away from the -crowd and sat down on a nearby hillside, where they spent the happiest -hour they had experienced in camp. This friendly attitude, which made -for harmony, was occasionally looked upon with disfavor by the officers -and even by “Y” secretaries, and measures intended to prevent such -contact sometimes engendered bitterness and frequently caused friction. - -Captain C. Rowan, stationed at Camp Pike, Little Rock, Ark., received -wide publicity when, on March 25, 1918, he disobeyed the order of his -brigade commander, Col. F. B. Snow, of the 162nd Depot Brigade. This -order called for a review in which Negroes and white soldiers were to -appear in the same formation. Captain Rowan said that the order called -for a formation in which there would be intermingling of the races, -that custom would be violated, and that the discipline and self-respect -of the white soldiers would be affected. He himself, he said, had no -prejudice and was willing to command a Negro organization, but he had -taken his course of action because he felt that it was for the good of -the service. He was dismissed from the service, but during the trial a -delegation from a Southern legislature visited the camp to see if the -races were intermingling, and both white and Negro soldiers, who had -temporarily laid aside race hatred, had it kindled anew within them. - -Just as there were camps where military authority was used to carry out -unjust orders, there were also camps where harmony prevailed because -commanding officers believed in fair play. On one occasion a Texas -regiment arrived at Camp Upton, N. Y. On their first night in camp a -group of the soldiers went into a Y. M. C. A. building and saw two -Negro men sitting there writing. Being unaccustomed to such scenes, the -group threw them out of the window. The camp “Y” secretary reported -the matter to the late General Bell, who said he would investigate the -case. There were four thousand Negro soldiers in camp, and as the day -passed there were rumors of an impending clash, and there was some -anxiety on the part of the authorities. Late in the afternoon the -General called all the officers of the Texas regiment to headquarters -and after they had been introduced he said: “Gentlemen, I am the -General of this camp. Something happened here last night that has -never happened before, nor will it ever happen again. If there is any -trouble here you will be held responsible. Your men started the affair. -If there is trouble every one of you will be disgraced and put in the -guard house for the duration of the war. You won’t be tried by a Texas -jury. I shall be both judge and jury. Secretary Baker and the Chief of -Staff, General March, have said that every man in the uniform is the -equal of every other man. They are my superiors and I am yours. I am -soldier enough to obey orders, and you must do likewise.” The Colonel -said, “Yes, sir, I understand,” and the officers left the headquarters -no man uttering a word. After they reached their quarters they called -their regiment together, and peace and order prevailed afterwards in -that camp. - -There were many lesser deeds of this kind which gave hope and -encouragement to Negro soldiers as they served the country, and it -was clearly demonstrated that colored and white soldiers could live, -work, drill, and play together without friction or riots, if only -the square deal was meted to all alike. Naturally the opportunity -of serving together in a great cause and of coming to know a little -better Americans of all groups was responsible for a greater spirit of -tolerance on the part of many thousands of men. A young lieutenant, -born and raised in South Carolina and graduated from the University -of Georgia, said that he really hated Negroes before he was assigned -to the branch of Negro artillery located at Camp Jackson. He was -brought up on a plantation and expected to see in his battery much -lying, stealing, and gambling. When he realized that the men who -had been selected for his branch of the service were physically and -educationally fit and that their conduct was excellent, he frankly said -that his ideas had changed. - -Of special importance was the Negro’s contribution to the joys of -camp life by his religion and song. His religion gave him courage -that enabled him to go forward when the path was dark, and his song -not only made his own burdens lighter but enabled him to bring cheer -and sunshine to thousands of discouraged soldiers. A Negro who on the -parade ground tried to master a drill or who went through a savage -bayonet exercise, at night frequently forgot completely his daily work -as he sang “Ain’t goin’ to study war no more.” From early morning until -taps sounded at night, moreover, one could hear the strains of music in -the “Y” hut. It might be anything from a “blues” played on the piano -with one finger to some classic theme. Sometimes a soldier would begin -playing a familiar song on the piano and the strain would be taken up -until all who were present were singing. On one Sunday three thousand -Negroes from Florida who had just arrived at Camp Devens, Mass., held a -meeting. A quartet and a soloist rendered several numbers. Then one man -who had a beautiful baritone voice led the three thousand men as they -sang “I need thee every hour.” Most of the men were from farms and -away from their loved ones for the first time in their lives--strangers -in a strange land. As their thoughts were far away the leader began -the refrain of “S’wanee River,” and as they sang of the “old folks at -home” the music rose until the very rafters shook. Tears were in the -eyes of stalwart men that Sunday afternoon, and there was a warmth and -a harmony about it that was unlike anything in the world. - -With all the hardships the experience gained in camp more than repaid -the thousands of Negro soldiers, who had come from all classes and -included the country lad, who had been denied educational advantages, -as well as the college youth. The progress of many men from day to day -was an inspiration. Thousands who on entering camp had a shambling gait -soon displayed a firm step and erect carriage. The blank expression -seen on many faces gave way to one of animation and enthusiasm, not -only for the training but also for the victory of the cause in which -they were enlisted. The crudest material, under efficient guidance, -developed into the capable soldier, all because these men, like -thousands of others, in France as well as in America, were giving their -very lives to the country to which all owed so much. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE NEGRO OFFICER - - -The Plattsburg idea of military training was inaugurated in 1915, when -Maj. Gen. Leonard Wood organized a special training camp for civilians. -The purpose of the camp was to offer four weeks of intensive training -under the direct supervision of officers of the United States Army, and -it was intended that this should be of such thoroughness that the men -receiving it would be able to serve as officers in an emergency, as was -afterwards done by a large number of Plattsburg men who served under -General Pershing in the course of the trouble with Mexico. - -Colored men were not given an opportunity to attend the Plattsburg -camps. There was, consequently, no way in which any considerable -number of them could secure the training necessary to enable them, in -an emergency, to serve as officers. In order to meet this exigency, -many Negroes and their friends endeavored to secure the establishment -of a training camp for colored officers, although at first the idea -of a separate camp was not popular. In the winter of 1917, however, -Major General Wood agreed to organize the camp if two hundred -colored men would signify their intention of attending; and in this -period of uncertainty and anxiety, friends of the movement started a -campaign with the hope of creating sufficient interest to warrant the -establishment of the camp. - -Dr. Joel E. Spingarn, one of the principal officers of the National -Association for the Advancement of Colored People and a true friend of -the Negro, who was the strongest advocate of the training camp, in May, -1917, sent out a circular letter calling for colored men to enter the -volunteer service of the United States Army in order that the number -of men necessary for the establishment of the camp might be secured. -There was strong protest on the part of the Negro press and of many -individuals against a “segregated camp,” the criticisms coming from all -parts of the country. Dr. Spingarn, in reply, gave among other reasons -for the establishment of the camp the following: “The army officials -want the camp to fail. The last thing they want is to help colored -men to become commissioned officers. The camp is intended to fight -segregation, not to encourage it. Colored men in a camp by themselves -would all get a fair chance for promotion. Opposition on the part of -Negroes is helping the South, which does not want the Negroes to have -any kind of military training. If there is a war, there will doubtless -be conscription of all able-bodied men. The choice will be no longer -between volunteering or not volunteering, but between conscription and -rebellion. If conscription comes, will the leaders of the race help -their Southern enemies by preaching treason and rebellion, or will -they face facts right now and prepare themselves to go as leaders -and not as privates?” As the notes passed between the American and -German Governments, people more and more realized that the trend of -events would inevitably lead to war; this realization gave impetus to -the movement, and finally a concerted effort was made to secure the -training camp, even the opponents of the separate camp idea becoming -its supporters. - -With the actual declaration of war with Germany came the imperative -need of this opportunity for Negroes to train as officers, as it was -certain that thousands would be called to the colors. Conferences -were held with the War Department officials, and Dr. Spingarn -meanwhile worked untiringly. Dr. Stephen M. Newman, president of -Howard University, Washington, D. C., together with a joint committee -of teachers and students and a citizens’ committee composed of -representative Negroes of Washington, also held conferences with -officials and labored in behalf of the camp. - -There was misgiving on the part of many concerning the training of -Negroes as officers. Among the objections made to the establishment of -the camp was that “a separate camp could not be established because all -garrisons and forts were required for white men”; and it was further -said that “Negroes could not make officers, and if trained, Negro -soldiers would not follow them.” Many army men did not believe that the -camp would be a success because they did not feel that the Negro had -the ability to do the required work; and President Newman was even -asked by department officials if he honestly felt that colored people -had the intelligence and the grit to undergo such training as was given -in the preparation camps and come out as capable officers. - -When the War Department was finally convinced that colored men should -at least have the opportunity to attend an officers’ training camp, and -all arrangements were made, news of the authorization of the same was -sent broadcast over the country; and few announcements have ever been -made that were received with more enthusiasm than the special dispatch -which was sent out from Washington on May 19, 1917, by Adjutant General -H. P. McCain to the chiefs of staff of the various departments of the -army: - - “Training camps for colored citizens will be established at Fort Des - Moines, Iowa, under section 4, National Defense Act, and regulations - prescribed for present training camps, except as modified herein and - after. Total attendance 1250, of whom 250 will be non-commissioned - officers, colored regiments, regular army, to be sent on detached - service status, and 1000 citizens, either enlisted under section - 4, National Defense Act, for three months, beginning June 18, with - agreement to accept appointment tendered, or Members of National - Guard, whose status will be as in case of National Guardsmen now - in training camps. Secure ... co-operation of colored citizens of - wide acquaintance and high standing. Training camps will be ready - to receive non-commissioned officers, regular army, June 5, and all - others June 15. Course begins June 18.” - -Newspapers throughout the country commented on the fact that at last -Negroes would have a real opportunity to serve not only as privates -but as officers. Southern papers, while opposed on general principles -to military training for Negroes, spoke favorably of the plan, always -making clear, however, that Southern traditions must be upheld; thus -the Charleston _Post_ said, “Officers as high as majors may be -turned out, but will positively be used to command only Negroes.” But -as circumstances each day forced our countrymen to change some sacred, -traditional idea, and as the seemingly impossible came into being, as -it were, overnight, then the white citizens of each Southern state -were proud that it had its quota of Negroes “with a college training -or its equivalent” to send; and many Southern men gladly gave letters -of endorsement to representative Negroes who were setting forth upon -their great mission. Then in each of the six departments into which -the United States is divided by the War Department, Negroes presented -themselves for examination. Many traveled hundreds of miles to be -present on the appointed day. Some men, in their eagerness to serve, -appeared before the recruiting officers possessing the physical and age -qualifications, but lacking other preparation; and sometimes friends, -in their desire to reward loyal service, sent butlers and other helpers -for examination, only to have them disappointed. When it became evident -that Negroes would be called in large numbers, as the training of -officers indicated, many objections were made throughout the country -to having Negro soldiers stationed in certain camps. In an interview -Col. H. T. Ferguson especially assured the anxious citizens of Des -Moines that they would never regret the fact that their city had been -designated for the training of the first contingent of Negro officers -ever commissioned by the United States. - -As June 15 approached and officer candidates were notified of their -acceptance, colored America felt as never before that it was entering -upon a new era and into the larger citizenship to which it had always -aspired. Joy reigned among the army sergeants at the thought not only -of trying for commissions themselves, but also of helping others of -their race to do likewise; and the civilians went forth with the -knowledge that all eyes were on them and that the prayers and hopes of -a race went with them. No knight ever started on a nobler quest than -did these Negro men from all walks of life, and the crowds that went to -the stations to bid them good-by and that watched the trains until they -were out of sight went home with a new feeling of confidence and of -hope. - -On the arrival of the candidates at Des Moines, civilian customs, -thoughts, and habits soon gave way for the iron discipline involved -in making officers. Men who had thought of the camp as the place for -a summer vacation soon were undeceived. Colonel C. C. Ballou and his -staff of officers put them through a daily program beginning at 5.30 -a. m. with reveille and flag-raising and ending with taps at 9.45 p. m. -From 7.30 to 8.30 a. m. there was infantry drill without arms, from -8.30 to 9 manual or physical training, from 9.15 to 10.15 infantry -drill, from 10.45 to 11.45 a practice hike without arms; then dinner; -from 1.30 to 2.30 p. m. musketry arms, from 2.30 to 3 semaphore -signaling, from 3 to 4.30 conferences on care of equipment, and from 7 -to 8 evening study on the organization of the regiment. As progress was -made other work was taken up, including bayonet drill, trench-digging, -manoeuvering, map-making and target practice, and lectures were also -given showing the relation of the camp to the great national army. -It was fully realized that success or failure in the crucial test -carried with it far-reaching results. Colonel Ballou, in speaking to -the men on one occasion, said: “This is a momentous hour, and the -establishment of this camp is an epochal and unprecedented event in -the history of the colored race. Your race will be on trial with you -as its representatives, during the existence of this camp, and to -succeed there will be required of you strong bodies, keen intelligence, -absolute obedience to orders, unflagging industry, exemplary conduct, -and character of the highest order.” With such incentive the men worked -away at the most strenuous business in which they were ever engaged. -And yet there were some good times--recreation in the form of baseball -and other athletic contests and the privilege of visiting in the city -of Des Moines on Saturday and Sunday. The Y. M. C. A. furnished motion -pictures and programs on Saturday and Sunday evenings, and through -its efforts some of the leading speakers of the country appeared. Of -special inspiration in this connection was the presence in camp of one -of the secretaries, the “grand old man,” Dr. George W. Cabiniss, who -gave up a lucrative practice in Washington to be with the “boys,” and -who spent himself unstintingly in their behalf. - -Soldiers were often invited to the churches as well as the homes in the -city, and here they occasionally rendered musical programs. By this -means the anxiety of the earlier days of the summer gave way to an -interest and friendship between the citizens and the candidates that -will live for decades. The first event which won general esteem for -the officer candidates was an exhibition drill in the Drake University -stadium, which was followed by musical numbers. Here ten thousand -people gathered and marveled at what their eyes beheld. The last big -event was the program given at White Sparrows, where hundreds of people -were turned away. Here the men sang the old plantation melodies with -the sweetness and plaintiveness possible only to the Negro, and arias -and recitatives from the great oratorios as well. The audience stood -in eagerness until the last note was sung; then as a tribute, at the -close of the concert, Rev. Dr. Medbury said of the candidates, “It is -not enough to say that by their demeanor while among us, their conduct -on the streets, in the theatres and business houses, they have brought -honor to their race; they are, rather, an honor to the race of men.” - -Thus the spirit of the men themselves was the biggest factor in the -success of Fort Des Moines. They began their training knowing that -there were questions in the minds of many, and they spent hours of -toil in the effort to prove that they could make good. The attitude of -each one was to help somebody else. One man might be seen explaining -to a comrade some problem in mathematics, another helping in the study -of topography, and still another with some squad trying to perfect -it in the handling of arms. A precious jewel is not more carefully -guarded than was the good name of the camp. Like a sentinel on duty -each candidate watched lest some untoward act might work harm. One day -an apple orchard belonging to a neighboring farmer was invaded. The -farmer notified Colonel Ballou that some of the soldiers had stolen -his apples. When the men concerned found that the camp was accused, on -their own initiative they reported to headquarters and offered to pay -all damages. The commanding officer, in commenting on the incident, -said, “Something has happened to-day that has made me feel fine and -that is new in my army experience.” - -The candidates were proud of their martial bearing. Their cleanliness -made a favorable impression everywhere they went. Soon after they -went to Des Moines some of the café and restaurant owners thought it -unwise to serve them, and when a number of the men entered a chop suey -“palace,” the Chinese proprietor rushed up to them waving his arms -wildly and shouting, “No servee black men; me lose all bliziness.” When -some other proprietors showed a disposition to act with similar policy, -Colonel George W. Ball of the 1st Iowa Infantry ordered that all men, -regardless of color, must be fed, saying, “This is Government business -and there can be no refusal to serve these men”; and drastic action -was threatened against all restaurant keepers who persisted in drawing -the color line. Naturally Utopian conditions did not always prevail -at the camp and there were many disappointments. Many an ambitious -“rookie” was sent home because of some defect or peculiarity that -prevented his making an officer, and even after some had served the -allotted time it was found that they were not suitable material. In -the process of elimination there were those who thought that they were -unjustly marked, and it is true that at Des Moines only five civilian -captains were made and that there the outcome was just the reverse of -that in the training camps for white men, which was that the men with -the superior training most frequently received the higher commissions. -Because of the policy followed one colonel said that “A great harm was -done not only the colored officer but the colored race as well,” for in -many cases the standard for officers was lowered by the commissioning -as captains of men with a sixth or eighth grade education and as second -lieutenants many college graduates. Through it all, however, there was -hope, because the candidates believed in themselves and others believed -in them, chief among whom was Secretary Baker, who said in one of the -darkest hours, “I am depending on you and the Fort Des Moines colored -officers’ training school. It should not be surpassed by any of the -other camps which are training officers, and the promotions are not to -be limited to lieutenants and captains, but to what you are capable of -making.” - -As the end of the training period drew near an extra month was added. -This action raised doubts, not only in the minds of the candidates -but with the colored people throughout the country. It was a trying -season everywhere, for the extension of time came close upon the riots -at Houston. A general from the War Department came to the camp and -spoke in a most discouraging manner of the future of the candidates. -He questioned the advisability of continuing the camp and raised -doubts as to whether the candidates would ever be commissioned. A few -days after his visit it was announced that all who wanted to leave -might do so. Some of the more faint-hearted left, but most of the men -continued their studies and gained further knowledge of the essentials -of warfare. Gradually the clouds cleared away and those who remained -looked forward to the time when they would be real officers in the Army -of the United States. - -Then came the day of days, October 15, 1917, when 625 colored men were -commissioned in the United States Army. As they came forward to receive -their commissions they were deeply moved, and even the commanding -officer showed visible signs of emotion as he gave to them words of -farewell and impressed upon them the seriousness of the task before -them. Dr. Emmett J. Scott, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, -said to them: “I know you will bear in mind that in a very real sense -you and those who serve with you have in your keeping the good name of -a proud, expectant, and confident people”; and each man went away with -the feeling of responsibility that comes when life is dedicated to a -great cause. Thus a new chapter was begun in the history of the Negro -on this continent and the first skirmish to prove that Negro men could -absorb the training required of officers was won with honors. - - * * * * * - -After a brief vacation of fifteen days, the new officers reported to -the various camps and were assigned to their duties. While they had -successfully completed the course of study at Fort Des Moines, the -real test of making officers was still before them. This task was made -more difficult by the assignments to duty which some of them received. -Some were sent to the artillery and engineering corps and given tasks -for which they had had no preparation. Having already absorbed army -discipline, however, they went about their tasks with the hope of -mastering them, though with opinion against them. - -The organization of the 92nd Division, composed entirely of Negroes -drafted into the National Army, made it necessary to train officers and -men in other branches than infantry and cavalry, with which Negroes -had formerly served and for which they had been trained. Therefore -engineer, artillery, and machine-gun regiments were formed along with -the other branches required in the full organization of a division. -While divisions were usually trained in one camp, the regiments of the -92nd were distributed in several groups. - -The engineers were trained at Camp Sherman. Draftees with a knowledge -of the building trades were especially desirable for this branch of -service, and volunteers from well known industrial schools entered -this regiment. Colored infantry officers from Des Moines, captains and -lieutenants, who were without training in engineering, were put in -command. After seven months of training prior to their embarkation for -France, the captains were sent to infantry outfits, being relieved by -white engineer officers. This action on the part of the War Department -affected somewhat the morale of the regiment. After nearly three -months in France the colored lieutenants were also transferred. There -remained, however, five colored officers with the outfit--two tram -officers, two physicians, and a dentist. When these also were not -retained they and the soldiers felt that there was discrimination. -It is true that they were not trained as engineers, but the ultimate -trouble would seem rather to lie in withholding engineer training from -them while they were in the officers’ training school in Des Moines. - -Negro soldiers had long been distinguished in the infantry and cavalry, -but they had never been placed in the artillery branch of service. It -was said that they could not learn the principles of artillery warfare, -and, as for their being officers, it was doubtful if they could measure -up to the requirements. Nevertheless at Camp Dix the 349th and 350th -artillery regiments were formed with colored men, and officers who had -graduated at Des Moines were put in command. Since it had been said -that Negro men could not be trained as artillerymen, it is interesting -that it should be thought that they could make artillery officers -without any training at all. A week before the recruits appeared -at the camp, some classes in artillery subjects were held for the -officers, and during the training of the regiment the officers were -many times taught subjects just the night before they were to teach -them to the men, school being held from one to two hours. Even under -these conditions a surprisingly efficient organization was developed. -After nearly seven months, however, the colored artillery officers -were declared inefficient. It was then decided that they would have to -go to the artillery school at Fort Sill, Okla. Twenty-four men were -sent, these being largely regular army men. Many of the well educated -infantry officers from other regiments applied for the artillery -work, but it was claimed that they could not be spared from their -organizations, and in some cases officers with low rating were sent to -Fort Sill against their desires. Is it surprising that many of these -failed to pass the entrance examination and that about half of them -asked to be returned to Camp Dix after the first week? - -While the artillery school at Fort Sill gave the men every chance, -after the first two weeks the camp began returning the colored officers -to their outfits, until at the end of ten weeks only six remained. -These six were given artillery commissions. During their training -period they had separate barracks and a separate mess, though the camp -commander, Colonel Fleming, demanded that they receive the courtesy due -officers. - -Soon after these graduates returned to Camp Dix, all the colored -officers were ordered to Camp Meade to attend an artillery school. On -their arrival at Meade, orders were issued that they put on enlisted -men’s clothes. The impression among the white officers of the 351st -Artillery, said to be due to verbal orders, was that senior colored -officers would first salute junior white officers and that, as far as -white officers were concerned, the colored officers were considered -officer candidates. They could wear their uniforms on Sunday, if passes -were given them to leave the camp. The War Department was notified of -conditions in the school and in four days the men were again returned -to their outfit just before it sailed for France. - -White officers in the 349th and 350th who had commanded the colored -officers, formed a board to examine them. All were declared -inefficient, even the six graduates from Fort Sill, and were assigned -to the Depot Brigade. The War Department again intervened, and the -six graduates were ordered with their outfits again, and accompanied -them to France. While the remaining officers did not accompany their -regiments to France, they had done some fine work in teaching the men -the use of horses and in putting snap in the drill and in the handling -of the guns. The record made by these regiments, which continued their -training in France, was more than surprising. Accounts of their work -will be given elsewhere. - -The experience of these officers in attempting to do artillery work -without training resulted in many charges and counter-charges with -reference to their fitness for this branch of service. Through the -office of the Assistant to the Secretary of War conferences were held -with department officials in the endeavor to secure for Negro men an -opportunity to train as officers. While there was opposition to the -undertaking, the plan was finally approved and an honest attempt was -made to select Negro men fitted, because of their training, to do work -in artillery schools. Ninety-six were gathered at Camp Meade, some -having been selected from the Signal Corps Engineers and artillery -regiments and some from the camps where infantry regiments of the -92nd Division were stationed. These men remained at Meade for a -month, with two white batteries, after which time they were sent to -Camp Taylor, Ky., where all artillery schools were centralized. The -colored candidates were not expected when they reached the school and -no arrangements had been made for them. The first night they spent -on the outskirts of the camp, and before they finally got settled -they were moved six times, always after spending enough time in one -place to get floors scrubbed, windows washed, and barracks thoroughly -cleaned. The commander of the school spoke to the battery and gave the -impression that it was not wanted. Between the batteries, however, the -relationship was good; the Western men were considerate in sharing -their knowledge with the colored candidates, who made an excellent -impression by their “pep” and snap in drilling and by the aptitude for -artillery work which they showed. Those candidates who remained in -the school until the end were recommended for firing battery, combat -trains, and replacement draft, but at the last the camp commander -decided that only those men recommended for firing batteries should -receive commissions. Thirty-three of the ninety-six men who started out -were graduated. Of the twenty-five hundred graduates of the school, ten -were honor men, and six of these were colored. Eleven more colored men -were graduated in October. The five students in each battery who were -highest at graduation were called out and given diplomas. As the five -Negro men came forward, the white candidates led in the cheering. After -the first graduation, of those men who remained, ten to fifteen were -dropped weekly. The last twelve were transferred to the 814th Pioneer -Infantry as sergeants, and accompanied that organization to England and -France. After much discussion in the War Department, and effort on the -part of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, concessions were -finally made and the thirty-three artillery officers were sent to Camp -Jackson, S. C., where Negro men were being trained as artillerymen. -Here there was great interest in them, especially on the part of the -Negro population of Columbia. These people stood in admiring groups -as the officers passed and sometimes gave vent to their emotions by -clapping or cheering. Trouble arose, however, chiefly over the matter -of salutes from the other soldiers; riots were feared; and after a week -these officers were sent to Newport News, and then on to France. - -To the aviation school at Fort Sill four colored officers were -sent. The first to arrive was supposed to be white and was treated -accordingly. In the case of the other three, however, who arrived a -few days later, there could be no mistake as to identity. These men -were given a separate table and placed in a separate class, with -a sergeant instructor who observed no military courtesies. Such -treatment continued until the men asked to be returned to their -outfit. Because he was constantly seen in the company of the other -three men, the officer who was the first to arrive had been asked to -move to their table. After the others left, he continued the course, -remaining in camp until two days before graduation. To Fort Sill were -also sent those officers who were to receive instruction in the use -of the machine-gun. It developed that the man in the class who was -most efficient was a Negro. At the end of the course there was squad -competition in the mechanical manipulation of a machine-gun, and the -best of each squad was chosen. Some men objected to being represented -by a Negro, but a major intervened and said, “I don’t give a ---- if -the man is black; everybody knows he is the best.” All who watched the -competition marveled at the speed with which this man worked. - -While these new officers were working at their task of training men -to fight, it became certain that replacements would have to be made -after they were in action at the front. Plans were not made on a scale -comparable with the demand, but there was some effort to meet the need. -A small number of men were selected from the various units of the -92nd Division and sent to the third officers’ training schools held -in such camps as Upton, Meade, Sherman, Dodge, Funston, and Travis. -Among the thousands who were receiving training they were almost lost, -but sometimes they won the highest honors. In all these camps, except -at Funston, they attended the same schools as the other candidates -and received the treatment due them. Some were assigned to the 92nd -Division and sailed to France with it, while others were detained to -assist as instructors in the cantonments. - -When the fighting units reached France and were receiving final -training before moving up to the front line trenches, many of the -officers attended various schools. The majority of such men completed -the courses with high standing. One of the schools that proved a -distinct success was a machine-gun school conducted by colored officers -in charge of Lieut. B. A. Mosley, who made out the courses of study. -The object was to make machine-gun officers out of infantry officers, -giving them the principles of machine gunnery. Nearly two hundred -officers and non-commissioned officers were sent from this school, -which was approved by the First Corps and put on the standard of the A. -E. F. schools. Under date August 27, 1918, Major John P. Bubb said of -one of these schools: “In submitting reports of proficiency of captains -of the 92nd Division who have recently been under my instruction, I -request attention to the following facts. Certain captains, namely, -Jones, Saunders, Scott, Stephens, Holland, Hollingsworth, and Granson, -have done very well in their work. They are serious, dignified men of -excellent caliber and are fully able to maintain the positions of trust -and confidence in which they have been placed.... The balance of the -class (all captains) are I believe as good as the average student who -has passed through the school.” - -In the fourth officers’ school, opened on May 15, 1918, at Camp Dodge, -there were 280 Negro candidates, which number was soon increased to -more than 300. These candidates were selected principally from the -units of the 92nd Division, though some came from elsewhere. This -school began under the command of Lt. Col. William G. Doane, who -was assisted by ten colored men, with Captain M. T. Dean as senior -instructor. For the first time in America, Negro officers in large -numbers were instructing soldiers in the science of modern warfare, -preparing them directly to take their places as officers in the great -National Army. These men served for fifteen days, when a telegram -was sent from the headquarters of the 92nd calling all the officers -to their regiment. Their work, however, had proved a success. The -candidates were all picked men, the school was well organized, and the -officers showed the greatest confidence and faith in each other. - -In the centralization of the officers’ training schools the infantry -candidates were sent to Camp Pike, Little Rock, Ark., while the -machine-gun candidates were sent to Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga. Camp -Pike had been spoken of in such a way by many Negro soldiers that -the officer candidates were not enthusiastic about going there, and -certainly this was true of the twenty-four second lieutenants who -were assigned as assistant instructors. Truck drivers sent to meet -them, on finding that they were colored, drove off, claiming that no -provision had been made for Negroes. In the camp they were a source of -wonderment. The instructors were white Southern officers and neither -officers nor men were cordial. As time passed, however, prejudice in -most cases turned to interest. - -To Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga., selected for the machine-gun school, -fifty-six Negro men were sent. Forty-three of that number were -graduated as second lieutenants. These men had been selected from -various outfits in the 92nd because of the knowledge of mathematics -and of the mechanical manipulation of the machine-gun which they had -acquired in the various camp schools. The presence of a number of -Negro officers in Augusta created a new situation, but both camp and -city rose to the occasion. The commander decreed that every officer -in the camp must receive the courtesy due him, and the leading paper -of Augusta carried editorials that had a wholesome effect on public -opinion. It happened that the thirteenth and last company in the school -was colored. In the drills and in marching to the range, these men were -last according to their number; but in marching in reverse order, as -they did in returning from the range, they became the leaders. Some -white candidates are said to have lost their commissions rather than -drill behind this company. Most of the men, however, co-operated with -the candidates in every way, and taught them map-reading in exchange -for explanation in the mechanism of the gun. The instructors were for -the most part French or British and apparently had little time for race -feeling. - -When the companies were divided into sections for trench-digging, -dug-out practice, construction of shafts, and camouflaged machine-gun -emplacements, the white and the colored men were in the same classes, -and because of this contact both groups learned something of their -comrades and became more liberal in their thoughts. In general the fine -spirit prevailing in the camp was attributed to two things: first, to -the influence of the camp commander, who was himself a Southern man, -and second, to the fact that the new men reached camp just at the -time of the Fourth Liberty Loan drive. The South, as well as the rest -of the country, had really begun to feel the effects of the war, not -only financially but also in the drain on its man-power; and as the -13th company pursued its work with diligence and concentration, always -comparing favorably with others on the drill field, on the range, -and in class work, there was a realization of the fact that, after -all, they were fellow-Americans, slowly making headway; and when at -graduation these Negro men came forward to receive their commissions in -the great Liberty Theatre, where thousands of their comrades were, they -were greeted with deafening applause and every heart and voice and hand -seemed to cheer them on their way. - - * * * * * - -In the course of the preceding pages we have more than once touched -upon incidents which not only affected the Negro officer personally but -which also involved his real status in the army. It might now be in -place to consider a little more fully some of the points raised. - -On the arrival of Negro officers at a camp, several questions -immediately arose, as to their eating, their living, and their general -contact with other officers. Sometimes they were not expected and -found that no preparation had been made for them. Fairly typical of -the Southern camps was Camp McClellan, Anniston, Ala., which showed -something of conditions especially at the beginning. Seven officers -were sent here in September, 1918, and placed in command of the -detention camp. In three weeks the detention camp was broken up and -the soldiers transferred to the depot brigade. The colored officers -were then attached to the 437th Reserve Labor Battalion, where they -were required to do very little work and were soon relieved of all -responsibility. Not all of the problems were confined to the South. In -the North, however, big-hearted generals were usually in command and -they decreed that regular army requirements should prevail. - -One matter that constantly arose was that of the salute. Because of the -conflicting opinions on this subject, Gen. John B. Castleman, a major -in the Confederate army, was asked for a statement as to his attitude. -In giving his opinion he said: “The discipline of the army must be -maintained, and non-commissioned officers understand little of the -spirit of the army when they refuse to salute a Negro officer. I have -held several commissions in the military service, and I unhesitatingly -say that I would or will, at any time, salute an officer, superior or -inferior, who salutes me, without regard to the color of his skin. The -regulations, the laws, and the fundamentals of courtesy and discipline -upon which these regulations are based prescribe this. We are at war, -and soldiers are under the rules of the American army. We are all under -the flag. We salute the rank, not the individual.” This statement -by General Castleman did much to help conditions at Camp Taylor and -elsewhere. In general the military courtesies accorded Negro officers -depended largely on the stand of the generals commanding the camps. If -they demanded that strict military regulations be followed, trouble was -immediately reduced to a minimum. A notable example was the action of -Gen. Thomas H. Barry, of Camp Grant, Rockford, Ill., who on the arrival -of the Negro officers and men gave a “family talk” at headquarters in -which he said: “These men have come here on the same duty, actuated by -the same principles, as ourselves. They are entitled to respect because -they soon will be fighting to defend our homes. Colored officers -must be saluted as punctiliously as the white ones. The salute is of -vital importance to the whole fabric of discipline. It is not only a -courtesy, but a recognition of personal relations in the service.” - -From time to time there were unfortunate occurrences which received -much publicity. Such was the case of Lieut. Joseph B. Saunders, who -was publicly assaulted at Vicksburg, Miss., because he wore his -uniform home after his period of training at Des Moines; also that -of Lieut. Charles A. Tribbett, who was arrested and placed in jail -for riding in a pullman car through the state of Oklahoma. There were -also many instances in camp in which the Negro men themselves largely -solved their problem. When colored officers arrived at Camp Funston, -Kan., not over 10 per cent of the white officers and men saluted them. -They had been told that they were going to have a hard time and set -themselves with resolute purpose to the great task before them. In -a month’s time the raw recruits were marching with heads up, eyes -front, shoulders back, and with every arm swinging in line. As they -marched to and from drill, the generals, colonels, and other officers -as well as the men would stand along the “Golden Belt” and watch the -black host as it passed. “This demonstration,” said one Negro captain, -“changed everything. Now all men salute, and officers always try to -salute first.” As Negro officers grew in numbers and were distributed -throughout the camps, and as accounts of heroic deeds were heralded -from the battlefields, and as it became generally known that Negroes -were responding liberally to the various calls at home, the American -public saw the justice of according recognition or merit where it was -due, and the principle of the salute for Negro officers was settled, -although in practice it was not always carried out. - -Another matter that occasioned considerable feeling was that of -promotions. Many regular army officers served for several years with -junior rank, but always looked forward to the time when they would be -promoted. Their opportunity came during the war. Many junior officers -in the regular army and even civilian officers were promoted several -times in the course of a year. It was natural that colored officers -should also look forward to promotions, which were regarded as a -recognition of work well done. - -According to a memorandum of September 11, 1918, the War Department -established the commands to be occupied by white and colored officers -in the organization of the 92nd Division, and indicated that every -opportunity would be given the Negro men to advance. In practice, -however, there seems to have been some difficulty about carrying out -the ideas therein suggested. The percentage of white officers in the -Division increased from 18 per cent at the beginning, to 42 per cent -on November 30, 1918. Very few recommendations for the promotion of -Negro officers were made and most of these are said to have been -“pigeon-holed” at headquarters. Some recommendations that were filed -in July and August, 1918, were held until after the signing of the -Armistice on November 11, when an A. E. F. order prohibited the -granting of any more commissions. Another factor which prevented -promotions in the 92nd Division was that colored officers from the -369th, 370th, and 372nd, and graduates from officers’ training schools -in France were largely transferred to the 92nd Division. This made -room for the promotion of white officers in the units from which the -Negro officers were transferred, but prevented the promotion of colored -officers in the 92nd. - -Thus most of the Negro officers who served in the National Army were -in the 92nd Division. The creation of this Division with Negro line -officers was regarded by practically all regular army officers as one -of the greatest mistakes ever made by the War Department. From their -viewpoint it was wrong in principle, against all tradition, and could -not possibly be a success. Not believing in the matter in principle, -they did not want to deal with Negro men on such a basis; they did -things to discredit them, even to the extent of spreading propaganda as -to their unfitness for the work. Thus unfortunately the Negro officers -returned home feeling that their commanding officers were not their -friends; nor were matters improved by the effort of some incompetent -men “higher up” who tried to cover their own inefficiency by laying the -blame on the Negroes. The prevailing opinion expressed by the white -officers returning from France was that the Negro soldier up to the -rank of sergeant-major was a success, and they lauded the stevedore and -labor organizations as contributing much to the magnificent service -rendered by the Americans in Europe. The “experiment” of the Negro -officer, they felt, was a different matter. A careful review of all -the adverse points made might place them under four heads, as follows: -First, the racial distinctions recognized in civilian life continued to -be recognized in military life and presented a formidable barrier to -the existence of a genuine feeling of comradeship; second, the colored -officers were lacking in initiative and exhibited a characteristic -tendency to neglect the welfare of their men and to perform their -duties in a perfunctory manner, thus entailing on the part of senior -officers frequent attention to petty details; third, many of the Negro -officers went around with “a chip on their shoulders,” looking for -discrimination and trouble; and fourth, most of the colored officers -were willing to discipline their men but were unwilling themselves to -be disciplined, charging any attempt to discipline them to prejudice. - -These are serious charges. In reply to them first of all it is to be -noted that on the troop ships, even before they got to France, the -Negro officers were treated not according to their military rank but -as on the basis of color. On the “George Washington,” for instance, -which carried the 368th infantry, the tickets for the colored officers -were marked with an X in the upper left hand corner, which enabled the -purser to place them “conveniently.” The tickets for the white officers -were not marked, and they were given first class passage on Deck A in -respect to both dining and state rooms; but the colored officers, from -the rank of captain down, were given second class passage in respect -to staterooms and dining rooms. In traveling in France also the Negro -officers were many times given third class coaches while the white -officers were given first class. Specific cases are given where the -officers were ordered by their commanders to take such passage. In the -hotels and cafés as well constant effort was made for segregation, -and in some cases instructions were given not to accept officers or -soldiers when applications for rooms were made. At the Grand Hotel -in Mayenne, where the division billeting officer was stationed, the -hotel proprietress informed the colored officers, many of whom had -previously stayed in the hotel, that they would have to go elsewhere -for accommodations. On going to the “town major” to see about the new -condition that had developed, the men were told that instructions had -been given to the effect that no more colored officers were to be -allowed in the hotel. Such incidents could be multiplied a hundred -times. While in themselves they are no positive proof of Negro valor, -they explain a situation which certainly has to be taken into account -in an impartial review. - -As to the charges of lack of initiative and the neglect of their -men, the facts gathered from an investigation of conditions among -thousands of soldiers, both in America and France, would rather -indicate that colored officers generally took more interest in their -men than the average white officer, though of course some Negro -officers were inefficient just as were some of other races. The -charges of “neglecting the welfare of their men” were based in most -cases upon the difficulty in securing supplies for colored troops. -This was true not only with colored officers, for it was an accepted -fact that white officers over Negro troops often experienced the -greatest difficulty in getting the necessary supplies for their men. -Negro officers who displayed initiative were frequently reprimanded -for assuming authority, while on the other hand they were condemned -if they waited for instructions; for example, some who completed the -course at the First Corps School in France with credit were censured -for not performing duties that they had been ordered to discontinue -and were told to mind their business when they called attention to -grave military errors, some of which resulted in casualties. Duties -performed satisfactorily as a sergeant for more than ten years could -not be performed by the same man after he became a lieutenant without -the supervision of a battalion commander. - -In general the colored officers found complete co-operation with -commanding officers nearly impossible. They were never taken into -the confidence of their military superiors and were rarely ever -questioned about matters affecting the men. One day a colonel met a -colored captain whom he thought he had seen before. “Haven’t I seen you -somewhere?” he asked. “Yes, sir,” replied the man, “I was with you on -the border; Captain French is my name, sir.” “Oh, I do remember,” said -the colonel, “you are Sergeant French.” “No, sir, I am Captain French.” -“Well,” said the colonel as he walked away, “if I forget and call you -Sergeant, don’t mind.” - -In spite of all the difficulties and criticisms, however, large numbers -of Negro officers were able to command and lead troops for the first -time. In the pages to come there will be noted many instances not only -of courage but also of efficiency, and it is a significant fact that -the majority of these officers returned to the states in the 92nd -Division. This alone is proof that they were _fairly_ efficient, -especially when it is remembered that on the slightest occasion they -were sent before efficiency boards. More than a thousand of these Negro -line officers “saw it through” in France, rendering heroic service -in the World War; and it is pleasant to record that among those who -served with them there were those who were not afraid to give credit -where credit was due. - - * * * * * - -One other matter is of importance in this general connection, and -that is the question of the relation of the Negro officer to the -reorganization of the army after the war was over. There are and -probably always will be divers opinions as to the size and training -of the regular army in peace times, as well as to the composition of -the different units. In general, regular army officers felt that the -time had not come in army affairs when it was expedient to include -Negro officers in the plan of reorganization. Such a course was -considered “an injustice to West Point graduates who had served as -second lieutenants and waited their turn for promotion.” The question -was essentially not one of fitness but of tradition, as was shown by -the word of a major who now sleeps in the Argonne and who was asked to -send in the names of the men in his command who should go before an -efficiency board. He commended highly the work of his officers, but -concluded by saying that the whole principle of Negro officers was -wrong and that he recommended that all should be relieved from duty. -Such an attitude took tangible form in the action of members of some -of the examining boards for the regular army. One board discharged more -than half of the officers in the division it was considering. Many who -formerly had good grades were rated below 60, and while the questions -asked were simple enough, all answers were deemed unsatisfactory. In -the medical department similar conditions prevailed. It was natural -that the Negro men should feel that under the circumstances they had -hardly been fairly dealt with; moreover they had to meet the general -prejudice of regular army officers against all civilian officers. One -official said, “The regular army officers looked with disfavor upon -both the National Guard and National Army officers, the National Guard -officers discredited the National Army (90-day) officer, and all three -combined against the Negro officer.” When everything is considered, it -is difficult to reconcile the methods used to eliminate Negro officers -with the spirit of fairness and justice for which the army is renowned, -or with the gentleman’s agreement known to exist among fellow-officers, -and it is to be regretted that some of the adverse opinions expressed -were uttered by men in high positions who will help to determine the -future policy of the War Department. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -HOPES AND FEARS - - -Propaganda was recognized by all the belligerent nations as a mighty -weapon when effectively used. That great things could be accomplished -by its use was demonstrated when a part of the Russian army surrendered -to the enemy without bloodshed, when the Russian people rose up -against their rulers, and when the German sailors turned against their -commanders. In spite of some suggestions made to him, however, the -Negro in the United States chose the better part, pledging his loyalty -and support to the Government as far as necessary. - -When the selective draft was voted by Congress, there arose cries -against the sending of Negroes to certain sections, and petitions and -delegations went to Washington to prevail with the officials. It was -feared that race friction would lead to riots, and especially that -there would be difficulty between the Negro soldiers and the civilian -population. The Houston riot, occurring in 1917 just before Negro men -were called to the camps, intensified this feeling and caused many -cantonment cities to raise objections to the placing of Negro soldiers -in the camps near them. In South Carolina especially there was strong -protest on the part of prominent citizens, led by the Governor of the -State; and even one of the Negro churches, on the arrival of Negro -soldiers at Camp Jackson, discontinued evening services for fear of -trouble. Yet, although it was thought that this innovation would -bring disaster to the state, from the beginning there was a feeling -of comradeship between the white and the Negro soldiers. In a speech -before the race conference held in Columbia March 13, 1918, the -Governor, who had opposed the coming of the latter, commended them in -the highest manner; and the police department gave testimony to the -fact that the Negro soldiers had been a credit to themselves and to -the uniform they wore. At Camp Shelby, Hattiesburg, Miss., there was -also opposition, but here again the conduct of the soldiers allayed -all fears. At Rockford, Ill., where the police force was enlarged in -anticipation of the coming of the Negro men, and where an addition was -built to the jail to accommodate the expected number of offenders, -the chief of police afterwards said that “The Negro soldiers made a -splendid record--much better than was expected; the enlarged jail was -never needed for them.” - -The finest atmosphere surrounding Negro soldiers in America was found -at Camp Upton, N. Y. No protest was made by New York people about -training Negroes at the camp, nor was there any propaganda about race -riots or other disasters; and because of this fact the relationship -between the different groups was exceptionally good. The officers -and also the welfare workers were, with rare exceptions, fair and -considerate in their treatment. This example of real Americanism was -due to the generous spirit of the New York people and to the high -stand and impartial attitude taken by the late Gen. I. Franklin Bell, -commander. In settling all questions of racial relationship he insisted -that all men be given fair and equal treatment. Not only in this -camp, but in every cantonment city, East, West, North, or South, the -officials, including judges and chiefs of police, as well as citizens -from all walks of life, spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of -the Negro soldiers. - -In France there arose two forms of subtle and dangerous propaganda with -which the Negro had to contend. One was disseminated by the Germans -and the other by some of his own comrades in arms. Over the lines the -Germans sent their insidious matter, of which the following is a sample: - - - “To the Colored Soldiers of the U. S. Army, - - September, 1918, Vosges Mountains. - - “Hello, boys, what are you doing over there? Fighting the Germans? - Why? Have they ever done you any harm? Of course, some white folks - and the lying English-American papers told you that the Germans ought - to be wiped out for the sake of humanity and democracy. What is - democracy? Personal freedom, all citizens enjoying the same rights - socially and before the law. Do you enjoy the same rights as the - white people do in America, the land of freedom and democracy? Or - aren’t you rather rated over there as second class citizens? Can you - go to a restaurant where white people dine, can you get a seat in a - theatre where white people sit, can you get a pullman seat or berth - in a railroad car, or can you ride in the South in the same street - car with white people? And how about the law? Is lynching and the - most horrible cruelties connected therewith a lawful proceeding in a - democratic country? - - “Now all of this is entirely different in Germany, where they do like - colored people, where they do treat them as gentlemen and not as - second class citizens. They enjoy exactly the same social privileges - as every white man, and quite a number of colored people have mighty - fine positions in Berlin and other big German cities. - - “Why, then, fight the Germans only for the benefit of the Wall Street - robbers to protect the millions they have lent to the English, French, - and Italians? You have been made the tool of the egotistic and - rapacious rich in England and America, and there is nothing in the - whole game for you but broken bones, horrible wounds, broken health - or--death. No satisfaction whatever will you get out of this unjust - war. You have never seen Germany; so you are fools if you allow people - to teach you to hate it. Come over and see for yourself. Let those do - the fighting who make profit out of this war; don’t allow them to use - you as cannon food. To carry the gun in their defense is not an honor - but a shame. Throw it away and come over to the German lines. You will - find friends who will help you along.” - -Copies of this document fell among the Negro soldiers in the front line -trenches. Every effort was made to keep the men from reading it, but -many secured copies nevertheless. They said to their officers who went -among them to gather up the copies, “We know what they say is true, but -don’t worry; we’re not going over.” - -The other propaganda with which Negro officers and soldiers had to -contend was inaugurated to discredit them in French opinion to the -extent that they would not be accorded social recognition or accepted -as equals. There was organized effort on the part of the American -military authorities to influence French public opinion in this regard. -In its issue for May, 1919, the _Crisis_ published a document -on “Secret information concerning black American troops,” sent out -on August 7, 1918, by the French military mission stationed with the -American Army. The object of this document was to give French officers -commanding black American troops “an exact idea of the position -occupied by Negroes in the United States.” Conclusions were reached as -follows: “We must prevent the rise of any pronounced degree of intimacy -between French officers and black officers”; “We must not commend too -highly the black Americans”; and “Make a point of keeping the native -cantonment population from ‘spoiling’ the Negroes.” This document did -not represent French but American opinion, and when the French ministry -heard of its distribution, copies were collected and burned. - -Meanwhile individuals exerted great effort to influence the French -population in the treatment of Negro soldiers. At times when Negro -troops went to a city which had been occupied by white soldiers, the -people stood off and were afraid, partly because they had not seen -so many Negroes before, but also because of the statements that had -been made. At Bourbonne-les-Bains the people were told that they must -remain indoors, carry guns, and not allow Negroes in their homes. -Among the statements that the French people themselves afterwards -informed the Negroes were made were the following: “Negroes cannot be -treated with common civility”; “They are no good”; “They are rapists”; -“Americans lynch and burn Negroes to keep them in their places”; -and “They are uncivilized and have tails like monkeys.” The spirit -which prompted some men to make the statements given here prompted -others to use their authority to carry out their ideas. There were -“campaigns of ruthlessness,” and many unkind deeds occurred in the -effort to perpetuate “American ideals.” Certainly two-thirds of the -difficulties experienced by the colored soldiers in France were due to -American resentment of the attitude of the French people in receiving -them on equal terms, and especially of the kindly disposition of the -French women. Much of the denial of privileges to Negro soldiers to -visit parts of France was due, directly or indirectly, to the effort -to prevent them from associating with the French people. Thousands -of men within a few hours of Paris were not able to get more than a -twelve-hour pass. - -Facts gathered from personal investigation and interviews in France -indicate that in spite of propaganda Negro officers and soldiers got -along well with the French people. After they were in town a few days -the people would cease to fear them and would ask why such strange -relationships existed between comrades in arms from the same country. -Both officers and men were invited into the homes of the people. -French children were treated with the greatest deference by the -Negro soldiers, and as a result a real brotherhood was established. -The picture that appeared in _Life_, showing a colored soldier -carrying a bundle for an old French woman met along the way, was -typical and represented what occurred almost daily in France. Many -helped the peasants to harvest their crops or to do any other work -in which they were engaged. They always lent a hand whenever it was -possible. - -During 1918 reports were current in France, especially in American -circles, including the army and welfare organizations, that the -committing of the crime of rape was very common and that Negro officers -as well as privates were guilty. On August 21 a memorandum was issued -from the headquarters of the 92nd Division “to prevent the presence of -colored troops from being a menace to women.” This said in part: “On -account of the increasing frequency of the crime of rape, or attempted -rape, in this Division, drastic preventive measures have become -necessary.... Until further notice, there will be a check of all troops -of the 92nd Division every hour daily between reveille and 11.00 p. m., -with a written record showing how each check was made, by whom, and -the result.... The one-mile limit regulation will be strictly enforced -at all times, and no passes will be issued except to men of known -reliability.” The next day another memorandum was sent out saying that -the commander-in-chief of the American Expeditionary Forces “would send -the 92nd Division back to the United States or break it up into labor -battalions as unfit to bear arms in France, if efforts to prevent rape -were not taken more seriously.” The next day the order for the hourly -check of personnel was annulled, but in the meantime much discussion -had been occasioned. - -As the rumors continued to spread, Dr. Robert R. Moton was asked by the -President of the United States and the Secretary of War to go to France -and investigate the charges. On reaching France he went immediately to -General Headquarters at Chaumont and from there to the Marbache sector, -where he met General Martin, who was in command of the 92nd Division. -On making inquiry Dr. Moton was informed by the General that twenty-six -cases of the crime had occurred in the Division up to December 16, -1918, and staff officers who were present substantiated by conversation -the general statements. Dr. Moton then asked the General if he would -mind having one of his aides get the records inasmuch as the reputation -of a race was at stake and as general statements were often misleading. -When the records were brought in and examined only seven cases charged -could be found. Of those charged only two men had been found guilty -and convicted, and one of the two convictions had been turned down by -general headquarters. “In other fighting units,” says Dr. Moton, “as -well as in Bordeaux, St. Nazaire, and Brest, where many of the service -of supplies troops were located, and at many other places, I made the -same investigations. I interviewed American and French commanding -officers. I talked as well with scores of American and French officers -of lower rank. When the records were taken, as was the case with the -92nd Division, the number of cases charged were few. The opinion at -general headquarters of the American forces was that the crime to which -I have referred was no more prevalent among Negro soldiers than among -white soldiers or any soldiers.” - -The following record of rape in the 92nd Division was given to the -writer by Major A. E. Patterson, judge advocate: “Ten soldiers were -tried for assault with intent to rape. Five of those were _bona -fide_ efforts to accomplish that crime. The other five were simple -assaults with no evidence to support the charge of assault with intent -to commit rape. Three of the cases were actual rape cases, only one of -which was in the 92nd Division. The other two were in units commanded -by white officers. The other two men convicted, one of whom was hanged, -were in labor battalions in the 92nd Division area, neither of the -three cases of rape occurring in units commanded by colored officers.” -The judge advocate in the headquarters of the service of supplies at -Tours said that “since February, 1919, there had been only one assault -with intent to commit rape in sections 4, 6, 7, and 9, where there -were more than 75,000 Negro soldiers. The rape stories seem not to be -substantiated.” In American camps there were two cases of the crime, -one at Camp Dodge and one at Camp Grant. - -The rape charges against Negro soldiers appear to have been greatly -magnified. They were simply a part of the general propaganda to -discredit Negro men in arms. It is not our intention to give the -impression that there were not a few individuals who were guilty of -the crime. It is a fact, however, that the wild rumors were simply one -more effort to influence the French people in their dealings with Negro -Americans. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE LURE OF THE UNIFORM - - -Historians tell us that when, in the fifteenth century, Jeanne d’Arc -led the soldiers of France to victory, no women followed the army. This -was not true of the victorious armies in the World War. Wherever the -soldiers camped, in the North, East, South, or West, in a camp near a -great metropolis or in one far from cities and railroads, in America -or in France, there women were to be found. For the first time also -the War Department made formal provision for the American soldiers to -have the gentle and civilizing influence of women; and barracks and -tented camps were soon followed by hostess houses or other structures, -tastefully furnished and decorated, and presided over by kind-hearted -hostesses. - -When this great plan was conceived, little thought was given at first -to the Negro soldier and to the entertainment of his women folk. For -some time, if they visited camp, they found that no provision was made -to receive them. Sometimes it was a mother who had traveled miles just -to see if Uncle Sam was kind to her only son, or a wife from a distant -state, who arrived discouraged and with depleted funds, only to find -that her husband had just embarked for a distant land; or perhaps a -sweetheart hoped to get a last glance and bid a last farewell. - -There was still another woman who had no such innocent mission and -whose heart went out to every soldier. It was this one who made a -real problem. Little interest was shown in her by camp authorities. -Sometimes she remained in camp streets until as late as eleven o’clock -at night; or she might be seen under the trees, in the groves, or -waiting along the camp roads. At Camp Dodge women were allowed in camp -from early morning until late in the evening, with no restrictions -whatever. Some were the wives of soldiers, but some others came to the -camp for the purpose of forming acquaintances. Occasionally a girl was -seen giving her address to a crowd of soldiers surrounding her. At -Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga., a quarantine stopped the daily visiting of -women, who were required to register in the “Y” tent, which they soon -practically deserted. In general the commander of a camp made such -regulations as he thought best. On rare occasions women were compelled -to secure passes before entering; but in most cases they could enter -during the day without passes, being governed only by visiting hours, -which were usually from 8 a. m. to 5 p. m. - -As the war progressed, the tendency throughout the country was to -improve conditions in this connection. Even before the spring and -summer of 1918, when some hostess houses were erected for colored -soldiers, there were bright spots where an effort was made to meet the -problem. One of the best systems regulating the visiting of women -found anywhere was at Camp Funston, where a visitors’ day was held the -first Saturday of each month. This rule was strictly enforced and not -even officers could take women into the camp except on this day. On -this occasion, however, the officers and soldiers became the hosts, -entertaining their friends at dinner, after which there were usually -socials and dances. Large numbers of colored women visited Camp Taylor, -Louisville, Ky., and their conduct is said to have been excellent. -The Y. W. C. A. had the use of a small building, conveniently located -on the car track, and here the women were helped to get in touch with -relatives. Where the number of women who visited a camp was small, -the problem of providing facilities was naturally less difficult. -At Camp Devens, Mass., near which the colored population was small, -women visited the “Y” buildings and also the houses in charge of white -hostesses, if they so desired. The soldiers were permitted to invite -them to dinner in their mess halls. All were expected to leave the camp -by 7.30, and the military police saw that this rule was enforced. In -general where there was a sincere effort on the part of the authorities -and the different agencies to provide for the welfare of colored -women visitors, the problem was reduced to a minimum, and the visits -contributed to the happiness of the soldiers and the morale of the -army, as was the intention from the beginning. - -The problem which grew to be vexing in the camps became far more -difficult to control in the cities; and Government officials familiar -with the popularity of the uniform proceeded immediately to clean up -every city adjacent to the cantonments by abolishing all forms of -legalized vice. Cities thus located were able, with Federal aid, to -introduce in one week reforms that had been desired and worked for, -with no results, for decades. The closing of the districts, however, -did not mean the complete elimination of the evils which existed. It -often meant simply a distributing of the problem to various sections of -the city. New restaurants, hotels, and boarding houses were opened, and -there were usually to be found in them attractive girls who served as -waitresses. Although the café sign was sometimes seen on the windows, -“no meals were ever served nor fire ever seen in the kitchen.” It was -through such places as these that well-intentioned women and girls -sometimes found themselves in the clutches of the law. - -It was in one of the large cantonment cities that a party of four such -women arrived from the far South to see their husbands before they -entrained for parts unknown. The women were not met at the station by -their husbands, as was planned, because they were several hours late -in arriving. They were directed to a hotel just two blocks from the -station, and here they found the parlor and dining room filled with -soldiers and their friends. Among the men in uniform they felt more -at ease, and they asked several soldiers if they knew their husbands. -Finally a young man said that he was in the same company as one of the -men named, and that he would tell him about his wife as soon as he -reached camp, as it was not possible to reach him that night. Tired -from travel and anxiety, the women retired with pleasant thoughts of -meeting their loved ones in the morning. In the very early morning, -however, while the city still slumbered, a knock on the door awoke -them. One sprang to the door, but instead of finding her husband she -was greeted by an officer, who told all four to dress and follow him. -All their tears and explanations did not suffice to move him. With a -score of other women they were carried away to prison. As the turnkey -closed the great iron door some of the number seemed indifferent, but -the hearts of others were seized with fear lest some awful thing should -happen. The next morning the husbands of the four women were reached -and they were released, made wiser by their bitter experience. - -Hotels and boarding houses, however, were only one phase of the -matter. On the city streets, in the dance halls, in the soft drink -parlors, wherever soldiers craved companionship, there the problem of -the girl was to be found. It was most serious in the case of young -girls fourteen to sixteen years of age, who were sometimes seen on the -streets long after midnight, and it is to be remembered that in the -Negro sections of the cities the streets were often dark and conducive -to all forms of evil. Sometimes conditions were winked at by officials -who opposed destroying the old order of things. In one case, after -Government criticism, the local police made indiscriminate arrests in -a pretended effort to clean up. This resulted in lawsuits which halted -the work. Ignorant girls were brought into court, but those in higher -places were seldom arrested. Even when arrests were made, the evidence -revealed often brought a quick release. In one court a woman was -sentenced to a year in prison and fined $1000 for leading girls astray, -but within a few days, through the influence of unseen forces, she was -again enjoying her liberty. A strange leniency also was often found in -Southern courts in the case of colored girls whose conduct had brought -them there; it did not seem to be required or expected that colored -girls should live up to the same standards as white girls. Sometimes -unsympathetic lawyers made sport of them for the amusement of crowded -court rooms. They were not taken behind closed doors for protection, -as were other girls charged with similar offences. Seldom, until near -the end of the war, were there detention homes to which they could -go and find a genuinely helpful guiding hand. Money appropriated by -the Government for the establishment of detention homes in cantonment -cities was seldom used for Negro girls. Instead they were usually -placed in jail, or sent to the prison farm or the “stockade,” the home -of the chain gang. The jails in which they were confined were, with -few exceptions, demoralizing and a disgrace to the cities. The inmates -lived in dirt and disease, sleeping on ragged, greasy mattresses on -concrete floors and eating food prepared in the most unsanitary manner. -In one instance colored girls were placed in a room 20 feet by 10, -with their cots close together. An open toilet was in the back of the -room, which was without windows or any means of ventilation except -an electric fan. In such environment were placed many girls arrested -for the first time. They associated with confirmed criminals and the -living conditions and the treatment which they received made it well -nigh impossible for them to lead a different life after being released. -Sometimes they worked on the city farms, in the jails, or on rock piles -in the jail yards. In one case they were marched through the streets to -and from the work of cleaning the city cemetery. - -Who were these girls who, in their early teens, found themselves in -the clutches of the law? For the most part they were ignorant and -were growing up without the influence of interested parents. Some -could not read or write; frequently they were exploited. It is to be -noted also that this concrete problem was often complicated by other -social or economic forces. In practically every cantonment city orders -were issued to prevent white soldiers from entering undesirable Negro -sections. The enforcement of such orders, however, was difficult -because of the frequent leniency of the guardians of the law. In one -city a prominent member of the Chamber of Commerce said, “The colored -people will probably never get over the effect of the moral lapse due -to the presence of the camp and the soldiers.” He grew eloquent in -describing the depths to which the city had fallen and the difficulty -of getting servants. Those who had formerly helped in some of the old -families were now leading an easier life and wearing on the streets -clothes of the most expensive style. Such a speaker apparently forgot -that the exodus had made great drafts on labor, that many women were -doing work formerly done by men, and that the increased wages had -enabled many men to keep their wives at home. - -Even when the moral situation was dark, however, all was not hopeless. -Sometimes a wise and big-hearted judge gave justice tempered with -mercy. Sometimes women, both colored and white, toiled untiringly in -their effort to save girls from the folly of their ways. The attitude -of the Negro people themselves was most important. Among them there was -often found a strange lack of sympathy and interest. This was sometimes -attributed to the attitude of officials who would not deal with them in -a respectful manner. While this was often the case, there was also a -feeling on the part of many good people that they could not afford to -help such girls. One churchman who was asked for his co-operation said, -“I don’t know whether I can afford to come to the jail,” and another, -“My mind is on heavenly things; I haven’t any time for such work.” -Gradually the situation improved, however, and we shall now consider -some of the forces for moral betterment. One of these, the War Camp -Community Service, will receive extended treatment in our next chapter -in connection with the subject of Welfare Organizations. Just now we -are interested especially in the influences that bore directly upon the -Negro woman or girl who in one way or another was affected by the war. - - -GIRLS’ PROTECTIVE AGENCY - -The Girls’ Protective Agency was active in several cantonment cities -where Negro soldiers were stationed. Comparatively few colored -women represented this organization, but those who did labored most -effectively. The worker at Anniston, Ala., gave her entire time to -colored girls. The Negro women of the city formed a co-operating -committee composed of representatives from every church. The names of -girls who were thought to be careless in their conduct were given to -the one in charge and she visited the girls and their parents. In this -way many were helped. The white workers also sometimes took an active -interest in colored girls, especially those who found their way into -the courts. Where grave problems arose from the intermingling of the -races, every effort was made to relieve the situation for the good of -both. - - -TRAVELERS’ AID SOCIETY - -Representatives of the Travelers’ Aid Society often rendered genuine -service to colored women visiting cantonment cities in search of their -friends in the camps. They usually put them in touch with the local Y. -W. C. A. or with representative women who could tell them of reliable -places where they could stay. While some assistants were indifferent, -most of them were impartial and took the same interest in providing -for the Negro women who came to their cities as for the white women. -This was especially true of a worker in Manhattan, Kansas, who labored -earnestly for the colored girls who visited the railroad stations -in order to meet soldiers. According to reports of reliable colored -citizens, she talked to the girls as she would to her own daughters. - - -Y. W. C. A.--HOSTESS HOUSES - -The Young Women’s Christian Association established constructive work -in cantonment cities by organizing the best girls into clubs and -patriotic leagues for various kinds of war effort. Such endeavor was -in the field of preventive rather than of constructive work. That at -Louisville is fairly representative of what was done in the cantonment -cities. Here an attractive building was secured and placed in charge -of an executive secretary, who was assisted by a girls’ worker. Clubs -were organized among the employed girls and school girls, and Bible, -cooking, and French classes conducted. Five hundred women and girls -were organized into twenty-six circles, with a captain over each -circle; and an information bureau was conducted for the soldiers. - -Of the various kinds of service rendered by the Y. W. C. A. the -erection of fifteen hostess houses in the various camps was the -greatest achievement and filled one of the greatest needs of the -Negro soldier and his women folk. It is doubtful if any other welfare -work gave more pleasure. Rightly was the hostess house called “a -bit of home in the camps, a place of rest and refreshment for the -women folks belonging to the soldiers, a sheltering chaperonage for -too-enthusiastic girls, a dainty supplement to the stern fare of the -camp life of the soldiers, a clearing house for the social activities -which included the men in the camps and their women visitors.” - -While the need was always great, the development of hostess houses -for Negro soldiers and women was very slow. Camp commanders often -failed to see the need of such an addition, and the uncertainty of -Negro soldiers’ definitely remaining a part of camp organizations was -usually given as the reason for delay. At length, however, through the -untiring efforts of Miss Eva D. Bowles, leader of Y. W. C. A. work for -Negro girls, her co-workers, and the War Work Council of the Y. W. -C. A., these buildings came into being. The work was started at Camp -Upton, N. Y., where barracks were used as temporary quarters. Later -the first hostess house for Negro workers was erected in this camp. -It was well located, attractively finished, and splendidly equipped. -Five efficient secretaries were employed. Every evening the house was -crowded. The soldiers were served at the cafeteria, or they read, -wrote letters, sang, played, or mingled with their comrades. For -some of the men it was the most wholesome environment they had ever -enjoyed. The second hostess house was erected at Camp Dix, N. J. It -was a spacious building, beautifully furnished and arranged, and the -New Jersey Federated Clubs of Colored Women spent $1200 in helping to -furnish the building. The third was at Camp Funston. Late in the spring -of 1918 barracks were used here, but in the course of the summer a -hostess house was completed just outside the camp and three secretaries -were employed. Perhaps the largest and most attractive house was at -Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio. When it was opened the sergeants in the -various companies of Negro soldiers entertained their men in it in -order to make them interested. At the suggestion of the hostesses a -Christmas tree was secured by the Y. M. C. A. secretary and a Negro -officer, and put up for the men by the co-operation of the fire and -electrical departments in the camp. The need was greatest in the -Southern camps because these were visited by hundreds of Negro women -daily. By the fall of 1918 houses were at both Camp Gordon and Camp -Jackson. The building at Gordon was situated just beyond the street -car station outside the camp. The one at Jackson was well located in -relation to the headquarters group of buildings. Both had unusually -large porches. At Camp Jackson the settees used in the yard were built -by soldiers. Two of the last houses opened for Negro men were at Camp -Meade, Md., and Camp Alexander, Newport News, Va. Returning soldiers -held their farewell socials in these buildings. - -In every camp the soldiers showed a fine spirit in visiting the -hostess houses, especially in regard to conduct. They looked upon the -secretaries as their friends and ofttimes went to them with their -troubles. In turn those in charge not only served the women visitors, -but brought comfort and cheer to many a heartsick soldier, and they -gave many a commanding officer and welfare worker a new conception of -the ability and worth of Negro womanhood. In one case the executive -secretary was known throughout the camp as “Mother,” because of her -understanding heart and her large appreciation of the problems of the -men. - - * * * * * - -Negroes were highly commended for their loyalty in aiding the -Government and for their willingness to co-operate with all welfare -agencies during the war. There were, however, some workers who, though -they rendered great service, did not always receive the plaudits of -the crowd because they worked more humbly and did not always have the -backing of a great organization. Among these were those women who went -out into the highways and byways in order to help girls and lead them -into the noblest life. Sometimes their work was difficult, for public -officials did not always welcome them; but initiative and tact told, -and we must speak of three such women who were representative. - -The first was Mrs. R. T. Brooks, who when the war began was working for -the associated charities of Columbia, S. C. Her experience in dealing -with poverty and with lives that had been wasted or whose opportunities -had been lost, prepared her to meet the problems following the -establishment of Camp Jackson. Day and night she was seen in all parts -of the city on the watch for those whom she might help, and the little -pay she received was often divided with those who needed aid. She was -respected by judges and policemen in the court room, where she often -went to intercede for some erring girl, and one of the leading lawyers -of Columbia said of her work, “Mrs. Brooks is the most efficient -worker, white or colored, in the city.” - -In Little Rock, Ark., a few years before the war, a fourteen-year old -Negro girl was arraigned in court, charged with murder and seven other -offences, any one of which, if proved, would have given her a prison -sentence. The case aroused the colored women of the city, who followed -the trial with interest. The city attorney who was conducting the case -had little belief in Negro womanhood, but before the case was summed -up a number of the women called on him and presented the girl’s side. -The conference bore fruit, for the attorney, who had been violent in -his attack, at the end of his argument asked for mercy, showing how -environment had played a large part in the unfortunate girl’s life. - -After this trial the Negro women of Little Rock, with the permission -of the court, appointed and for two years paid the salary of Mrs. -Maggie A. Jeffries, who looked after the interest of Negro girls. When -soldiers came to Little Rock, her experience had prepared her for the -emergency. Her work received the most enthusiastic approval of numbers -of prominent citizens, and through her aid the work was formally taken -over by the city, and all probation workers used the same office. Many -a time this earnest helper pleaded with the judge to turn some erring -girl over to her, and she found honest work for the girl or bought a -ticket and sent her home to her parents. - -It was realized and often admitted by policemen and judges that a well -trained Negro woman with police authority could render invaluable -service with the problems of the Negro girl who appeared at court, -but generally such power was denied. Mrs. Mary Colson, of Des Moines, -however, was given such authority, being commissioned by the Governor -as a member of the secret service of the state. She also received a -certificate from the Policemen’s Institute, a course of lectures given -to the Des Moines police. When Mrs. Colson was first appointed many a -policeman treated the appointment as a joke, but before long she was -able to prove her worth, and she became a force that helped hundreds of -women and girls to make a new start. It was not her prime mission to -arrest, and she did so only in extreme cases. Her work was as blessed -as it was far-reaching. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE “Y” AND OTHER WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS - - -No organization ever employed a greater number of workers to serve men -without cost than did the Young Men’s Christian Association during the -Great War. Millions of dollars given by the American people were spent -in carrying out its program of service. Wherever there were American -soldiers, in the camps at home, at the base ports, on the battle front, -in leave areas, or behind the lines in France, there they were followed -and served by the Y. M. C. A. Some of the workers even followed the -troops “over the top,” sacrificing life itself in their endeavor to -give comfort and cheer to the men. - -Negro soldiers shared in the “Y” service both at home and in France. -At first they were somewhat overlooked, but through the efforts of Dr. -Jesse E. Moorland and his associates provision was made for them. In -the National Army cantonments large “Y” huts with six secretaries were -maintained,--building, business, religious, educational, physical, and -social secretaries,--each of whom developed his particular line of -work. Sometimes a second building or tent was used. The secretaries -met in the general Y. M. C. A. conferences held weekly with the camp -secretary, who usually co-operated in every possible way. - -The effectiveness of the work depended largely upon the efficiency -and ability of the building secretary to co-operate with his staff -and the camp officials. Often these secretaries not only effectively -supervised the work in their buildings, but they also watched the -morale of the soldiers and held conferences with commanding officers -for the purpose of improving unsatisfactory conditions. The business -secretary conducted the stamp and money order business. This alone in -some camps amounted to sums ranging from $150 to $200 a day. Lectures -were given to the men on the value of saving and they often bore fruit. -At Camp Dodge $10,000 was sent home by the soldiers in one month. The -educational secretary worked mainly to reach the men who could not read -or write. In Camp Dodge, where perhaps the most successful work was -done, 2300 Negro soldiers learned to read and write and to do simple -work in arithmetic and drawing, using implements of warfare as models. -A business course and instruction in French were offered to those men -who had sufficient education. - -Colonel Bush, who was in charge of the educational work at Camp -Dodge, ordered all illiterate men to attend school, and the rule made -by many company commanders that every man must sign his name before -drawing his pay, served as a great incentive to study. This school -for Negro soldiers in the 366th Regiment was well organized, with the -educational secretary, George H. Fortner, as superintendent. Each -company represented a part of the school, with a lieutenant as head, -and non-commissioned officers, who did the teaching, as assistants. -For every fourteen men a teacher was furnished, and there were ample -materials. Educational lectures in the different camps were also -appreciated, as well as the circulation of books. Naturally the success -of all such work as this depended primarily on the initiative of the -secretary and his co-operation with the camp authorities. - -The physical secretary’s work was to promote athletics, chiefly games, -boxing and wrestling. In camps where there were combatant units the -athletic officers and the physical secretaries co-operated, and there -the best organizations were found. In non-combatant units effective -athletic work was seldom found, partly because of the nature of their -organization. However, in some of these, teams were organized, and -the secretaries were able at times to get outside agencies to provide -equipment. The women of Cuthbert, Ga., gave basket ball equipment for -two teams and a shooting gallery costing $44. As a result there was -organized a team which played Morehouse College and the Columbus Y. M. -C. A. - -The work of the social secretary was of great importance. He it was who -furnished relaxation and entertainment after the arduous tasks of the -day. Moving pictures, given from two to five times a week; programs, -consisting of singing, dancing, stunts, and recitations, by talent in -cantonment cities or by company entertainers; concerts, by bands or -great singers; and addresses by famous speakers, filled the “Y,” even -the windows and rafters, with men at night. Of such service no group -was more appreciative than the Negro soldiers. Members of the race -in cantonment cities co-operated splendidly, and schools sometimes -sent quartets or orchestras. Sometimes there were Christmas trees -hung with presents ranging from tooth brushes to wrist watches, and -with each present was a bag of popcorn and a personal letter. On one -occasion when more than a hundred white soldiers were present at such -a festivity, they also received presents. Many of the entertainers on -the “Y” circuit were also enjoyed by the men, though too often in some -camps their programs happened to be given in every building except the -one attended by the Negro soldiers. - -The religious secretaries were usually ministers of considerable -experience. Negro soldiers had high regard for things religious. Bible -classes were conducted every Sunday morning, and were followed by -preaching, sometimes by local ministers. Weekly Bible classes or prayer -meetings were also held, and sometimes “sings” or testimonial meetings. -At these meetings the soldiers often took a stand for Christ, and in -such cases the secretary wrote personal letters to their families, -informing them of the fact and asking them to write letters of -encouragement. The many personal interviews which these secretaries had -with the soldiers gave them some of the best opportunities of rendering -service. - -In the smaller camps things were not always as well appointed as in -the larger ones. No big program could be carried out, though religious -and sometimes educational work was conducted. In the South, moreover, -the colored secretaries most frequently did not attend the general “Y” -conferences. In spite of all discouraging circumstances, however, the -development of the work was rapid. What was done at Camp Hill, Newport -News, Va., shows what was possible after an unpromising beginning. In -October, 1917, two Hampton students, W. D. Elam and E. M. Mitchell, -went to serve 4500 men, using an army tent for the work. The tent was -destroyed in a storm and was replaced by a smaller one, 16 by 16, in -which three men lived and where there were, in addition, a stove, a -victrola, and a piano. Stamps and stationery were handled, and small -meetings held. This was the extent of the facilities in one of the -coldest winters Virginians had ever seen. In the early spring, however, -a barrack was secured through the aid of the officers, and in April a -large “Y” building was dedicated with a full staff of secretaries and -all necessary equipment. Here, as elsewhere, the soldiers were served -in numberless ways; and when the time came to go to France, there was -chocolate or lemonade, with sandwiches, and the secretaries accompanied -the men to the port of embarkation, where they separated from each with -a touching farewell and a most fervent “God bless you.” - - -IN FRANCE - -As one traveled among the soldiers in France he saw in almost every -camp the Y. M. C. A. hut or tent. There were 7850 “Y” workers overseas, -1350 of whom were women. Of this large number 87 were Negroes and 19, -women of the race. Only three of these Negro women were in France -during the actual fighting, and not until the spring of 1919 did -others sail. At the head of the colored secretaries was Dr. John Hope, -president of Morehouse College, Atlanta, Ga., who was stationed at -the “Y” headquarters in Paris, where he helped to solve many problems -regarding the work. Traveling over France, he visited many units of -troops, saw their needs, and tried to meet them. There were hardly -ever more than 75 Negro secretaries in France at one time, and these -were scattered among nearly 200,000 Negro soldiers. They served with -the fighting units, with the troops in the service of supplies, and in -the leave areas. The fighting units of Negro soldiers were the 92nd -and 93rd Divisions, the latter comprising four regiments brigaded with -the French. It was in these units that the secretaries won deserved -praise for their service and courage. Airplane raids, bombardments, -and bursting gas shells did not slacken their ardor to follow the men -wherever they went. - -H. E. Caldwell, with the 369th Regiment, was under shell fire longer -than any other Negro secretary. Matthew W. Bullock and Dr. B. N. -Murrell followed the 369th into the thickest of the fight and were with -it when it led the allied armies to the banks of the Rhine, a position -of honor accorded it because of its excellent service in the trenches. -Of Mr. Bullock it was said that when the fight was hardest and the -soldiers were wounded and dying, he was ever with his men encouraging -them to press forward to victory. Of Dr. Murrell we shall speak again. -T. C. Cook, of the 371st Regiment, was cited in orders for his bravery -in rescuing two wounded soldiers exposed in pouring rain and shell -fire. He succeeded in moving them to a narrow dug-out that was soon -afterwards filled with poisonous gas. In attempting to escape, he left -the dug-out only to fall unconscious in the open. On that morning of -the battle officers and men had entrusted to his care $35,000 of their -savings, which he carried on his back as he helped the wounded. When -he regained consciousness in a hospital behind the lines, he found -that the money had disappeared, but his anxiety was relieved when he -was informed that the colored sergeant-major of the regiment, whom he -had requested to guard the money in case of accident to himself, had -forwarded it to the Paris office of the Y. M. C. A. and that every cent -had been safely delivered. Of Secretary James G. Wiley of the 92nd -Division Lt. Col. A. E. Deitsch wrote: “During the occupancy of the -Marbache sector, he established an Association in the town of Atton -which was bombarded daily. Even when the German bombardment tore the -roof from the building and all civilians had left the vicinity, only -the soldiers necessary for the relaying of supplies and ammunition to -the front lines remaining, this man held on and served the soldiers -faithfully.” - -Sometimes the Negro secretary served not only the men in one camp -but in several, even covering an area containing as many as 50,000 -soldiers. Such a worker was J. E. Saddler, who was engaged in the -Chaumont region. The labor battalions which he served worked on the -roads, at bakeries, rail heads and ammunition dumps, often working -both day and night, one man doing two men’s work. At first Mr. Saddler -went on foot, walking 30 kilometers a day, carrying all the supplies -he could, and distributing them to groups of men doing road work. -Then he secured a motorcycle, and when that was completely used up -he obtained a Ford, with the aid of which he could reach more men. -Sometimes he organized schools, offering prizes to induce the men to -learn to write. Occasionally he conducted spelling bees, taking the -words from the _Stars and Stripes_. He was not a preacher, but -some Sundays he held as many as seven services. Dr. Murrell served in -the Verdun region where thousands of men were engaged in salvaging and -in burying the American dead. He, like Mr. Saddler, traveled about in -a truck with supplies. At Romagne, the site of the Argonne cemetery, -he and his staff did excellent work. Two huts were constructed from -sheet iron taken from German dug-outs. At night these were so crowded -that one could hardly move about in them. The men wrote letters, -played games, or gathered around the piano; they also had daily shows, -athletic contests, and the canteen was excellent. All such service was -of great value in building up the morale of the men and in relieving -them from the depressing effects of the grewsome work they were called -on to perform. At Liffol-le-Grand, M. R. Atwell had a hut which was -attractively whitewashed and painted inside. Pictures of Negro officers -and nurses were on the walls, and generally the work ranked with the -most efficient in France. - -After the Armistice a splendid piece of work was done for the soldiers -at Issurtille by W. W. Waitneight, a white secretary, who in the -beginning was opposed to working with colored men. In the early days of -the camp these soldiers were not permitted to visit the “Y” buildings, -and no other place of recreation was provided for them. Finally a -captain, moved by the situation, asked for volunteers to help erect a -building. The “Y” furnished the lumber, some of the engineer regiments -supplied foremen, and the soldiers, including forty mechanics, -undertook to do the work. The site selected was in a bottom where the -entire camp drained, and at times the water was six inches deep on the -floor. In such an environment there was little enthusiasm on the part -of white secretaries to undertake the work; but the one who did found -the greater joy in the hearty appreciation of the men. Two thousand -were in nightly attendance, and from three thousand to thirty-five -hundred were served daily in the “Y” and in the wet canteen. The -work developed until it became the most popular in the camp, and the -secretary who at first doubted, learned to love the men and to work -untiringly for them. At Gierve, a white Baptist minister, Mr. Rankin, -served Negro soldiers in a spacious and well equipped hut, and he also -endeared himself to the men. - -At the biggest base ports in France--Bordeaux, St. Nazaire, and -Brest--the Y. M. C. A. did a wonderful work. For months there were -20,000 Negro soldiers at Bordeaux alone, doing stevedore work. Some of -the first colored secretaries sent to France went to this city during -the period of active fighting. They and the army officers did not work -harmoniously together, and after some stormy days they were ordered -to Paris with recommendations to Y. M. C. A. headquarters that they -be sent to America. After investigation, however, they were sent to -other fields of labor, but meanwhile Negro secretaries in New York, -about to sail for France, were detained for months. The situation was -finally adjusted and two other men, B. F. Seldon and A. W. Shockley, -who went to Bordeaux, successfully co-operated with the officers and -worked among the white as well as the colored soldiers. At St. Sulpice -Mr. Seldon had charge of a hut that was well equipped, and Mr. Shockley -conducted a canteen that was said to be one of the cleanest in France. -Thomas Clayton, another secretary in the Bordeaux area, conducted -schools for 600 illiterate men. Twenty-seven men were sent from the -section to the universities in France, and thirty were sent to the -agricultural department at Bonn. At Anconia, also in this area, a big -hut was in charge of J. M. Price, a white secretary who served with -colored troops from the beginning. This hut had an auditorium seating -2000, a spacious sitting-room, a good library, and a large room for -games. Two shows daily were given the 10,000 men. They were encouraged -to save, and in one month $22,000 was sent to the States. Mr. Price -was a Southern man, but he was so much admired by the men and he made -such a favorable impression on the commanding officers that, when the -troops sailed for America, he was, against the rules of the Y. M. C. -A., allowed to sail with the men he had served. - -The “Y” at St. Nazaire did one of the biggest pieces of work seen -anywhere in France. There were at times more than 50,000 Negro soldiers -at this base. The first colored secretary sent to France, Franklin -W. Nichols, worked here and had the honor of building the first hut -erected for Negro stevedores. Other pioneers were Rev. Leroy Ferguson, -J. O. Wright, William Stevenson, James H. Robinson, R. E. Williams, -and the three canteen workers who reached France before the Armistice, -Mrs. Helen Curtis, Mrs. Addie W. Hunton, and Miss Kathryn Johnson. -These workers left splendid records of achievement. During the last -months at St. Nazaire, Negro soldiers were served in four Y. M. C. A. -buildings operated by Negro secretaries and also in some conducted by -white secretaries. The huts of the former were located at Camps Dodge, -Guthrie, Montoir, Lusitania, and Camp I. That at Lusitania was the -largest; it had an auditorium seating 1800. The commanding officers -co-operated gladly, and the divisional secretaries in the area, -especially M. B. Wallace, showed fine spirit in helping to make the -work a success. - -During the days of fighting and immediately after the Armistice, Negro -soldiers at Brest related stories of discrimination by the “Y” and of -its refusal to serve them. In the spring of 1919, however, the camp -commander and the divisional secretary declared that the men should -have a “fifty-fifty” deal. The organization conducted altogether -fifteen huts in Camp Pontenazen, one in Camp President Lincoln, and a -small room at the sorting yard. “Soldiers’ Rest” at Camp Pontenazen -was especially set aside for the Negro soldiers, though all soldiers -were served there. In March, 1919, B. F. Lee was sent to work in this -hut. He later became general secretary for the building, and four -canteen workers helped in the last days. In all the other huts at -Pontenazen Negro soldiers were also served. While some canteen women -were not enthusiastic about assisting them, the divisional secretary, -a Tennesseean, tried to give all men equal service, and one secretary -who refused to serve the Negroes was sent back to America. At Camp -President Lincoln Secretaries Fritz Cansler and Nelson were stationed -and did some very effective educational work. After prayer meetings -movies were advertised and these always meant a full house. At the -sorting yard, located on the docks at Brest, a group of Negro soldiers -ran a kitchen where embarking soldiers were fed and where stevedores -working on the docks got one meal to prevent the necessity of returning -to camp; they also had a secretary. In the city of Brest Negro soldiers -were served at both the Y. M. C. A. restaurant and the big cafeteria, -and generally the improvement in the conditions at this base accounted -for a more favorable impression than that borne away from some other -places. - -There were many other instances of devoted service. “Y” work was -by no means easy. Many army officers looked upon any secretary with -disfavor. On the other hand, the secretaries themselves were not always -infallible, nor were their words and actions unerringly discreet. - -Hundreds of entertainers who went overseas visited the soldiers in all -branches of the service. Among these there were no theatrical people of -color, nor any of the leading singers of the race. However, during the -last months there was a religious entertaining unit composed of Rev. -H. H. Proctor, who spoke, J. E. Blanton, song leader, and Miss Helen -Hagan, a noted pianist. These helpers carried cheer wherever they went. - -The few Negro women who went to France as canteen workers exerted a -great influence for good. While many officers and secretaries were -opposed to having women serve the men, their presence was like the -calming of a great storm. They built up the morale instantly, as was -noted in every camp to which they were sent. Once or twice, as when -Mrs. Hunton first appeared at St. Nazaire, some of the men cried for -joy. The men loved, protected, and honored these workers for what they -represented, and one of them said that she had to go to France to be -truly proud of the fact that she was a Negro woman. - -The work of the canteen women received probably the greatest praise in -the leave areas. This work was conducted in the Department of Savoie, -among beautiful mountains and lakes conducive to rest and relaxation; -and Chambéry, Challes les Eaux, and Aix les Bains were the leading -cities. Aix les Bains is noted for its baths, used by the Romans -and visited by tourists from all over the world. Chambéry, used as -headquarters, is an educational center with colleges and art museums. -On the outskirts of the city overlooking the valley below is the home -of Jean Jacques Rousseau; and from there one might view also the cross -of Nivolet and a chain of snow-capped Alps. Seven miles away is the -famous Pass where Hannibal with his army crossed the Alps. To this day -the road said to have been built by him is in perfect condition. To -such an environment the Negro soldiers came, and they were welcomed by -the citizens as men who had helped to save their country. They stood -in the Pass, viewed Lake Bourget below, and the Italian Alps in the -distance. Here also it was that the secretaries, under the direction of -William Stevenson and Mrs. Curtis, did some of the best work in France. - -Other places of interest visited by the soldiers were the St. Bernard’s -Pass, Mt. Revard, and the Church of the Black Madonna. The last place -was the most interesting of all because of its unusual sight. Inside -the church is a small figure of the Madonna with a black child in -her arms. The robes are of gold studded with diamonds, and pictures, -crutches, canes and other tokens of thanks have been left here by -people who have been blessed and healed. Once when the town was -destroyed by a mountain slide, only the church stood, and the presence -of the Madonna was thought by the people to be responsible for the -miraculous escape. Here the Negro soldiers were more than welcome and -the keepers felt honored by their visits. - -Altogether more than twenty thousand soldiers visited this leave area, -coming from all parts of France. They were selected from the various -organizations in the A. E. F. and sent for periods of from seven to -fourteen days. Before they arrived some unpleasant propaganda was -spread about them, but they made a highly favorable impression. The “Y” -headquarters was a spacious building, splendidly equipped. There were -band concerts, and on Sunday afternoons there were refreshments in the -beautiful garden, with representative people of the vicinity assisting -in the serving. Because of the good conduct of the men and the success -of the secretaries in establishing such fine relations between citizens -and soldiers, the Governor of Savoie gave a farewell reception, -including a public meeting in a theatre and an entertainment in his own -home afterwards; and letters were written by the mayors of all three -towns and by leading citizens to praise the work and to express regret -at its closing. - -While thousands of soldiers visited the leave areas, tens of thousands -went to see Paris the Beautiful. Naturally officers and welfare -workers as well as the men in the ranks desired especially to see this -great city before returning to America. Ordinarily three-day leaves -were granted, and each day in the spring of 1919 brought hundreds -of soldiers to the city. In order that the limited time might mean -as much as possible to the men, the Y. M. C. A. organized wonderful -sight-seeing programs, including all the famous places of historic -interest. With every party there were efficient guides, and the Negro -soldiers, like all the others, appreciated fully and thoroughly enjoyed -the never-to-be-forgotten experience. - - * * * * * - - -CRITICISM OF THE “Y” - -The work of the Y. M. C. A. in American camps was so conducted that -it met with comparatively little criticism. Headquarters could be -easily reached for the adjustment of any question arising over the -Negro, and during the war public sentiment was more decidedly against -discrimination than in peace time. Such matters as arose generally -grew out of the attitude or action of individual wearers of the red -triangle. At Camp Greene, Charlotte, N. C., for instance, there were -10,000 Negro soldiers. Five “Y” buildings in the camp were located in -areas allotted to these men, but in no case were they allowed to use -the buildings except possibly for stamps and paper. A sign over one -read “This building is for white men only,” and the secretary placed -outside the building a table that colored men might use in writing -letters. In Camp Lee, Petersburg, Va., a prayer meeting was conducted -in an area where Negro soldiers were located, but a soldier with a -rifle on his shoulder was doing guard duty, pacing in a circle around -the group to see that no Negroes attended. The comments made by the -Negro soldiers under the circumstances were interesting. In some camps -the soldiers of both races used the same building, playing games -together, attending the same picture shows, sometimes playing in the -same orchestra, and even writing letters for one another. Such friendly -contact was looked upon with disfavor by some secretaries, and they -introduced discriminatory measures, which naturally led to friction. - -It was from overseas, however, that the severest criticism of the -organization came. During the spring of 1919, in every shipment of -soldiers that landed on American shores there were those who denounced -the “Y” for something it had or had not done. The Negro soldiers -did their share of the criticising in spite of the fact that the -organization had done much to help them. Why, then, did they criticise -it? - -First of all, the “Y” appeared to have no definite policy regarding -Negro soldiers in France. Endeavor was left mainly in the hands of -divisional or regional directors, and these men inaugurated such -policies as they thought best, and a most careful investigation -indicates that some secretaries resorted to discrimination and -segregation more than the men in any other organization and even more -than the army with its military caste. Sometimes such an attitude was -assumed even by ministers of the gospel. The general situation was -described, very accurately, by one regional secretary as follows: -“About 25 per cent of the white secretaries served the colored soldiers -gladly, about 25 per cent served them half-heartedly, and about 50 -per cent either refused to serve them or made them feel they were -not wanted.” When soldiers were building the Pershing Stadium for the -allied games, the “Y” served for months all the men in the order in -which they appeared for service. One day a young Southern woman was -sent out as a canteen worker. The soldiers lined up as formerly. All -went well until a colored soldier in the line was reached. The young -woman asked him to get out of the line. He said he was an American -soldier and would not get out of the line. Thereupon she closed the -canteen. A noted divine from Atlanta, Ga., was for a time in charge -of one of the three-day conferences for new secretaries in France. At -the close of one of the sessions a colored canteen worker told him she -had enjoyed the discussion. “I am glad you enjoyed it,” he said, “but -we don’t mix in the States and you must not expect to here.” All such -incidents could be multiplied hundreds of times, and because of them -there grew up in the hearts of the Negro soldiers a contempt for the -general organization that made such things possible. - -An interesting sidelight was afforded by the fate of what was known -as the “Honey Bee Club.” A Negro soldier who was sentenced to death, -just a few days before his execution asked a “Y” secretary at Brest to -come and pray with him. After four days of struggle with the soldier -and himself, the secretary felt that he too was changed and should -work in some large way for the good of the Negro men. He began with -prayer meetings among small groups that had been somewhat neglected, -and at one such meeting he told the story of the Honey Bee that -was busy and successful and another about birds that preyed on the -undesirable things of the world. Using with telling effect the lesson -drawn from the experience of the soldier who paid with his life for -the undesirable, he asked, “How many of you would like to be the -Honey Bee?” All responded with raised hands. Soon afterwards he was -given permission by the Paris office to devote all his time to the -organization of Honey Bee clubs. When it became known, however, that -membership was to be limited to Negro soldiers, opposition developed. -The colored men felt that if the club was capable of doing so much for -them, white soldiers in France should not be denied a share in its -blessings. The original idea was undoubtedly to help the Negro soldier -in France, but the method by which the idea was developed did not meet -with approval, and accordingly, in most cases, it was either opposed or -treated with indifference. - -In spite of all the criticism, however, the fact remains that the Young -Men’s Christian Association did more for the recreation, entertainment, -and educational development of Negro soldiers than any other welfare -organization in the course of the war. Through its agency thousands of -men learned to read and write. Moreover, it is to be remembered that -it was the “Y” that sent Negro welfare workers to France, including -nineteen women for canteen work, while other organizations faltered. -Such effort did not materialize without hard work on the part of the -Negro people and their friends. However, it did materialize, and the -Negro workers were a credit both to the organization and to their -race. In a talk to a number of them at a banquet in Paris, E. C. -Carter, head of the Y. M. C. A. overseas, said in summing up their -work: “No group of secretaries has been more successful, nor has any -work been on a higher level. I have been impressed most by your spirit. -Sometimes you have met with difficulties and have been insulted by -workers with the red triangle on their arms, but through it all you -have shown the spirit of true greatness as did the Master.” - - * * * * * - -During the World War not only the Y. M. C. A. but other leading -religious and social organizations in America aided the War Department -in providing for the welfare of the soldiers, both inside and outside -the camps. We may now consider briefly the Salvation Army, the Knights -of Columbus, the large agencies within the army itself, passing -on to War Camp Community Service, the Red Cross, and also to some -consideration of what was done by the Negro Church and the Federal -Council of Churches. - - -SALVATION ARMY - -The Salvation Army did little or no work for Negro soldiers in American -camps, but when the men returned from France they spoke about the -service the organization had rendered with an appreciation akin to -reverence. This agency did not have great buildings and hundreds of -workers distributed throughout the camps, but it did have here and -there faithful representatives imbued with the spirit of service. One -of its largest huts was at St. Nazaire, and here the relation between -men of different races was of the most cordial sort. The Salvation Army -workers stated that on no occasion had there been any trouble, and -this example well illustrates their spirit and it explains the deep -appreciation that the Negro soldiers had for their organization. - - -KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS - -The Knights of Columbus erected their first building for Negro soldiers -at Camp Funston, Kan. This was opened on December 1, 1917, with -Clarence Guillot as executive secretary and two assistants. Religious -services were conducted every Sunday for the four hundred Catholics in -the camp, with communion every Sunday morning. One of the two chaplains -was always available for consultation, there were excellent library -facilities, and also special effort for recreation. In Camps Taylor, -Dodge, Meade, and Beauregard (at Alexandria, La.) buildings were also -provided. At Camps Dodge and Beauregard white secretaries were in -charge, while at Taylor and Meade Negro secretaries conducted the work. -The building at Dodge was visited by both white and colored soldiers, -and the kindliest feeling was maintained. At Beauregard a mess hall was -renovated and attractively furnished for the large Catholic element -there. The building at Camp Taylor, which was beautifully furnished -and adequately equipped, was first used by white soldiers, but when -they left the camp and Negro soldiers were moved into the area, it -was turned over to them. At Meade there was a small but attractive -portable building. The work was similar to that at Camp Funston. Not -all secretaries were in sympathy with the liberal policy that seemed to -be intended by the organization, but those who were not were sometimes -transferred. - -The Knights of Columbus had a small building for Negro soldiers at -Tours, and there was also special provision at Romagne, where the -soldiers were reburying the dead. After a tent was erected and supplied -with tobacco, chocolate, gum, packages of cakes, stationery, and other -such things, the secretary came to the Y. M. C. A. hut and addressed -the soldiers, informing them that the K. C. tent had been erected and -that to it they were very welcome. The next morning a hundred white and -colored soldiers were in line at it receiving supplies. When the camp -commander instituted a policy of segregation, the K. C. was compelled -to adopt it or leave camp. It chose the former course and put up signs -accordingly. When these signs appeared some of the soldiers pulled them -off and pulled down the tent, and there was a riot. - -The Knights of Columbus were criticised for the procedure at Romagne, -which was contrary to the general belief as to the policy of the -organization. As has been shown, however, while only a small number of -Negro secretaries were employed and in only a few camps was there any -special effort to serve Negro soldiers, they were generally admitted to -K. C. buildings and in general the organization impressed them by its -catholicity of spirit. - - -AGENCIES IN THE ARMY - -In addition to the work of the welfare organizations in the camps, -the Army also contributed something to the pleasure of the soldiers -by providing for athletics and socials. Holidays were usually given -on Wednesdays, Saturday afternoons, and Sundays, though in the -non-combatant units these were not always observed. In the combatant -units where athletic officers were selected, there was competition in -baseball, basket ball, or football, and occasionally a track meet was -held. For the most part, however, organized effort in athletics was -hardly ever successfully carried out among Negro soldiers, largely -because of the failure of the officers to realize the need. There were, -however, exceptions. An enviable record was made by the stevedore team -at Camp Alexander, Newport News, which defeated all the teams, white -or colored, in the various camps on the lower peninsula of Virginia. -One of the best examples of athletic competition in non-combatant units -was seen in the depot brigades at Camp Gordon, Atlanta, Ga. Three -fields were provided for the men and the teams were well equipped by -their organizations with suits and materials. During the baseball -season two scheduled games were played each week. The two battalions -represented, which formed and marched to the field, always furnished -an enthusiastic crowd. Games were also played with the colleges and -the Federal Prison team in Atlanta, and there was a big field and -track meet. They also had representation in the Camp Gordon meet. In -another camp a regimental cross-country run of two miles was held. -One hundred and thirty-five men entered and one hundred and twenty-six -finished. Boxing was also a source of recreation, and in some camps -men were selected for a special class. These later became instructors. -Boxing contests and exhibitions were held each week, and in some of the -stevedore regiments “battles royal” were conducted. Wrestling was also -introduced, but it was not as popular as boxing and did not receive -much encouragement. - -In Western and Southern camps only a small number of Negro soldiers -frequented the Liberty theatres and Y. M. C. A. auditoriums. In the -South they were not always permitted to attend. In some places they -built their own amusement houses and furnished their own entertainment, -as at Camp Travis, Texas. Here there was a minstrel troupe composed of -exceptional talent, most of the men having been stars in the profession -before being drafted into the army. They gave weekly shows in the camp, -and during the warm weather they played in an open air theatre on the -hillside, with thousands of white and Negro soldiers attending. They -also played in the city theatre in San Antonio, as well as elsewhere -in Texas; and they were accompanied by a forty-piece band which was -considered the finest in the camp. One tangible result of the work of -these entertainers was the erection of a beautiful recreation house at -a cost of $6000 with funds raised entirely by their work. - -Two other notable examples where provision was made for the recreation -and entertainment of Negro soldiers were found in the 92nd Division. -One was at Camp Funston and the other at Camp Upton. The theatre at -Camp Funston was first planned for the soldiers of the 89th Division, -who already had three theatres and a moving-picture show. General -Ballou accordingly used his influence to have the new one erected for -the use of the headquarters section of the 92nd Division, and the -money for the material was furnished by the Government. The soldiers -furnished the labor, with the exception of a foreman, an expert -carpenter, and some interior finishers. The building was wired by a -master electrician, who was drafted from St. Louis; it seated more than -2500; and it was the most beautiful and conveniently arranged theatre -seen in the camps. The “Buffalo” auditorium at Camp Upton was built by -the soldiers of the 367th Regiment, with the assistance of friends. -It was designed for both instruction and recreation. The total cost -was $40,000. Of this amount the officers and men subscribed more than -$14,000, and they conducted a campaign to raise the balance in New -York City. Within the building there was everything from religious -services and lectures to preliminary instruction in the use of the -bayonet, moving pictures and vaudeville. This auditorium was a great -factor in building up the fine _esprit de corps_ of the “Buffalo” -regiment; and the three outstanding examples which we have recorded are -representative of what was done with the co-operation of officers in -the different camps for the recreation and entertainment of the Negro -soldiers. - - -NEGRO CHAPLAINS - -It mattered not how ignorant a Negro soldier was, or how difficult his -life had been, he believed in God and in the efficacy of prayer. There -was something about his religion that was satisfying and genuine, and -no one could attend his services and hear him sing and pray without -being touched. In writing to his family and friends he usually asked -for their prayers. “Tell them all to pray for me and that I am trusting -in the Lord,” said one in dictating a letter, and another: “Tell them -not to worry about me now. I am happy and contented. I have prayed -constantly and have now no fear of death. Whatever happens will be all -right. Tell them to pray for me.” On one Sunday night at Camp Jackson -several white soldiers came into one of the religious services at the -colored “Y,” and they joined heartily in the singing. After the meeting -they told the secretary that they were leaving for France the next -morning and had come to the meeting in order to get a little nearer to -God. - -Such being the general situation, importance attached to the man who -became the religious guide in time of stress. The average minister -was hardly adapted to the work of chaplain, because his experience -had not prepared him to have an understanding and appreciation of the -problems of the men in the new situation. Some who were fitted were -pastors of leading churches and in most cases it was impossible for -them to get a leave of absence. Besides the difficulty of securing -competent men, there was also opposition on the part of many officers -to having Negro chaplains in their organizations. When the efforts -of the Federal Council of Churches resulted in increasing the number, -they found difficulty in serving the Negro men because several of them -were kept in one camp and often in one organization. At Camp Meade, -for instance, at one time there were three Negro chaplains in the 1st -Development Battalion. When this battalion was disbanded in December, -1918, two of the chaplains were assigned to the 4th Battalion, where -there were already one Negro and two white chaplains. At Camp Travis -three Negro chaplains were found serving one organization, and at both -Camps Taylor and Sherman there were several chaplains with a small -number of soldiers. At the same time there were throughout the South -Negro organizations without any chaplain at all, except a machine-gun -group at Camp Hancock and a part of the 157th Development Battalion at -Camp McClellan, which units were served respectively by a white and a -colored chaplain. - -The work of the chaplains who remained in the States consisted in -conducting religious services and in educational work, visiting -the sick in the hospitals, aiding the soldiers in securing their -allotments and allowances, and often adjusting difficulties. A number -of white chaplains served Negro soldiers, especially in the labor -organizations and in one instance in a fighting unit, the 371st -Infantry. Many of these men were sincere and conscientious, yet they -were not able to influence the men to any great extent. One said that -he felt the soldiers would rather have one of their own race for -a religious leader. At first the soldiers would not go to him with -their difficulties, but as he worked among them they came to have more -confidence in him, and a few began to seek his aid in the matter of -securing their allotments and allowances. His most effective work, -however, was in conducting schools for the illiterate. In general it -was not impossible for the white chaplain to enter into the life of -the Negro soldier, if he dealt with him as man to man and was a living -example of his teachings. - -To be a Negro, however, was by no means the only requisite of a -successful chaplain for Negro troops. Personality and moral force also -counted. Because care was not exercised at first in the selections -for Negro soldiers, a great opportunity was lost to serve them in -their darkest hours, when both physical and moral dangers surrounded -them. Some workers, however, won the hearty commendation of both -officers and men. Whether in America or in France, they gave of -themselves freely for their comrades. Such a man was Allen O. Newman -of the 366th Infantry. Soon after joining his regiment he won his -way to the hearts of the men by his genuine appreciation of their -difficulties. When they were in training at Camp Dodge he became one -of them. He ate with some company daily and afterwards gave a short -talk on patriotism or morality. He was also regimental song leader. -A chorus of two hundred and fifty men that he developed gave several -concerts in the city of Des Moines. Chaplain Newman accompanied his -regiment through France, and in the front line trenches he visited -and comforted them constantly. Chaplain H. M. Collins, who served the -stevedore organizations at Camp Williams, Issurtille, was a genuine -“big brother” to his men. The commander, in speaking of his work, said -that he had been the greatest factor in helping to better conditions in -the camp. He remained until the last Negro soldier started for America. -Altogether the sixty Negro chaplains who served during the war made -a real contribution in building up the morale, the morality, and the -loyalty of the Negro soldier. - - -BASE HOSPITALS - -In the National Army cantonments there were at times from 40,000 to -60,000 men. As a part of the equipment of these camps great base -hospitals were erected and supplied with the most modern improvements. -Negro soldiers shared with others the blessings of wonderful -discoveries in surgery and preventive medicine. Even in camps where -living conditions were unsatisfactory, in the base hospitals they were -well treated. Sometimes, as at Camp McClellan at Anniston, there was -such a marked difference within the hospital from the general situation -in the camp, that the men asked questions in their wonderment. Of -course there were exceptions, but whether in the North, the South, the -East, or the West, there was usually to be found among the doctors and -nurses the spirit of the Great Physician and the desire to heal all -men. - - -RED CROSS. NEGRO NURSES - -When American men were called to service, women throughout the -country enrolled as Red Cross members and worked for the organization -in various ways, rendering every service that would make life more -comfortable for the soldiers. They not only served as nurses but -also as canteen workers; and they knitted, sewed, and made bandages. -Hundreds of qualified and registered Negro nurses gladly offered -themselves for service. The Red Cross appeared to be willing to use -these nurses and at times greatly needed them, but for some reason it -was difficult for them actually to enroll for service. Considerable -correspondence with reference to the matter passed through the office -of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, and at last, after -the Armistice was signed, some Negro nurses served at Camps Grant -and Sherman. The first five called by the Red Cross were on duty in -Washington at the time, but on two hours’ notice they were traveling -to Camp Stuart, Newport News, where they were put on duty in the base -hospital to serve four weeks as a trial. They had every consideration -and courtesy, and the commanding officer said of them that he had never -had more competent nurses and that their conduct was above reproach. -After this trial at Newport News, four more were added and all were -sent to the base hospital at Camp Sherman, where they were provided -with a modern home. They worked in the wards on both day and night duty -with the white nurses and served all the soldiers, and because of their -efficiency they won the respect of all. Colored nurses were assigned -to Camp Grant where they made a similar record. - -Important in this general connection is the matter of the general -relation of Negro women throughout the country to Red Cross work. In -the North and West they joined the organization and worked in more -or less complete harmony; but in the South they had difficulty in -becoming members. Yet it was in the South that their services were -most needed. The whole matter is important as a study in effort toward -racial co-operation, and we shall refer to the experience of three -representative cities. - -In Atlanta the colored people were willing to work, because there were -thousands of Negro soldiers at Camp Gordon, some of whom were their -sons. Several attempts were made at first to work, but the Atlanta -chapter assumed an attitude of aloofness. When the Red Cross launched -its campaign in October, 1917, the Negro people were not asked to take -part until only two days were left. They objected at first but finally -decided to do what they could in the remaining two days. A committee -of the most influential men was formed and this raised $400. They also -contributed eight dozen sheets and eight dozen pillow cases. The money -was turned over to the Atlanta chapter, with the names of all persons -who contributed a dollar, the understanding being that this would go as -membership fees in the branch which they would be allowed to form. They -elected temporary officers and applied to the president of the Atlanta -chapter for the complete organization of a branch, but were met by a -policy of evasion. Meanwhile the women were eager to do knitting for -the soldiers and they secured some yarn; but the next morning the young -woman who received the yarn was called up over the telephone and asked -to return the wool she had received, as the Red Cross was “not giving -wool to new organizations.” Further effort on the part of the colored -people at length brought forth a formal letter giving them authority to -establish a branch, but because of certain conditions specified in the -letter and the previous attitude of the chapter in Atlanta, the Negro -people in this city did not finally co-operate in any large measure. - -The attitude of the Red Cross in Little Rock was in the beginning -similar to that of the Atlanta chapter, but there was a feeling on the -part of some of the white people that they should utilize the efforts -of the Negroes because they represented so large a part of their total -strength. W. H. Holt, a representative citizen, believed that some -satisfactory adjustment could be made and took charge of a campaign to -raise $15,000 among the colored people. Instead of $15,000, $22,000 -was raised. This result changed the situation entirely. The Negro -branch was immediately recognized and rooms were opened in the county -courthouse in which various kinds of Red Cross work was done by the -colored women. - -Very different was the case in Greenville, S. C., where was found -the most liberal attitude in any Southern city. The Negro women were -organized in a branch and did the same work as that done by the -members of the white branches. They made comfort-kits for every drafted -man sent from Greenville, as well as other articles desired by the Red -Cross, and they gave $100 to the Y. M. C. A. for the South Carolina -boys at Camp Jackson. They were enthusiastic about the work. The fine -spirit of co-operation shown in Greenville was due in large measure to -the attitude of Mrs. W. G. Sirrine, chairman of the local chapter, who -believed heartily in the assistance of the Negro women and finally said -of them, “They have responded to every call.” In general the work at -this place was an example of what was possible in teamwork between the -races when there was hearty good will and when all were striving for a -common cause. - -In every cantonment city in the South toward the end of the war there -was some form of co-operation between the Red Cross and the colored -women. The organization often aided the families of Negro soldiers when -they were in need, as was necessary in the case of the soldiers at Camp -Knox near Louisville, Ky. The service records of more than a hundred -men were lost. Although they had been in the army for months, their -families had not received a cent of their allotments or allowances. -The Red Cross representative in Louisville took up the matter with the -commanding officer, and he saw that the claims were paid immediately. -This was only one of thousands of cases of such assistance. - - -RED CROSS CANTEEN SERVICE - -Over 65,000 women enrolled in the seven hundred American Red Cross -canteens. This service consisted of canteen kitchens, medical -supplies, and small transfer hospitals. It was organized to stimulate -the morale of the soldiers and to make them feel that the people of the -country appreciated the loyal manner in which they had responded to -the country’s call. In some of the chapters there were organized Negro -canteen auxiliaries, and these did very effective work in such centers -as Hamlet, N. C., Greenville, S. C., Montgomery, Ala., and New Orleans. -At first there was some objection to the wearing of the uniform by -Negro women, but in the centers mentioned they wore it and did regular -work for the soldiers passing through on the trains. At Montgomery -there was a canteen room at the station for colored soldiers, and in -New Orleans there was a well equipped auxiliary with headquarters -on the ground floor of the Pythian Temple owned by Negroes. In the -beginning it was said in some places that the canteen workers failed -to serve Negro soldiers, and to some extent this was true, but it was -by no means the rule. The policy was to render service to all officers -and enlisted men without distinction. On one occasion six hundred Negro -soldiers stopped at a town in Arkansas. They had come direct from the -farms in Louisiana, and were timid and uncertain when they arrived, but -they felt very different when they left. As the local paper said, “The -interest shown in them here made new and fighting men out of them. It -will be a long time before the American Red Cross will perform a better -service, or one that gives the good women, both white and colored, -more pleasure.” Another time, as a train stopped at the station in -Charlotte, N. C., a canteen worker came to a car window and asked the -Negro soldier in the car to have a cup of coffee and a sandwich. He -refused at first, but she insisted, passing the refreshments to him, -and as the train pulled out she uttered a hearty “Good luck!” and “God -bless you!” - -Not only in America but in France also the Red Cross served these men. -At Thiaucourt the canteen was in charge of a young woman who gave away -large quantities of supplies, such as towels, summer underwear, shaving -sticks, razor blades, gum and chocolate. In this instance the Negro -soldiers shared almost entirely in the generosity, but this was only -one of many, many cases of whole-hearted and highly appreciated service. - - -WAR CAMP COMMUNITY SERVICE - -Raymond B. Fosdick, chairman of the Committee on Training Camp -Activities, said in writing about the work of the Commission: “It is -our task, in the first place, to see that the inside of the sixty-odd -army camps furnish real amusement and recreation and social life. In -the second place, we are to see to it that the towns and cities near -by the camps are organized to provide recreation and social life to -the soldiers who flock there when on leave. The Government will give -the men while they train every possible opportunity for education, -amusement, and social life.” - -Negro soldiers were a part of the army for whom recreation was an -essential. In most places, however, the pool rooms and the ice cream -and soft drink parlors very frequently were but meeting-places for -the soldiers and girls, and the boarding and rooming houses were -especially questionable. Public dance halls were hardly ever adequately -supervised. In Charlotte, for instance, where two public halls were -conducted, the most popular one was open and crowded every night. A -policeman acted as doorkeeper and received all tickets. Little effort -was made to control the conduct and none to supervise dancing. - -The War Camp Community Service came into being to organize the social -and recreational facilities of the communities adjacent to the training -camps and to furnish the best possible places for the soldiers in their -free time. City organizations were impressed with their responsibility -for showing genuine hospitality to the men, and invariably they -co-operated. In the beginning there was very little effort to provide -centers for Negro soldiers. Within the first seven months that Negro -soldiers were in the camps in only one city did the War Camp Community -Service make provision for their entertainment. In May, 1918, however, -eight clubs were opened in different cities, and in all cases these -were the best places that provided wholesome amusement, and usually the -only available places. - -While discussion was going on as to whether Negro soldiers would be -permanent and whether it was necessary to establish clubs for them, -R. B. Patin, executive secretary of the War Camp Community Service -at Des Moines, established the first club for Negro soldiers. -The Lincoln School, a large three-story building, was secured by -the Community Service and the Des Moines Chamber of Commerce, and -Herbert R. Wright, a lawyer and former consul of the United States in -Honduras and Venezuela, was placed in charge of the club, which had -a spacious reading-room, well supplied with writing materials, and a -music room with piano, victrola, and numerous records. There was also -an up-to-date cafeteria, as well as a bootblack parlor and a well -conducted pool room. Citizens were invited to the band concerts in the -auditorium, as well as to the socials of the various companies in the -366th Infantry. - -Two of the largest community centers for Negro soldiers were located -at Washington, D. C., and Baltimore, Md. During the summer of 1918 a -well equipped “Soldiers’ Club” was established in Washington; it was -conducted by J. B. Ramsey and the co-operation of the community was -more effective than in any other center visited by the writer. Some -form of entertainment was given practically every evening by club or -church organizations; on Sundays many wounded soldiers at the Walter -Reed Hospital were taken to church and then to dinner; and on Christmas -Day, 1918, and New Year’s Day, 1919, there was very special hospitality -and entertainment. The center in Baltimore was opened July 20, 1918, -and was in charge of Dr. W. H. Weaver, a Presbyterian minister. The -club was visited by soldiers from Camp Meade, Camp Holabird, Curtis -Bay, the Canton warehouses, and Edgewood, and its chief feature was -its sleeping-quarters accommodating two hundred men. For these the -fee was 25 cents a night and they were the most attractive found in -any center for Negro soldiers. The men at Camp Upton had access to the -recreational facilities of New York, and while a club was established -for them in Harlem, they did not depend upon the community center as in -most other places. At Camp Devens in Massachusetts the soldiers’ clubs -were open to all men in uniform irrespective of race. - -So much has been said about racial goodwill in Virginia that it was -surprising that there should be in this state in the beginning an -indifference that was very close to opposition to the establishing of -clubs for Negro soldiers. After the first eight months of war, however, -the need became so urgent that clubs were established at Petersburg -and Richmond for the soldiers at Camp Lee, at Alexandria for those at -Camp Humphrey, and at Norfolk, Portsmouth, Newport News, and Hampton -for the sailors and soldiers in the various camps and training stations -on the Lower Peninsula. At Petersburg, on account of the opposition of -the local ministers, dancing was not included as a part of the club -entertainment. At Alexandria an Odd Fellows Hall, owned by Negroes, was -donated to the Community Service without rent. The first club erected -at Newport News proving altogether inadequate, eighteen city lots were -purchased and a new building costing $25,000 erected. A staff of six -secretaries was employed. To furnish the building at Hampton, Negro -citizens raised $1,000, an effective program being carried out under -the direction of Miss Elizabeth Martin. The success of the work in -Newport News and Hampton was largely due to the sincere effort of J. L. -Einstein, director of community work on the Lower Peninsula. - -In Columbia, S. C., community work was influenced by local sentiment -and it was more than a year before a club was provided for Negro -soldiers. At Spartanburg and Greenville there were small clubs which -were principally bureaus of information, and at Greenville the colored -committee especially opposed dancing. At Charlotte, where a hotel -was renovated and made into an attractive club, the Negro ministers -gave their moral support, and clubs of colored women aided greatly. -In Atlanta it was said that the Negro soldiers were not “stationary -enough” for a club, though thousands of them were constantly at Camp -Gordon during the first year of the war. It was necessary at length for -the War Department to intervene on behalf of the men and a club was -finally established November 15, 1918, after fifteen months of waiting. -When it was established the colored committee objected to dancing, -pool and card playing, thus eliminating the forms of recreation that -the soldiers especially enjoyed. In Augusta, near Camp Hancock, more -than $3,000 was spent in renovating a two-story hall, and the club was -in charge of a liberal Baptist minister, Rev. R. J. McCain. At Macon, -near Camp Wheeler, club rooms were secured in the Pythian Temple. At -Anniston, near Camp McClellan, the man employed as janitor was expected -to do the executive work and very little was done by way of carrying -out a constructive program. At Hattiesburg, Miss., a committee of -Negro men raised $100, rented and furnished a small rest room for the -Negro soldiers when they were first sent to Camp Shelby; later the War -Camp Community Service renovated the Masonic Hall with two floors and -attractively furnished it as a club. At Alexandria, La., near Camp -Beauregard, a club was opened in the Masonic Hall and repaired by the -Community Service at a cost of $1,000. At Little Rock the club was in -the Taborian Hall, a modern, well located building. The Negro citizens -paid the rent of $10 a month, while the Community Service equipped the -room. A soldier from Camp Pike was in charge. Effective work was not -done at this center because of lack of co-operation with the citizens. -The state of Texas was generally behind others in the work. At Camp -Logan, Houston, Camp MacArthur, Waco, and Camp Bowie, Fort Worth, there -were no centers. $5,000 was placed in the budget at Fort Worth for a -club, but it was cut out entirely, and the Negro people felt keenly the -attitude toward Negro soldiers after they had contributed generously -toward the various “drives” for the war. At Camp Travis in San Antonio, -after eight months had passed, the Negro citizens purchased a site and -gave it to the War Department for as long a time as it might be needed. -The War Camp Community Service appropriated $10,000, and a building was -opened at Christmas, 1918. When this was no longer needed for war work, -it was turned over to the colored people and used as a public library. - -All told this work gave to many Negro people a new conception of well -organized and supervised recreation for the young people. Scores of -men and women were employed as secretaries and tens of thousands of -dollars spent in promoting the work. Realizing that the development of -recreation centers for Negro girls was a part of the bigger problem -from the standpoint of the soldiers, the War Camp Community Service did -not confine its activities to maintaining clubs for soldiers but also -established centers where there were persons who gave their entire time -to girls. In the cantonment cities the young women were organized into -patriotic leagues and clubs, and these co-operated with the soldiers -in giving entertainments and socials, and in those cities where the -work for girls was most active there it was that Community Service as a -whole was most successful. When the first soldiers’ club was equipped -at Des Moines, one of the chief factors contributing to its success was -the organization also of four girls’ clubs with a total membership of -one hundred and thirty. There was a chaperone for each club; gymnasium -classes met twice a week, and at the close a demonstration in folk -games was given. At Chillicothe the club room was located under an -Episcopal mission and was beautifully furnished. In Baltimore the -whole effort was handled with unusual success, and no young woman was -admitted to the parties without a card from the hostesses. The work -in these three places was typical. Sometimes employment departments -and classes in cooking and sewing were conducted. All such effort -gave the young women better protection and at the same time afforded -them social contact in a wholesome environment. It also gave to the -different communities a deeper sense of responsibility for the welfare -of the Negro girl. - - -THE NEGRO CHURCH - -In the cantonment cities, especially in the South, there were numerous -representative Negro churches. A few of these had adequate facilities -for the entertainment of soldiers, but many were too poorly located or -equipped to conduct social centers. The ministers’ unions or alliances -always endorsed the war work for the soldiers, but rarely was there -organized effort on the part of the churches. On one occasion in -Columbia, S. C., the ministers’ alliance assumed responsibility for the -money contributed by the citizens for a flag presented to the 371st -Infantry. Some important factors contributed to the general situation. -In many cases at the beginning the welfare agencies in the cantonment -cities showed a tendency to ignore the Negro citizens. Another -difficulty was found in the uncertainty as to the soldiers’ presence. -Numerous cases occurred where elaborate arrangements were made for the -men and they did not arrive at all. In such a case of course either -the church or the camp authorities had failed to do what was necessary -for the most complete co-operation. Sometimes when rest rooms were -provided by the churches, the soldiers were not enthusiastic about them -because of the limitations placed upon them. Excellent concerts and -well ordered socials were sometimes given by the churches, however, -and soldiers were frequently invited to dinner at the homes of members -of congregations after the Sunday services. - -The best co-operation in any cantonment city between the Negro -churches and the camp authorities was probably that in Atlanta. The -Congregational church here had a spacious basement, a good library and -a well equipped gymnasium, and a trained worker organized and worked -with the girls’ clubs. A special Sunday afternoon service was held and -after this there were refreshments. Other large churches in Atlanta -were also active. San Antonio followed closely in such endeavor; -and in Augusta, Ga., one church sent a wagon load of watermelons to -the soldiers, and another twenty gallons of ice cream. In all the -cantonment cities ministers from the various churches preached in the -camps and they often took with them their church choirs. Some of the -national religious bodies sent camp pastors to the soldiers, and these -men sometimes spent as much as three days a week addressing those in -uniform and visiting the hospitals. - - -FEDERAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES - -The General Wartime Commission of the Churches was constituted by the -Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America soon after the -nation entered the war. This commission was composed of more than a -hundred men chosen from the different religious bodies which were -dealing with the problems raised by the war, and its activities were -conducted through committees charged with specific phases of war -work. Reports of conditions in the camps led to the Appointment of a -Committee on the Welfare of Negro troops. This consisted of Bishop -Wilbur P. Thirkield, chairman, George Foster Peabody, Dr. R. R. Moton, -Dr. James H. Dillard, J. R. Hawkins, Thomas Jesse Jones, Rev. M. Ashby -Jones, Bishop R. E. Jones, Robert E. Speer, Rev. Henry A. Atkinson, -Rev. W. H. Jernagin, and Rev. Gaylord S. White. - -In order that the Committee might have definite information for its -work, two Negro men, Charles H. Williams and Rev. G. Lake Imes, were -appointed as field secretaries. Of their work Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, -executive secretary of the committee, wrote as follows: “One of -these, financed by the Phelps-Stokes Fund, made careful observations -of conditions in and about the cantonments where colored soldiers -were located. The reports prepared by this worker showed such a -thoroughness in ascertaining the truth and such a constructive point -of view in the recommendations made as to win the cordial approval of -the War Department and all the agencies co-operating in the care of -the soldiers. The second worker devoted his time to the study of the -churches in their relations to colored soldiers. On the basis of these -observations he assisted the churches to plan their activities so as -to be of real help to the soldiers in the community.” The reports of -the field secretaries were sent direct to the War Department and on -the basis of them conferences were held with the Secretary of War and -the various welfare organizations. It was in this connection that the -Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, Dr. Emmett J. Scott, labored -unceasingly to remove discrimination and adjust difficulties. Members -of the committee, though in an unofficial capacity, often assisted -directly. Bishop Thirkield visited various camps and cantonment cities -and conferred with army officers, chambers of commerce, and Rotary -clubs, always with a view to improving conditions. Mr. Peabody on a -number of occasions went to Washington and conferred with the President -and the Secretary of War with reference to the Negro soldiers. In a -most uncompromising manner he always advocated a square deal. Dr. -Moton was frequently called into conference with President Wilson and -Secretary Baker and was also asked to go to France to investigate the -situation when damaging reports had been spread in both America and -France with reference to the conduct of Negro officers and soldiers. -Dr. Jones was also called into conference and toward the close of the -war went to France under the auspices of the Y. M. C. A. - -Thus, while there were many difficulties and an enormous amount of -work to be done in the different welfare agencies--whether the Y. M. -C. A., the Red Cross, the Community Service, or some other--there were -loyal souls who were laboring unceasingly for the comfort of the Negro -soldier and also for the final consummation of victory for the great -cause in which all were engaged. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE STEVEDORE - - -Very early in the war it was found that there was a serious shortage -of common labor in the American army. France was unable to supply -her own needs, and therefore not at all able to assist her allies. -To supply the American need for common labor Negroes were suggested, -G. K. Little, assistant engineer at Mobile, Ala., writing to the -chief engineer that they were “loyal and willing to obey all orders -irrespective of weather conditions or other hardships” and generally -“peculiarly desirable.” It was the plan of these engineer service -battalions to work wherever they could help and to do whatever was -necessary. Forty-six such battalions were formed. The first four -consisted of white men and the others of Negroes. - -The stevedores represent that part of an army about which little is -said because it does the rough, unskilled work; yet no group renders a -more valiant service or contributes more to the success of an army than -do these men. - -This was especially true of the 150,000 Negro stevedores in the Great -War, who played an important part both at home and abroad. Included -in the term were the engineer regiments, the depot brigades, and the -service, labor, and development battalions. Some officials have said -that the Negro stevedore rendered the most magnificent service of any -Negro organizations in France. Their work was undoubtedly appreciated -by the War Department and by most citizens; yet honors were not -conferred upon them as upon the fighting men. No brass bands came out -to greet them on their return. Few had opportunities to win the Croix -de Guerre or the Distinguished Service Cross, although they often -performed deeds of bravery while working behind the lines in the range -of the big guns. - -Unfortunately the term “stevedores” came to mean to many people those -who were physically or mentally unfit to be fighting men and they were -looked upon as inferior to other soldiers. Sometimes this was true, but -it is also true that there were thousands of stevedores who represented -the best of the young manhood of America. In the beginning of the draft -hundreds of Negro men who met all the physical qualifications could -not meet the educational tests. Such men were usually transferred -to stevedore organizations, and the rate of illiteracy in these ran -from 35 to 75 per cent. Sometimes also those who because of physical -unfitness were only partially able to serve their country when it -needed them, nevertheless rendered some valuable service in American -camps. Such a company was the 402nd Reserve Labor Battalion, stationed -at Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga. This was located fifteen miles from the -camp in a wood, where it built roads and also kept in condition the -range for the officers and men being trained for the battle fronts in -France. - -The question naturally arises how it happened that some of the best -of the Negro youth were placed in the stevedore regiments. In the -beginning there was great need for men to do the manual work connected -with supplying with food and equipment two million soldiers in France. -The Negro was regarded by many army officials as specially adapted -to this work because of his previous training and his cheerful -disposition; and for one reason or another some other officials -deemed it advisable to withhold from him regular military training. -Accordingly, in the fall of 1917, colored draftees and volunteers were -sent to various assembling camps and formed into stevedore and labor -units. Thousands from the Southern states, many of them students in the -schools and colleges, rushed to the colors with the hope of entering -combatant units, only to find, to their great disappointment, that they -had been assigned to service regiments. - -The work in the United States varied with the different camps. -Sometimes it was the handling of supplies or ammunition. Then again -it was grading, ditching, digging stumps, cleaning up new ground for -building purposes, or draining camps. The men did every form of fatigue -work and sometimes built roads along with civilians who received $3.50 -or $4.00 a day. Those who remained in the United States did not, as a -rule, experience as hard a life as their comrades in France. Living -conditions in the cantonments were usually very good, even in the tent -camps after the necessary improvements had been made. Sometimes it -happened that the stevedore was neglected in the beginning, especially -if he was placed in a camp apart from the other soldiers. Such was -the case at Camp Hill, Newport News, in the winter of 1917-18. In the -coldest weather experienced in this part of the country in a quarter of -a century, the stevedores lived in tents without floors or stoves. Most -of them could get only one blanket and some could not secure even that. -Twenty to thirty occupied one tent 16 feet square. Often men reaching -the camp in zero weather were compelled to stand around a fire outside -all night or sleep under trees for partial shelter from the wind, rain, -and snow. For four months no bathing facilities or changes of clothing -were provided. Food was served outdoors and often froze before it could -be eaten. After inspectors and other investigators constantly reported -these conditions they were changed. Comfortable barracks and mess halls -were built, a Y. M. C. A. building and a hostess house erected, and -the name of the camp was changed from Hill to Alexander in honor of -one of the three Negro lieutenants who had been graduated from West -Point. Not only in this camp, but in every other where unsatisfactory -conditions prevailed, improvements were gradually made until, at the -end of the war, most of the stevedores in American camps were living in -comfortable surroundings. - -The stevedore units were commanded almost entirely by white -commissioned officers, with white sergeants and colored corporals. In -some engineer units all the non-commissioned officers were white, -though in rare cases they were all colored. The work of the Negro -stevedore in the American Expeditionary Force was considered of prime -importance. He was among the first to sail for France, and among the -very first was a group of one hundred men from New Orleans. They and -those who followed them were to be found at the base ports of Brest, -St. Nazaire, Bordeaux, Marseilles, and Le Havre, and at such railheads -as Tours, Liffol-le-Grand, Gierve, St. Sulpice, Chaumont, and other -such centers. The largest of these ports was Brest, and here the men -did more work than anywhere else. They handled all kinds of supplies -at the docks, coaled ships, and helped to build piers and docks. They -labored night and day, sometimes continuously for sixteen hours. -Although they worked in the rain and snow, it was only after months -had passed that they were provided with oil-skin suits and gum boots. -One high officer said, “The men who worked on these docks have had the -hardest job of any men in France, but their spirit has been fine.” In -the “Race to Berlin” the Brest port won the championship, a company of -the 310th Service Battalion winning the honor of having done more work -than any similar outfit in France. As a reward it was sent back to the -States earlier than would otherwise have been the case. - -The St. Nazaire base was the second largest port. Numerous camps were -located outside the city, extending as far as fifteen kilometers. -Twenty-eight miles of warehouses were constructed at Montois and -filled with supplies of every description, while outside there were -railroad engines, cars, and vast quantities of construction material. -St. Nazaire was also a huge embarkation port. At times more than -50,000 colored soldiers were stationed in this vicinity. The long pier -extending a mile out into the water was built almost exclusively by -the 317th Engineers. The task was very dangerous, as the men had to -work standing on slippery boards, but it was finally completed and -stood as a memorial to the Negro soldiers. Camp Guthrie was built -entirely by Negro men. They composed the personnel and ran the big -troop kitchens, the delousing plants, the officers’ mess halls, and -the infirmaries. Here, as at Brest, the hardest work on the docks -was done exclusively by Negro soldiers. This included coaling ships -and unloading supplies of all kinds, including railroad engines and -tractors. During the “Race to Berlin” new port records for unloading -ships were made weekly. The men sometimes “worked like mad men,” -having received the impression that they were going home as soon as -the armistice was signed. Badges were given to those who got the most -work done, and the base port winning the week’s competition flew a flag -for the next week. In addition to the work on the docks, the soldiers -built and repaired roads, built railroads, warehouses, a round house, -a water-filtering plant, and did general fatigue duty. In referring -to what they accomplished a major said, “It has been no hero service, -but has been hard, long, and faithful, and it is appreciated. These -men have handled 30,000 tons of material in one day.” Another officer -said, “Many colored soldiers are sleeping in the little graveyard on -the hill because they broke their heartstrings in the ‘Race to Berlin.’” - -Bordeaux was the third of the large ports. In the camps outside the -city as many as fifty thousand soldiers were stationed at times. At St. -Sulpice in the Bordeaux area the American army built and filled with -provisions and munitions about one hundred warehouses. At two camps on -the outskirts of the city, Anconia and Bassens, twenty thousand Negro -soldiers were stationed for months, handling cargoes day and night. -Many of them worked sixteen hours a day and rarely ever saw the camp in -the daytime, as they went to and from work in the dark. - -The work at the other base ports was similar, though on a smaller -scale. Sometimes hundreds of miles of railroad track had to be laid or -great steel warehouses erected. Gierve was outstanding as a center for -such work, as it was the largest supply depot in France. Warehouses -here covered an area seven miles long and three miles wide. There were -always some Negro units stationed at this place, along with white -units which did stevedore work. The two organizations which served at -Gierve for the longest period were the 313th and 328th Negro labor -battalions. At Liffol-le-Grand, near Chaumont, the headquarters of the -commander-in-chief of the American Army, there was another large supply -depot. Here the Negro engineers drained and cleared a swamp, laid miles -of railroad track, and helped to build a large round house and several -warehouses. - -The stevedores were the great roadbuilders in France. Thousands -also worked in the great forests, cutting wood, peeling trees, and -laboring in the sawmills. In the Forestry Division at Jironde they -made an average of peeling 35 trees a day per man, while the average -of other engineers were only 15 trees. Nazareth Thaggard of the 323rd -Service Battalion made the highest record of any man in the A. E. F. -by cutting 30 steres of wood in one day. The task for his company was -five steres. For this notable achievement he was given a twenty-day -pass to travel over France and made a corporal in his organization. The -320th Engineers cut and carried wood for a mile and a half on their -backs. The men in the 332nd Labor Battalion, stationed at Brion, cut -six steres of wood as a daily task. They cut 1500 steres at Jerocho -and 5400 at Comercy. The woodcutters lived in floorless tents often -surrounded by mud. Many times the necessary clothing and boots could -not be secured, and sometimes they were obliged to eat in the rain and -snow. Dr. Hope, of whom we have spoken as at the head of Y. M. C. A. -work for Negro soldiers in France, said in speaking of a visit to the -woodcutters: “One night I went in a car fifteen miles out in a wood -with a chaplain who came to a small French town to buy ‘smokes’ for -the men. When we reached the camp it was dark. Lights were seen in -the narrow streets and mud deeper than I had ever seen before. In the -morning the men got up at 4.45. The sound they made walking through -the mud was unlike any noise that I had ever heard. Even at that early -hour some were joking, some singing.” The record of almost every -organization cutting wood shows that the men endured great suffering, -and the Negro’s sense of humor was a great asset to him. Said one -private who served with the 323rd service battalion: “We have come in -wet to the skin, with our boots half full of water. Some would go to a -stove and get warm, some would sing, some play cards. Others would walk -five miles for French bread and butter and eggs that they would cook -in their mess-kits. Some would laugh and be happy, while others beside -them would die.” - -After peace was declared and the American army started home, there -remained still much work to be done “over there.” The heroes who fell -at Château-Thierry, Amiens, St. Mihiel, in Belleau Wood and the Argonne -Forest deserved a suitable resting-place. The work of reburying the -dead was done almost exclusively by the Negro stevedores. Daily convoys -of trucks went as far as a hundred kilometers, and men searched the -fields, forests, and shell holes for the dead, who were brought to the -cemeteries and reinterred. This was the most ghastly and gruesome task -in the A. E. F.; yet the way the Negroes worked may be judged from the -fact that at Romagne, where the largest American cemetery is located, -1038 and 1050 soldiers were reburied in two successive days. The nature -of the work required that much of it be done after midnight when most -of the men were asleep. One could hear the sound of the hammer and -the tread of feet, and the lonely minor chord of the Negroes’ song -as they drove nails into the coffins. The electric lights all over -the cemeteries at night showed these men moving about without the -traditional fear attributed to them. Theirs was no enviable task, but -no group of men ever displayed finer spirit in the performance of duty, -and no soldiers more loyally served the republic. - - * * * * * - -With all of their good service, however, the stevedore organizations -were not popular with the Negro soldiers. One reason for this was the -lack of opportunity in them for promotion. One incident will illustrate -the situation. A colonel who was organizing one of these regiments out -of recently drafted men, in an attempt to stir up enthusiasm, said, -“Men, we are going overseas in two weeks. We are going to see the -country and have some fun. You’ll probably never hear a gun fired.” -There was no applause, and the colonel seemed not to realize that -the lack of it was due to the fact that the men not only wanted to -hear guns fired but wanted to fire some themselves. Continuing, he -said, “This is the first opportunity Negroes ever had to serve as -engineers. It is all an experiment. It’s up to you men to make good.” -After concluding his remarks he asked if there were any questions. -“Sir, Colonel, what about promotions?” asked one man. This turn rather -surprised the officer, but he recovered and said, “The officers will -be white.” A moment later he added, “The non-commissioned officers -will also be white.” Then he paused, and the soldier repeated the -question. The colonel then said, “There will be twenty-five first class -privates, who will carry rifles, and you know they get three dollars -a month more pay. You know cooks are needed. A lot of men will want -that job, but it takes a ---- good man to be a cook.” The silence -which greeted this remark indicated great disappointment on the part -of the men. Seeing this, the colonel tried to hold out some hope by -saying that some non-commissioned officers would be made in France -when new organizations were formed. As a matter of fact, as the war -progressed, many appointments as non-commissioned officers were made, -the commanders of Negro soldiers ultimately realizing that they as well -as other soldiers were prompted to do better work when there were even -remote possibilities of securing promotions. - -The kind of treatment accorded the men was due almost entirely to -the attitude of the officers who immediately commanded them. In some -organizations commanding officers were more like foremen and overseers -over railroad gangs and plantation workers than like officers in -command of American soldiers. Very frequently little interest was taken -in the personal appearance of the men, and military law was practically -disregarded in dealing with them. One commander did not hesitate to -say that if the men did not move as he thought they should, he helped -them with his foot, and the soldiers were placed in the guardhouse -on the most trivial pretense. “The spirit of St. Nazaire,” said one -officer, “is the spirit of the South,” and in the early days of this -great camp there were constant clashes caused by racial feeling and by -drinking. There were several colored French women at this base. White -officers and soldiers were frequently seen with them, but if a Negro -was seen with a white French woman a good deal was likely to be said, -and trouble was generally started by the marines. Discriminatory orders -were often issued, and stevedores experienced difficulties in visiting -cafés and other public places. Sometimes they were also forbidden to -enter French homes or to be seen in company with French civilians. -With the military police there was special trouble, as the men -received the impression that they made a special effort to use their -authority to abuse Negro soldiers. Sometimes they conducted an “era of -ruthlessness,” and many of the fights and “near riots” were due to such -efforts. In the railway terminal in one cantonment city, when large -numbers of soldiers were returning to camp, every Negro was required to -show his pass, but the passes of the white men were not required. This -sort of thing made for friction, as did also the manner in which the -soldiers were often approached by the M. P.’s. - -On the other hand, the Negro soldiers themselves were not without -faults. Some of their difficulties were due to their own ignorance -and to customs that they brought into the army from civil life. On -plantations and public works some had been used to “ducking the boss” -and slipping away, and attempts to continue this practice in the army -sometimes resulted in their being placed in the guardhouse. - -In such a situation it is pleasant to recall that two junior officers -in one organization were always working in the interest of the men -and heartily disapproved of the treatment they received. In their -camp discriminatory orders were not issued. While moreover some of -the roughest treatment given the stevedores was by Southern officers, -it is also true that some of the best and fairest officers commanding -Negro troops were Southern men. Such officers saw that their men -were well equipped, if it was possible to equip them, and provided -for their recreation by organizing athletic teams and by giving full -co-operation to the “Y” in its program. The 313th Labor Battalion was -commanded by such an officer in France and its fine record was largely -due to his impartial attitude. For the 542nd Engineers, one of whose -companies worked on the roads in the Remaucourt region in France, there -was built a little auditorium. This was wired by one of the officers, -and the scenery for the shows was painted by one of the men. There -were pictures every night and people from the village near by were -free to attend. One of the men, Frank Johnson, won the middleweight -championship of the S. O. S. and his only defeat was at the hands of -the French champion. That the stevedores appreciated their commanders -in such organizations was shown by the fact that when they sailed for -America they often presented to them gifts costing hundreds of francs. - -The story of one camp will serve to illustrate both types of officers -that commanded Negro troops. Camp Williams, located at Issurtille, -was the second largest supply depot in France. During the last days -of the war 12,000 Negro soldiers, mainly engineers and stevedores, -were stationed there. They built warehouses and railroads and supplied -the combat troops with wood, food, clothing, medicine and shells and -ammunition of all kinds. The camp adjutant said that they did their -work without grumbling. The non-commissioned officers were both -white and colored, mainly white. Very often they were ignorant men. -Illiterate Negro men were often selected in preference to educated men -and sometimes were made to serve as “stool pigeons.” For nine months -at this camp there was in force a special order bearing date July 3, -1918, which said: “All colored enlisted men of this command are hereby -confined to the limits of the Camp and Depot until further advised.” -The enforcing of this order was a great cause of trouble. When white -troops were permitted to visit not only Issurtille but all the -surrounding towns, many of the colored men broke the rules and left the -camp without passes; this brought them into conflict with the M. P.’s, -and ended by their being placed in the guardhouse. On arresting the men -the M. P.’s frequently cursed them and on the slightest provocation -threatened to use revolvers. Conditions finally made necessary a change -in the camp commander. Colonel S. V. Ham, a regular army officer who -had been wounded twice at the front, assumed command. He found a -filthy camp with practically no morale. Segregation was everywhere -and prejudice was intense. At once he issued the following order: -“The restrictions against visiting towns in this district by colored -troops are hereby removed until further notice. It is the desire of -the Commanding Officer to place the colored troops on the same status -as the white troops.” This was dated March 26, 1919. Colonel Ham -also issued an order forbidding the use of the word “nigger” in the -camp. All officers attended officers’ meetings when they were held; -previously colored officers never went, for they did not know when the -meetings were to be held. Lectures were given on the treatment of the -soldiers; military discipline was enforced in the case of both officers -and men; and the Colonel himself pulled down some of the discriminatory -signs. The result was that within three weeks the number of men in the -guardhouse was reduced from three hundred to fifty; sometimes several -days would pass without a man’s being placed there. Complaints were -reduced 60 per cent within the first week. Interesting also is the fact -that the rate of venereal disease in the camp was also lowered. The -general attitude of Colonel Ham changed the spirit of both officers and -men, and before long the feeling of racial antagonism gave way to one -of comradeship. - - -PIONEER INFANTRY ORGANIZATIONS - -There were fourteen other organizations in France, known as Pioneer -Infantry Regiments, which did mainly stevedore work. These were -composed largely of men who were drafted during the summer of 1918 and -who were given from one to three months of intensive military training -in American camps and then sent overseas. The commissioned officers -were white, and the enlisted personnel colored. In France a small -number of colored dental officers, chaplains, and band leaders were -assigned in some of the regiments. It appears that the idea of the -War Department in forming these organizations was to have men trained -to fight, if needed, and also to have sufficient men to do the work -necessary for the maintenance of a big army. - -Most of the regiments reached France during the months of September and -October, 1918, and consequently did no actual fighting. They worked in -the S. O. S. and in the advanced section, sometimes in the back area -of shell fire, and in a few instances near the front lines. Their work -consisted of road building, assistance at the base ports, salvaging -the battlefields, demunition and demolition work, and the building -of ammunition dumps with material moved from the battlefields to the -roads and then to central stations. The removing of ammunition after -the Château-Thierry drive was so satisfactorily done that Lt. Col. Ord, -chief ammunition officer of the S. O. S., wrote a letter in which he -said: “These two depots were transformed from a heterogeneous pile to -this remarkable condition in seven days, and I desire to compliment the -officers and twenty-six men who went from these headquarters as well as -the 801st Pioneer Infantry for this remarkable achievement.” - -Before the Armistice several regiments worked behind the front lines -in the Argonne Forest and at St. Mihiel, where they built narrow- and -wide-gauge railroads and macadam roads for the movement of light and -heavy artillery and supplies. It was also the task of some to bury the -dead, working under shell fire. Sometimes bombs dropped among them, -killing and wounding them; but because of their late arrival in France -they did not work long in such danger. After the Armistice some did -guard duty, looking after the German prisoners. Companies of the 806th -and 811th Pioneer Infantry regiments did a part of the concrete and -grading work for the Pershing Stadium, the $100,000 structure erected -by the Y. M. C. A. for the inter-allied games held in July, 1919. - -While the Pioneer Infantry regiments and the stevedores did the -same kind of work for the most part, the former received the better -treatment, as their officers generally insisted on a square deal for -their men. In one battalion the major, an Alabamian, discouraged -segregation by removing all objectionable signs, and he made no effort -to prevent his men from associating with respectable French people. -The commander of the 815th Pioneer Infantry regiment gave wholesome -lectures to his men as a means of education and encouragement. These -organizations also, with few exceptions, were liberal in granting -leaves and in issuing week-end passes, and some of the men were sent -to the universities in France when the A. E. F. conducted its great -educational program. - -Most of the regiments had good bands, minstrel shows, and baseball -teams. The 807th Pioneer Infantry Band of fifty-two pieces was removed -from its organization for several months and stationed with General -Liggett of the First Army Corps, being called the First Army Post -Band. The 806th Pioneer Infantry Band played at the Columbus Stadium -in Paris, giving daily concerts during the A. E. F. try-outs for the -inter-allied meet. The baseball team of the 809th was the most notable -Negro team in France. It won the championship of the St. Nazaire base -and finished third in the A. E. F. league. The umpires in the league -were fair in all the games. - -The Pioneer Infantry organizations proved a disappointment to many of -the soldiers in them because, as one officer said, “they did everything -the infantry was too proud to do and the engineers too lazy to do.” -However, they did splendid work and returned to America with a record -of honorable achievement. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE NINETY-SECOND DIVISION - - -The Ninety-second Division gave to the Negroes of the United States -the opportunity which they had long desired, namely, organization into -fighting units commanded largely by Negro men. In its creation Negroes -were drafted from all sections of the country and from all walks of -life. The largest group of Negro officers ever commissioned served with -this division, which was not trained in one camp, as was true with -other divisions in the National Army, but whose various units were -distributed among seven camps, extending from Camp Funston, Kan., to -Camp Upton, N. Y. The units were stationed as follows: - - Division Headquarters } - Headquarters Troops } Camp Funston - Divisional Trains } - 365th Infantry Camp Grant - 366th Infantry Camp Dodge - 367th Infantry Camp Upton - 368th Infantry Camp Meade - 349th Field Artillery } Camp Dix - 350th Field Artillery } - 351st Field Artillery Camp Meade - 349th Machine-Gun Battalion Camp Funston - 350th Machine-Gun Battalion Camp Grant - 351st Machine-Gun Battalion Camp Upton - 317th Engineers Regiment } - 317th Engineers Train } Camp Sherman - 325th Signal Corps } - 317th Trench Mortar Battery Camp Dix - -As the headquarters troops, the military police, the 317th ammunition, -sanitary, and supply trains were all organized and trained with -the headquarters of the Division at Camp Funston, there was great -enthusiasm for achievement among these troops, and an earnest effort -was made to have them attain the highest possible efficiency. Being -close to the inspiration and brains of the Division, they set the -standard for the other units. By their wonderful progress moreover -they changed the attitude of the camp in regard to Negro soldiers -and developed in themselves and in their commanding officers greater -confidence in their ability. - -The infantry regiments were probably the best known, not only among the -Negro people but in Army circles as well. Negroes had made a glorious -record in this branch of the service and were naturally expected -to defend that record. The thousands of soldiers inducted into the -Division, and especially those drawn into the four infantry regiments, -began their training resolved that they would live up to the traditions -of the past. Every man realized that he was representing a confident -and loyal people who prayed and hoped for the success of the Division, -who followed every step of its progress, and who rejoiced with every -victory and sorrowed at every failure. The men were fully conscious of -their responsibility and began their work with enthusiasm. - -From reveille to retreat the recruits were carried through intensive -training, which included physical exercise, a study of the articles -of war, practice marching, use of the bayonet, shooting, the use of -grenades, and signal and semaphore work. Besides their program of -purely military instruction they were given lectures on personal -hygiene and first aid that prepared them to be not only good soldiers -but also better men. From five to seven months of such training showed -wonderful results in every regiment. Undeveloped young men from the -farms and cotton-fields of the South learned to stand erect and to walk -with a firm step, and they were also made to feel that America expected -each of them to do a man’s work. - -So well did Negroes absorb this training that they were often -considered the best drilled and best disciplined organizations in the -camps where they were trained. This was said to be true, for instance, -of the 367th Infantry, commonly known as the “Buffaloes,” which was -trained at Camp Upton. It paraded in New York City on Washington’s -Birthday, 1918, when it was presented with colors by the Union League -Club. The 368th was reviewed by President Wilson in Baltimore during -a Liberty Loan drive. At such times the press of the country carried -articles commending the Negro men for their martial appearance and -wonderful marching, and this praise not only developed a greater pride -in themselves but caused other Americans to recognize their real value -as soldiers. - -The organization of the 92nd Division made it necessary to train -Negroes in other branches of service than the infantry. The mere -suggestion of Negro artillery regiments brought laughter from some -old Army men, and even officers assigned to train the soldiers in -this branch of the service were dubious as to their success. However, -three artillery regiments were organized and the experiment proved a -success. After seven months of hard work at Camps Dix and Meade these -regiments were ready to sail to France, where they were to receive -additional training before doing combat duty. Specialist details, -composed of “non-coms,” were given intensive training, and before -leaving the States they were able to calculate firing data, to use the -various American optical instruments, to connect up and use the field -telephones, to signal, and to perform efficiently the work connected -with the occupation of a position. - -In the three machine-gun battalions--the 349th, 350th, and 351st, -trained at Camps Funston, Grant, and Upton respectively--it was found -that Negroes immediately grasped the intricacies of the machine-gun -and soon excelled in its mechanical manipulation. Ignorant men, those -unable either to read or to write, could take apart and assemble every -part of a gun to the minutest spring. As in other branches, they worked -with a will to succeed, and learned map-reading, trench-digging, -the use of dug-outs, and the construction of shafts and camouflaged -machine-gun emplacements, all of which knowledge was to be essential -when they met the enemy in France. They also mastered the drill and -made a splendid record on the range. In the Division overseas a -machine-gun school was also started, in charge of Lieut. Benjamin -H. Mosby, a Negro officer, one of the main objects being to make -machine-gun officers out of infantry officers. More than two hundred -men attended this course. - -The organization of the 325th Signal Corps marked the first time in -the history of the country when Negro men were placed in this branch -of the service. Before the organization of this unit was completed, -a representative of the War Department visited Negro educational -institutions and explained the qualifications for this branch of the -service. As a result, men with superior technical and academic training -were inducted into it. The work was new to most of the men, but their -training enabled them to master it rapidly, so much so that they -surprised the higher officials. The corps was organized and trained at -Camp Sherman, and six officers were raised from the ranks. The unit -boasted of having one of the best health records in France; not one -case of venereal disease was discovered in it. The story is told of one -man who, though he could scarcely write his name when he entered the -service, was able, at the time of the Armistice, to take messages at -the rate of twenty-five words a minute. - -The distribution of the troops in the Division handicapped the -administration somewhat. Orders were delayed in transmission, and -it was impossible to correlate the activities of the several arms -of the service; nor could the Division assemble for a review. The -first opportunity the different units had of meeting came when they -were ordered to join the American Army in France and met at Hoboken, -June 10, 1918, just before sailing. After an exciting voyage all -the units arrived safely at Brest; and after a short stay at Camp -Pontenazen, the headquarters troops and infantry regiments went on to -Bourbonne-les-Bains, making the four-day trip in crowded French box -cars. - -Bourbonne-les-Bains is a beautiful old city, located in Haute-Marne -at the end of a valley encircled by a picturesque chain of hills. The -people were hospitable and welcomed the soldiers into their homes -and places of amusement. While the atmosphere was restful, however, -the task before the Division was eminently serious. Eight weeks of -intensive training were given in the methods of modern warfare, and -terrain exercises and tactical problems worked out. The men perfected -themselves in shooting, in the use of the bayonet and grenades, and in -signal work and trench-digging. - -The three artillery regiments, comprising the 167th Field Artillery -Brigade, on reaching France were stationed at different centers for -six weeks of intensive training--the 349th and 350th at Montmorillion -and the 351st at Lathus. Finally the brigade was mobilized at La -Courtine. Here instruction was given in radio, telephone, and motor -operations, dug-out construction, gun emplacement, and range work. -Even after they reached France, there was still doubt in the minds -of some as to whether the Negro men would make artillerymen. A French -officer, however, came to test the barrage made by the 350th Artillery, -and after it had been put over, he jumped up and clapped his hands, -saying that it was the fastest and the most accurate he had ever seen -put over. In all the training area of the 92nd Division unusually fine -relations existed between the soldiers and the French people. - - -INFANTRY ENGAGEMENTS - -From Bourbonne-les-Bains the infantry regiments and headquarters -troops were moved to Bruyères, and it was here that they heard for -the first time the roar of the big guns. Here also it was that the -Commander-in-Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces, General John -J. Pershing, first visited the division. After spending twelve days in -securing necessary equipment, all moved to St. Die. Here the Americans -were welcomed as deliverers. The Germans had occupied the city for -fourteen days in 1914 and because of their treatment the people had -learned to hate them. The bishop’s house and the church, more than six -hundred years old, were used as headquarters. - -Because of the nature of the terrain the St. Die sector was usually -quiet and for this reason it was used for schooling divisions of -recruits, who often got here their baptism of fire before leaving. -There was a little bathing pool in “No Man’s Land,” and it was said -that at certain times, by agreement between the Germans and the French, -each had access to it without being fired upon. The 6th Division of -the American Army, however, which occupied the sector before it was -given over to the 92nd, fired on every German that ventured forth. When -the French said that such action would precipitate offensive tactics, -the Americans insisted that this was their purpose. The 92nd Division -accordingly found the enemy active when it entered the sector. While -there was no major offensive, raiding parties from both sides were -frequent and patrol duty was very necessary. - -The St. Die sector will always be remembered by the men of the -92nd Division because it was there that they received their first -casualties. The first man killed was Private Moses Justice, Company H, -365th Infantry. He had worked as a farmer and enlisted from Marietta, -Ohio. While on patrol duty September 2, 1918, Second Lieut. Thomas J. -Bullock, Company D, 367th Infantry, was killed, the first officer in -the division to fall. In this sector the Negro soldiers remained until -September 21, 1918, when they were ordered to the Meuse-Argonne region, -the 81st Division, known as the “Wildcats,” relieving the 92nd when it -entrained. - -Between September 21 and 23 the 92nd Division was carried from the St. -Die sector to the Argonne region, and by September 24 various units -had been assigned a place in the big drive scheduled for the 25th. -Headquarters were at Beauchamps Farm and Triacourt, and the division -was attached to the First Army Corps. - -On September 23 the 368th Infantry was assigned to the 38th French -Army Corps, commanded by General Durand. It was given a position -on the right bank of the Aisne, north of Vienne-Le-Château and La -Harozee and 500 meters west of Binarville. The Second Battalion of the -regiment, which was in the front line, on September 26 “reconnoitered -the enemy trench position opposite it and progressed at a slow pace, -because of the abundance of wire, until the right half had made an -advance of three kilometers, where it met with strong opposition of -machine-gun nests.” The Third Battalion, according to plan, supported -the advance of the second. On September 27 both were ordered to attack, -the objective being the Trench du Dromadaire. The Second Battalion -progressed two kilometers against machine-gun fire and the third -reached the enemy trench line. On September 28 the objective of the two -battalions remained unchanged. - -As these two battalions advanced and were subjected to heavy -machine-gun fire and enemy artillery barrage, the major commanding the -second was relieved of duty because of physical exhaustion. The Third -Battalion was within two hundred meters of its objective when, under -heavy fire, a portion of the line of an advance company broke and -withdrew to the rear. This company was reorganized and the attack was -resumed, but again the line broke. In spite of the action of some of -their comrades, however, Capt. R. A. Williams and First Lieut. T. M. -Dent held their position with the part of the company with them until -the following day, when they were relieved by the 9th Cuirassiers, a -French regiment. - -As to the withdrawals, it was stated by company officers that “some -one, identity unknown, ordered a retreat.” Secretary Baker’s report -on this affair said that “there is strongly supported evidence that -orders from some quarters were carried forward by runners directing -the withdrawal, although orders had been given ... that no withdrawal -order, not in writing and signed by the battalion commander, should -be obeyed. The investigation showed that no such written order had -been issued.” The First Battalion, which had been in reserve, was -placed in the front line to renew the attack. It joined the French in -the advance on Binarville and progressed until the leading company -reached and passed by 200 meters the objective that had been given -the regiment. The advance covered four and a half kilometers and 11 -prisoners and 5 machine-guns were captured. The total casualties, -including killed, wounded, and gassed, were 9 officers and 269 enlisted -men. The commanding officer’s report of this engagement said that there -was insufficient use of the infantry rifle. Although machine-guns and -Stokes mortars were with each battalion ready and seeking opportunity -for action, the character of the terrain prevented their use. This -sector, which had been held alternately by the French and Germans -during the war, consisted of a rolling country, cut up by ravines and -covered with the debris of the Argonne Forest, blasted by four years of -shell fire; and it was interlaced by solid wire defences of all kinds. -Col. F. R. Brown, who was in command during the engagement, said of -the regiment: “It deserves commendation for successfully performing -its original mission of liaison between the 38th (French) Corps and -the 77th Division (U. S.). It deserves commendation as a whole for -successfully advancing as rapidly as did the French units on our left, -in spite of the many difficulties encountered.” - -As a result of the withdrawals of the Third Battalion of the 368th -Infantry during the Argonne engagement, rumors spread in both France -and America that the 92nd Division had been charged with “cowardice -before the enemy.” So great was the confidence of the Negro people in -the bravery of their soldiers, based upon the deeds of a glorious past, -that such rumors seemed almost unbelievable; and when the men in other -regiments of the division heard the reports, many of them begged for an -opportunity to go to the front. The final report of the Secretary of -War, however, somewhat allayed the rumors. He said: “The circumstances -disclosed by a detailed study of the situation do not justify many of -the highly colored accounts which have been given of the behavior of -the troops in this action, and they afford no basis at all for any of -the general assumptions with regard to the action of colored troops -in this battle or elsewhere in France. On the contrary, it is to be -noted that many colored officers, and particularly three in the very -battalion here under discussion, were decorated with Distinguished -Service Crosses for extraordinary heroism under fire.” - -The Division remained in the Argonne until October 5, 1918, when it was -ordered to the Marbache sector, where it remained until the signing of -the Armistice. It was in this sector that the best fighting was done. -During the quiet days between October 5 and November 8, considerable -patrol work was carried on. Some of the enemy soldiers were killed and -others captured, and a number of 92nd soldiers met a similar fate. -Active operations began November 8, the 183rd Infantry Brigade holding -the portion of the Allied line east of the Moselle River, extending -from Pont-à-Mousson to Marbache. On the morning of November 10 an -attack was executed on Bois Frehaut by the Second Battalion of the -365th Regiment, commanded by Major Warner A. Ross. A similar attack was -made on Bois Voivrotte by two platoons of the Second Battalion of the -366th Infantry, commanded by Major A. E. Sawkins. Each battalion was -supported by its machine-gun company and had the co-operation of the -divisional artillery. Trench mortars and 37 M. M. guns were to support -the attack, the object being to capture and hold the above named places -and advance the line of observation in the sector. On the afternoon -of November 9 the Second Battalion of the 365th Infantry was placed -in Pont-à-Mousson and the Second Battalion of the 366th in Forêt de -Facq in preparation for the attack which was to be made at 5 a. m. on -November 10. The hour was changed from 5 to 7 in order that the 92nd -Division might co-operate with the Second American Army, which was -to launch its drive at that time. By 8.12 a. m. the Second Battalion -of the 366th had completely occupied Bois Voivrotte and taken three -prisoners, and by 11.45 the Second Battalion of the 365th completely -occupied Bois Frehaut, although it had been heavily shelled with gas -and high explosives. After the first objectives had been successfully -reached, reinforcements were brought forward and a new attack launched -on the strong enemy positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte, and Bois -Cheminot at 5 a. m. on November 11. The troops making the attack were -met by the strong artillery, machine-gun and infantry fire of the -enemy. However, by 7.30 they had reached the outskirts of Bouxières and -Bois Cheminot. Then a telephone message from headquarters, ordering all -hostilities to cease, stopped the advance of the 92nd Division, which -was sweeping the enemy before it. The opposing units engaged between -the Moselle and Seille rivers were the 86th and 30th Regiments of -infantry, the 31st Landwehr Brigade, and the 47th Infantry Regiment. -They were supported by one battalion of sharpshooters. East of the -Seille River were the 70th Infantry Regiment and the 6th Grenadiers. - -In the report of the commanding general of the 183rd Infantry Brigade -on the offensive operations in this sector in the last engagement -during the Great War, Brig. Gen. Malvern Hill Barnum made the following -summary and conclusion: - - “The advance of the brigade in this battle, most of which was made - on the east banks of the Moselle River was 3½ kilometers. It was - against heavy artillery and machine-gun fire and high concentration - of gas. In order to drive the enemy from their strongly fortified - positions all forms of auxiliary arms, such as machine-guns, Stokes - mortars, 37 M. M. guns, and rifle grenades, were effectively used - against them. The divisional artillery supported this attack with - a rolling barrage, which was well laid. It also placed a heavy - concentration fire on German machine-gun nests, completely routing the - enemy. - - “A great part of this attack was executed over an open, sloping - terrain, heavily wired, which was completely controlled by German - artillery. The Bois Frehaut and Bois Voivrotte were woods protected - with heavy German wire and were filled with machine-gun nests, trench - mortars, light artillery, and infantry. The enemy was driven from - his strongholds with a loss of six prisoners and approximately the - following material: 1000 grenades, all types; 5000 rounds ammunition; - 25 boxes M. G. ammunition, in belts; 50 rifles and bayonets; 10 pairs - field glasses; 4 machine-guns; 6 carrier pigeons; 1 signal lamp and - battery; 2 Very pistols; 3 carbide lamps; 100 helmets. Many overcoats, - boots, canteens, belts, and other articles of equipment were left by - the fleeing enemy. - - “In this advance the brigade suffered the following casualties in the - 365th and 366th Infantry and the 350th Machine-Gun Battalion: killed, - 32; wounded, 119; gassed, 285; missing, 8; total, 444.” - -This attack, on the last two days of the war, was made in a sector -that had been organized for four years. It was in front of the great -fortress of Metz and was occupied by young, efficient soldiers of the -most famous military power in the world. Yet against this opposition -the inexperienced Negro troops took complete possession of “No Man’s -Land,” constantly remaining on the offensive until the enemy had been -pushed back three and a half kilometers. - -The Congressional Record of February 28, 1919, contains the following -statement concerning the First Battalion of the 367th Infantry of the -92nd Division: “The entire first battalion of the three hundred and -sixty-seventh (Buffaloes) Infantry was cited for bravery, and awarded -the Croix de Guerre, thus entitling every officer and man in the -battalion to wear this distinguished French decoration. This citation -was made by the French Commission because of the splendid service and -bravery shown by this battalion in the last engagement of the war.” -The writer has been unable to find a copy of the citation in the War -Department records; but because it did appear in the Congressional -Record as indicated and also given publicity in the newspapers of the -country, it is included in the story of the 92nd Division. - - -ARTILLERY - -The various other units in the Division contributed their share toward -developing the efficiency which it attained. The 167th Field Artillery -Brigade surprised not only old Army officers but Americans generally by -the ability of the men to absorb training, which was fully demonstrated -when they forced the enemy to retire from strong fortifications held -for four years. It had been thought that it would be difficult, if not -impossible, to find Negro men with adaptability for this work; yet -sometimes it developed that non-commissioned officers were better at -taking messages than their instructors. The most surprising thing about -the Negro gunner was the rapidity with which he was able to fire. One -gun crew in the 349th Artillery fired four rounds in 6⅖ seconds with -the French 75’s, while another crew was making four shots in 7½ -seconds. A striking example of the efficiency of the artillery was the -manner in which it laid down a barrage at Pregny for a unit of the 78th -Division and its own division without endangering the lives of the men -in the infantry. - -It was during the last days of the war, from November 4 to 11, in the -fighting around Bois Frehaut, Bois de la Voivrotte, Cheminot, Pagny, -and Bois de la Côte, that Negro artillerymen did their most effective -work. At daybreak on November 4 the 349th laid down a rolling barrage -to cover the advance on Cheminot of a patrol of the 365th Infantry. -This was followed by a box barrage continuing nearly an hour, during -which time 1062 shells were fired. On November 6 the regiment was again -called upon for a rolling barrage through Bois Frehaut and a combing -fire in Bois Voivrotte, to be followed by a standing barrage in front -of Champey and Bouxières. Two hundred and fifty rounds were fired -in the combing fire, and 2033 in the rolling and box barrages. The -accuracy of the Negro artillerymen reduced the resistance of the enemy -and enabled the 92nd Division infantry to reach its objectives without -great loss. The action in co-operation with the infantry was carefully -watched by officials, who commended the brigade on “the good execution -of the Rolling and Standing Barrage” and also said that the good -work was being favorably commented on by those “higher up.” Because -of the qualities displayed by both officers and men in this sector, -General John H. Sherburne, who commanded the 167th Field Artillery -Brigade, commended them in orders on November 18, 1918, saying, “You -have been zealous soldiers and skillful artillerymen.... By day and -night, often under the hail of shrapnel, often through clouds of deadly -gas, you have marched and fought, dragged your guns sometimes by hand -into line, kept up your lines of communication and brought up your -supplies, always with a cheerfulness that earned you the admiration -of all.” Colonel Wade H. Carpenter, of the 351st Field Artillery, -was a West Point graduate and a South Carolinian by birth. Although -he too had been doubtful of success at first, in the end he was no -less enthusiastic about the achievements of his regiment. Under date -December 27, 1918, he said to his command: “When you landed in France -you were acclaimed as comrades in arms, brothers in a great cause. -In the days that have passed no man, no little child, has had cause -to regret that first glorious welcome. Surrounded by new and unusual -conditions, beset by subtle temptations, you have kept your hearts high -and, with purpose fixed on the high ideal of service, you have put away -those things that did not contribute strength for the task at hand. You -have been men.... Through rain and in tents or in cold billets you have -cheerfully pushed on to fit yourself for the final test and at length -you came to the front lines. There, under fire, by day and by night -you served the pieces, sending back gas for gas and shell for shell, -two for one. The orders reached the guns because you maintained the -connections; the ammunition was there because neither the elements nor -enemy stopped you. This mission has been accomplished and you have been -what America expects her sons to be--brave soldiers.” - -In the proposed drive against Metz, which was to have been the greatest -battle of the entire war, the 167th Field Artillery Brigade had been -selected to support the Second Army, of which the 92nd Division was a -part. Such confidence on the part of the Commander-in-Chief of the A. -E. F. clearly shows that the Negro artilleryman had proved beyond doubt -his ability to become proficient in this branch of service. - -This brigade was able to accomplish what it did because the men were -eager to learn and easily disciplined. No task was too dangerous or -too difficult for them. They kept their lines of communication intact -under all conditions. The six colored officers who were graduated at -Fort Sill and who remained with the brigade throughout the campaign -in France, greatly contributed to the morale and did excellent work -in handling and instructing the men. The Negro non-commissioned -officers were also an important factor. They took advantage of their -opportunities and made a record in the school at La Courtine that -was not surpassed in excellence by any group from other artillery -organizations. The officers and enlisted men in this brigade were -pioneers in a field where success was uncertain, but they brought -faithfulness and patriotic fervor to their task, and their record is -one that should encourage and inspire all Negro people. - - -317TH ENGINEER REGIMENT - -The 317th Engineer Regiment was formally organized at Camp Sherman on -November 4, 1917, as the sapper engineer regiment of the 92nd Division. -Two thousand draftees were turned over to this regiment from the -158th Depot Brigade. After careful examination 1490 of these men were -inducted into the regiment. This group included a large number of men -who had knowledge of the building trades and also students from well -known industrial schools. - -After it was decided to organize an engineer regiment in the 92nd -Division, considerable discussion arose in the War Department over the -question of officers to command it. Negro officers who had graduated -at the training school for infantry in Des Moines were suggested, but -engineer officials opposed this plan because these men had had no -special training for the work. Letters in the War Department files -pointed out that from 15,000 applicants to serve in this branch of -the service only one Negro, a graduate of Harvard University, had -qualified. Although it had been found expedient to have trained -engineers as officers in engineer labor battalions, thirty Negro -infantry officers with no engineering experience were assigned to the -317th Engineers. White captains were also assigned to the regiment, -but were soon transferred and sent to France. During the winter of -1917-18 a War Department inspector investigated the organization and -reported that the Negro officers did not have sufficient knowledge -and experience to train the regiment, and he recommended that they be -replaced by white officers with engineer training. In March, 1918, -accordingly white captains replaced the Negro captains, but the Negro -lieutenants were retained. - -In spite of the unrest caused in the regiment by the change in the -personnel of the officers, the training continued. On June 1 the -regiment left Camp Sherman for Hoboken, whence it sailed on June 8, -reaching Brest on the 19th. Thence it was sent to the Pontenazen -barracks, which consisted of stone buildings erected by Napoleon -Bonaparte on the site of an old Roman camp. Heavy working details, -comprising 85 per cent of the regiment’s strength, loaded baggage and -constructed roads and barracks. On June 25 the regiment left for the -Bourbonne-les-Bains area, arriving on the night of June 27. Here it was -given intensive training for four weeks, and in the area it constructed -mess halls, bath houses, warehouses, stables, and railroad yards. - -Additional equipment arrived August 2, ten days before the regiment -moved into a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains for intensive -training around Ponseux and Archettes, and on August 20 there was -further removal to the St. Die sector previously occupied by the 7th -Engineers of the 5th Division. Just before this division left for -St. Mihiel, it conducted several local attacks down the Fave Valley -and around Frappelle, which were finally captured. When then the -317th Engineers began the work of organizing and consolidating the -positions left by the 5th Division, they found the enemy active. They -constructed dug-outs, repaired trenches, often under shell fire, and -mined bridges if these were in danger of being captured by the enemy. -They also worked at logging and sawmill operations in order to supply -French institutions as well as the fighting regiments at the front with -firewood. Especially courageous was the work of twenty-five enlisted -men engaged in gas-proofing dug-outs. They worked three days and nights -under heavy bombardment where mustard gas and phosgene were used by -the enemy, but they continued their labors until all the dug-outs were -protected. - -On September 24, 1918, the regiment moved into the Argonne between Les -Islettes and Clermont, and was assigned to the First Army Corps. The -objective of the First Army was to close the Grand Pré gap and flank -the armies operating against the French and British. The bombardment -for this attack lasted three hours and it was estimated that 100,000 -shells were fired. The American artillery averaged a gun every eight -meters. After the bombardment changed to a rolling barrage, the men of -the 77th, 28th, 35th, 79th, 4th, 80th, and 33rd Divisions went over -the top in the greatest attack ever made by United States forces. In -this attack one battalion of the 317th Engineers opened the road from -Neuvilly to Bourielles, cutting it through to “No Man’s Land” on the -night of September 26. The 111th Engineers assisted in this work. The -Second Battalion opened the road from Croix de Pierre and Pierre -Croisée, while the Third opened the valley road from La Claon to La -Harze. In many places these roads had been completely obliterated by -the heavy artillery fire. The engineers had to relocate them, often at -night, and rebuild them through swamps out of logs and planks in order -that the wounded might be carried to the rear and ammunition carts -reach the front. Sometimes they used rocks and timbers taken from mined -enemy trenches and burned buildings. They built light- and heavy-gauge -railroads for hauling shells to new artillery positions on the front, -and heavy-gauge railroads in the back areas, especially in the vicinity -of Grand Pré. Throughout this offensive from September 26 to November -11 the 317th Engineers spent most of the time building roads and -supplying the fighting units at the front with the necessary materials. -The men often worked day and night under shell fire, but they labored -cheerfully and successfully. - -Orders, letters, and memoranda bear testimony to their achievement. -The chief engineer of the First Army, Colonel G. R. Spaulding, in -expressing his appreciation of what had been done by the troops aiding -in the construction of railroads in the First Army area, wrote on -November 10, 1918: “Especial credit is given to the 317th Engineers -which were very instrumental in the rehabilitation of the lines in the -Fôret d’Argonne and on the line from St. Juvin to the north.” General -Pershing wrote to Lt. Col. J. Edward Cassidy on April 7, 1919, thanking -him for his services and saying, “With the 317th Engineers on the -front you gave us valuable service.” Lt. Colonel Cassidy himself in -his order to the regiment on February 3, 1919, commended it for being -true in the fullest sense to the trust reposed in it by the American -people and for doing work of a high and efficient order. Said he: “For -more than a hundred years the Corps of Engineers has maintained a proud -record of achievement, whether in peace or war, from the blazing sun -of the tropics to the eternal ice and snow of the Arctic regions, and -it is a pleasure to the commanding officer to be able to say that your -work has been in accordance with the best traditions of the Engineer -Service.” - -The 317th Engineers “played the game” without fear and without -grumbling in the St. Die sector and in the Argonne-Meuse offensive. -For nearly three months the regiment did front line work, first as a -part of the 33rd Corps of the 7th French Army in the Vosges Mountains -at Frapelle, Lafontanelle, Lesseux, and other points in the St. Die -sector, and later as a corps regiment of the First American Army, at -Neuvilly, Bourielles, Cheppy, Varennes, Four de Paris, Abri de Crochet, -La Besogne, Lançon, Grand Pré, St. Juvin, Briquenay, St. Georges, and -Le Mort Homme in the Argonne region, and at Buzancy in the Ardennes. -For this work it was generously commended by the officials in the -American Army and it deserved the sincere gratitude of all the American -people. - - -92ND DIVISIONAL TRAINS - -The 317th Motor Supply Train was composed of 18 officers and 475 -enlisted men. At first it operated 35 trucks in the divisional area -in France, but the demand soon increased this number to 49. When there -was a scarcity of supplies the soldiers in the outfit were often -required to work both day and night and even then they were not always -able to meet the demands made upon them. In the 317th Military Police -there were 9 officers and 200 enlisted men. This group was trained at -Camp Funston and did police duty both there and in France. The 317th -Ammunition Train consisted of 38 officers and 1175 men. It included the -motor battalion, the horse battalion, ordnance, and medical detachment -headquarters. Both trucks and wagons were used and often the men helped -to move the artillery guns under fire. On one occasion the 367th -Infantry, which was under fire, gave an order for ammunition at 3 a. m. -This was obtained by the 317th Ammunition Train 37 kilometers away and -delivered under fire at 7 a. m. This unit was commanded by Major M. T. -Dean, one of the three Negroes in the 92nd Division who rose to that -rank during the war. - -The 317th Sanitary Train included the field hospitals and also the -ambulance companies of the 365th, 366th, 367th, and 368th Infantry -Regiments. These units were formed at Camp Funston on November 9, 1917, -with a personnel of 57 officers and 700 men, which last number was -later increased to 860. All of the men were trained litter-bearers. -There were also in the organization mechanics, cooks, horse-shoers, -and first class privates. During the winter of 1917-18 epidemics of -meningitis, measles, parotitis, and influenza affected the command, but -no deaths occurred at Camp Funston; and meanwhile there were weekly -inspections to safeguard the health of the men. The units entrained for -overseas June 7, 1917, remained eight days at Camp Upton, and reached -Brest on June 25. It was quartered at the Pontenazen barracks until -July 2, when it left for the training area at Bourbonne-les-Bains. On -August 13 the advanced training area was reached, and the unit received -a week of intensive training before it departed for the St. Die sector. - -Here field hospitals were established and functioned by the 365th at -Raon l’Étape and by the 366th at St. Die, and the 367th established -dressing stations at Sells, Virge, and Clarice. The organization was -moved from the St. Die sector to Givry, Argonne, on September 25, and -there it was a part of the First Army for five days. Passing through -Passovant, Jailon, and Marbache enroute to Millery, the 366th and -368th established field hospitals, and the ambulance companies of the -365th, 367th, and 368th established dressing stations. From Millery the -Sanitary Train went to Mayenne, where it remained until January 28. Le -Mans was reached on February 4, 1919, and Brest on February 6, from -which port the unit sailed on the “Olympic” on February 18, reaching -New York on the 24th. - -That the efficiency of the Sanitary Train of the 92nd was observed -and appreciated may be seen from a communication from Colonel C. R. -Reynolds, of the Medical Corps of the Second Army of the A. E. F., -to the Division Surgeon under date November 15, 1918. Said he: “I -desire to express my admiration and appreciation of the splendid -hospital organized and administered by the Medical Department of the -92nd Division at Millery. Your department has received most favorable -comments by the Army Commander ... and all medical officers who have -visited the institution. The transportation and hospitalization of the -battle casualties and respiratory diseases have been accomplished in -accordance with the principles of military surgery and preventative -medicine, which reflects the intelligence and training on the part of -the officers, nurses, and enlisted men of the Medical Department of the -92nd Division, in which pride may be justly felt.” - -That the work of the 317th Sanitary Train was successful was due in -some measure to the fact that the officers and men were encouraged -and inspired by those with whom they came in contact. There was one -promotion to the rank of major, that of Capt. Joseph H. Ward, and -sixteen lieutenants were promoted to captaincies. Major Ward was -commissioned by cablegram on September 24, 1918. At first he was -assigned to the 325th Signal Corps, but he also served as a surgeon in -Base Hospital 49, where he had been a patient. During his convalescence -he was asked to help dress wounds, and later he was given fifty cases -to attend to in a tent; being finally transferred to a ward as surgeon, -he had here his regular turn on operating day, and he was shown every -courtesy and given every privilege. For their specific duties it is -reasonable to suppose that as a group the medical men were better -prepared than many of the other officers. - - * * * * * - -The history of the 92nd Division will always be of interest to the -American Negro because it gave him his first opportunity to serve in -a great military organization where Negro officers led Negro troops. -The old idea that Negro soldiers would not respect Negro officers was -proved untrue. When the war suddenly came to an end, however, both -officers and men turned their faces homeward having uppermost in their -minds some of the policies to which they had been subjected at times -in the Army itself and in the welfare organizations. The commanding -officer, Major General Charles C. Ballou, whom the officers and the -Negro people in general had desired for the post after Colonel Charles -Young was declared ineligible, was severely criticised. Undoubtedly he -wanted the Division to succeed, but some of the methods that he used -and that he allowed his staff officers to use had a most demoralizing -effect on both officers and men. Even in the face of all the charges, -however, it must be said to his credit that both officers and men -were subjected to less humiliation and suffering when he was with -the division than they were after he left it, between the signing of -the Armistice and the departure for America. The attitude of some of -the white officers also helped. Brigadier General Malvern H. Barnum, -commanding the 183rd Brigade; General John H. Sherburne, commanding -the 167th Artillery Brigade; Colonel Vernon A. Caldwell, commanding -the 365th Regiment; Colonel James A. Moss, who at one time advised the -officers not to insist upon respect, yet worked for the interest of -the 367th in France; Majors Warner A. Ross and John C. Sheffield of the -365th; Major Appleton of the 367th, and Major Alfred E. Sawkins of the -366th, are especially named as having worked for the success of the -division. Of Major Sawkins it is said that whatever fare his officers -had he shared with them, that he worked for the interest of both -officers and men at all times, and that the spirit of his men when they -went into battle was always high. They suffered the greatest casualties -of any battalion and won nearly half the Distinguished Service medals -which were won in the 92nd Division. - -In the last analysis the verdict in regard to the 92nd Division rests -upon its achievement. Said an operation memorandum issued on November -7, 1918, from division headquarters: - - - 1. When the Marbache sector was taken over by the 92nd Division - the Germans owned “No man’s land” and were aggressive. They held: - Belie Air Farm, Bois de Tête d’Or, Bois de Frehaut, Voivrotte Farm, - Voivrotte Woods, Bois de Cheminot, Moulon Brook. - - 2. The constant aggressive action of our patrols, night and day, has - resulted in many casualties to the enemy, and the capture of many - prisoners. - - 3. Each of the places named above has been raided, as has Epley also, - and patrols have penetrated north nearly to the east and west line - through Pagny. The enemy has been driven northward beyond Frehaut and - Voivrotte woods, and eastward from Cheninit woods across the Seilée, - destroying the Cheminot bridge, flooding the Seilée, and attempting to - destroy the Seilée bridge--evidence of the fact that he regards the - 92d Division as an uncomfortable neighbor, and intends to avoid close - relations in future. - - 4. West of the river excellent results have followed energetic - offensive action. The enemy has suffered losses in killed, wounded, - and prisoners during the occupancy of this part of the sector. - - -The memorandum issued November 18, 1918, at the Division Headquarters -by Major General Ballou sums up his own estimate of the work he was -able to accomplish, as follows: - - - Five months ago to-day the 92d Division landed in France. - - After seven weeks of training it took over a sector in the front line, - and since that time some portion of the Division has been practically - continuously under fire. - - It participated in the last battle of the war with creditable - success, continually pressing the attack against highly organized - defensive works. It advanced successfully on the first day of the - battle, attaining its objectives and capturing prisoners, this in - face of determined opposition by an alert enemy, and against rifle, - machine-gun, and artillery fire. The issue of the second day’s battle - was rendered indecisive by the order to cease firing at 11 A. - M., when the Armistice became effective. - - The Division commander, in taking leave of what he considers himself - justly entitled to regard as _his_ Division, feels that he - has accomplished his mission. His work is done and will endure. - The results have not always been brilliant, and many times were - discouraging, yet a well organized, well disciplined, and well trained - colored division has been created and commanded by him to include the - last shot of the great world war. - - May the future conduct of every officer and man be such as to reflect - credit upon the Division and upon the colored race. - - -Just before the 92nd Division left France it passed in review before -General Pershing at Le Mans and on this occasion he spoke as follows: -“Officers and men of the 92nd Division, I wish to express to you my -appreciation for your co-operation during your stay on the A. E. F. -This Division is one of the best in the A. E. F., and the conduct of -the officers and men has not been surpassed in any other. The officers -are on the average with the officers of the A. E. F. Owing to the late -arrival of the Division in France, it was not able to take as active -part as was contemplated, but it had been planned to have the Division -in the action on the east bank of the Moselle, which would have taken -place two or three days preceding the Armistice, but the Armistice -prevented. I had no fear of the Division not making a showing for I -know what colored troops can do, having served with them in Cuba, the -Philippines, and in Mexico.” - -Even in the work that was done, however, there were outstanding -individual heroes. While the 368th Infantry was in the Argonne, it -became necessary to send a runner with a message to the left flank of -the American firing-line. The way was across an open field swept by -heavy machine-gun fire. Volunteers were called for, and Private Edward -Saunders of Company I responded. Before he had gone far a shell cut -him down. As he fell he cried to his comrades, “Some one come and get -this message; I am wounded.” Lieut. Robert L. Campbell of the same -company sprang forward. He dashed across the shell-swept area, picked -up the wounded man, and with the Germans fairly hailing bullets around -him, carried his comrade back to the American lines. For their valor -both men were cited for the Distinguished Service Cross and Lieutenant -Campbell was recommended for a captaincy. On another occasion this -same officer was with a few soldiers who were armed only with their -rifles, trench knives, and hand grenades picked up from small holes -along the way, and who were moving over a road in the Château-Thierry -sector. Suddenly their course was crossed by the firing of a German -machine-gun. They tried to locate it by the direction of the bullets, -but could not. To their right, a little ahead, lay a space covered with -thick underbrush; just back of it was an open field. Lieut. Campbell, -who knew by the direction of the bullets that the Germans had not seen -his party, ordered one of the men, with a rope which they happened -to have, to crawl to the thick underbrush, there to tie the rope to -several stems of the brush; then to withdraw as far as possible and -pull the rope, thus making the brush shake as though men were crawling -through it. The purpose was to draw direct fire from the machine-gun -and thus to locate its position. The ruse worked. Lieutenant Campbell -then ordered three of his men to steal out and flank the machine-gun on -one side, while he and the others moved up and flanked it on the other -side. The brush was shaken more violently by the rope, and the Germans, -with their eyes fixed upon it, poured a hail of bullets into it. Then -at a given signal the flanking party dashed up, and they killed four of -the Germans and captured the remaining three, also the machine-gun. -For such exploits Lieut. Campbell was held up to his organization -by the commanding general as an example of the soldier who combined -courage and initiative. - -Lieut. Charles G. Young, of the 368th, while in command of a scout -platoon near Dinarville, September 27-28, 1918, was twice severely -wounded by shell fire, but refused attention and remained with his men, -helping to dress their wounds and to evacuate his own wounded during -the entire night, and holding firmly his exposed position covering -the right flank of his battalion. Private Bernard Lewis, also of the -368th, during an attack on Binarville September 30, volunteered to go -down the road that led to the village to rescue a wounded soldier of -his company. He was compelled to go under heavy machine-gun and shell -fire, but in total disregard of personal danger he brought his comrade -safely back to his lines. Private Robert M. Breckenridge, an automatic -rifleman, of Company B, 365th Infantry, at Ferne de Belwir on October -29, although severely wounded in the leg, continued in action, crawled -forward for a distance of a hundred yards, and assisted in preventing -any enemy party from taking a position on the company’s flank. In -spite of his wound, he continued to use his weapon with great courage -and skill until he was killed by machine-gun fire. Corporal Russell -Pollard, of Company H of the 365th, during the assault on Bois Frehaut -on November 10, skilfully conducted his squad until his rifle was -broken. He then used his wire-cutter with speed and skill under heavy -fire, and although wounded in his right arm, he continued to cut the -wire with his left, assisting his men in getting through, until for -the second time he was ordered to the dressing-station by his company -commander. Lieut. Thomas Edward Jones, of the Medical Corps of the -368th, went into an open area swept by fire to care for a wounded -soldier who was being carried by another officer. While he was dressing -the wounded runner, a bullet passed through his arm and his chest and -a man was killed within a few yards of him. Corporal Van Horton, of -Company E of the 366th, displayed extraordinary heroism near Lesseux on -September 4. “During a hostile attack, preceded by a heavy minenwerfer -barrage, the combat group to which this courageous soldier belonged was -attacked by about twenty of the enemy, using liquid fire. The sergeant -in charge of the group and four other men having been killed, Corporal -Horton fearlessly rushed to receive the attack, and the persistency -with which he fought resulted in stopping the attack and driving back -the enemy.” - -These instances are only typical of those who were outstanding for -bravery and who were cited for honors. Thus these stalwart soldiers and -others like them upheld the record that the Negro had previously made -in the wars in which his country had engaged. - - -SECRETARY BAKER AND GENERAL PERSHING - -In all the exploits and achievements of Negro soldiers in the World -War, and the difficulties that they encountered in their display of -loyalty, it is not to be forgotten that there were true friends who -were interested in them and who believed that each one should be -given a man’s chance. One explanation of how it was that they were -able to “carry on” even under the most adverse conditions was that -they believed that the men guiding the destinies of the American arms -were fair, broad-minded men who would not countenance petty things. -Wherever Negro soldiers were visited they always seemed to feel that -Secretary Baker and General Pershing wanted them to have a square deal, -and that if these officials really knew of unsatisfactory conditions -they would endeavor to correct them immediately. Secretary Baker on -numerous occasions showed that he was actuated by a genuine belief in -democracy. This led him to examine into the conditions under which -Negro soldiers worked, trained, and fought, and also to consider their -possibilities of rendering the country the greatest possible service. -When objections were made to sending Negro soldiers to certain camps -for fear of trouble because of the Houston riot which occurred in 1917 -just as plans were being formulated to call thousands of Negroes in the -first draft, and when on other occasions pressure was strong, he never -ceased to feel that avenues open to other soldiers should be open in -like manner to Negroes. Against strong and determined opposition he -saw that training as officers was given, and when the future of the -first training camp was uncertain, it was Secretary Baker who assured -the men that he was depending on them and expected them to reach the -standards set by men in other camps. While, as he said, he was not -trying to solve the race problem, he did put forth great effort to -eliminate those things which tended to break down morale; and it is -only necessary to recall such a camp as Hill at Newport News, Virginia, -in the winter of 1917-18 to realize how War Department pressure was -exerted to remedy bad conditions. - -Some of the outstanding features of Secretary Baker’s policy with -reference to Negro soldiers may be summarized as follows, and the -statements given below embody his plans as stated before justice was -sometimes thwarted: - -1. That Negro soldiers should be organized and trained on the same -basis as all other soldiers. - -2. That Negro men should be given the opportunity to train as officers, -and that those who met the qualifications should be appointed for -service just as others who qualified. - -3. That a Negro man should be appointed as one of the assistants to the -Secretary. - -4. That Negro men should receive every possible aid in making a -thoroughgoing study of conditions in both American and French camps. - -5. That wherever injustice came to the attention of the Secretary -immediate attention should be given to the matter and effort made to -correct it. - -General Pershing’s service with the Negro units in the regular army -and his recommendation of Major Charles Young of the Tenth Cavalry to -the Adjutant General of the Army from Headquarters Punitive Expedition -U. S. Army, Colonia Dublan, Mexico, August 21, 1916, along with other -officers “who had shown very high efficiency throughout the campaign,” -and his tributes to the soldierly qualities of Negroes on several -occasions, gave Negroes in America the idea that he stood for a square -deal and would give honor to whom honor was due. When agitation arose -over the use of Negro soldiers in the war, General Pershing let it be -known that he desired Negro troops in France. When one of the Allies -made strong objections to the attachment of any battalions of Negro -infantry for training with their forces, and General Pershing was asked -for his views by the War Department, he said: “In event Department -still desires early to despatch 92nd Division, I adhere to former -recommendations that Division be included among those to be employed -temporarily with ----. I have informed ---- ---- that these soldiers -are American citizens and that I can not discriminate against them in -event War Department desires to send them to France.” - -When stories were circulated among Negro people to the effect that -Negroes were being wrongly treated, and subjected to most dangerous -positions to save white troops, and shot by Germans when captured -or left to die if wounded, General Pershing saw that these were -repudiated; and he further said that “the only regret expressed by -colored troops is that they are not given more dangerous work to do. I -can not commend too highly the spirit shown among the colored combat -troops who exhibit fine capacity for quick training and eagerness for -the most dangerous work.” When he visited any section of territory -occupied by Americans, he always showed an interest in the Negro -soldiers; they were impressed and encouraged by his inquiry into the -conditions under which they labored; and his understanding of the hard -life of the stevedores, and his appreciation of their efforts, did much -to make their work less burdensome. The men also felt that in the case -of court martials, if verdicts were reviewed by General Pershing, as -was done in some important cases, absolute justice would be meted out. - -When in the midst of the charges and counter-charges relative to the -fitness of Negro officers to lead men General Pershing was questioned -about a few Negro officers who were declared inefficient by a board, -he assured his hearers that because a few officers had been declared -unfit, this was by no means to be construed as an indication of lack of -capacity on the part of the race, because at that time more than 6000 -white officers had been returned to the states for unfitness to lead -men and certainly no one considered the white race a failure because -of that fact. Finally we have seen how the General reviewed the 92nd -Division just before it departed for America, commending the officers -and men for their splendid record overseas. He assured them of his -confidence by saying that he had planned to place them before the great -fortress of Metz; and his words did much to soften the bitterness of -feeling and let both officers and men return to their homeland feeling -that after all the commander and chief of the American Expeditionary -Forces had appreciated their part in the great struggle. No one can -tell what greater things might not have been accomplished by Negro -soldiers during the war if the spirit of Secretary Baker and General -Pershing had followed them throughout the service. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE NINETY-THIRD DIVISION - - -The organization of the 93rd Division was begun at Camp Stuart, Newport -News, Va., in December, 1917, with the few remaining National Guard -units of Negro men that had survived since the Spanish-American War. -These units were battalions from Ohio and Washington, and companies -from Massachusetts, Maryland, Connecticut, and Tennessee which later -composed the 372nd Infantry Regiment. This Division, which was never -assembled or fully organized, consisted on paper of the 369th, 370th, -371st, and 372nd Infantry Regiments. The general who was to command it -was ordered to Camp Stuart in December, 1917, but in the latter part -of this month the 369th landed in France and was brigaded with the -French, while the other three regiments were still training in America. -These three arrived in France in April, 1918, when they too were -brigaded with the French, with whom they served throughout their stay -overseas. After the cessation of hostilities on November 11, 1918, the -four regiments were reassigned to the American Army for return to the -United States and demobilization. Their record is one of the noblest -in all the history of American arms. Each regiment was decorated as a -whole or in part with the French Croix de Guerre with palm. The history -of the 93rd Division accordingly embraces the activities of the four -regiments that composed it, and these will be considered in order. - - -369TH INFANTRY - -The 369th Infantry, or the old 15th New York National Guard Regiment, -was first organized in New York City in 1916 by authority of the New -York State Legislature. It was reorganized by the War Department as -a National Guard regiment of the United States on April 9, 1917, and -placed under the command of Colonel William Hayward. It is proud of -the fact that it was the first National Guard regiment of the United -States to reach war strength of 2001 men and 56 officers, that it was -the first in the field, that it was under fire for 191 days, longer -than any other American regiment, and that after the armistice it led -the French armies to the Rhine, being the first Allied unit to enter -Germany. In all these ways its record was unique. - -The morning following its mobilization on the night of July 14, 1917, -it was moved to Camp Whitman, near Poughkeepsie; and when the President -of the United States drafted the National Guard regiments on August 5, -it was immediately placed on active duty without any training whatever. -The First Battalion, commanded by Major Lorillard Spencer, guarded -600 miles of railroad in New York and New Jersey, several uniform and -shoe factories near New York City, and the German ships seized by the -United States Government. The Second Battalion, commanded by Major -Munson Morris, did pioneer and guard duty at Camp Upton when it was a -wilderness. The Third Battalion, commanded by Major Edward Dayton, with -the band did similar work at Camp Dix, transforming it from a cornfield -into a camp. The machine-gun company guarded 2000 German spies interned -at Ellis Island. Meanwhile regimental headquarters remained in New York -City. - -On October 5, 1917, regimental headquarters and two battalions went -to Camp Wadsworth, Spartanburg, S. C., for training with the 27th -Division, but after two weeks’ stay in camp the regiment was ordered to -Hoboken to embark for France. It did not sail on October 27 as planned -because of the lack of equipment, and while this was being secured the -various battalions were billeted in armories in different parts of -New York City. On November 11, 1917, however, fully equipped, it went -aboard the U. S. S. “Pocahontas,” which sailed that night for France in -a convoy. On the second day out engine troubles developed and the ship -was obliged to return to port. The regiment went to Camp Merritt, where -details helped to finish the camp. It again embarked, but this time the -“Pocahontas” caught fire and for ten days was tied up at the docks. On -the night of December 13 she finally sailed, but even then she seemed -destined not to land the regiment in France, for she collided with a -British oil tanker which drove a hole in her bow. This, however, was -repaired and the trip was completed on December 26, when Brest was -safely reached. - -The regiment was moved to St. Nazaire by rail on January 1, 1918, and -there for more than two months it did manual labor, building docks, -erecting hospitals, doing fatigue duty, laying railroad tracks, and -doing construction work on the great dam at St. Nazaire. From the -time of their arrival at this port until March 10 the men did not -see their rifles except at night, but on this latter date they were -ordered to join a French combat unit. All entrained on March 13 for -Givry-en-Argonne, reporting on March 15 to General Le Gallais of the -16th Division, 4th French Army. It was at this place that the regiment -learned that its name was changed from 15th New York to 369th Infantry. -The American equipment was turned in and French equipment given, this -including everything needed on the Western front. The organization of -the regiment was also changed so as to make it conform to that of a -French regiment. During this training period of three weeks the men -drilled day and night under French officers. Beginning April 8 the -battalions were successively placed in front line trenches, “doubled” -with French units, their first sector being in Main de Massiges, left -of the Aisne River and northeast of Châlons in the Champagne. After -eight days of this experience the regiment took over 4½ kilometers -of front, with two battalions in the lines and one in support enjoying -a rest period which gave some opportunity for additional training. On -April 29 Colonel Hayward was placed in command of several French units -in addition to his own regiment. - -The activity in this sector consisted of nightly patrols and raids -until July 4 and 5, when active preparation was made for the big German -drive long expected by the French high command. The 369th labored -incessantly, helping to build and fortify the intermediate positions, -which were two or three kilometers from the front line. When the -battalions were relieved from front line duty, instead of going into -rest billets they worked on these positions, which were fortified as -a means of strategy by General Gouraud. This procedure enabled the -French to counter-attack and to recapture trenches secretly evacuated. -This method foiled and stopped the German drive on a fifty-mile front -between Rheims and the Argonne. The 369th participated in this attack, -with the third battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, occupying the -front line, where it did its share in stopping the enemy advance. - -During the terrific bombardment of the German artillery, which had -as its target not only the front line but also several kilometers of -rear area, the commander of the 369th was ordered to establish liaison -at once, if possible, between his headquarters and the French 27th -Infantry. This meant establishing a line of relay runners over a front -of three kilometers, the entire distance being under heavy shell fire. -This hazardous task was performed by the runners of the 369th in such a -courageous and efficient manner and with so little thought of personal -safety that the regiment received commendation from the division -commander. - -From the time of the regiment’s arrival on the front until the second -day of this battle it was a part of the 16th French Division, but on -the night of July 15, while the battle was raging, it received orders -to reinforce the 161st French Division, which was being furiously -attacked. A place was made for the 369th by taking out a French -regiment which had been greatly reduced in both officers and men. In -order to make the change of position, the regiment moved six kilometers -under constant shell fire. On reporting to General LeBouc, commander of -the 161st Division, two battalions were immediately ordered into front- -and second-line positions to relieve a Moroccan regiment. Officers and -men had been without food or water for hours, yet they occupied the -positions and took up the combat, which lasted for three days before -the enemy was definitely checked. - -On July 18 the 161st began to push the Germans back and to reoccupy -the abandoned terrain. Two battalions of the 369th shared in this -undertaking and continued in such operations until July 21, when the -regiment took over and established the front line in the Calvaire -sector north of Minaucourt. All three battalions suffered casualties in -this offensive, the third suffering most because it was in the front -line longest. - -On July 23 the 369th occupied a sector between Butte de Mesnil and Main -de Massiges under the most trying conditions. The enemy was constantly -being pushed back, but during the process artillery and infantry combat -hardly ceased for several days, and there was a constant rain of gas -and high explosive shells on all sides. The sector held by the 369th -had a front of a thousand meters, and the three battalions supported -one another from the front line to the intermediate positions in the -rear. Several raids were made each night by both sides and casualties -occurred daily and nightly on the patrols and raids that were sent into -“No Man’s Land.” - -The regiment was at length relieved in this sector and it started for -Camp St. Quen south of Châlons to get a long promised rest. It had been -under fire continuously for 130 days. At this camp the other three -Negro regiments serving with the French were supposed to be mobilized -for the complete organization of the 93rd Division. Barracks were -cleaned in expectation of these troops, but before they reached the -camp the 369th, which had been resting less than a week, was ordered -back to the front to resume its place in the 161st Division. It was -placed in a sector west of and adjacent to the sector of Calvaire -previously held. On its return to the division it replaced the 115th R. -I., which was broken up and distributed among other French units. The -new sector was the most active and deadly the regiment had held. There -were constant raids and patrols and a continuous combat of artillery. -The Germans here used the device of having several aeroplanes “loop -the loop” over the French lines in the hope that men would come out -and watch them. If they did a projector gas attack would be launched -immediately. - -One of the most furious attacks on the 367th was begun in such manner. -The aeroplanes did the “loop the loop,” which was followed by two -gas attacks separated only by seconds. Then a terrific artillery -bombardment started, lasting forty minutes, during which time it was -estimated that 9000 shells fell on the regiment. Twenty minutes after -the lull of the big guns seven German infantry regiments charged over -the top to drive the 369th from its trenches. The First Battalion, -assisted by the machine-gun companies from the other two, met the -assault with a steady, intensive, and continued fire until it broke -down in front of the lines. At no point were the enemy able to enter -the lines or capture any prisoners. Instead, the 369th Regiment -captured prisoners who gave valuable and much needed information, -and it was specially commended for its steadiness under fire in this -engagement. In this sector the regiment lost a large number of officers -and men and experienced its hardest fighting. On September 15 it was -relieved by a French Fourragère regiment and taken to the rear to Somme -Tourbe and Somme Bionne, where for eight days the men rested. Meanwhile -they were taught the principles of open warfare in anticipation of the -attack by the French and American armies which was launched September -25, 1918. - -For this attack the infantry battalions in the division were placed -in assault waves and commanded by their regimental officers. The -artillery preparation for the attack lasted six hours and twenty-five -minutes, with French and American guns of all sizes going at full -blast. At the zero hour (5.25 A. M.) the Allied armies went over the -top in one of the biggest offensives of the war. The French and -Moroccan battalions on the left and right of the 369th contracted -their fronts, thus leaving an opening between the French divisions; -and the Third Battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, advanced on the -left and established liaison with the Moroccans. On September 26 the -two units captured the town of Ripont, a large number of prisoners and -machine-guns, and advanced to the Dormois River, a distance of more -than four kilometers. Heavy casualties resulted from this advance; -several officers and men were killed, and Major Spencer himself was -wounded six times. On the afternoon of the 27th Fountaine en Dormoise -was captured and the regimental P. C. was established there. Further -advance was held up for a while by barbed wire entanglements commanded -by machine-gun nests, some of which were in concrete pill boxes. -These, however, were finally captured. During the night the Second -Battalion relieved the third in the front line, and by daylight on -the 28th it was ordered to continue the attack with the two French -battalions on its left and right. The artillery barrage for the third -day’s attack was ineffective, and the assaulting battalion had to cut -its way through wire and overcome machine-gun nests without artillery -assistance. The day’s advance was 1000 meters over hills and ridges -occupied and controlled by the enemy. On this day the battle was -hottest around Bellevue Ridge and Bellevue Signal, with the contending -forces trying to gain possession. After nightfall the French executed -a brilliant flank movement with three battalions, including the second -of the 369th, driving the enemy from all the trenches and terrain -leading to the summit of the ridge. Dawn on the 29th found the enemy -killed, captured, or driven from the ridge and the advance moving down -the slopes toward the plains beyond to the town of Sechault, the next -objective. - -The First Battalion, commanded by Major Little, led this advance, -entering the town and engaging in heavy fighting in the streets and -in house to house combat, in an attempt to clear the town of enemy -infantry and machine-gun nests. The battalion advanced through Sechault -to the plains beyond, but withdrew for the night to make way for French -artillery preparation for the continued advance, which began on the -30th through the woods of Petit Rosière and lasted until October 3. The -regiment was again commended by the division general for the way in -which it cleared Sechault of the enemy. The entire division halted to -await the capture of the town because of its importance. - -The Second and Third Battalions were sent in to relieve the first on -October 3, but the regiment had suffered so many casualties in both -officers and men that it was relieved with the 161st Division and -carried in troop trains to Vitry-le-François. A little later it was -transferred from Gouraud’s Fourth Army, where it had served during its -offensives, to become a part of the 7th French Army. - -The 369th entrained at Vitry-le-François for Belfort on October 12, -reaching its destination on the 14th. Two days later it moved by trucks -and forced marches to Thann in the Vosges Mountains, where the entire -regiment was put in front line trenches in the Thur sector. This was -comparatively quiet, and from October 16 to November 11 only six -casualties occurred, including one officer. - -The 369th Regiment played an important part in all the campaigns in -which it participated, its efficiency increasing with every engagement. -During the time that it was brigaded with the French the relations were -most cordial; and during the last days of the September offensive the -commanding general of the 161st Division attached it to his own two -crack regiments because of its fighting qualities under fire. While -there were difficulties of language, these were usually overcome by -the assignment of efficient interpreters and the French officers were -enthusiastic in their praise of the manner in which the regiment fought -in all its battles. - -After the Armistice the 161st Division became a part of the Second -French Army of Occupation. The 369th was given the post of honor as -advance guard in the Triumphal March of November 17, 1918, and led -the Army of Occupation out of the mountains to the plains lying on -the west bank of the Rhine River. Reaching Blodelsheim on the Rhine -on the morning of November 18, it was the first unit of all the -Allied armies to reach the goal toward which so many million men had -struggled through four bloody years. The regiment occupied the towns -of Blodelsheim, Fessenheim, and Balgan, which also included a pontoon -bridge head and a ferry head. Meanwhile the municipal affairs of these -towns were administered by the regimental commander and his troops, who -also guarded the surrounding territory. - -Of this duty the 369th was relieved on December 4, and it moved to -division headquarters near Ensisheim. On the 13th it took part in the -division review, at which time its colors were decorated with the Croix -de Guerre for gallantry in action in the Champagne offensive. The -recommendation for this citation was made by General LeBouc, with the -approval of General Gouraud, Marshal Petain, and General Pershing. The -translation of the citation reads as follows: - - Citation for Croix de Guerre - - 161st Division of Infantry, 8th Army Corps, Fourth Army (Aux Armées - Françaises) - - 369th Regiment of Infantry, United States, under command of Colonel - Hayward, who though injured insisted on leading his regiment in - battle, of Lieutenant Colonel Pickering, admirably cool and brave, - of Major Spencer, grievously wounded, of Major Cobb, killed, and of - Major Little, a true leader of his men, fought with great bravery, - stormed powerful enemy positions energetically defended, captured many - machine-guns, large numbers of prisoners and six cannon, and took, - after heavy fighting, the Town of Sechault. - -One hundred and sixty-seven officers and men received decorations, -including the Congressional Medal of Honor, the Distinguished Service -Cross, the Croix de Guerre, and the Legion of Honor. Where all were -brave it is almost invidious to mention names. Some of the most -noteworthy exploits, however, were those of Henry Johnson, Needham -Roberts, and Sergeant William Butler. The story of the first two -of these men is well known to the American public, as they were the -very first Americans to receive the French Croix de Guerre. Their -achievement in repulsing a German raiding party of more than twenty -men in a hand-to-hand combat served as an incentive to their comrades -and as an example for the whole American Army. Johnson’s feat was -particularly noteworthy. Soon after the beginning of the encounter -Roberts was wounded. Although surrounded by overwhelming numbers, -Johnson continued fighting, first using hand grenades, then his rifle -until that jammed, when he used the butt of it, hitting right and left. -Finally he resorted to his bolo knife as a last means of preventing -the capture of himself and his comrade. Although himself wounded, he -succeeded in killing four of the enemy and in wounding a large number -of the others. In August, while the 369th was in the front lines, and -when raiding parties from both sides went out nightly, on one occasion -the Germans laid down an encaging barrage, after which they enclosed -and captured a raiding party of one officer and four men. Sergeant -William Butler, armed with a Chauchaut rifle, attacked the group with -such effectiveness that he killed four men and wounded the officer, who -was captured and later died, the rest being put to flight. The officer -and four men of the 369th meanwhile made their escape and returned to -their regiment. A captured German report described Sergeant Butler’s -activities as “an enemy group in overwhelming numbers” and stated -that because of the superiority of the rescuing party eight Germans, -including an officer, failed to return. For his heroism on this -occasion Sergeant Butler was decorated by both the French and American -Governments. - -On December 18 the 369th bade a last farewell to its French comrades in -arms and started for Belfort, reaching there on the 20th. It had made -an enviable record, serving longer than any other American unit as an -integral part of a foreign army. In his report of the operations of -the regiment on the western front, Colonel Hayward said: “It had less -training than any American unit before action, as follows: 3 weeks at -Camp Whiteman, New York; 10 days at Camp Wadsworth, South Carolina; -2 weeks with French Army while changing equipment. It had one of -the lowest, if not the lowest percentages of venereal infections or -drunkenness in the A. E. F. It was 191 days in action in front line -trenches, believed to be the longest of any American regiment. It never -lost a trench or a foot of ground and never had one of its number -captured by the enemy.” - -With such a record the 369th turned its steps homeward on January 1, -1919, arriving on the 2nd at Le Mans, where it remained until the 11th. -It then entrained for Brest, reaching there on the 12th. The battalions -sailed on three ships, and the last contingent arrived in New York, -February 12. - -It was a happy day for these war-worn heroes when they saw again the -Statue of Liberty and set foot on American shores. As one battalion -steamed into port, the regiment’s famous band, which had toured -France under the direction of Lieut. James Reese Europe and had -the distinction of being considered the best musical organization -in the American Army, played the “Star Spangled Banner” and the -“Marseillaise”; and it was a sight never to be forgotten to see these -hardy warriors stand at attention while the national airs of two -great allies were being played. As they landed they were applauded by -thousands of their kinsmen and countrymen for their glorious deeds; and -the greatest reception ever given returning heroes was held for the -369th by the City of New York on February 17, when the regiment, led by -its band, marched up Fifth Avenue under the Victory Arch and through -Harlem to the plaudits and cheers of tens of thousands who counted it -a privilege to honor those who had so gloriously upheld the traditions -of their country. At the end of this historic day’s activities, the -regiment entrained at night for Camp Upton for demobilization, which -was completed March 1. The twelve hundred original survivors were -discharged at Camp Upton, while the replacements were sent to the camps -nearest their homes. - - -370TH INFANTRY - -The 370th Infantry Regiment, which was otherwise known as “the old -8th” of Chicago, was one of the federalized National Guard units -that entered the World War with a record of achievement and with a -tradition to uphold. The regiment’s beginning dates back to 1892, when -a small group of men in Illinois banded themselves together for the -purpose of organizing a battalion of Negro soldiers. The first company -was formed with B. G. Johnson as captain, John C. Buckner as first -lieutenant, and John R. Marshall as second lieutenant. Three years -later a battalion was formed with John C. Buckner as major, and soon -afterwards this was admitted to the Illinois State militia as the Ninth -Battalion Infantry National Guard. This organization at the time it was -formed gave Negro men their best opportunity in the country to gain a -knowledge of military tactics, which they found useful when Congress -declared war on Spain April 25, 1898. - -The allotment for Illinois under President McKinley’s call for 175,000 -men was seven regiments of infantry and one of cavalry. When these -eight regiments left for camp and the Ninth Battalion was not called -to the colors, the Negro people felt that they were wilfully being -kept out of the war with Spain. Shortly afterwards, however, John R. -Tanner, who served as governor of the state during the Spanish-American -War, called John R. Marshall to his office and suggested that he -organize a regiment of Negro men, in which case he would be the first -man of his race to bear the military title of Colonel; and the work of -organization accordingly began. - -President McKinley’s second call for 75,000 men on May 25, 1898, gave -Governor Tanner an opportunity to carry out his promise to put the -regiment into service. He ordered it to Springfield, where the work of -recruiting continued until it reached war strength with 1195 men and -76 officers, and on July 23 John R. Marshall was sworn in as Colonel. -While every other Illinois regiment had gone to Cuba and soldiers -from all parts of the country were constantly embarking, the 8th -remained at Camp Tanner in Illinois; and just about the time the Negro -soldiers were getting discouraged over their prospects of taking part -in real war, Governor Tanner visited the camp and in a speech said: -“Even from the doors of the White House have I received letters asking -and advising me not to officer this regiment with colored men, but I -promised to do so, and I have done it. I shall never rest until I see -this regiment, my regiment, on the soil of Cuba battling for the right -and its kinsmen.” - -It was not Spanish shot and shell that sent many Americans to their -graves, but the hot climate of Cuba and its fevers; in some camps the -sick and dying were found in every tent and the dead march was heard at -every mess call. Yet when the men of the 8th were asked to go to Cuba -to relieve the 1st Illinois whose men were dying daily, they readily -said “Let’s go”; and their volunteering under the circumstances was -especially commended by President McKinley. - -On August 14, 1898, the regiment arrived in Cuba and immediately it -attracted attention by its military precision. Some very efficient men -were officers, among them Major Franklin A. Dennison, who served as -judge of claims in Santiago. When the regiment returned on March 17, -1900, and marched down Michigan Avenue, it was given a great ovation -by the citizens of Chicago. Much of its success had been due to the -hard work of Colonel Marshall, who served until January 1, 1914. He was -succeeded by Major Dennison, who took command January 12. During the -next year the state legislature appropriated money for the erection of -a new armory. The corner-stone of this was laid in 1915, and it was the -first building of its kind for Negroes in America. In the course of the -trouble with Mexico the 8th was sent to the border. - -When war was declared against Germany, April 6, 1917, the regiment -was sent to Texas for preparation. It was in Houston during the riots -between the citizens and the soldiers of the 25th Infantry, but its -record for discipline was upheld. For a while after the riots it was -not thought safe for it to remain at Camp Logan, but the soldierly -bearing of its officers and men demonstrated that such fears were -unwarranted; and when the regiment left Texas for Newport News the -citizens of Houston turned out to do it honor. Its arrival at Newport -News, with a Negro colonel who placed Negro military police on the -streets, created something of a sensation. On Washington’s Birthday, -1918, three companies, led by Colonel Dennison and the regimental band, -went to Norfolk to take part in a demonstration to stimulate interest -in the sale of war stamps, and for the first time in the history of -the city Negro troops marched at the head of a procession of several -thousand American soldiers, sailors, and marines. - -The regiment did intensive training at Newport News until it sailed -for France. It arrived in Brest April 22, 1918, spent two days in -the barracks at Pontenazen, and then journeyed for three days to -Grandvillars, a village near the town of Belfort and within three -miles of the Swiss border. Here it received intensive training under -French officers for six weeks. The regiment made excellent progress and -was complimented on numerous occasions. It was supplied with French -equipment, and during the training period and the time spent in quiet -sectors it was attached to four different French divisions. - -At the end of the first training period the regiment marched on June 12 -and 13 to Morvillars, where it entrained for Ligny en Barrois (Meuse). -It then moved near the town of Bar-le-Duc in the department of the -Meuse. Here it was declared fit for active service, and on June 21 -it was placed on the front line in a quiet sector in the St. Mihiel -district for fourteen days. Leaving for the Argonne on July 19, it was -placed in the Verdun sector on the plateau of Gorgia and at Hermont -and Mont des Allieux. At the last named place, on July 24, the first -casualty in action took place when Private Robert M. Lee of machine-gun -company No. 2 was killed. The only other operation except the usual -routine work was the raid of a Stokes mortar platoon, commanded by Lt. -Robert A. Wood, on August 4. This was in the sub-sector of Vauquois. -Three hundred rounds of ammunition were fired, the object being to fill -up the gaps of the artillery barrage. - -On August 15 the 370th was placed at the disposal of General Mangin, -who was commander of the 10th Army and who ordered the regiment in -reserve along the Curcq River. From this position it was taken on -September 15 to the Soissons sector with the 59th Division in the area -of Vauxaillon with the Ailette Canal and Alizy Château as its strong -salients. The Third Battalion, commanded by Colonel Otis B. Duncan, -succeeded in taking the southern boundary of the canal. Four rifle -companies were detached with two French regiments and assisted in -taking Mont des Singes. The fighting was severe. The 370th was usually -in close support, but it also participated in several attacks, in all -of which the objectives were gained. - -For the first time, on September 22, the regiment was given a full -sector extending from L’Écluse to a point 300 meters west of the -crossing of the Pinon Braucourt road. The First Battalion went into a -position on the Oise-Aisne Canal and the Farm Guilliminet, the Second -into a support position at Mont des Tombs and Les Tueries and the -slopes west of Antioche Farm, and the third into reserve at Tincelle -Farm. The headquarters company was stationed at Levilly and the supply -company at Monte Couve. - -In the midst of the relief of the First and Second Battalions on the -front line during the night of September 27, an attack was ordered at -dawn. By the greatest effort the relief was completed and the Second -Battalion, which was ordered to work, began offensive operations. -These lasted three days. During the night, while the relief was being -conducted, there was considerable mixing of units. It was difficult to -maintain liaison and as a result one company advanced too far and a -number of casualties resulted. - -Colonel Duncan, commanding the Third Battalion, was ordered on -September 30 to attack along the canal from Mont des Singes to the -Pinon Braucourt road. The fighting in this section continued until -the evening of October 4 before it was certain that the enemy had -been driven across the canal. During this advance the patrols of -the regiment were out nightly around L’Écluse and along the canal. -The 370th drove the enemy from this triangle several times, but it -was difficult to remain where it was as it was the target of severe -artillery and machine fire from two directions. This attack of the -30th is memorable in the annals of the 370th as it was against the -Hindenburg line and was driving back the famous Prussian Guard, the -flower of Emperor William’s army. On account of the orders’ being -delayed in transmission, the advance started in broad daylight. It was -led by Colonels Roberts and Duncan with other officers close by their -sides. As they passed through a shell-torn ravine, German machine-gun -bullets rained upon them, but they pressed forward, finally engaging -in a hand-to-hand struggle and driving the enemy before them. The fact -that some of the new troops got separated from their units in the -night caused the rumor to be circulated that the regiment as a whole -was demoralized. This was found to be not true, as all the objectives -were gained and the morale of the men in the front line was good at all -times. - -The regiment took part in the general advance of the division on -October 12, pushing back the German line 70 kilometers. In this -advance the cities of Laon and Crépy were captured. The First and -Second Battalions were complimented by the commanding general, the -First for its passage of the strong position in Bois de Mortier -and its successful reaching of its objective, and the Second for a -well conducted march in pursuit of the enemy via Anizyle-Château to -Cessières, which was reached late on the night of the 12th. Here the -division stopped for twelve days, ten of which were spent in cleaning -the town and the last two in supplying the men with much needed -clothing. During these days the First and Second Battalions were in the -St. Gobain forest and the Third at Mauneux Farm. - -After this brief period of rest from fighting, the division went into -the front line again, the First and Second Battalions going in near -Grandliep, with the Third in reserve near Chambrey. There were no -engagements between October 24 and November 3, but on the latter date -a large shell fell and exploded in the midst of Company A at Chautrud -Farm where the men were gathered around the kitchen. Thirty-four were -killed and fifty-two wounded. - -On November 5 the enemy began a general withdrawal with the French -following closely. The three battalions of the 370th continued in -pursuit, alternating in the front line position. Company C of the First -Battalion, Captain James H. Smith commanding, took a German battery -consisting of three field pieces (77 cannon) and two machine-guns, for -which it was proposed for an army citation. The Second Battalion helped -to take Beaume and Aubenton, while the Third had crossed the Belgian -frontier when the Armistice was signed. On November 10 the regiment -celebrated the evacuation of Signy le Petit, a town which had been -occupied for four years by the Germans, who marched out four hours -before the parade through the town with a French soldier carrying the -Stars and Stripes and Color-Sergeant Mark P. Freeman, a Negro, carrying -the Tricolor of France. - -After the Armistice the regiment did road work and fatigue duty, -cleaning up the villages and towns where it was stationed. With the -French the relations were always most cordial; all had been comrades, -working and fighting together for a great cause. In spite of the -difficulties of language, which were often serious, the regiment showed -marked improvement as the operations progressed. It played an important -part in the activity of the division, as its numerical strength was -nearly half of that of the infantry of the whole. During most of the -advance to the Ailette and north of the Hindenburg line, the battalion -operated separately, but for three weeks in front of the Ailette the -regiment functioned as an organization, and it did as much work as any -other regiment in the 59th Division. Valuable and necessary service -was also rendered by 125 men of the regiment’s depot company who were -attached to the divisional artillery, and by 75 who were attached to -the engineers. - -On the day that the armistice was signed General Vincenden commended -the men of the 59th Division for helping to vanquish “the most powerful -instrument of conquest that a nation could forge.” In referring to the -“Black Devils,” he said: “The 370th R. I. U. S. has contributed largely -to the success of the 59th Division and has taken in bitter strife -both cannon and machine-guns. Its units, fired by a noble ardor, go -at times even beyond the objectives given by the higher command; they -have always wished to be in the front lines, for the place of honor is -in the leading rank. They have shown, in the course of our advance, -that they are worthy of being there.” As the officers and men were -leaving the French command, he further thanked and commended them in -General Order No. 4785, which especially complimented the intrepidity -of Colonel Duncan and said to the men in closing: “The blood of your -comrades who fell on the soil of France, mixed with the blood of our -soldiers, renders indissoluble the bonds of affection that unite us. -We have, besides, the pride of having worked together at a magnificent -task, and the pride of bearing on our foreheads the ray of a common -grandeur.” - -Prominent among those to whom these words were addressed and among -those who received citations were Sergeant Charles T. Monroe of the -Headquarters Company of the regiment, Sergeant Mathew Jenkins of -Company F, and First Lieut. William J. Warfield of Company L. Sergeant -Monroe displayed extraordinary heroism in action at Mont-de-Sanges, -September 24, 1918. A private at the time, in the absence of a platoon -commander he took charge of a platoon of Stokes mortars, directing the -work of the men under heavy shell fire. Although the shelling was at -times so intense that the guns were buried, Sergeant Monroe and his -men worked unceasingly in placing them back in action. He himself was -buried by the explosion of a shell, but on being dug out, continued -to direct the work of his men and to inspire them by his fearless -example. Sergeant Jenkins, on September 20, 1918, was in command of a -detachment that was ordered to attack the German line. After rescuing, -under fire, a wounded comrade, he charged with his detachment, took a -fortified tunnel, and, being far in advance of his lines and without -rations and ammunition, held the position for more than thirty-six -hours until relieved, making use of captured guns and ammunition to -repel the attacks made upon him. Lieutenant Warfield’s exploit took -place near Ferme de la Rivière, September 28, 1918. Although separated -with his platoon from the company, he continued to lead a stubborn -resistance against enemy machine-gun nests, successfully capturing a -gun and killing the crew. Although severely wounded, he still continued -to command, refusing relief until his objective was reached. Altogether -the regiment received twenty-one Distinguished Service Crosses, -sixty-eight French Croix de Guerre, and one Distinguished Service Medal. - -The 370th was released from the French command and returned to the -American Army December 12, 1918. After the change it encamped at -Soissons until December 23, then at Le Mans until January 8, 1919, and -then at Brest until February 1, when it sailed for America, arriving -at Camp Upton nine days later. As the men of the 370th turned towards -their native land, they did so with pride in the achievements of their -regiment and with the knowledge that it had lived up to its tradition. -It had served on two fronts and had participated in the Oisne-Aisne -offensive, the last great battle of the war. While patrols had gone -forth both day and night, only one man had been taken prisoner. Because -of such a record, all Chicago turned out on February 17 to do honor -to the “Old 8th.” Offices and stores were closed for the day, bells -and whistles welcomed the heroes home, and at the Coliseum, where -the regiment went after leaving the station, thousands gathered that -they might see the war-scarred and medal-bedecked soldiers and hear -something of their experiences. After this great meeting, there was -in the afternoon a regimental parade down Michigan Avenue in full war -equipment, amid the plaudits of all Chicago. At the close of the parade -the regiment entrained for Camp Grant at Rockford for demobilization. -This was completed March 12, and thus the noble record of the 370th -became history. - - -371ST INFANTRY - -The 371st Infantry Regiment, commanded by Colonel P. L. Miles, was -organized and trained at Camp Jackson, Columbia, S. C. It was composed -mainly of North and South Carolina men and was officered largely by -Southerners. The commanding officer was interested in the welfare of -his men, so also were many of the junior officers; and in spite of some -discouraging circumstances the soldiers were faithful in their work. -Especially had there been strong protest against having Negroes trained -in Columbia; but in the end all such fears proved to be unwarranted, -as the conduct of the men was above reproach. At the end of their -training period citizens from all walks of life gave testimony to the -fact that they had been a credit to their race and to the uniform they -wore, and the Columbia _State_ said that South Carolina was proud -of the regiment and that when the men went to France they would carry -with them the best wishes, the prayers, and the blessing of the best -people of the state. - -Just before the regiment left for overseas, the colored citizens -of Columbia presented it with a flag (March 27, 1918). As the men -marched through the principal street of Columbia in full uniform, they -presented a wonderful spectacle. The transformation that had been -wrought in many of them was almost unbelievable, and mothers, fathers, -wives, and friends came from far to see their kinsmen on parade. After -receiving the flag the regiment returned to camp, but it was soon -on its way to France. William Slovens McNutt, in writing about its -departure from Camp Jackson, said that while he was with some officers -he heard a great shout outside and the thump, thump, thump of marching -soldiers. On looking out he saw a Negro regiment passing in full array. -The whole camp was quiet, and the only sound was that of the marching -and the cracking of the packs. The black men from the cotton-fields -were on their way to France. A big Mississippian standing near swore -growlingly under his breath, gulped, and said: “I’m done talking about -niggers. These boys have been fine soldiers here, and if they ever get -back from France, I’m big enough to lick any man who don’t give ’em a -square deal.” Then a soft, quavery voice somewhere in the ranks began -the hymn, “Will there be any stars in my crown?” Others took it up, -and soon the whole regiment was singing the old church song as the men -tramped their solemn way out of camp to put their bodies to the chance -of war on a foreign field. - -The regiment sailed from Newport News April 9, 1918, arriving at Brest -on the 23rd. For three days the men drilled, worked, and rested before -their next journey to Rembercourt, the training area. One of its first -duties was to clean up Rembercourt, and the soldiers were interested -to find that the French people would not allow them to remove the -cobwebs from the old barns used as billets because of the superstition -that their removal would bring harm to the family. Some companies -were trained at Marats-le-Grand and others at Marats-le-Petit in the -Rembercourt area. Here under French instructors they did intensive -work, learning the French system, and the rapidity with which they -absorbed the new methods gratified both the French and the American -officers. It took the men some time to get used to the French rations, -and Colonel Miles meanwhile forbade the sale of French wines or any -form of intoxicant to the men in his charge. - -The 371st was assigned to the 157th French Division. Its training -period lasted until June 6, when it was ordered to the St. Mihiel -sector to join the 38th Division. While it was proceeding to carry out -the orders and the regimental commander was making reconnaissance -of the sector, the order was rescinded and the regiment was directed -to return to the 13th French Army Corps. It then marched to -Sivry-la-Perche, Bois Bourrus, Vigneville, and Bois de Bethlainville, -where it supported the 68th Division from June 13 to June 22. - -On the nights of June 22 and 23 the headquarters company of the First -Battalion entered the front line of the Avocourt sub-sector, west of -Hill 304, for its first experience in modern warfare. After July 14 -the regiment moved into the Varrieres sub-sector in the same vicinity, -and the Second and Third Battalions were in support. In this sector -the regiment remained until September 14, most of the time with two -battalions in the line and one in support, although for a short time -the entire regiment was in the front line. During these days there was -some nervousness on the part of the troops as they were constantly -expecting an attack; but it did not take them long to become accustomed -to the artillery fire, and their nonchalant attitude won for them the -admiration and the confidence of the French officers. - -The supporting battalion did the night work on the defenses destroyed -by the artillery fire, and its nearness to the front line prevented any -training of the regiment in offensive action. Outpost duty was done, -and at one time the 371st covered as much as five kilometers, which -was its own front and half the front of the 333rd French Infantry at -its left. There were occasional raiding parties and nightly patrols, -and daily there was harassing fire in the sector. Some men were killed -or wounded in these raids, but on the other hand some prisoners were -taken, much to the satisfaction of the French command. - -The 371st, though inexperienced in war, occupied and defended its -sectors, and provided for all means of liaison and supply just as -a French infantry regiment was expected to do. More and more its -discipline improved. On September 14 it was taken from the Verdun -region by trucks to Helitz-l’Évêque, Champagne, for two weeks of -training in offensive action, but on the first day of training new -orders came and the regiment marched to Somme Bionne, Champagne, in -the area of the great offensive which was to start on September 26. On -the night of the 26th the regiment marched from the old French line -at Boyan to Butte de Mesnil. At 12.30 on the 27th it was ordered to -a position in readiness behind the crest line facing north between -Butte de Mesnil and Maison Champagne Ferme. A position astride the -Ripont-Gratevil road was reached before daylight. There was heavy gun -fire and there were six casualties in the course of the march. - -In accordance with operation order No. 20, issued by the 157th -Division, the First Battalion of the 371st Infantry attacked at 6.45 -o’clock on September 28 on a front of 500 meters on the axis Ripont, -Bussy Farm, les Petit Rosières, between the 161st French Division on -the right and the 2nd Moroccan Division on the left. Major Joseph B. -Pate, commanding the First Battalion of the 371st, was ordered to fill -an interval that was reported to have occurred between the 161st and -the 2nd Moroccan Division. On receiving information from the commander -on the right that no gap existed, the First Battalion attacked at the -hour set, but machine-guns held up the advance for a while and caused a -large number of casualties. At daylight it was discovered that the gap -did exist, but defective liaison prevented getting the necessary aid or -artillery support. As a result machine-gun nests had to be taken with -rifle and bayonet at a heavy cost. - -The French and the 371st, advancing on Hill 188, withdrew and marched -to the right flank around the hill, as it was filled with machine-gun -nests. The hill was finally taken by the First Battalion of the -371st with the assistance of a battalion of the 372nd Infantry. This -encounter will always be remembered by the 371st, as it was here that -the regiment lost the greatest number of men. Machine-gun fire swept -the crest of the hill, but even this did not stop the advance. When -night came a position had been reached 400 meters south of Le Pied. - -Personal reconnaissance by the commander of the Second Battalion -determined that Bussy Farm had been evacuated by the enemy. Acting in -accordance with orders from the 157th Division, the Third Battalion of -the 371st occupied this farm at 7 o’clock on the morning of September -29. At 9.15 on the same morning the entire regiment advanced in a -column of battalions on a front of 500 meters’ distance between -the battalions and 500 meters from the 372nd Infantry on the right -and the 333rd French Infantry on the left. The Third Battalion of -the 371st captured the villages of Ardeuil, Montfauxelle, and the -railroad station, yards, and shops just north of Montfauxelle; and -the advance of the regiment halted at these places for the night. -During this advance Company K of the Third Battalion was on the extreme -left near the French unit. Both were subjected to heavy fire from -the hills before them. Captain Chester D. Heywood, who commanded the -company, ordered an attack to clear the hill. This was successful, and -thirty-five prisoners, including three officers, a 77 M. M. cannon -with its ammunition, and a number of machine-guns were captured. On -September 30 the regiment advanced in the same formation as on the -preceding day, with the Third, Second, and First Battalions from front -to rear in the order given. Trières Farm was captured by the Third -Battalion, which was far in advance of the troops on its right and -left. While in this position it was subjected to heavy fire and there -were heavy losses. The Second Battalion was deployed to the right and -met the same opposition. - -On October 1 at 5 o’clock the regiment was relieved of front line duty -and carried to the rear to reorganize. There it remained until October -6. Before entering the great Champagne campaign it had had no training -in offensive operations for battalions, and the signal platoon had had -experience only in a defensive sector. Lack of training on the part -of the signal platoon prevented the regiment from obtaining artillery -assistance even sometimes when it was sorely needed in the advance. -In spite of this handicap the regiment carried the attack forward in -advance of adjacent troops. No French troops led the way for the 371st. -It marched into battle and maintained its approach formation under -heavy fire without faltering. Many officers stayed at their posts even -when wounded, continually encouraging their men; and on the other hand -there were numerous acts of heroism and devotion to duty on the part of -the men. - -During the regiment’s advance it shot down three German aeroplanes -which were flying low and directing the firing. This was a unique -record. Ninety prisoners were taken, and of a total strength of 2384 -the losses of the regiment in the Champagne offensive were as follows: -Officers, killed 4, died of wounds 4, wounded 41, total 49; Enlisted -men, killed 101, died of wounds 6, wounded 866, total 973; Missing 30; -Total 1052. - -Such figures are cold. Let us note some of the concrete deeds that were -afterwards cited for honors. Near Champagne, on September 28, Corporal -Sandy E. Jones was engaged as company clerk and was left behind to care -for the company records. “When he learned that all the company officers -had become casualties, he immediately went forward, and, collecting the -scattered elements of the company, reorganized them under most trying -and difficult conditions.” Private Reuben Burrell, “although painfully -wounded in the knee, refused to be evacuated, stating that if he went -to the rear there would not be enough left for his group to function.” -Privates Ellison Moses and Junius Diggs, after their companies had been -forced to withdraw from advanced positions, “went forward and rescued -wounded soldiers, working persistently until all of them had been -carried to shelter.” Four other men, among them Bruce Stoney, Charlie -Butler, and Willie Boston, “crawled 200 yards ahead of our lines under -violent machine-gun fire and rescued an officer who was lying mortally -wounded in a shell hole.” These are only a few of the individual acts -of heroism. - -After the Champagne offensive the regiment was withdrawn and sent to -a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains, the Bonhomme sub-sector in -Alsace. It remained there from October 16 until after the Armistice, -with the assistance of one battalion of Chasseurs holding over eight -kilometers of front. There were no important operations here and for -the first time the reserve battalions were given intensive training. - -During the service with the French there were always the most cordial -relations. General Goybet had sincere affection for these Negro troops -and took personal pride in what they did. Other generals and the French -soldiers also learned to respect and admire them for their soldierly -qualities and their bravery; and so did the Moroccan division. General -Garnier Duplessis, commander of the 9th Army Corps of France, after -watching the deeds of the 371st and 372nd in the Champagne offensive, -said, “I salute the brave American regiments who have equalled in -intrepidity their French comrades.” Colonel Quillet, who commanded -the regiment in the decisive battle that brought victory, said: “In -sectors they have shown endurance, a vigilance, a spirit of devotion, -and a remarkable discipline. In battle they have taken by storm with -a magnificent animation very strong positions doggedly defended by -the enemy.” On October 11, when the regiment came out of battle, the -commander of the 157th Division wrote Colonel Miles, saying, “Your -troops have been admirable in their attack”; and when the famous -157th “Red Hand Division” was broken up, General Goybet commended -the American Negro soldiers for the part they had taken in the great -struggle as follows: “During seven months we have lived as brothers -in arms, sharing the same works, the same fatigues, the same dangers; -side by side we have participated in the great Champagne battle, which -was crowned with a prodigious victory. The 157th Division will never -forget the irresistible dash, the heroic push of the colored American -troops.... The most formidable defenses, the best organized machine-gun -nests, the most smashing artillery barrage could not stop them. These -élite regiments crossed all of it with a superb disdain of death and, -thanks to their courageous devotion, the Red Hand Division during nine -days of hard struggle always held the lead in the historic advance of -the Fourth Army.” - -For its splendid fighting in the Champagne battles the regiment was -commended by the French high command and the regimental colors were -decorated by Vice-Admiral Moreau in Brest January 27, 1919. The -citation reads as follows: - - - The 371st R. I. U. S. has shown, during its first engagement, the - very best qualities of bravery and audacity which are characteristic - of shock troops. - - Under the command of Colonel Miles, it launched itself with a - superb spirit and admirable disregard of danger at the assault of a - position stubbornly defended by the enemy. It took it by terrible - fighting, under an exceptionally violent machine-gun fire. It then - continued its progression in spite of the fire of enemy artillery - and its cruel losses, making numerous prisoners, securing cannon, - machine-guns and important material. - - PETAIN, - Marshal of France. - - -Thirty-four individual Croix de Guerre for officers and sixty-nine for -enlisted men, one Legion of Honor, and twenty-one Distinguished Service -Crosses were awarded to members of the regiment. The 371st sailed -from Brest February 3, 1919, and arrived at Camp Upton February 11th. -Thence the men were sent to the camps nearest their homes, and most of -them naturally went to Camp Jackson. Amid the plaudits of the city of -Columbia they returned the flag that had been given them, and South -Carolina, that had hesitated to receive and train these black sons of -hers, had the magnanimity to admit that no other organization that -represented the state in the World War had shed as much luster upon it -or brought as much glory to it as the 371st Regiment of Negro soldiers. - - -372ND INFANTRY - -The 372nd Infantry Regiment was organized at Camp Stuart, Newport News, -in January, 1918, of infantry troops from the First Separate Battalion -of Washington, D. C., the Ninth Separate Battalion of Ohio, First -Separate Company I of Maryland, First Separate Company K of Tennessee, -First Separate Company M of Connecticut, and Company L of the 6th -Massachusetts Regiment. These organizations had survived since the -Spanish-American War by reason of the enthusiasm of a few commanders -who had held them together from year to year in spite of handicaps, -until the call to arms in 1917. - -Every one of these units had made an interesting record. The First -Separate Battalion of Washington was the first unit of district -guardsmen to be mobilized for duty on the Mexican Border in 1916. It -served for four months, spending a part of the time at Naco, Ariz., -where it guarded waterworks. On March 29, 1917, just before the United -States entered the war, it was mustered into the Federal service and -called to guard the White House, the Capitol, and other Government -buildings and railroad properties around Washington. The Ninth Ohio -Battalion was composed of companies from Springfield, Cleveland, and -Columbus. It was called to the mobilization center in 1916, but was -not ordered to the border. In July, 1917, when the regiment was called -to service, efforts were made to raise it to war strength, which was -finally reached at Camp Stuart. The First Separate Company of Maryland -was organized in the 80’s by Capt. William R. Spencer, who commanded it -for nearly thirty years. In 1917 it first went to Pittsburgh for guard -duty, but later was sent to Camp McClellan, Anniston, Ala., where it -served at the remount station until it was ordered to France. While at -Camp McClellan it participated in a review of thirty-five thousand men -and was conceded by the reviewers to be the best drilled company in the -line of march. Company K of Tennessee, commanded by Captain Hadley, was -the only National Guard company of Negro men in the South. It trained -at Camp Sevier, Greenville, S. C., before joining the 372nd at Newport -News. Company M of Connecticut was one of the two National Guard -companies in New England composed of Negro men. During the years of its -existence it trained in camp with the Connecticut National Guard, which -as early as 1904 it accompanied to Manassas, Va., for the Bull Run sham -battle. During the maneuvers an unfortunate incident occurred, two -troopers in the unit opposing this company being injured, and it was -withdrawn from further participation in the event. Company L, of the -Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, was the only Negro company attached to a -white regiment in the United States; and William J. Williams, the first -captain, was the first Negro to receive that commission in the United -States Volunteer Army. This company served in the Spanish-American -War, and it was mustered into the Federal service on the day that the -United States declared war on Germany. It was first sent to Fort Smith, -N. H., where it remained until July. Thence it was moved successively -to Framingham, Ayer, the Watertown Arsenal, where it was raised to war -strength, then to Westfield, and thence to Camp Greene, Charlotte, N. -C. In January, 1918, it was ordered to Camp Stuart to join the other -National Guard units preparatory to the formation of the 372nd Regiment -under the command of Colonel Glendie B. Young. While organization was -being completed, the men were given three months of intensive training -in all forms of offensive and defensive tactics. - -On March 30 the regiment sailed for France, arriving at St. Nazaire -on April 13. It was stationed in one of the rest camps outside the -city, details doing stevedore work at Montoir until the 21st, when -the regiment was ordered to the Givry-en-Argonne training area, -where it was billeted at Condé-en-Barrois. Under French officers -intensive instruction was given in the use of hand and rifle grenades, -machine-guns and automatic rifles, trench construction and battle -formations; and during this period the regiment was reorganized in -accordance with the French table of organization and became an integral -part of the 63rd Division of the French Army. - -Leaving Condé-en-Barrois on May 27, the 372nd proceeded to towns in -the Meuse and Vosges Departments, there to await operation orders. -These were received on June 6, the different battalions being assigned -to the sub-sector Argonne (Meuse), which was placed under the command -of Colonel Young. The First Battalion was located at La Noue and Les -Islettes as reserve to the 63rd Division, the Second at Camp Kapp and -Basse Chevrie, and the Third at Courtes Chousses. There were no large -offensive operations in this sector, but patrols from both sides gave -the regiment its first real opportunity to see modern warfare. - -On June 21 the 372nd was transferred from the 63rd to the 35th -French Division, the latter having relieved the 63rd. On June 27 the -commanding officer of the 35th Division ordered the 372nd to relieve -the 123rd French R. I. in the Vauquois Sector (Meuse). This relief, -which was made by the battalions going into the line separately, -continued until July 3, when it was completed. On July 2 the regiment -was again transferred, this time to the 157th “Red Hand” Division. -It was immediately ordered to occupy new positions in support, and -from July 11 to 14 it relieved the 49th French R. I. in sub-sector -Courcelles. The First Battalion on the night of the 11th moved to Bois -de Fenchères, the Second and supply company on the following night to -Camp Demougin at Brabant, and the Third and headquarters company to -Lochères. On July 4, 1918, Colonel Herschel Tupes relieved Colonel -Young in the command of the regiment. - -The 372nd moved into second-line positions on July 18. The First -Battalion was stationed at sub-sector West, the Second at Vigneville, -and the Third at Bois de Bethelainsville. On the 26th the regiment -moved into a sub-sector of Hill 304 in the Verdun region, where it -relieved the 333rd French Regiment. This relief was completed on the -28th, with the First Battalion in the front line left of sub-sector -304, the Second on the right of 304, and the Third in reserve at Camp -Dormandie. The regiment remained in the Verdun region throughout the -month of August. Here it took part in no offensive operations except -active patrol duty; yet the men were under constant bombardment, which -made the line of communication difficult to hold in order. Detachments -took part in two attacks, which were accompanied by artillery operation -put over by the 333rd French Regiment. On both occasions the men of the -372nd were praised for their conduct under fire. Sub-sector 304 was -organized and consolidated for the first time by this regiment. - -While in this sector the Negro officers, many of whom had been with -their units for years, were removed. It was natural that the removal -of those who had helped to organize and promote their organizations -should affect the morale of the regiment for a time, but the men -finally adjusted themselves to the changes and the work of the regiment -proceeded. - -On September 8 the 129th U. S. Infantry relieved the 372nd. The -battalions marched to Bois de Brocourt and Bois de Fouchères, where -they remained until September 12, when orders arrived to leave for -the training area in Brienne le Château. Four days later they were -ordered by train to Vitry-le-François in Haute-Marne, and thence they -proceeded by night marches through Jussacourt, Contault-le-Maupas, -Dommartin-sur-Yevre, and Mes Maigneaux to Hans, ten kilometers west of -Ste. Menehould, where they arrived on September 25. - -In the big offensive the attack which had been scheduled for the Fourth -Army began at 5.25 on the morning of September 26. The mission of the -157th French Division was “to exploit the successes after the initial -breaking through attack had attained the assigned objectives.” The -372nd was ordered to advance at 3 in the afternoon. The headquarters -and headquarters company occupied the north bank of Marson Brook, and -the three battalions were on the south of the brook. On the 27th the -First and Third Battalions marched north to new positions in Ravin -d’Hébaterne, while the Second Battalion was held in reserve for the -157th Division. On the 28th the Second Battalion advanced to Ripont -by Corduroy road. The Third was ordered to attack north of Ripont -Rouvroy road, which it did at 11.30. Stubborn resistance was offered -by the enemy from their entrenchments on Crete-des-Observatoires, but -after hard fighting, which lasted the entire afternoon, this position -was rushed and cleared. The Third Battalion captured in this advance -60 prisoners, one 105-calibre field-gun, two 77-calibre field-guns, -2 anti-tank rifles, and large quantities of material and small arm -ammunition. The Third Battalion continued its advance until night, -reaching the woods south of Bussy Farm, three and a half kilometers -north of Ripont. Its ranks had been greatly depleted in the day’s -operations. - -On September 29 the First Battalion was ordered to attack towards -Moulin, L’Avébrune, and then towards Challerange, but after starting -the attack it was obliged to leave its direction of attack and advance -toward Sechault because of the strong resistance from that direction. -The town was finally captured, the First Battalion of the 372nd -assisting. Because of the casualties suffered by the First and Third -Battalions, they were ordered at nightfall to the woods south of Bussy -Farm, where they were reorganized into one provisional battalion. - -On September 30 the Second Battalion advanced to a plateau 250 meters -south of Bussy Farm and on October 1 to Trières Farm, where it relieved -a battalion of the 371st Infantry. The provisional battalion, commanded -by Major Johnson, advanced three kilometers north of Sechault on the -Sechault-Monthoise road, capturing the town of Ardeuil. On October -3 the advance was held up, pending the capture of Croix de Langley, -west of Monthoise, by the 120th French Division, which was stopped -in its advance. The enemy took advantage of a heavy fog on the 4th -and launched a strong counter-attack, assisted by heavy artillery -preparation. This attack, which developed into a hand-to-hand combat, -was completely repulsed by two battalions of the 333rd French Regiment, -and the Second Battalion of the 372nd, the enemy leaving behind 55 -prisoners and 6 machine-guns. - -The 372nd was relieved on October 6 by a French regiment and moved -southward to the north banks of Marson Brook for the 7th, and on to -Somme Bionne, 12 kilometers west of Ste. Menehould, on the 8th. Its -fighting qualities were put to severe test in the Champagne offensive -from September 26 to October 7. The nature of the attack may be judged -by the losses sustained. Seven officers and 74 enlisted men were killed -and 32 officers and 435 men were wounded. Three of the wounded officers -afterwards died. - -The regiment entrained at Valmy in Champagne on the 11th for Alsace, -arriving at Corcieux in the Department of Vosges the following day. -Here it detrained and marched to St. Leonard, preparatory to entering -the front lines to relieve the 70th French Infantry at Ban-de-Laveline -in sub-sector B on the 15th. It remained in this sector until after -the armistice. On the night of November 7 patrols were sent out from -each battalion to gain contact with the enemy, who were believed to -be retreating. A patrol from the Second Battalion, consisting of an -officer and twenty-three men, advanced two kilometers into territory -occupied by the Germans, who surrounded them. The officer and one -man were killed. All the rest, a number of whom were wounded, were -captured, with the exception of one man, who made his escape and -returned to the battalion. On the last morning of the war another -patrol went 1200 meters into the enemy’s line and captured a soldier -of the 2nd Ersatz Bavarian Regiment. There were no heavy offensives -in sub-sector B, but there was aggressive patrolling, which secured -valuable information from the enemy. On November 17 the regiment was -ordered to Granges, Ammontzev, and Jussarupt in the Vosges, where it -remained until January 1. At Ammontzev, on December 17, 1918, General -Goybet, commander of the 157th French Division, awarded the Croix de -Guerre to those officers and men who had won the coveted prize, and -Colonel Tupes presented to eight men the Distinguished Service Cross. - -The 157th, the “Red Hand Division,” was ordered dissolved on December -20. At the same time the 372nd was returned to the American Army. The -regiment had served with the French since April, 1918. During that -time the relations had been most friendly, the men of the two nations -working together in perfect harmony. The 372nd played an important -part in the operations of its division. Its occupation of sub-sector -Argonne Quest, considered a phase of training, was satisfactorily -conducted. In the Vauquois sub-sector its mission was difficult and -important, namely, the defense of Côtes-de-Foriment, the key to the -Aire Valley, which was threatened by a German offensive. Its fighting -in the Champagne and its capture of Crete-des-Observatoires, the key to -Challerange and Monthois, caused the French Higher Command to say that -its achievements were equal to those of any French unit in its division. - -The regiment entrained for Le Mans on January 1, arriving two days -afterwards. There it remained until the 11th, when it was ordered to -Brest, where it arrived on the 14th. At Brest, on January 24, 1919, the -regimental colors were decorated with the Croix de Guerre with palm by -Vice-Admiral Moreau of the French Navy. The citation said: - - - The 372nd Infantry - - Gave proof during its first engagement of the finest qualities - of bravery and daring exploits, which are the virtues of assaulting - troops. - - Under the orders of Colonel Tupes, dashed with superb gallantry - and admirable scorn of danger, the assault of a position continuously - defended by the enemy, taking it by storm under exceptionally violent - machine-gun fire, continued the progress in spite of the enemy’s - artillery fire and severe fire. Made numerous prisoners, captured - cannons, many machine-guns and important war material. - - (Signed) QUILLET, - Colonel, Commanding 157th L. D. - - -Of individual heroes in the regiment thus cited for gallantry there -were many. Two of the most outstanding were Corporal Clarence R. -Van Alen, of Boston, and Sergeant Clifton Merrimon, of Cambridge, -both of whom were members of the “Old 6th Massachusetts” and both of -whom received the extraordinary triple decoration of the Croix de -Guerre with palm, the Distinguished Service Cross, and the Medaille -Militaire. On the morning of September 28, 1918, when his company was -under a gruelling fire from hidden German machine-gun nests, Corporal -Van Alen, having determined the location of one of these, rushed it -single-handed. He killed four of the operators and brought the other -three as prisoners into the American lines, himself escaping with a -few scratches. Later on the same day, and during the same engagement, -he rushed and captured single-handed a trench mortar battery that was -inflicting severe losses upon the French lines. Corporal (afterwards -Sergeant) Merrimon, near Bussy Farm on September 27, made an attack -with hand grenades on an enemy machine-gun which was causing heavy -losses to his platoon, and succeeded in killing the gunner and putting -the gun out of commission. He then reorganized the remainder of the -platoon, leading his men to their position south of Bussy Farm. -Although gassed himself, he silenced the machine-gun single-handed. -Colonel Tupes himself was decorated with the Croix de Guerre, and -altogether four members of the regiment received the Medaille Militaire -and fifty-two the Croix de Guerre. - -The 372nd sailed for America on February 3, 1919, landing at Hoboken on -Lincoln’s Birthday. Demobilization was completed on March 6. - - * * * * * - -Of such nature was the work and the fighting of the 93rd Division of -the American Army in France, which was composed of Negro soldiers and -whose different regiments were so largely decorated with the Croix de -Guerre with palm. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -HOME-FIRES - - - “Keep the home-fires burning, - While your hearts are yearning; - Though your lads are far away - They dream of home; - There’s a silver lining - Through the dark cloud shining; - Turn the dark cloud inside out - Till the boys come home.” - -To the American returning from France in 1919, the whole country that -had been the scene of the war came back like a panorama or a dream. -The moans of the dying and the devastation of homes and villages -mingled with the treasures of art and the shrines of devotion. Perhaps -he recalled the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, the Palace of Kings -at Fontainebleau, the tombs of Voltaire and Rousseau and Hugo, the -Luxembourg, or the never-to-be-forgotten Promenade at Nice. Roman ruins -and amphitheatres, the parade on Bastille Day, fireworks on the Seine, -nights at the opera, the games at the Pershing Stadium, the endless -coming and going at Brest, even memories of Héloïse and Abelard, all -crowded upon the mind to awaken wonder. But above all, far above all, -came back the France of the Great Soul, of Liberty and Fraternity and -Courage, of the “Marseillaise,”--of Verdun and the deathless word, “Ils -ne passeront pas.” - -It is a country to love, a country worth dying for. Yet few Americans -would prefer even France to their own wonderful land. Memories of those -at home rushed back even on the field of battle; and though he lived in -Mississippi or Montana, to the returning soldier even the harbor of New -York spoke of home. After all there is nothing like the land of one’s -birth and loved ones. “One touch of nature makes the whole world kin.” - -To the Negro soldier who went to France the experience was, as for -every soldier, one ever to be remembered. Some men who in Alabama or -Louisiana had in all their lives hardly been twenty-five miles from -home were suddenly taken thousands of miles away, across the Atlantic, -to decide the fate of empires. Altogether four hundred thousand Negro -men answered their country’s call. Of these a little more than half saw -service abroad, and many never came back. - -Of those who remained at home importance attached to an organization of -which little has been said in these pages, that of the Students’ Army -Training Corps. Units of this were established in twenty representative -educational institutions, and with inspiring ceremony on October 1, -1918, the flower of the young men of the nation, in these and other -colleges, took the oath of loyalty to the flag. Meanwhile black -fathers and mothers invested millions of dollars in Liberty Bonds and -War Savings Stamps and contributed generously to all the numerous -“drives”; and history has not yet told of how much the Negro woman, -working hard in the fields of the South, did to feed her country and -the world while the war was on. - -To the Negro soldier no thought was dearer or more inspiring than -that of these women at home, so largely defenceless; and no hope was -stronger than that the future might be better for them and their -children. Only such feeling explains the tenderness, even the tears, -with which the men in uniform greeted the women of their race who in -one way or another strove to help them. At Camp McClellan one man was -daily growing weaker from pneumonia. One morning a Negro woman who was -a member of the Red Cross brought some flowers to be given to him. A -beautiful rose was selected by the Chaplain who, when giving it to -the soldier, said, “This is the flower that the lady brought you this -morning.” “For me?” asked the man; then, looking at the gift with all -its beautiful suggestion, he said, “Chaplain, I am twenty-three years -old. Do you know that this is the first time anyone ever gave me a -flower?” Overseas it was the same. To one talented young woman who went -to France to try to bring good cheer, and who inspired the men by her -beautiful playing on the piano, a soldier wrote appreciatively: “I just -want to thank you for the way you entertained us soldiers last evening -and say that you really did bring sunshine to us all. To-day it seems -that a burden has been lifted off us, and we wish you could stay in -our camp forever. I feel better than I have felt in the whole eleven -months that I have been overseas. All the soldiers are talking of you -to-day; it has been a year since some of them saw a colored woman. A -friend of mine is from Cincinnati and he joins me in wishing you Good -Luck and Godspeed.” - -Not only through the personal presence of such a worker as this but -in far-reaching and unseen ways the influences of home were brought -to bear upon the men at the front. Sometimes in the darkest night the -great good cheer and the big heart of the Negro shone forth. More than -one man “higher up,” while on patrol in No Man’s Land, was buoyed up -by the simple faith of an untutored Negro lad. “Officer,” said one, in -such a situation, “it is hard, but I’m with you to the end.” On another -night, before they went over the top, six boys were in a dug-out. After -talking things over, one suggested that they say the Lord’s Prayer. -Only one knew it; but while a game of dice was going on in another -corner, the little group knelt and repeated the words, gathering -strength for the attack that was to come before the new day. Hearing -a slight noise toward the close, they turned and saw that a major had -come into the dug-out. “Let’s say it again, boys,” he said, “it gives -me more courage too.” Then they knelt again and the officer joined with -them in the prayer. - -In many ways the war meant the awakening of new impulses. As one -traveled through the South, again and again he noticed a service -flag at the window, sometimes in a cabin forlorn and dilapidated, -sometimes in one neat and in a cluster of trees or surrounded by -cotton. Sometimes there was only one star, but often there were two; -and whenever those stars appeared they meant that the deeper springs -of life were being stirred, and that a people whose horizon had been -limited was beginning to think in terms of the world. If such was -the influence at home, even stronger was that with the men who went -to France. They were thrilled with a new hope. One and all they were -willing to give their very lives if things might be better for those -in the little home in South Carolina or Georgia. They had seen their -glorious Stars and Stripes and they knew that they had not fully -realized its benefits; but now as never before that banner unfurled -meant democracy, and as a beacon light it pointed the way for all -lovers of liberty. Negro men went to war believing that a new day was -dawning for them, and that loyalty to their country’s cause in her hour -of need would be the means of their enjoying in fuller measure the -blessings for which they were fighting. In that faith they were willing -to face shells and gas at Verdun, in Champagne, and in the Argonne, or -wherever duty might lead them. - -When the war closed then, it is unfortunate that the experiences of -thousands of these men had embittered them instead of bringing them -into the freedom for which they had longed. Let us pass over smaller -matters and consider only two of the larger reasons that accounted -for their feeling. It is possible that no group similarly situated -did more to make Armistice Day possible than did the American Negro -soldiers; and we have seen that the record of the 369th Infantry -was such that it was given the honor of leading French troops to the -Rhine. When, however, in Paris, on July 14, 1919--on Bastille Day, -the day of freedom--the Allied generals and their armies participated -in the greatest military demonstration in the history of the world, -the American Negro was not there. Other nations had all the races -that fought under their flags in line. Belgium had her black colonial -troops; England had Indians and Africans with her own sons and her -soldiers from the colonies; and France had her Senegalese, Moroccans, -Algerians, Soudanese, and Madagascans: every race that came to her -defence was in her victorious army on that memorable day. Only America -left her Negro troops behind. The last soldiers in the Victory Parade -passed down the Champs Elysees, and still the hero of the 369th or the -371st had not appeared. He alone in the day of glory was the Disowned, -the Disinherited. - -Then there was “Le Panthéon de la Guerre,” a great painting by “Pierre -Carrier-Belleuse, Auguste François Gorguet, and their associates, who -on the morrow of the victory of the Marne undertook a work for the -glorification of France.” Standing before the painting one beheld -thousands of French heroes, officers of all ranks, and soldiers, -gunners, horsemen, sailors, and aviators--every group that represented -France. Along the right of this great circular painting were seen -the Allied nations, represented by their sovereigns, statesmen, and -military leaders, with representatives of the groups that assisted in -the great struggle. Colonial as well as European soldiers were there. -In the American group President Wilson stood in the center with one of -his peace documents, and on either side were members of the cabinet, -statesmen, military and naval leaders. Every group of Americans was -supposed to be represented, and all were there--soldiers, sailors, -business men, farmers, cowboys, Indians,--all except the Negro, the -Negro soldier, and the stevedore who bore the heavy load. It was not -sufficient to say to the Negro that this was an accidental omission; he -knew better. - -This, then, is the question for Americans. Either these things are true -or they are not. Either they are just or they are not. That they are -true everybody knows. That they are just we leave to the conscience of -our readers. - -Meanwhile let us remember that now as ever the Negro has faith in his -country and in the principles for which it stands. In every crisis he -has been loyal and true. In the World War, in spite of propaganda, -he answered promptly every call. For him, as for others, the draft -was a great Americanizer. It did within a year what decades of quiet -existence would not have done. It carried him far from his home and -showed him other peoples and other customs; and as never before he -realized that he was to do a man’s part for his own country’s welfare. - -As a result of the war also there was co-operation between the races -in communities where previously little or none had existed. The -inter-racial committees that have been organized throughout the South -are the direct outgrowth of efforts to work together in the course of -the war. The welfare organizations moreover introduced for Negro young -men and women such wholesome recreation as had not been enjoyed by them -in large numbers before. Through this work standards developed and a -new appreciation of the place that such recreation should have in the -lives of the youth of the race. - -And in the years to come who will read of the work of the Negro -stevedores without feeling that America owes a great debt to these -men? They had a heavy and sometimes an unpleasant task, but the zeal -with which they worked hastened the peace and saved the lives of -thousands of men. In the 92nd Division also more than 20,000 Negro men -were moulded into a great fighting organization, officered largely by -Negroes for the first time in the history of America; while the record -of the 93rd Division is one to make not only every Negro but also every -American proud. - -Such memories linger in the mind of every man who played his part on -the field of battle, and also of that one who offered himself for -his country but happened not to be called to the front. Forgetting -themselves, but uplifted with hope, they went forth in the spirit of -the Master. Risking life itself, they were willing to die, if need be, -that others might live. They had only sublime faith in their country, -and over all was the divine purpose, “For God and Home and Native Land.” - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - -- Where hyphenation was inconsistent, this has been standardized using -the one more common in this text. Where that was not possible to -discern, the most common hyphenation in use at the time of publication -has been used. - -- Several unconventional spellings for French locations have been left -as per the original, except where otherwise noted. - -- Page 28: “The fact than many” changed to “The fact that many” - -- Page 36: “The Plattsburgh idea of military training was” changed to -“The Plattsburg idea of military training was” - -- Page 42: “manual of physical” changed to “manual or physical” - -- Page 46: “words of farewell and mpressed” changed to “words of -farewell and impressed” - -- Page 46: “a surprisingly efficient organzation” changed to “a -surprisingly efficient organization” - -- Page 60: “not always carried out.”” changed to “not always carried -out.” - -- Page 70: “his own comrades in arms” changed to “his own comrades in -arms.” - -- Page 80: “the first Satuday of each month” changed to “the first -Saturday of each month” - -- Page 89: “was at Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, O.” changed to “was at -Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio.” - -- Page 103: “erected for Negro stevedores” changed to “erected for -Negro stevedores.” - -- Page 114: “The next moring a hundred white and colored soldiers” -changed to “The next morning a hundred white and colored soldiers” - -- Page 116: “Here there was a minstrel troup” changed to “Here there -was a minstrel troupe” - -- Page 124: “the young woman who recieved the yarn” changed to “the -young woman who received the yarn” - -- Page 143: “317th Engineers, The task” changed to “317th Engineers. -The task” - -- Page 168: “positions of Champey, Bouières, La Côte,” changed to -“positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte,” - -- Page 179: “measles, parolitis” changed to “measles, parotitis” - -- Page 188: “by a heavy minewerfer” changed to “by a heavy minenwerfer” - -- Page 197: “northeast of Châlons in the Campagne” changed to -“northeast of Châlons in the Champagne” - -- Page 212: “Vauxaillon with the Arlette Canal” changed to “Vauxaillon -with the Ailette Canal” - -- Page 227: “General Garnier Duplossis” changed to “General Garnier -Duplessis” - -- Page 236: “capturing the town of Ardueil.” changed to “capturing the -town of Ardeuil.” - -- Page 248: “not only ever Negro but also every American proud” changed -to “not only every Negro but also every American proud” - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SIDELIGHTS ON NEGRO -SOLDIERS *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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Williams—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; - text-indent: 1em; -} - -.p0 {text-indent: 0em;} - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.tb {width: 45%; margin-left: 27.5%; margin-right: 27.5%;} -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} -.break {page-break-before: always;} -@media print { hr.chap {display: none; visibility: hidden;} } - -hr.r65 {width: 65%; margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 3em; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} - -div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} -h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} - - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; -} -table.autotable { border-collapse: collapse;} -td.cb { - font-size: 1em; - font-weight: normal; - padding-left: 0px; - padding-top: 0px; - padding-bottom: 0px; - padding-right: 0px; - border-spacing: 0px; -} - -.tdl {text-align: left; padding: 0px;} -.tdr {text-align: right; padding: 5px;} -.mid { -vertical-align: middle; - } - -.blockquot { - margin-left: 5%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - -.quote { - margin-left:15%; -} - -.center {text-align: center;} - -.right {text-align: right;} -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} -.allsmcap {font-variant: small-caps; text-transform:lowercase;} -.space-above -{ - margin-top: 3em; -} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - - </style> - </head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Sidelights on Negro Soldiers, by Charles H. Williams</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Sidelights on Negro Soldiers</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Charles H. Williams</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Contributor: Benjamin Brawley</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 3, 2022 [eBook #67093]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SIDELIGHTS ON NEGRO SOLDIERS ***</div> - -<h1><big>SIDELIGHTS ON NEGRO SOLDIERS</big></h1> - -<p class="center space-above p0">BY</p> - -<p class="center space-above p0"><big>CHARLES H. WILLIAMS</big></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Special Investigator of Conditions among Negro<br /> -Soldiers in the World War</i></p> - -<p class="center p0 space-above"><i>With an Introduction by</i><br /> -<big>BENJAMIN BRAWLEY</big></p> - -<p class="center p0 space-above">BOSTON<br /> -<big>B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY</big><br /> -1923 -</p> - -<hr class="r65 break" /> - -<p class="center p0 space-above"><span class="smcap">Copyright 1923<br /> -By</span> B. J. BRIMMER COMPANY<br /> -First Edition, June, 1923</p> - -<p class="center p0 space-above">PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA</p> - -<p class="center p0 space-above">THE AMBROSE PRESS, <abbr title="Incorporated">INC.</abbr><br /> -Norwood, Massachusetts -</p> - -<hr class="r65 break" /> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Dedicated to the Memory of</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><big>My Mother</big></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>and to</i></p> - -<p class="center p0"><big>My Aunt</big></p> - -<p class="center p0"><i>Mrs. Maria Burnside</i> -</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2> -</div> - - -<p><i>It is the purpose of this book to tell something of the achievement -of the Negro soldier in the World War and to describe the conditions -under which he lived as these were seen by the writer, who for eighteen -months investigated conditions in America and France under the auspices -of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America and of the -Phelps-Stokes Fund, with the recommendation of the Secretary of War -and the Adjutant General of the United States Army. Most of the -information was secured by visits to the soldiers in the camps, by -interviews with thousands of them, and by personal investigation in the -communities adjacent to the camps, as well as by the study of records -and documents. Camp commanders, officers in charge of Negro troops, -representatives of all the welfare organizations, city officials, and -both Negro and white civilians were consulted in the effort to secure -the facts concerning the fighting record, the work, the conduct, and -the treatment of Negro soldiers in the course of the war.</i></p> - -<p><i>I am indebted to the Historical Branch of the War Department for -access to its records on the operations of Negro combatant troops, to -the office of the Adjutant General for special information, and to many -friends for suggestions and help in the preparation of the material; -and it is hoped that the book now offered to the public may in some -small way help the American people better to understand not only the -perplexing situation but also the signal achievement of Negro men -working and fighting in behalf of their country and in defence of the -highest ideals of life.</i></p> - -<p class="right"> -<i>CHARLES H. WILLIAMS.</i></p> -<p class="p0"> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Hampton Institute,</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>December 15, 1922.</i></span><br /> -</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> -</div> - - -<p><i>It gives me great pleasure to write a word of introduction to this -interesting and important book that Mr. Williams has written. The -story of the Negro soldier is one of the romances of American history. -Even in the days of the Revolution and the War of 1812 he played an -honorable part; but it was the Civil War that gave him his first large -opportunity, and at Port Hudson, Fort Wagner, or Fort Pillow he passed -through the baptism of fire, striving that the emancipation of his -people might be guaranteed and the integrity of his country preserved. -We also remember another war, and Santiago and San Juan Hill, and -not only how Negro men went gallantly to the charge but also how the -soldiers in a black regiment faced pestilence and fever that their -white comrades might be saved. Then came Carrizal, strange prelude of -the great conflict to come; and once more, at an unexpected moment, the -soul of the nation was thrilled by the courage of the Tenth Cavalry. -“Theirs not to make reply; theirs but to do and die.” So in the face of -odds they obeyed orders and died beneath the Mexican stars.</i></p> - -<p><i>The recent World War, however, brought to the Negro people of -the United States an interest and an anxiety surpassed only by the -expectant hope in the days of the Civil War. They had come to the -end of an era, and all the incidents and problems of their life in -America were suddenly brought to the testing. Vast forces beyond their -control were changing the destinies of thousands—in migration, in -economic freedom, and even in spiritual outlook; and unhappy events -at East <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Louis and Houston but made the situation more critical. -They were eager to serve, but at once they came face to face with -questions that concerned the very foundations of their citizenship. -Would the men of the race, or would they not, be permitted to train -and serve as officers? If so, would they be dealt with as a distinct -and separate race, as was the case with no other race in the country, -or simply on the basis of physical and mental fitness? Why, moreover, -on the registration card for the draft should the Negro be singled out -for a special corner? To some people such questions may have seemed -unimportant, but to the Negroes themselves they meant nothing less than -life itself, and they followed the fortunes of their sons and their -husbands accordingly.</i></p> - -<p><i>In the recent war then, as in no other, the social as well as the -military phases of the life of the soldier assumed a new importance. -Wherever he went, with whomever he came in contact, in America or in -France—in the life of cantonment cities, in his dealing with his -comrades in arms, in his contact with the people of France—the Negro -in uniform met situations that had definite bearing upon his health, -his conduct, and his morale. Frequently these came to the attention -of the War Department, and sometimes also they received prominence in -the public press. Of such sort were the vexatious discussions that -sometimes arose in the Y. M. C. A. and other welfare organizations, -the reports reflecting on the character of Negro men, and the -complaints not only about the actual operation of the draft but also -about the conditions under which the soldiers, especially those in -stevedore units, sometimes lived and worked. Of distinct service to the -country accordingly was the decision of the Federal Council of Churches -of Christ in America, working in co-operation with the Phelps-Stokes -Fund, to appoint two field secretaries, one to study the situation in -so far as it had to do with Negro churches, and the other to study and -report on every phase of the life of the Negro soldier in camps and -cantonment cities, both in the United States and abroad.</i></p> - -<p><i>For this latter service Mr. Charles H. Williams was chosen. His work -for several years as Physical Director at Hampton Institute had not -only brought him to the very front in his chosen field, but had also -given him special insight into the temperament, the physical prowess, -and the social outlook of Negro men. His special task moreover had not -only the approval but also the co-operation of the Secretary of War -and the Adjutant General of the Army of the United States, and in the -course of his work he spent a total of eighteen months visiting every -place where Negro soldiers were gathered, in both America and France. -His endeavor was as painstaking as his mission was unique.</i></p> - -<p><i>Something of the result of this first-hand study will be found in -the pages that follow. Mr. Williams, it will be observed, has not -undertaken to write a history of Negro soldiers in the war. Instead -he has given us “Sidelights”; and I think the reader will agree with -me that what is more unpretentious than a history is also of more -interest than many a formal work, and valuable by reason of the -authority with which the author speaks. Before one has finished reading -he will probably be impressed with the fact that the work is indeed not -only a consideration of the Negro soldier but also a vital contribution -to the social history of the Negro people in America. It has been -eagerly awaited by those who knew of the unusual opportunity for study -that Mr. Williams had, and now that it is given to the people of the -country I bespeak for it a generous welcome.</i></p> - -<p class="right"> -<i>BENJAMIN BRAWLEY.</i></p> -<p> -<i>Cambridge, January 1, 1923.</i><br /> -</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big>I.</big> -</td> -<td> -<big><a href="#CHAPTER_I"><span class="allsmcap">The Call to the Colors</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -II.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_II"><span class="allsmcap">In Camp</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -III.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_III"><span class="allsmcap">The Negro Officer</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -IV.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_IV"><span class="allsmcap">Hopes and Fears</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -V.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_V"><span class="allsmcap">The Lure of the Uniform</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -VI.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><span class="allsmcap">The “Y” and Other Welfare Organizations</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -VII.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><span class="allsmcap">The Stevedore</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -VIII.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><span class="allsmcap">The Ninety-Second Division</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -IX.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><span class="allsmcap">The Ninety-Third Division</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"><big> -X.</big> -</td> -<td><big><a href="#CHAPTER_X"><span class="allsmcap">Home-Fires</span></a></big><br /> -</td></tr> -</table> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="center" id="CREDENTIALS">CREDENTIALS</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="center">WAR DEPARTMENT <br /> -Washington</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right"> -<i>February 11th, 1919.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><i>To: Officers Commanding Colored Units from<br /> -Over Seas Service</i></p> - -<p><i>From: The Secretary of War.</i></p> - -<p><i>Subject: Interview.</i></p> - - -<p><i>This will introduce to you Charles H. Williams, who desires to -interview both colored officers and men who have seen over seas -service. I desire that every practical facility be afforded Mr. -Williams in carrying out the work.</i></p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Sincerely</i>,</p> -<p class="right"> -[<span class="allsmcap">SIGNED</span>] <i>NEWTON D. BAKER</i>,<br /> -<br /> -<i>Newton D. Baker,<br /> -Secretary of War</i>.<br /><br /> -</p> -</div> -<hr class="r65 space-above" /> - -<p class="center">WAR DEPARTMENT</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">The Adjutant General’s Office</span><br /> -Washington</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right"><i>March 7, 1918.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><i>From: The Adjutant General of the Army.</i></p> - -<p><i>To: The Commanding Generals of all Army Camps and Cantonments.</i></p> - -<p><i>Subject: Social and Religious Conditions in Communities Adjacent to -Camps and Cantonments.</i></p> - - -<p><i>This will introduce to you Mr. C. H. Williams, representing the -Federal Council of Churches and the Phelps-Stokes Fund.</i></p> - -<p><i>Mr. Williams has been appointed to observe social and religious -conditions in communities adjacent to camps and cantonments where -colored troops are stationed.</i></p> - -<p><i>The Secretary of War desires that every practicable facility be -afforded to Mr. Williams in carrying on his work.</i></p> - -<p class="right">[<span class="allsmcap">SIGNED</span>] <i>H. P. McCAIN</i>.<br /> -</p> -</div> - -<hr class="r65" /> - -<p class="center">GENERAL HEADQUARTERS</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">American Expeditionary Forces<br /> Provost Marshal General’s Office</span><br /> -A. P. O. 706</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="right"><i>May 17, 1919.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p> -<i>From: Provost Marshal General, A. E. F.</i><br /> -<i>To: Whom it May Concern.</i><br /> -<i>Subject: Special Travel Permit.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><i>1. Charles H. Williams, Associate Member</i>, <span class="smcap">Army Educational -Commission</span>, <i>Y. M. C. A., holder of Red Worker’s Permit No. -32133, is authorized to travel in</i>:</p> - -<p>(<i>a</i>) <i>Any part of France except Alsace-Lorraine.</i></p> - -<p>(<i>b</i>) <i>Any part of the 3rd Army Area.</i></p> - -<p><i>2. This permit, which is valid until July 17, 1919, will be -returned, upon expiration, to the office of the Provost Marshal -General, A. P. O. 706.</i></p> - -<p class="right"><i>H. H. BANDHOLTZ,<br /> -Provost Marshal General.</i><br /> -<br /> -[<span class="allsmcap">SIGNED</span>] <i>JOHN W. NOBLE</i>,<br /> -<br /> -<i>for</i><br /> -<br /> -<i>By: JAMES T. LOREE,<br /> -Executive Officer.</i><br /><br /> -</p> - -<p>[OFFICIAL SEAL]</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I"><big>CHAPTER I</big><br /><br /> -THE CALL TO THE COLORS</h2> -</div> - - -<p>Little did the American Negro think, as he struggled with his own -problems in the early days of the World War, that he would be called -upon to aid his fellowmen three thousand miles away. He looked with -interest upon the conflict in Europe, his adventurous spirit was -quickened by the accounts of heroism and sacrifice, and he could but -marvel at German efficiency as he watched the great war machine crush -its way through Belgium. As the German armies marched across the fields -of France, however, leaving suffering and sorrow in their wake, the -Negro found his sympathy going out to the French people; and when it -became evident that America also would be drawn into the fighting, like -the other citizens of the country he girded himself for the contest.</p> - -<p>When war was declared on April 6, 1917, the American army numbered -75,000 officers and men, only a nucleus for the stupendous task now on -hand. As the country marshalled its forces the question arose in some -sections as to the use of a tenth part of its man-power. Some alarmists -feared that if the Negro were trained in the science of modern warfare, -not only would there be industrial and agricultural stagnation, -but, even more important, peaceful relations after the war would be -difficult if not indeed impossible. It was true that black men had gone -to the aid of France and England, not as black men but as Frenchmen and -Englishmen, and their names had been written in gold at the Marne and -at Verdun, in Mesopotamia and in Africa. They too had wielded the cold -steel, faced gas and liquid fire, and passed into the jaws of death. -America, however, it was felt by some, had her own special problems and -difficulties, and it was debatable if she could adopt a similar policy. -On the other hand, throughout the country orators and the press alike -proclaimed the patriotism of the Negro and his willingness to shed his -blood for the Stars and Stripes. The heroism and loyalty of the race -were recounted from the Revolution to Carrizal; whatever else might -be said, the Negro’s hand had never been raised against the flag, nor -had treason been found in his breast; and when the call for American -manhood came, it was for all men from twenty-one to thirty-one years of -age, regardless of color.</p> - -<p>During this period there were those among the Negroes themselves who -thought that at last the time had come to demand once for all the full -rights of American citizens. A larger group, however, maintained that -when the country was in danger the first duty of every citizen was to -remove the danger and then to settle domestic problems. A program was -adopted which resulted in the holding of great mass meetings throughout -the country. The young men of the race were urged to enlist in the -army or navy, and this they did with enthusiasm. The rush to the -colors was unprecedented. The American Negro Loyal Legion proposed to -raise 10,000 men in answer to the President’s call for 75,000 men. In -sections where national guard units existed for colored men, these were -the first to raise their units to war strength, as was demonstrated by -the old 15th New York. Often in the registration booths new records of -enlistments were made, so much so that at one time the War Department -issued orders to “take no more colored men.” Boys in their teens and -men beyond the draft age answered the call. Students left school or -college to take up the knapsack and the gun. In the Southern states -there was special eagerness to enlist, and in Florida there were -petitions to the Governor for the privilege of raising “regiments of -colored militia officered by men of the race.”</p> - -<p>In some quarters it was said that Negroes would not register and that -arrests would have to be made. Especially in country districts not -reached by publicity campaigns there was not a thorough understanding -of the requirements. This fact resulted in the arrest of a few men as -slackers, but investigation showed that what seemed to be negligence -was due to ignorance rather than to any definite intention to dodge the -draft. Some who were beyond the age limits registered because they did -not know their exact age, and some other older men believed that they -would be sent to jail if they failed to appear.</p> - -<p>When soon after registration day reports were sent out from Washington -that Negroes would be sent to the various camps, a vigorous protest -was made in some Southern states against placing them in the local -camps, the strongest objection coming from South Carolina. Elsewhere, -however, the opposition did not appear so violent; thus the <i>Atlanta -Constitution</i> took the position that Negro soldiers should be -trained in Camp Gordon along with other soldiers and felt that this -could be done without friction. In Alabama there was an expressed -feeling against “strange Negroes in large numbers,” and throughout -the South it was believed that separate camps would be preferable. -Objections grew less and less, however, as reports of the Negro’s -enthusiasm for the draft came from all parts of the country.</p> - -<p>The Negro went to camp willingly and those who remained gave him up -whole-heartedly, sending him away with feasting and speech-making, -songs and cheers, as well as with prayers and tears. Not only his -kinsmen, but white citizens as well, vied with one another in their -endeavor to do him honor and make him proud that he was going to serve -his country. Sometimes a governor would address the draftees, and, as -was often the case, parades would be led by mayors, chiefs of police, -and city councilmen. Often the stores would close in honor of those -called to the colors, and in one case an entire town turned out to see -its only colored draftee leave for service. At such times the Negro’s -patriotism reached its highest point. Not only those summoned but -every Negro present was filled with intense emotion. Especially was -this demonstrated when the colored contingent from Thomas County, -<abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, assembled prior to movement to Camp Gordon. One farmer who had -not harvested his crop made a final appeal for respite. The exemption -officer called for a volunteer to take his place from the other men who -were certified but not yet called. It is said that there was a stampede -for the place.</p> - -<p>The selective draft was fair in its inception, including all citizens -alike, but unfortunately it did not always operate impartially when -Negroes were involved. In Fulton County, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, the draft board had to -be ordered dismissed for “unwarranted exemptions and discharges.” -Out of 815 white men called by this board 526 were exempted, 44 -per cent on physical grounds. At the same time 202 Negroes were -called and only 6 exempted. The action of this board was by no means -typical, but it illustrates what the Negro draftee sometimes had to -contend with. In the determination of claims there appeared to be no -discrimination, according to the report of the Provost Marshal, yet -those called sometimes told sad stories as they were being led away -to camp. Sometimes it would be the story of a man with a wife and -five children, with ages from seven years to six months, who had been -changed from Class 4 to 1-A. Sometimes Negro men living on their own -farms, with crops growing and livestock to be cared for, were sent -away to camp, while single men working for large planters were put in -Class 4. All told it appears that many Negroes who had sufficient claim -for exemption were drafted and sent away to camp. The figures taken -from General Crowder’s report show that of the 1,078,331 colored men -who registered, 556,917, or 51.65 per cent, were placed in Class 1, -while 521,414 were in the deferred class. Of the 9,562,515 white men -who registered, 3,110,659, or 32.53 per cent, were in Class 1, while -6,451,856 were in deferred classes. The numbers selected for full -military service were 342,247 colored men and 1,916,750 white, or 31.74 -per cent and 26.84 per cent respectively. The report further showed -that 74.60 colored and 69.71 white out of every 100 men called were -physically able to serve the country. Such figures were a revelation.</p> - -<p>Various explanations were offered to account for this discrepancy. -It was noted that voluntary enlistment was not open in the South to -Negroes as to white men; thus it was estimated that 650,000 white men -enlisted in this section and only 4000 colored men. Moreover pleas -or excuses for deferment were not so readily accepted in the case of -Negroes. Some also were regarded as delinquents and brought to camp -as such when they really did not belong in this class. Migration -complicated the situation and cards notifying Negro draftees of their -call were often delayed and occasionally not even sent to them. The -result was that men who had no intention of wrongdoing were sometimes -arrested and treated as deserters. For each such case the local -officer received fifty dollars. This practice became so profitable -that camp authorities found it necessary to intervene to protect the -well-intentioned draftee whom circumstances had unfortunately placed -in the clutches of the law. If everything is considered, the evidence -is conclusive that the Negro’s response to America’s call in the World -War will remain a lasting tribute to his patriotism. He furnished his -quota cheerfully. “The doubts expressed of his Americanism were ill -considered and the fears concerning his loyalty were groundless.”</p> - -<p>Many a Negro, as he left home and loved ones, for the first time -thought of himself as a part of the Government and as sharing equally -with every other citizen in the performance of his duty. Some had heard -wonderful speeches about democracy and the brotherhood of all men, -and each man cherished in his soul the idea of liberty. Each uttered -a silent prayer that if he returned he might share more fully in the -democracy for which he fought. One captain, about to set sail for -France, expressed the hope in the heart of every Negro when he said: “I -am leaving to-day a wife and three children. As great as the sacrifice -is, I shall be satisfied never to see America again, if my wife and -children will share greater opportunities and enjoy more liberty than -I now enjoy”; and not only the men but the women who saw them leave -shared this point of view.</p> - -<p>Thus a loyal, kindly, and patient people went forth to do and to die, -answering every call, and thinking first of their country and their -great love for it in the hour of national peril.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II"><big>CHAPTER II</big><br /><br /> -IN CAMP</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>The late Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, said that two -hundred thousand men out of the first two million composing the -American army could neither write to their mothers and fathers nor -read the letters written to them. Just how many Negro soldiers were -illiterate will probably never be known, but it is certain that tens of -thousands of them could not read or write. The percentage of illiteracy -was highest in the non-combatant units, where education was not -primarily essential and where the first requirement was that the men be -physically fit to do the heavy work necessary. In such organizations it -was not unusual to find that 75 per cent of the men were illiterate. -At one time when an order was given a company that all men who could -neither read nor write should step forward, practically the whole -company advanced. In a machine-gun group of 167 men there were 127 -illiterates; in a class of seventeen of these men four had never heard -of Abraham Lincoln, seven had never heard of Booker T. Washington, and -none had ever heard of Frederick Douglass. Many soldiers had never -heard of Germany, Servia, France, or Russia, or of kaisers and czars. -Hundreds, born and raised in the states from which they were called, -did not know what city was their state capital. Birthdays were given to -many, and sometimes even names were furnished. Thousands were away from -the old plantations for the first time; until called to register, some -did not know that the Great War was raging.</p> - -<p>In striking contrast to these men was another group, those whom -education and experience had fitted for the great undertaking. These -were graduates from representative institutions, they were trained in -the various crafts, arts, and professions, and were neat in appearance, -responsive, and fired with enthusiasm. Great numbers of those of whom -we have been speaking, however, had never attended school a day in -their lives. Naturally they had little or no knowledge of the laws of -health. They did not always understand that clothes were to be changed -at bedtime and sometimes punishment had to be meted out for failure to -take the required number of baths per week. Guards frequently were on -duty at night to see that barrack windows were not closed in the effort -to keep out the treacherous night air.</p> - -<p>The barracks at the different camps to which these men were sent were -usually comfortably built. This was especially true in the national -army cantonments, where they were satisfactorily heated, lighted, and -ventilated, with spacious mess halls, sanitary latrines, and adequate -bathing facilities. Such provisions was not always found where tents -had to be used, though the situation was improved when the tents were -boxed and floored and had stoves and electric lights. It is regrettable -that in the army, when there was a supply of old tents to be used, the -Negro soldiers were generally the recipients. When camps were crowded -and units had to be moved to less desirable quarters, most frequently -it was the Negro units that were moved. In rainy seasons they suffered -from exposure, and influenza made great inroads among them.</p> - -<p>The task of supplying the men with clothes was a stupendous one. -Even honest attempts to get clothing for any group of men did not -always meet with success, and for the Negro soldiers it was at times -exceedingly difficult to secure what was necessary. When there was a -shortage they were the ones to suffer. In Camp McClellan, Anniston, -<abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, late in November they were found wearing little besides a fatigue -suit because winter underwear, “O. D.” suits, overcoats, and shoes had -not yet arrived. When there were second hand, unmatched khaki suits -and second hand hats, these passed to the Negroes. On one occasion at -Camp Sevier, Greenville, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, such clothing arrived in boxes marked -for the “current colored draft.” At Camp Hill, Newport News, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, where -there were several thousand of the suits referred to as the “old Civil -War blue,” it was decided that the Negro soldiers should wear them. -When one of the organizations thus clad marched through the camp it -became the laughing-stock of the rest of the soldiers and the men were -humiliated. In Camp Humphrey, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, through which 40,000 Negro soldiers -passed, not until after the Armistice and until the white soldiers -were discharged did the Negro men have such conveniences as barracks, -comfortable mess halls, and sanitary facilities; and their “Y” tent -was especially leaky. Such conditions in different places easily gave -the Negro people the impression that their sons were being mistreated -and were suffering in the camps, and this accounted for considerable -unrest. In spite of the occasional lack of clothing, however, and -poorly prepared food, those soldiers who survived the test were -discharged from the army more fit physically than when they entered it, -and thus the manhood of the country was made stronger and better.</p> - -<p>The modern American cantonments required the labor of hundreds of -soldiers to keep them up to the requirements set by the inspectors. -Negro soldiers who were stationed in all the camps did their full share -of this work, and their special achievement is described in our chapter -on the Stevedore. The ambition of every man in camp, however, was to be -a real soldier, one who took up his knapsack and marched off to battle. -“I don’t want to stagger under heavy boxes,” said one stevedore, “I -want a gun on my shoulder and the opportunity to go to the front.” -Nearly three-fourths of all the Negro soldiers, however, were in -non-combatant units. In these units very little military training was -given. “Our drilling,” said one soldier, “consisted in marching to and -from work with hoes, shovels, and picks on our shoulders.” In some of -the more liberal camps the men got from thirty minutes to one hour of -drill without guns after the day’s work. Where there was an absence of -genuine military training there was always a lack of soldierly spirit -on the part of both officers and men. Where there was conscientious -effort to train and instruct the men in military science, however, -there was enthusiasm for the work.</p> - -<p>The Negro is able to adjust himself to the life of a soldier with -comparative ease. His happy disposition and responsiveness to sincere, -efficient leadership, his regard for discipline and love for his -uniform, his sense of rhythm and his physical courage, are distinct -military assets. The fact that many officers preferred to command Negro -troops was a splendid tribute to their ability. In one camp where there -were eight commands with Negro soldiers, one hundred and fourteen -officers applied for the posts. With the exception of the 92nd and -93rd Divisions, Negro soldiers were almost entirely commanded by white -officers. In combatant units, and even in non-combatant units where -some military training was given, there were few complaints and the -officers were proud of their men.</p> - -<p>In non-combatant organizations, on the other hand, some of the -commanding officers were disappointed because they had not been placed -with fighting units. They felt detached and humiliated. While as the -usual thing the corporals were colored, the sergeants were generally -white men. Only in rare cases were the non-commissioned officers all -white or all colored. Several reasons were given for placing white -sergeants in these units. It was said that most of the Negroes forming -such organizations had little or no knowledge of military tactics and -that experienced white men were needed to organize them; moreover, -that white officers could get more work out of labor units than could -Negro “non-coms.” It was felt that these men, having come in contact -with Negroes on plantations, public works, and turpentine farms, would -be especially competent to handle them. Unfortunately these officers -were often ignorant and when provoked would curse the men and call them -abusive names. In rare cases they even went so far as to strike the -men. There were also some examples of colored sergeants who belonged to -the “treat ’em rough” group. On the other hand, there was a class of -white non-commissioned officers from the Western and Northern states -who, claiming no previous acquaintance with the Negro, managed by -considerate handling to have excellent morale in their organizations.</p> - -<p>There were various rules in the camps concerning the issuing of passes. -In a few camps Negroes were not required to get passes in order -to leave, provided they returned by a certain hour at night. Most -frequently, however, passes were issued, though with less frequency -than to white soldiers. Sometimes the Negroes were denied the privilege -of visiting the cantonment cities for fear that trouble might arise. -One very effective means of restriction was the establishing of a state -of quarantine.</p> - -<p>Much was said during the war about throwing the arm of protection -about the soldier lest evil should befall him. The Government desired -him to return to his home a cleaner and a better man. In states where -there were no prohibition laws the Government prohibited saloons -within a radius of twenty-five miles from a camp. Federal and city -officials worked to carry out the letter of the law, but their task -was exceedingly difficult. While no open saloons existed in cantonment -cities, there was evidence of almost free access to some kind of -intoxicating liquor. Bootleggers sold their wares for from six to -sixteen dollars a quart, and numerous resorts were close at hand. -Fortunately, while there were cases in which individual soldiers were -arrested for drunkenness, the vigilance of the authorities prevented -the problem from becoming serious in cantonment cities.</p> - -<p>In the army it was not generally felt that gambling or swearing -affected the fighting ability of the soldier. As a result of this -attitude little was done to influence the men in regard to these -evils. Officers occasionally prohibited gambling in their commands, -but generally it flourished. Y. M. C. A. secretaries sometimes called -the sergeants together and instituted campaigns against gambling, and -these did some good, but as long as camp officials were tolerant, -little could be accomplished. “Shooting craps” was a popular form of -recreation, and some officers encouraged this as long as it was played -in the open. Great crowds of men would gather in camp streets or -barracks and “roll” their last dime away. With other things affecting -the moral welfare of the men we shall deal in a later chapter.</p> - -<p>One of the strong objections to placing white and colored soldiers in -the same camps was that there would be race conflicts. This proved not -to be the case, and with few exceptions the relations between the races -in every camp were good. Where the exceptions did occur, they were due -to the policies of officials rather than to the inclinations of the -men themselves. The fact that the war was a common cause made most -soldiers tolerant of the “other fellow,” in spite of their prejudices. -Even in sections where the idea of separation prevailed white and Negro -soldiers often used the same building, played games together, and -attended the same picture shows and entertainments. Occasionally they -played in the same shows and orchestras; they frequently wrote letters -for one another, and had many other points of agreeable contact. -Sometimes, if they were from the same city or town and met in camps -miles away from home, they acted like brothers. One day two such lads -from a town in Louisiana met at Camp Pike, and their joy at meeting was -noticeable to all. Grasping each other’s arm, they walked away from the -crowd and sat down on a nearby hillside, where they spent the happiest -hour they had experienced in camp. This friendly attitude, which made -for harmony, was occasionally looked upon with disfavor by the officers -and even by “Y” secretaries, and measures intended to prevent such -contact sometimes engendered bitterness and frequently caused friction.</p> - -<p>Captain C. Rowan, stationed at Camp Pike, Little Rock, <abbr title="Arkansas">Ark.</abbr>, received -wide publicity when, on March 25, 1918, he disobeyed the order of his -brigade commander, <abbr title="Colonel">Col.</abbr> F. B. Snow, of the 162nd Depot Brigade. This -order called for a review in which Negroes and white soldiers were to -appear in the same formation. Captain Rowan said that the order called -for a formation in which there would be intermingling of the races, -that custom would be violated, and that the discipline and self-respect -of the white soldiers would be affected. He himself, he said, had no -prejudice and was willing to command a Negro organization, but he had -taken his course of action because he felt that it was for the good of -the service. He was dismissed from the service, but during the trial a -delegation from a Southern legislature visited the camp to see if the -races were intermingling, and both white and Negro soldiers, who had -temporarily laid aside race hatred, had it kindled anew within them.</p> - -<p>Just as there were camps where military authority was used to carry out -unjust orders, there were also camps where harmony prevailed because -commanding officers believed in fair play. On one occasion a Texas -regiment arrived at Camp Upton, <abbr title="New York">N. Y.</abbr> On their first night in camp a -group of the soldiers went into a Y. M. C. A. building and saw two -Negro men sitting there writing. Being unaccustomed to such scenes, the -group threw them out of the window. The camp “Y” secretary reported -the matter to the late General Bell, who said he would investigate the -case. There were four thousand Negro soldiers in camp, and as the day -passed there were rumors of an impending clash, and there was some -anxiety on the part of the authorities. Late in the afternoon the -General called all the officers of the Texas regiment to headquarters -and after they had been introduced he said: “Gentlemen, I am the -General of this camp. Something happened here last night that has -never happened before, nor will it ever happen again. If there is any -trouble here you will be held responsible. Your men started the affair. -If there is trouble every one of you will be disgraced and put in the -guard house for the duration of the war. You won’t be tried by a Texas -jury. I shall be both judge and jury. Secretary Baker and the Chief of -Staff, General March, have said that every man in the uniform is the -equal of every other man. They are my superiors and I am yours. I am -soldier enough to obey orders, and you must do likewise.” The Colonel -said, “Yes, sir, I understand,” and the officers left the headquarters -no man uttering a word. After they reached their quarters they called -their regiment together, and peace and order prevailed afterwards in -that camp.</p> - -<p>There were many lesser deeds of this kind which gave hope and -encouragement to Negro soldiers as they served the country, and it -was clearly demonstrated that colored and white soldiers could live, -work, drill, and play together without friction or riots, if only -the square deal was meted to all alike. Naturally the opportunity -of serving together in a great cause and of coming to know a little -better Americans of all groups was responsible for a greater spirit of -tolerance on the part of many thousands of men. A young lieutenant, -born and raised in South Carolina and graduated from the University -of Georgia, said that he really hated Negroes before he was assigned -to the branch of Negro artillery located at Camp Jackson. He was -brought up on a plantation and expected to see in his battery much -lying, stealing, and gambling. When he realized that the men who -had been selected for his branch of the service were physically and -educationally fit and that their conduct was excellent, he frankly said -that his ideas had changed.</p> - -<p>Of special importance was the Negro’s contribution to the joys of -camp life by his religion and song. His religion gave him courage -that enabled him to go forward when the path was dark, and his song -not only made his own burdens lighter but enabled him to bring cheer -and sunshine to thousands of discouraged soldiers. A Negro who on the -parade ground tried to master a drill or who went through a savage -bayonet exercise, at night frequently forgot completely his daily work -as he sang “Ain’t goin’ to study war no more.” From early morning until -taps sounded at night, moreover, one could hear the strains of music in -the “Y” hut. It might be anything from a “blues” played on the piano -with one finger to some classic theme. Sometimes a soldier would begin -playing a familiar song on the piano and the strain would be taken up -until all who were present were singing. On one Sunday three thousand -Negroes from Florida who had just arrived at Camp Devens, <abbr title="Massachusetts">Mass.</abbr>, held a -meeting. A quartet and a soloist rendered several numbers. Then one man -who had a beautiful baritone voice led the three thousand men as they -sang “I need thee every hour.” Most of the men were from farms and -away from their loved ones for the first time in their lives—strangers -in a strange land. As their thoughts were far away the leader began -the refrain of “S’wanee River,” and as they sang of the “old folks at -home” the music rose until the very rafters shook. Tears were in the -eyes of stalwart men that Sunday afternoon, and there was a warmth and -a harmony about it that was unlike anything in the world.</p> - -<p>With all the hardships the experience gained in camp more than repaid -the thousands of Negro soldiers, who had come from all classes and -included the country lad, who had been denied educational advantages, -as well as the college youth. The progress of many men from day to day -was an inspiration. Thousands who on entering camp had a shambling gait -soon displayed a firm step and erect carriage. The blank expression -seen on many faces gave way to one of animation and enthusiasm, not -only for the training but also for the victory of the cause in which -they were enlisted. The crudest material, under efficient guidance, -developed into the capable soldier, all because these men, like -thousands of others, in France as well as in America, were giving their -very lives to the country to which all owed so much.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III"><big>CHAPTER III</big><br /><br /> -THE NEGRO OFFICER</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>The Plattsburg idea of military training was inaugurated in 1915, when -<abbr title="Major General">Maj. Gen.</abbr> Leonard Wood organized a special training camp for civilians. -The purpose of the camp was to offer four weeks of intensive training -under the direct supervision of officers of the United States Army, and -it was intended that this should be of such thoroughness that the men -receiving it would be able to serve as officers in an emergency, as was -afterwards done by a large number of Plattsburg men who served under -General Pershing in the course of the trouble with Mexico.</p> - -<p>Colored men were not given an opportunity to attend the Plattsburg -camps. There was, consequently, no way in which any considerable -number of them could secure the training necessary to enable them, in -an emergency, to serve as officers. In order to meet this exigency, -many Negroes and their friends endeavored to secure the establishment -of a training camp for colored officers, although at first the idea -of a separate camp was not popular. In the winter of 1917, however, -Major General Wood agreed to organize the camp if two hundred -colored men would signify their intention of attending; and in this -period of uncertainty and anxiety, friends of the movement started a -campaign with the hope of creating sufficient interest to warrant the -establishment of the camp.</p> - -<p><abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Joel E. Spingarn, one of the principal officers of the National -Association for the Advancement of Colored People and a true friend of -the Negro, who was the strongest advocate of the training camp, in May, -1917, sent out a circular letter calling for colored men to enter the -volunteer service of the United States Army in order that the number -of men necessary for the establishment of the camp might be secured. -There was strong protest on the part of the Negro press and of many -individuals against a “segregated camp,” the criticisms coming from all -parts of the country. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Spingarn, in reply, gave among other reasons -for the establishment of the camp the following: “The army officials -want the camp to fail. The last thing they want is to help colored -men to become commissioned officers. The camp is intended to fight -segregation, not to encourage it. Colored men in a camp by themselves -would all get a fair chance for promotion. Opposition on the part of -Negroes is helping the South, which does not want the Negroes to have -any kind of military training. If there is a war, there will doubtless -be conscription of all able-bodied men. The choice will be no longer -between volunteering or not volunteering, but between conscription and -rebellion. If conscription comes, will the leaders of the race help -their Southern enemies by preaching treason and rebellion, or will -they face facts right now and prepare themselves to go as leaders -and not as privates?” As the notes passed between the American and -German Governments, people more and more realized that the trend of -events would inevitably lead to war; this realization gave impetus to -the movement, and finally a concerted effort was made to secure the -training camp, even the opponents of the separate camp idea becoming -its supporters.</p> - -<p>With the actual declaration of war with Germany came the imperative -need of this opportunity for Negroes to train as officers, as it was -certain that thousands would be called to the colors. Conferences -were held with the War Department officials, and <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Spingarn -meanwhile worked untiringly. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Stephen M. Newman, president of -Howard University, Washington, D. C., together with a joint committee -of teachers and students and a citizens’ committee composed of -representative Negroes of Washington, also held conferences with -officials and labored in behalf of the camp.</p> - -<p>There was misgiving on the part of many concerning the training of -Negroes as officers. Among the objections made to the establishment of -the camp was that “a separate camp could not be established because all -garrisons and forts were required for white men”; and it was further -said that “Negroes could not make officers, and if trained, Negro -soldiers would not follow them.” Many army men did not believe that the -camp would be a success because they did not feel that the Negro had -the ability to do the required work; and President Newman was even -asked by department officials if he honestly felt that colored people -had the intelligence and the grit to undergo such training as was given -in the preparation camps and come out as capable officers.</p> - -<p>When the War Department was finally convinced that colored men should -at least have the opportunity to attend an officers’ training camp, and -all arrangements were made, news of the authorization of the same was -sent broadcast over the country; and few announcements have ever been -made that were received with more enthusiasm than the special dispatch -which was sent out from Washington on May 19, 1917, by Adjutant General -H. P. McCain to the chiefs of staff of the various departments of the -army:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Training camps for colored citizens will be established at Fort Des -Moines, Iowa, under section 4, National Defense Act, and regulations -prescribed for present training camps, except as modified herein and -after. Total attendance 1250, of whom 250 will be non-commissioned -officers, colored regiments, regular army, to be sent on detached -service status, and 1000 citizens, either enlisted under section -4, National Defense Act, for three months, beginning June 18, with -agreement to accept appointment tendered, or Members of National -Guard, whose status will be as in case of National Guardsmen now -in training camps. Secure ... co-operation of colored citizens of -wide acquaintance and high standing. Training camps will be ready -to receive non-commissioned officers, regular army, June 5, and all -others June 15. Course begins June 18.”</p> -</div> - -<p>Newspapers throughout the country commented on the fact that at last -Negroes would have a real opportunity to serve not only as privates -but as officers. Southern papers, while opposed on general principles -to military training for Negroes, spoke favorably of the plan, always -making clear, however, that Southern traditions must be upheld; thus -the Charleston <i>Post</i> said, “Officers as high as majors may be -turned out, but will positively be used to command only Negroes.” But -as circumstances each day forced our countrymen to change some sacred, -traditional idea, and as the seemingly impossible came into being, as -it were, overnight, then the white citizens of each Southern state -were proud that it had its quota of Negroes “with a college training -or its equivalent” to send; and many Southern men gladly gave letters -of endorsement to representative Negroes who were setting forth upon -their great mission. Then in each of the six departments into which -the United States is divided by the War Department, Negroes presented -themselves for examination. Many traveled hundreds of miles to be -present on the appointed day. Some men, in their eagerness to serve, -appeared before the recruiting officers possessing the physical and age -qualifications, but lacking other preparation; and sometimes friends, -in their desire to reward loyal service, sent butlers and other helpers -for examination, only to have them disappointed. When it became evident -that Negroes would be called in large numbers, as the training of -officers indicated, many objections were made throughout the country -to having Negro soldiers stationed in certain camps. In an interview -<abbr title="Colonel">Col.</abbr> H. T. Ferguson especially assured the anxious citizens of Des -Moines that they would never regret the fact that their city had been -designated for the training of the first contingent of Negro officers -ever commissioned by the United States.</p> - -<p>As June 15 approached and officer candidates were notified of their -acceptance, colored America felt as never before that it was entering -upon a new era and into the larger citizenship to which it had always -aspired. Joy reigned among the army sergeants at the thought not only -of trying for commissions themselves, but also of helping others of -their race to do likewise; and the civilians went forth with the -knowledge that all eyes were on them and that the prayers and hopes of -a race went with them. No knight ever started on a nobler quest than -did these Negro men from all walks of life, and the crowds that went to -the stations to bid them good-by and that watched the trains until they -were out of sight went home with a new feeling of confidence and of -hope.</p> - -<p>On the arrival of the candidates at Des Moines, civilian customs, -thoughts, and habits soon gave way for the iron discipline involved -in making officers. Men who had thought of the camp as the place for -a summer vacation soon were undeceived. Colonel C. C. Ballou and his -staff of officers put them through a daily program beginning at 5.30 -a. m. with reveille and flag-raising and ending with taps at 9.45 p. -m. From 7.30 to 8.30 a. m. there was infantry drill without arms, from -8.30 to 9 manual or physical training, from 9.15 to 10.15 infantry -drill, from 10.45 to 11.45 a practice hike without arms; then dinner; -from 1.30 to 2.30 p. m. musketry arms, from 2.30 to 3 semaphore -signaling, from 3 to 4.30 conferences on care of equipment, and from 7 -to 8 evening study on the organization of the regiment. As progress was -made other work was taken up, including bayonet drill, trench-digging, -manoeuvering, map-making and target practice, and lectures were also -given showing the relation of the camp to the great national army. -It was fully realized that success or failure in the crucial test -carried with it far-reaching results. Colonel Ballou, in speaking to -the men on one occasion, said: “This is a momentous hour, and the -establishment of this camp is an epochal and unprecedented event in -the history of the colored race. Your race will be on trial with you -as its representatives, during the existence of this camp, and to -succeed there will be required of you strong bodies, keen intelligence, -absolute obedience to orders, unflagging industry, exemplary conduct, -and character of the highest order.” With such incentive the men worked -away at the most strenuous business in which they were ever engaged. -And yet there were some good times—recreation in the form of baseball -and other athletic contests and the privilege of visiting in the city -of Des Moines on Saturday and Sunday. The Y. M. C. A. furnished motion -pictures and programs on Saturday and Sunday evenings, and through -its efforts some of the leading speakers of the country appeared. Of -special inspiration in this connection was the presence in camp of one -of the secretaries, the “grand old man,” <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> George W. Cabiniss, who -gave up a lucrative practice in Washington to be with the “boys,” and -who spent himself unstintingly in their behalf.</p> - -<p>Soldiers were often invited to the churches as well as the homes in the -city, and here they occasionally rendered musical programs. By this -means the anxiety of the earlier days of the summer gave way to an -interest and friendship between the citizens and the candidates that -will live for decades. The first event which won general esteem for -the officer candidates was an exhibition drill in the Drake University -stadium, which was followed by musical numbers. Here ten thousand -people gathered and marveled at what their eyes beheld. The last big -event was the program given at White Sparrows, where hundreds of people -were turned away. Here the men sang the old plantation melodies with -the sweetness and plaintiveness possible only to the Negro, and arias -and recitatives from the great oratorios as well. The audience stood -in eagerness until the last note was sung; then as a tribute, at the -close of the concert, <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Medbury said of the candidates, “It is -not enough to say that by their demeanor while among us, their conduct -on the streets, in the theatres and business houses, they have brought -honor to their race; they are, rather, an honor to the race of men.”</p> - -<p>Thus the spirit of the men themselves was the biggest factor in the -success of Fort Des Moines. They began their training knowing that -there were questions in the minds of many, and they spent hours of -toil in the effort to prove that they could make good. The attitude of -each one was to help somebody else. One man might be seen explaining -to a comrade some problem in mathematics, another helping in the study -of topography, and still another with some squad trying to perfect -it in the handling of arms. A precious jewel is not more carefully -guarded than was the good name of the camp. Like a sentinel on duty -each candidate watched lest some untoward act might work harm. One day -an apple orchard belonging to a neighboring farmer was invaded. The -farmer notified Colonel Ballou that some of the soldiers had stolen -his apples. When the men concerned found that the camp was accused, on -their own initiative they reported to headquarters and offered to pay -all damages. The commanding officer, in commenting on the incident, -said, “Something has happened to-day that has made me feel fine and -that is new in my army experience.”</p> - -<p>The candidates were proud of their martial bearing. Their cleanliness -made a favorable impression everywhere they went. Soon after they -went to Des Moines some of the café and restaurant owners thought it -unwise to serve them, and when a number of the men entered a chop suey -“palace,” the Chinese proprietor rushed up to them waving his arms -wildly and shouting, “No servee black men; me lose all bliziness.” When -some other proprietors showed a disposition to act with similar policy, -Colonel George W. Ball of the 1st Iowa Infantry ordered that all men, -regardless of color, must be fed, saying, “This is Government business -and there can be no refusal to serve these men”; and drastic action -was threatened against all restaurant keepers who persisted in drawing -the color line. Naturally Utopian conditions did not always prevail -at the camp and there were many disappointments. Many an ambitious -“rookie” was sent home because of some defect or peculiarity that -prevented his making an officer, and even after some had served the -allotted time it was found that they were not suitable material. In -the process of elimination there were those who thought that they were -unjustly marked, and it is true that at Des Moines only five civilian -captains were made and that there the outcome was just the reverse of -that in the training camps for white men, which was that the men with -the superior training most frequently received the higher commissions. -Because of the policy followed one colonel said that “A great harm was -done not only the colored officer but the colored race as well,” for in -many cases the standard for officers was lowered by the commissioning -as captains of men with a sixth or eighth grade education and as second -lieutenants many college graduates. Through it all, however, there was -hope, because the candidates believed in themselves and others believed -in them, chief among whom was Secretary Baker, who said in one of the -darkest hours, “I am depending on you and the Fort Des Moines colored -officers’ training school. It should not be surpassed by any of the -other camps which are training officers, and the promotions are not to -be limited to lieutenants and captains, but to what you are capable of -making.”</p> - -<p>As the end of the training period drew near an extra month was added. -This action raised doubts, not only in the minds of the candidates -but with the colored people throughout the country. It was a trying -season everywhere, for the extension of time came close upon the riots -at Houston. A general from the War Department came to the camp and -spoke in a most discouraging manner of the future of the candidates. -He questioned the advisability of continuing the camp and raised -doubts as to whether the candidates would ever be commissioned. A few -days after his visit it was announced that all who wanted to leave -might do so. Some of the more faint-hearted left, but most of the men -continued their studies and gained further knowledge of the essentials -of warfare. Gradually the clouds cleared away and those who remained -looked forward to the time when they would be real officers in the Army -of the United States.</p> - -<p>Then came the day of days, October 15, 1917, when 625 colored men were -commissioned in the United States Army. As they came forward to receive -their commissions they were deeply moved, and even the commanding -officer showed visible signs of emotion as he gave to them words of -farewell and impressed upon them the seriousness of the task before -them. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Emmett J. Scott, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, -said to them: “I know you will bear in mind that in a very real sense -you and those who serve with you have in your keeping the good name of -a proud, expectant, and confident people”; and each man went away with -the feeling of responsibility that comes when life is dedicated to a -great cause. Thus a new chapter was begun in the history of the Negro -on this continent and the first skirmish to prove that Negro men could -absorb the training required of officers was won with honors.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>After a brief vacation of fifteen days, the new officers reported to -the various camps and were assigned to their duties. While they had -successfully completed the course of study at Fort Des Moines, the -real test of making officers was still before them. This task was made -more difficult by the assignments to duty which some of them received. -Some were sent to the artillery and engineering corps and given tasks -for which they had had no preparation. Having already absorbed army -discipline, however, they went about their tasks with the hope of -mastering them, though with opinion against them.</p> - -<p>The organization of the 92nd Division, composed entirely of Negroes -drafted into the National Army, made it necessary to train officers and -men in other branches than infantry and cavalry, with which Negroes -had formerly served and for which they had been trained. Therefore -engineer, artillery, and machine-gun regiments were formed along with -the other branches required in the full organization of a division. -While divisions were usually trained in one camp, the regiments of the -92nd were distributed in several groups.</p> - -<p>The engineers were trained at Camp Sherman. Draftees with a knowledge -of the building trades were especially desirable for this branch of -service, and volunteers from well known industrial schools entered -this regiment. Colored infantry officers from Des Moines, captains and -lieutenants, who were without training in engineering, were put in -command. After seven months of training prior to their embarkation for -France, the captains were sent to infantry outfits, being relieved by -white engineer officers. This action on the part of the War Department -affected somewhat the morale of the regiment. After nearly three -months in France the colored lieutenants were also transferred. There -remained, however, five colored officers with the outfit—two tram -officers, two physicians, and a dentist. When these also were not -retained they and the soldiers felt that there was discrimination. -It is true that they were not trained as engineers, but the ultimate -trouble would seem rather to lie in withholding engineer training from -them while they were in the officers’ training school in Des Moines.</p> - -<p>Negro soldiers had long been distinguished in the infantry and cavalry, -but they had never been placed in the artillery branch of service. It -was said that they could not learn the principles of artillery warfare, -and, as for their being officers, it was doubtful if they could measure -up to the requirements. Nevertheless at Camp Dix the 349th and 350th -artillery regiments were formed with colored men, and officers who had -graduated at Des Moines were put in command. Since it had been said -that Negro men could not be trained as artillerymen, it is interesting -that it should be thought that they could make artillery officers -without any training at all. A week before the recruits appeared -at the camp, some classes in artillery subjects were held for the -officers, and during the training of the regiment the officers were -many times taught subjects just the night before they were to teach -them to the men, school being held from one to two hours. Even under -these conditions a surprisingly efficient organization was developed. -After nearly seven months, however, the colored artillery officers -were declared inefficient. It was then decided that they would have to -go to the artillery school at Fort Sill, Okla. Twenty-four men were -sent, these being largely regular army men. Many of the well educated -infantry officers from other regiments applied for the artillery -work, but it was claimed that they could not be spared from their -organizations, and in some cases officers with low rating were sent to -Fort Sill against their desires. Is it surprising that many of these -failed to pass the entrance examination and that about half of them -asked to be returned to Camp Dix after the first week?</p> - -<p>While the artillery school at Fort Sill gave the men every chance, -after the first two weeks the camp began returning the colored officers -to their outfits, until at the end of ten weeks only six remained. -These six were given artillery commissions. During their training -period they had separate barracks and a separate mess, though the camp -commander, Colonel Fleming, demanded that they receive the courtesy due -officers.</p> - -<p>Soon after these graduates returned to Camp Dix, all the colored -officers were ordered to Camp Meade to attend an artillery school. On -their arrival at Meade, orders were issued that they put on enlisted -men’s clothes. The impression among the white officers of the 351st -Artillery, said to be due to verbal orders, was that senior colored -officers would first salute junior white officers and that, as far as -white officers were concerned, the colored officers were considered -officer candidates. They could wear their uniforms on Sunday, if passes -were given them to leave the camp. The War Department was notified of -conditions in the school and in four days the men were again returned -to their outfit just before it sailed for France.</p> - -<p>White officers in the 349th and 350th who had commanded the colored -officers, formed a board to examine them. All were declared -inefficient, even the six graduates from Fort Sill, and were assigned -to the Depot Brigade. The War Department again intervened, and the -six graduates were ordered with their outfits again, and accompanied -them to France. While the remaining officers did not accompany their -regiments to France, they had done some fine work in teaching the men -the use of horses and in putting snap in the drill and in the handling -of the guns. The record made by these regiments, which continued their -training in France, was more than surprising. Accounts of their work -will be given elsewhere.</p> - -<p>The experience of these officers in attempting to do artillery work -without training resulted in many charges and counter-charges with -reference to their fitness for this branch of service. Through the -office of the Assistant to the Secretary of War conferences were held -with department officials in the endeavor to secure for Negro men an -opportunity to train as officers. While there was opposition to the -undertaking, the plan was finally approved and an honest attempt was -made to select Negro men fitted, because of their training, to do work -in artillery schools. Ninety-six were gathered at Camp Meade, some -having been selected from the Signal Corps Engineers and artillery -regiments and some from the camps where infantry regiments of the -92nd Division were stationed. These men remained at Meade for a -month, with two white batteries, after which time they were sent to -Camp Taylor, Ky., where all artillery schools were centralized. The -colored candidates were not expected when they reached the school and -no arrangements had been made for them. The first night they spent -on the outskirts of the camp, and before they finally got settled -they were moved six times, always after spending enough time in one -place to get floors scrubbed, windows washed, and barracks thoroughly -cleaned. The commander of the school spoke to the battery and gave the -impression that it was not wanted. Between the batteries, however, the -relationship was good; the Western men were considerate in sharing -their knowledge with the colored candidates, who made an excellent -impression by their “pep” and snap in drilling and by the aptitude for -artillery work which they showed. Those candidates who remained in -the school until the end were recommended for firing battery, combat -trains, and replacement draft, but at the last the camp commander -decided that only those men recommended for firing batteries should -receive commissions. Thirty-three of the ninety-six men who started out -were graduated. Of the twenty-five hundred graduates of the school, ten -were honor men, and six of these were colored. Eleven more colored men -were graduated in October. The five students in each battery who were -highest at graduation were called out and given diplomas. As the five -Negro men came forward, the white candidates led in the cheering. After -the first graduation, of those men who remained, ten to fifteen were -dropped weekly. The last twelve were transferred to the 814th Pioneer -Infantry as sergeants, and accompanied that organization to England and -France. After much discussion in the War Department, and effort on the -part of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, concessions were -finally made and the thirty-three artillery officers were sent to Camp -Jackson, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, where Negro men were being trained as artillerymen. -Here there was great interest in them, especially on the part of the -Negro population of Columbia. These people stood in admiring groups -as the officers passed and sometimes gave vent to their emotions by -clapping or cheering. Trouble arose, however, chiefly over the matter -of salutes from the other soldiers; riots were feared; and after a week -these officers were sent to Newport News, and then on to France.</p> - -<p>To the aviation school at Fort Sill four colored officers were -sent. The first to arrive was supposed to be white and was treated -accordingly. In the case of the other three, however, who arrived a -few days later, there could be no mistake as to identity. These men -were given a separate table and placed in a separate class, with -a sergeant instructor who observed no military courtesies. Such -treatment continued until the men asked to be returned to their -outfit. Because he was constantly seen in the company of the other -three men, the officer who was the first to arrive had been asked to -move to their table. After the others left, he continued the course, -remaining in camp until two days before graduation. To Fort Sill were -also sent those officers who were to receive instruction in the use -of the machine-gun. It developed that the man in the class who was -most efficient was a Negro. At the end of the course there was squad -competition in the mechanical manipulation of a machine-gun, and the -best of each squad was chosen. Some men objected to being represented -by a Negro, but a major intervened and said, “I don’t give a —— if -the man is black; everybody knows he is the best.” All who watched the -competition marveled at the speed with which this man worked.</p> - -<p>While these new officers were working at their task of training men -to fight, it became certain that replacements would have to be made -after they were in action at the front. Plans were not made on a scale -comparable with the demand, but there was some effort to meet the need. -A small number of men were selected from the various units of the -92nd Division and sent to the third officers’ training schools held -in such camps as Upton, Meade, Sherman, Dodge, Funston, and Travis. -Among the thousands who were receiving training they were almost lost, -but sometimes they won the highest honors. In all these camps, except -at Funston, they attended the same schools as the other candidates -and received the treatment due them. Some were assigned to the 92nd -Division and sailed to France with it, while others were detained to -assist as instructors in the cantonments.</p> - -<p>When the fighting units reached France and were receiving final -training before moving up to the front line trenches, many of the -officers attended various schools. The majority of such men completed -the courses with high standing. One of the schools that proved a -distinct success was a machine-gun school conducted by colored officers -in charge of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> B. A. Mosley, who made out the courses of study. -The object was to make machine-gun officers out of infantry officers, -giving them the principles of machine gunnery. Nearly two hundred -officers and non-commissioned officers were sent from this school, -which was approved by the First Corps and put on the standard of the A. -E. F. schools. Under date August 27, 1918, Major John P. Bubb said of -one of these schools: “In submitting reports of proficiency of captains -of the 92nd Division who have recently been under my instruction, I -request attention to the following facts. Certain captains, namely, -Jones, Saunders, Scott, Stephens, Holland, Hollingsworth, and Granson, -have done very well in their work. They are serious, dignified men of -excellent caliber and are fully able to maintain the positions of trust -and confidence in which they have been placed.... The balance of the -class (all captains) are I believe as good as the average student who -has passed through the school.”</p> - -<p>In the fourth officers’ school, opened on May 15, 1918, at Camp Dodge, -there were 280 Negro candidates, which number was soon increased to -more than 300. These candidates were selected principally from the -units of the 92nd Division, though some came from elsewhere. This -school began under the command of <abbr title="Lieutenant Colonel">Lt. Col.</abbr> William G. Doane, who -was assisted by ten colored men, with Captain M. T. Dean as senior -instructor. For the first time in America, Negro officers in large -numbers were instructing soldiers in the science of modern warfare, -preparing them directly to take their places as officers in the great -National Army. These men served for fifteen days, when a telegram -was sent from the headquarters of the 92nd calling all the officers -to their regiment. Their work, however, had proved a success. The -candidates were all picked men, the school was well organized, and the -officers showed the greatest confidence and faith in each other.</p> - -<p>In the centralization of the officers’ training schools the infantry -candidates were sent to Camp Pike, Little Rock, <abbr title="Arkansas">Ark.</abbr>, while the -machine-gun candidates were sent to Camp Hancock, Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr> Camp -Pike had been spoken of in such a way by many Negro soldiers that -the officer candidates were not enthusiastic about going there, and -certainly this was true of the twenty-four second lieutenants who -were assigned as assistant instructors. Truck drivers sent to meet -them, on finding that they were colored, drove off, claiming that no -provision had been made for Negroes. In the camp they were a source of -wonderment. The instructors were white Southern officers and neither -officers nor men were cordial. As time passed, however, prejudice in -most cases turned to interest.</p> - -<p>To Camp Hancock, Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, selected for the machine-gun school, -fifty-six Negro men were sent. Forty-three of that number were -graduated as second lieutenants. These men had been selected from -various outfits in the 92nd because of the knowledge of mathematics -and of the mechanical manipulation of the machine-gun which they had -acquired in the various camp schools. The presence of a number of -Negro officers in Augusta created a new situation, but both camp and -city rose to the occasion. The commander decreed that every officer -in the camp must receive the courtesy due him, and the leading paper -of Augusta carried editorials that had a wholesome effect on public -opinion. It happened that the thirteenth and last company in the school -was colored. In the drills and in marching to the range, these men were -last according to their number; but in marching in reverse order, as -they did in returning from the range, they became the leaders. Some -white candidates are said to have lost their commissions rather than -drill behind this company. Most of the men, however, co-operated with -the candidates in every way, and taught them map-reading in exchange -for explanation in the mechanism of the gun. The instructors were for -the most part French or British and apparently had little time for race -feeling.</p> - -<p>When the companies were divided into sections for trench-digging, -dug-out practice, construction of shafts, and camouflaged machine-gun -emplacements, the white and the colored men were in the same classes, -and because of this contact both groups learned something of their -comrades and became more liberal in their thoughts. In general the fine -spirit prevailing in the camp was attributed to two things: first, to -the influence of the camp commander, who was himself a Southern man, -and second, to the fact that the new men reached camp just at the -time of the Fourth Liberty Loan drive. The South, as well as the rest -of the country, had really begun to feel the effects of the war, not -only financially but also in the drain on its man-power; and as the -13th company pursued its work with diligence and concentration, always -comparing favorably with others on the drill field, on the range, -and in class work, there was a realization of the fact that, after -all, they were fellow-Americans, slowly making headway; and when at -graduation these Negro men came forward to receive their commissions in -the great Liberty Theatre, where thousands of their comrades were, they -were greeted with deafening applause and every heart and voice and hand -seemed to cheer them on their way.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>In the course of the preceding pages we have more than once touched -upon incidents which not only affected the Negro officer personally but -which also involved his real status in the army. It might now be in -place to consider a little more fully some of the points raised.</p> - -<p>On the arrival of Negro officers at a camp, several questions -immediately arose, as to their eating, their living, and their general -contact with other officers. Sometimes they were not expected and -found that no preparation had been made for them. Fairly typical of -the Southern camps was Camp McClellan, Anniston, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, which showed -something of conditions especially at the beginning. Seven officers -were sent here in September, 1918, and placed in command of the -detention camp. In three weeks the detention camp was broken up and -the soldiers transferred to the depot brigade. The colored officers -were then attached to the 437th Reserve Labor Battalion, where they -were required to do very little work and were soon relieved of all -responsibility. Not all of the problems were confined to the South. In -the North, however, big-hearted generals were usually in command and -they decreed that regular army requirements should prevail.</p> - -<p>One matter that constantly arose was that of the salute. Because of the -conflicting opinions on this subject, <abbr title="General">Gen.</abbr> John B. Castleman, a major -in the Confederate army, was asked for a statement as to his attitude. -In giving his opinion he said: “The discipline of the army must be -maintained, and non-commissioned officers understand little of the -spirit of the army when they refuse to salute a Negro officer. I have -held several commissions in the military service, and I unhesitatingly -say that I would or will, at any time, salute an officer, superior or -inferior, who salutes me, without regard to the color of his skin. The -regulations, the laws, and the fundamentals of courtesy and discipline -upon which these regulations are based prescribe this. We are at war, -and soldiers are under the rules of the American army. We are all under -the flag. We salute the rank, not the individual.” This statement -by General Castleman did much to help conditions at Camp Taylor and -elsewhere. In general the military courtesies accorded Negro officers -depended largely on the stand of the generals commanding the camps. If -they demanded that strict military regulations be followed, trouble was -immediately reduced to a minimum. A notable example was the action of -<abbr title="General">Gen.</abbr> Thomas H. Barry, of Camp Grant, Rockford, Ill., who on the arrival -of the Negro officers and men gave a “family talk” at headquarters in -which he said: “These men have come here on the same duty, actuated by -the same principles, as ourselves. They are entitled to respect because -they soon will be fighting to defend our homes. Colored officers -must be saluted as punctiliously as the white ones. The salute is of -vital importance to the whole fabric of discipline. It is not only a -courtesy, but a recognition of personal relations in the service.”</p> - -<p>From time to time there were unfortunate occurrences which received -much publicity. Such was the case of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Joseph B. Saunders, who -was publicly assaulted at Vicksburg, <abbr title="Mississippi">Miss.</abbr>, because he wore his -uniform home after his period of training at Des Moines; also that -of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Charles A. Tribbett, who was arrested and placed in jail -for riding in a pullman car through the state of Oklahoma. There were -also many instances in camp in which the Negro men themselves largely -solved their problem. When colored officers arrived at Camp Funston, -Kan., not over 10 per cent of the white officers and men saluted them. -They had been told that they were going to have a hard time and set -themselves with resolute purpose to the great task before them. In -a month’s time the raw recruits were marching with heads up, eyes -front, shoulders back, and with every arm swinging in line. As they -marched to and from drill, the generals, colonels, and other officers -as well as the men would stand along the “Golden Belt” and watch the -black host as it passed. “This demonstration,” said one Negro captain, -“changed everything. Now all men salute, and officers always try to -salute first.” As Negro officers grew in numbers and were distributed -throughout the camps, and as accounts of heroic deeds were heralded -from the battlefields, and as it became generally known that Negroes -were responding liberally to the various calls at home, the American -public saw the justice of according recognition or merit where it was -due, and the principle of the salute for Negro officers was settled, -although in practice it was not always carried out.</p> - -<p>Another matter that occasioned considerable feeling was that of -promotions. Many regular army officers served for several years with -junior rank, but always looked forward to the time when they would be -promoted. Their opportunity came during the war. Many junior officers -in the regular army and even civilian officers were promoted several -times in the course of a year. It was natural that colored officers -should also look forward to promotions, which were regarded as a -recognition of work well done.</p> - -<p>According to a memorandum of September 11, 1918, the War Department -established the commands to be occupied by white and colored officers -in the organization of the 92nd Division, and indicated that every -opportunity would be given the Negro men to advance. In practice, -however, there seems to have been some difficulty about carrying out -the ideas therein suggested. The percentage of white officers in the -Division increased from 18 per cent at the beginning, to 42 per cent -on November 30, 1918. Very few recommendations for the promotion of -Negro officers were made and most of these are said to have been -“pigeon-holed” at headquarters. Some recommendations that were filed -in July and August, 1918, were held until after the signing of the -Armistice on November 11, when an A. E. F. order prohibited the -granting of any more commissions. Another factor which prevented -promotions in the 92nd Division was that colored officers from the -369th, 370th, and 372nd, and graduates from officers’ training schools -in France were largely transferred to the 92nd Division. This made -room for the promotion of white officers in the units from which the -Negro officers were transferred, but prevented the promotion of colored -officers in the 92nd.</p> - -<p>Thus most of the Negro officers who served in the National Army were -in the 92nd Division. The creation of this Division with Negro line -officers was regarded by practically all regular army officers as one -of the greatest mistakes ever made by the War Department. From their -viewpoint it was wrong in principle, against all tradition, and could -not possibly be a success. Not believing in the matter in principle, -they did not want to deal with Negro men on such a basis; they did -things to discredit them, even to the extent of spreading propaganda as -to their unfitness for the work. Thus unfortunately the Negro officers -returned home feeling that their commanding officers were not their -friends; nor were matters improved by the effort of some incompetent -men “higher up” who tried to cover their own inefficiency by laying the -blame on the Negroes. The prevailing opinion expressed by the white -officers returning from France was that the Negro soldier up to the -rank of sergeant-major was a success, and they lauded the stevedore and -labor organizations as contributing much to the magnificent service -rendered by the Americans in Europe. The “experiment” of the Negro -officer, they felt, was a different matter. A careful review of all -the adverse points made might place them under four heads, as follows: -First, the racial distinctions recognized in civilian life continued to -be recognized in military life and presented a formidable barrier to -the existence of a genuine feeling of comradeship; second, the colored -officers were lacking in initiative and exhibited a characteristic -tendency to neglect the welfare of their men and to perform their -duties in a perfunctory manner, thus entailing on the part of senior -officers frequent attention to petty details; third, many of the Negro -officers went around with “a chip on their shoulders,” looking for -discrimination and trouble; and fourth, most of the colored officers -were willing to discipline their men but were unwilling themselves to -be disciplined, charging any attempt to discipline them to prejudice.</p> - -<p>These are serious charges. In reply to them first of all it is to be -noted that on the troop ships, even before they got to France, the -Negro officers were treated not according to their military rank but -as on the basis of color. On the “George Washington,” for instance, -which carried the 368th infantry, the tickets for the colored officers -were marked with an X in the upper left hand corner, which enabled the -purser to place them “conveniently.” The tickets for the white officers -were not marked, and they were given first class passage on Deck A in -respect to both dining and state rooms; but the colored officers, from -the rank of captain down, were given second class passage in respect -to staterooms and dining rooms. In traveling in France also the Negro -officers were many times given third class coaches while the white -officers were given first class. Specific cases are given where the -officers were ordered by their commanders to take such passage. In the -hotels and cafés as well constant effort was made for segregation, -and in some cases instructions were given not to accept officers or -soldiers when applications for rooms were made. At the Grand Hotel -in Mayenne, where the division billeting officer was stationed, the -hotel proprietress informed the colored officers, many of whom had -previously stayed in the hotel, that they would have to go elsewhere -for accommodations. On going to the “town major” to see about the new -condition that had developed, the men were told that instructions had -been given to the effect that no more colored officers were to be -allowed in the hotel. Such incidents could be multiplied a hundred -times. While in themselves they are no positive proof of Negro valor, -they explain a situation which certainly has to be taken into account -in an impartial review.</p> - -<p>As to the charges of lack of initiative and the neglect of their -men, the facts gathered from an investigation of conditions among -thousands of soldiers, both in America and France, would rather -indicate that colored officers generally took more interest in their -men than the average white officer, though of course some Negro -officers were inefficient just as were some of other races. The -charges of “neglecting the welfare of their men” were based in most -cases upon the difficulty in securing supplies for colored troops. -This was true not only with colored officers, for it was an accepted -fact that white officers over Negro troops often experienced the -greatest difficulty in getting the necessary supplies for their men. -Negro officers who displayed initiative were frequently reprimanded -for assuming authority, while on the other hand they were condemned -if they waited for instructions; for example, some who completed the -course at the First Corps School in France with credit were censured -for not performing duties that they had been ordered to discontinue -and were told to mind their business when they called attention to -grave military errors, some of which resulted in casualties. Duties -performed satisfactorily as a sergeant for more than ten years could -not be performed by the same man after he became a lieutenant without -the supervision of a battalion commander.</p> - -<p>In general the colored officers found complete co-operation with -commanding officers nearly impossible. They were never taken into -the confidence of their military superiors and were rarely ever -questioned about matters affecting the men. One day a colonel met a -colored captain whom he thought he had seen before. “Haven’t I seen you -somewhere?” he asked. “Yes, sir,” replied the man, “I was with you on -the border; Captain French is my name, sir.” “Oh, I do remember,” said -the colonel, “you are Sergeant French.” “No, sir, I am Captain French.” -“Well,” said the colonel as he walked away, “if I forget and call you -Sergeant, don’t mind.”</p> - -<p>In spite of all the difficulties and criticisms, however, large numbers -of Negro officers were able to command and lead troops for the first -time. In the pages to come there will be noted many instances not only -of courage but also of efficiency, and it is a significant fact that -the majority of these officers returned to the states in the 92nd -Division. This alone is proof that they were <em>fairly</em> efficient, -especially when it is remembered that on the slightest occasion they -were sent before efficiency boards. More than a thousand of these Negro -line officers “saw it through” in France, rendering heroic service -in the World War; and it is pleasant to record that among those who -served with them there were those who were not afraid to give credit -where credit was due.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>One other matter is of importance in this general connection, and -that is the question of the relation of the Negro officer to the -reorganization of the army after the war was over. There are and -probably always will be divers opinions as to the size and training -of the regular army in peace times, as well as to the composition of -the different units. In general, regular army officers felt that the -time had not come in army affairs when it was expedient to include -Negro officers in the plan of reorganization. Such a course was -considered “an injustice to West Point graduates who had served as -second lieutenants and waited their turn for promotion.” The question -was essentially not one of fitness but of tradition, as was shown by -the word of a major who now sleeps in the Argonne and who was asked to -send in the names of the men in his command who should go before an -efficiency board. He commended highly the work of his officers, but -concluded by saying that the whole principle of Negro officers was -wrong and that he recommended that all should be relieved from duty. -Such an attitude took tangible form in the action of members of some -of the examining boards for the regular army. One board discharged more -than half of the officers in the division it was considering. Many who -formerly had good grades were rated below 60, and while the questions -asked were simple enough, all answers were deemed unsatisfactory. In -the medical department similar conditions prevailed. It was natural -that the Negro men should feel that under the circumstances they had -hardly been fairly dealt with; moreover they had to meet the general -prejudice of regular army officers against all civilian officers. One -official said, “The regular army officers looked with disfavor upon -both the National Guard and National Army officers, the National Guard -officers discredited the National Army (90-day) officer, and all three -combined against the Negro officer.” When everything is considered, it -is difficult to reconcile the methods used to eliminate Negro officers -with the spirit of fairness and justice for which the army is renowned, -or with the gentleman’s agreement known to exist among fellow-officers, -and it is to be regretted that some of the adverse opinions expressed -were uttered by men in high positions who will help to determine the -future policy of the War Department.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV"><big>CHAPTER IV</big><br /><br /> -HOPES AND FEARS</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>Propaganda was recognized by all the belligerent nations as a mighty -weapon when effectively used. That great things could be accomplished -by its use was demonstrated when a part of the Russian army surrendered -to the enemy without bloodshed, when the Russian people rose up -against their rulers, and when the German sailors turned against their -commanders. In spite of some suggestions made to him, however, the -Negro in the United States chose the better part, pledging his loyalty -and support to the Government as far as necessary.</p> - -<p>When the selective draft was voted by Congress, there arose cries -against the sending of Negroes to certain sections, and petitions and -delegations went to Washington to prevail with the officials. It was -feared that race friction would lead to riots, and especially that -there would be difficulty between the Negro soldiers and the civilian -population. The Houston riot, occurring in 1917 just before Negro men -were called to the camps, intensified this feeling and caused many -cantonment cities to raise objections to the placing of Negro soldiers -in the camps near them. In South Carolina especially there was strong -protest on the part of prominent citizens, led by the Governor of the -State; and even one of the Negro churches, on the arrival of Negro -soldiers at Camp Jackson, discontinued evening services for fear of -trouble. Yet, although it was thought that this innovation would -bring disaster to the state, from the beginning there was a feeling -of comradeship between the white and the Negro soldiers. In a speech -before the race conference held in Columbia March 13, 1918, the -Governor, who had opposed the coming of the latter, commended them in -the highest manner; and the police department gave testimony to the -fact that the Negro soldiers had been a credit to themselves and to -the uniform they wore. At Camp Shelby, Hattiesburg, <abbr title="Mississippi">Miss.</abbr>, there was -also opposition, but here again the conduct of the soldiers allayed -all fears. At Rockford, <abbr title="Illinois">Ill.</abbr>, where the police force was enlarged in -anticipation of the coming of the Negro men, and where an addition was -built to the jail to accommodate the expected number of offenders, -the chief of police afterwards said that “The Negro soldiers made a -splendid record—much better than was expected; the enlarged jail was -never needed for them.”</p> - -<p>The finest atmosphere surrounding Negro soldiers in America was found -at Camp Upton, <abbr title="New York">N. Y.</abbr> No protest was made by New York people about -training Negroes at the camp, nor was there any propaganda about race -riots or other disasters; and because of this fact the relationship -between the different groups was exceptionally good. The officers -and also the welfare workers were, with rare exceptions, fair and -considerate in their treatment. This example of real Americanism was -due to the generous spirit of the New York people and to the high -stand and impartial attitude taken by the late <abbr title="General">Gen.</abbr> I. Franklin Bell, -commander. In settling all questions of racial relationship he insisted -that all men be given fair and equal treatment. Not only in this -camp, but in every cantonment city, East, West, North, or South, the -officials, including judges and chiefs of police, as well as citizens -from all walks of life, spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of -the Negro soldiers.</p> - -<p>In France there arose two forms of subtle and dangerous propaganda with -which the Negro had to contend. One was disseminated by the Germans -and the other by some of his own comrades in arms. Over the lines the -Germans sent their insidious matter, of which the following is a sample:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p> - -“To the Colored Soldiers of the U. S. Army,</p> -<p class="right">September, 1918, Vosges Mountains. -</p> - -<p>“Hello, boys, what are you doing over there? Fighting the Germans? -Why? Have they ever done you any harm? Of course, some white folks -and the lying English-American papers told you that the Germans ought -to be wiped out for the sake of humanity and democracy. What is -democracy? Personal freedom, all citizens enjoying the same rights -socially and before the law. Do you enjoy the same rights as the -white people do in America, the land of freedom and democracy? Or -aren’t you rather rated over there as second class citizens? Can you -go to a restaurant where white people dine, can you get a seat in a -theatre where white people sit, can you get a pullman seat or berth -in a railroad car, or can you ride in the South in the same street -car with white people? And how about the law? Is lynching and the -most horrible cruelties connected therewith a lawful proceeding in a -democratic country?</p> - -<p>“Now all of this is entirely different in Germany, where they do like -colored people, where they do treat them as gentlemen and not as -second class citizens. They enjoy exactly the same social privileges -as every white man, and quite a number of colored people have mighty -fine positions in Berlin and other big German cities.</p> - -<p>“Why, then, fight the Germans only for the benefit of the Wall Street -robbers to protect the millions they have lent to the English, French, -and Italians? You have been made the tool of the egotistic and -rapacious rich in England and America, and there is nothing in the -whole game for you but broken bones, horrible wounds, broken health -or—death. No satisfaction whatever will you get out of this unjust -war. You have never seen Germany; so you are fools if you allow people -to teach you to hate it. Come over and see for yourself. Let those do -the fighting who make profit out of this war; don’t allow them to use -you as cannon food. To carry the gun in their defense is not an honor -but a shame. Throw it away and come over to the German lines. You will -find friends who will help you along.”</p> -</div> - -<p>Copies of this document fell among the Negro soldiers in the front line -trenches. Every effort was made to keep the men from reading it, but -many secured copies nevertheless. They said to their officers who went -among them to gather up the copies, “We know what they say is true, but -don’t worry; we’re not going over.”</p> - -<p>The other propaganda with which Negro officers and soldiers had to -contend was inaugurated to discredit them in French opinion to the -extent that they would not be accorded social recognition or accepted -as equals. There was organized effort on the part of the American -military authorities to influence French public opinion in this regard. -In its issue for May, 1919, the <i>Crisis</i> published a document -on “Secret information concerning black American troops,” sent out -on August 7, 1918, by the French military mission stationed with the -American Army. The object of this document was to give French officers -commanding black American troops “an exact idea of the position -occupied by Negroes in the United States.” Conclusions were reached as -follows: “We must prevent the rise of any pronounced degree of intimacy -between French officers and black officers”; “We must not commend too -highly the black Americans”; and “Make a point of keeping the native -cantonment population from ‘spoiling’ the Negroes.” This document did -not represent French but American opinion, and when the French ministry -heard of its distribution, copies were collected and burned.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile individuals exerted great effort to influence the French -population in the treatment of Negro soldiers. At times when Negro -troops went to a city which had been occupied by white soldiers, the -people stood off and were afraid, partly because they had not seen -so many Negroes before, but also because of the statements that had -been made. At Bourbonne-les-Bains the people were told that they must -remain indoors, carry guns, and not allow Negroes in their homes. -Among the statements that the French people themselves afterwards -informed the Negroes were made were the following: “Negroes cannot be -treated with common civility”; “They are no good”; “They are rapists”; -“Americans lynch and burn Negroes to keep them in their places”; -and “They are uncivilized and have tails like monkeys.” The spirit -which prompted some men to make the statements given here prompted -others to use their authority to carry out their ideas. There were -“campaigns of ruthlessness,” and many unkind deeds occurred in the -effort to perpetuate “American ideals.” Certainly two-thirds of the -difficulties experienced by the colored soldiers in France were due to -American resentment of the attitude of the French people in receiving -them on equal terms, and especially of the kindly disposition of the -French women. Much of the denial of privileges to Negro soldiers to -visit parts of France was due, directly or indirectly, to the effort -to prevent them from associating with the French people. Thousands -of men within a few hours of Paris were not able to get more than a -twelve-hour pass.</p> - -<p>Facts gathered from personal investigation and interviews in France -indicate that in spite of propaganda Negro officers and soldiers got -along well with the French people. After they were in town a few days -the people would cease to fear them and would ask why such strange -relationships existed between comrades in arms from the same country. -Both officers and men were invited into the homes of the people. -French children were treated with the greatest deference by the -Negro soldiers, and as a result a real brotherhood was established. -The picture that appeared in <i>Life</i>, showing a colored soldier -carrying a bundle for an old French woman met along the way, was -typical and represented what occurred almost daily in France. Many -helped the peasants to harvest their crops or to do any other work -in which they were engaged. They always lent a hand whenever it was -possible.</p> - -<p>During 1918 reports were current in France, especially in American -circles, including the army and welfare organizations, that the -committing of the crime of rape was very common and that Negro officers -as well as privates were guilty. On August 21 a memorandum was issued -from the headquarters of the 92nd Division “to prevent the presence of -colored troops from being a menace to women.” This said in part: “On -account of the increasing frequency of the crime of rape, or attempted -rape, in this Division, drastic preventive measures have become -necessary.... Until further notice, there will be a check of all troops -of the 92nd Division every hour daily between reveille and 11.00 p. m., -with a written record showing how each check was made, by whom, and -the result.... The one-mile limit regulation will be strictly enforced -at all times, and no passes will be issued except to men of known -reliability.” The next day another memorandum was sent out saying that -the commander-in-chief of the American Expeditionary Forces “would send -the 92nd Division back to the United States or break it up into labor -battalions as unfit to bear arms in France, if efforts to prevent rape -were not taken more seriously.” The next day the order for the hourly -check of personnel was annulled, but in the meantime much discussion -had been occasioned.</p> - -<p>As the rumors continued to spread, <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Robert R. Moton was asked by the -President of the United States and the Secretary of War to go to France -and investigate the charges. On reaching France he went immediately to -General Headquarters at Chaumont and from there to the Marbache sector, -where he met General Martin, who was in command of the 92nd Division. -On making inquiry <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Moton was informed by the General that twenty-six -cases of the crime had occurred in the Division up to December 16, -1918, and staff officers who were present substantiated by conversation -the general statements. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Moton then asked the General if he would -mind having one of his aides get the records inasmuch as the reputation -of a race was at stake and as general statements were often misleading. -When the records were brought in and examined only seven cases charged -could be found. Of those charged only two men had been found guilty -and convicted, and one of the two convictions had been turned down by -general headquarters. “In other fighting units,” says <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Moton, “as -well as in Bordeaux, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, and Brest, where many of the service -of supplies troops were located, and at many other places, I made the -same investigations. I interviewed American and French commanding -officers. I talked as well with scores of American and French officers -of lower rank. When the records were taken, as was the case with the -92nd Division, the number of cases charged were few. The opinion at -general headquarters of the American forces was that the crime to which -I have referred was no more prevalent among Negro soldiers than among -white soldiers or any soldiers.”</p> - -<p>The following record of rape in the 92nd Division was given to the -writer by Major A. E. Patterson, judge advocate: “Ten soldiers were -tried for assault with intent to rape. Five of those were <i lang="la">bona -fide</i> efforts to accomplish that crime. The other five were simple -assaults with no evidence to support the charge of assault with intent -to commit rape. Three of the cases were actual rape cases, only one of -which was in the 92nd Division. The other two were in units commanded -by white officers. The other two men convicted, one of whom was hanged, -were in labor battalions in the 92nd Division area, neither of the -three cases of rape occurring in units commanded by colored officers.” -The judge advocate in the headquarters of the service of supplies at -Tours said that “since February, 1919, there had been only one assault -with intent to commit rape in sections 4, 6, 7, and 9, where there -were more than 75,000 Negro soldiers. The rape stories seem not to be -substantiated.” In American camps there were two cases of the crime, -one at Camp Dodge and one at Camp Grant.</p> - -<p>The rape charges against Negro soldiers appear to have been greatly -magnified. They were simply a part of the general propaganda to -discredit Negro men in arms. It is not our intention to give the -impression that there were not a few individuals who were guilty of -the crime. It is a fact, however, that the wild rumors were simply one -more effort to influence the French people in their dealings with Negro -Americans.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V"><big>CHAPTER V</big><br /><br /> -THE LURE OF THE UNIFORM</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>Historians tell us that when, in the fifteenth century, Jeanne d’Arc -led the soldiers of France to victory, no women followed the army. This -was not true of the victorious armies in the World War. Wherever the -soldiers camped, in the North, East, South, or West, in a camp near a -great metropolis or in one far from cities and railroads, in America -or in France, there women were to be found. For the first time also -the War Department made formal provision for the American soldiers to -have the gentle and civilizing influence of women; and barracks and -tented camps were soon followed by hostess houses or other structures, -tastefully furnished and decorated, and presided over by kind-hearted -hostesses.</p> - -<p>When this great plan was conceived, little thought was given at first -to the Negro soldier and to the entertainment of his women folk. For -some time, if they visited camp, they found that no provision was made -to receive them. Sometimes it was a mother who had traveled miles just -to see if Uncle Sam was kind to her only son, or a wife from a distant -state, who arrived discouraged and with depleted funds, only to find -that her husband had just embarked for a distant land; or perhaps a -sweetheart hoped to get a last glance and bid a last farewell.</p> - -<p>There was still another woman who had no such innocent mission and -whose heart went out to every soldier. It was this one who made a -real problem. Little interest was shown in her by camp authorities. -Sometimes she remained in camp streets until as late as eleven o’clock -at night; or she might be seen under the trees, in the groves, or -waiting along the camp roads. At Camp Dodge women were allowed in camp -from early morning until late in the evening, with no restrictions -whatever. Some were the wives of soldiers, but some others came to the -camp for the purpose of forming acquaintances. Occasionally a girl was -seen giving her address to a crowd of soldiers surrounding her. At -Camp Hancock, Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, a quarantine stopped the daily visiting of -women, who were required to register in the “Y” tent, which they soon -practically deserted. In general the commander of a camp made such -regulations as he thought best. On rare occasions women were compelled -to secure passes before entering; but in most cases they could enter -during the day without passes, being governed only by visiting hours, -which were usually from 8 a. m. to 5 p. m.</p> - -<p>As the war progressed, the tendency throughout the country was to -improve conditions in this connection. Even before the spring and -summer of 1918, when some hostess houses were erected for colored -soldiers, there were bright spots where an effort was made to meet the -problem. One of the best systems regulating the visiting of women -found anywhere was at Camp Funston, where a visitors’ day was held the -first Saturday of each month. This rule was strictly enforced and not -even officers could take women into the camp except on this day. On -this occasion, however, the officers and soldiers became the hosts, -entertaining their friends at dinner, after which there were usually -socials and dances. Large numbers of colored women visited Camp Taylor, -Louisville, <abbr title="Kentucky">Ky.</abbr>, and their conduct is said to have been excellent. -The Y. W. C. A. had the use of a small building, conveniently located -on the car track, and here the women were helped to get in touch with -relatives. Where the number of women who visited a camp was small, -the problem of providing facilities was naturally less difficult. -At Camp Devens, <abbr title="Massachusetts">Mass.</abbr>, near which the colored population was small, -women visited the “Y” buildings and also the houses in charge of white -hostesses, if they so desired. The soldiers were permitted to invite -them to dinner in their mess halls. All were expected to leave the camp -by 7.30, and the military police saw that this rule was enforced. In -general where there was a sincere effort on the part of the authorities -and the different agencies to provide for the welfare of colored -women visitors, the problem was reduced to a minimum, and the visits -contributed to the happiness of the soldiers and the morale of the -army, as was the intention from the beginning.</p> - -<p>The problem which grew to be vexing in the camps became far more -difficult to control in the cities; and Government officials familiar -with the popularity of the uniform proceeded immediately to clean up -every city adjacent to the cantonments by abolishing all forms of -legalized vice. Cities thus located were able, with Federal aid, to -introduce in one week reforms that had been desired and worked for, -with no results, for decades. The closing of the districts, however, -did not mean the complete elimination of the evils which existed. It -often meant simply a distributing of the problem to various sections of -the city. New restaurants, hotels, and boarding houses were opened, and -there were usually to be found in them attractive girls who served as -waitresses. Although the café sign was sometimes seen on the windows, -“no meals were ever served nor fire ever seen in the kitchen.” It was -through such places as these that well-intentioned women and girls -sometimes found themselves in the clutches of the law.</p> - -<p>It was in one of the large cantonment cities that a party of four such -women arrived from the far South to see their husbands before they -entrained for parts unknown. The women were not met at the station by -their husbands, as was planned, because they were several hours late -in arriving. They were directed to a hotel just two blocks from the -station, and here they found the parlor and dining room filled with -soldiers and their friends. Among the men in uniform they felt more -at ease, and they asked several soldiers if they knew their husbands. -Finally a young man said that he was in the same company as one of the -men named, and that he would tell him about his wife as soon as he -reached camp, as it was not possible to reach him that night. Tired -from travel and anxiety, the women retired with pleasant thoughts of -meeting their loved ones in the morning. In the very early morning, -however, while the city still slumbered, a knock on the door awoke -them. One sprang to the door, but instead of finding her husband she -was greeted by an officer, who told all four to dress and follow him. -All their tears and explanations did not suffice to move him. With a -score of other women they were carried away to prison. As the turnkey -closed the great iron door some of the number seemed indifferent, but -the hearts of others were seized with fear lest some awful thing should -happen. The next morning the husbands of the four women were reached -and they were released, made wiser by their bitter experience.</p> - -<p>Hotels and boarding houses, however, were only one phase of the -matter. On the city streets, in the dance halls, in the soft drink -parlors, wherever soldiers craved companionship, there the problem of -the girl was to be found. It was most serious in the case of young -girls fourteen to sixteen years of age, who were sometimes seen on the -streets long after midnight, and it is to be remembered that in the -Negro sections of the cities the streets were often dark and conducive -to all forms of evil. Sometimes conditions were winked at by officials -who opposed destroying the old order of things. In one case, after -Government criticism, the local police made indiscriminate arrests in -a pretended effort to clean up. This resulted in lawsuits which halted -the work. Ignorant girls were brought into court, but those in higher -places were seldom arrested. Even when arrests were made, the evidence -revealed often brought a quick release. In one court a woman was -sentenced to a year in prison and fined $1000 for leading girls astray, -but within a few days, through the influence of unseen forces, she was -again enjoying her liberty. A strange leniency also was often found in -Southern courts in the case of colored girls whose conduct had brought -them there; it did not seem to be required or expected that colored -girls should live up to the same standards as white girls. Sometimes -unsympathetic lawyers made sport of them for the amusement of crowded -court rooms. They were not taken behind closed doors for protection, -as were other girls charged with similar offences. Seldom, until near -the end of the war, were there detention homes to which they could -go and find a genuinely helpful guiding hand. Money appropriated by -the Government for the establishment of detention homes in cantonment -cities was seldom used for Negro girls. Instead they were usually -placed in jail, or sent to the prison farm or the “stockade,” the home -of the chain gang. The jails in which they were confined were, with -few exceptions, demoralizing and a disgrace to the cities. The inmates -lived in dirt and disease, sleeping on ragged, greasy mattresses on -concrete floors and eating food prepared in the most unsanitary manner. -In one instance colored girls were placed in a room 20 feet by 10, -with their cots close together. An open toilet was in the back of the -room, which was without windows or any means of ventilation except -an electric fan. In such environment were placed many girls arrested -for the first time. They associated with confirmed criminals and the -living conditions and the treatment which they received made it well -nigh impossible for them to lead a different life after being released. -Sometimes they worked on the city farms, in the jails, or on rock piles -in the jail yards. In one case they were marched through the streets to -and from the work of cleaning the city cemetery.</p> - -<p>Who were these girls who, in their early teens, found themselves in -the clutches of the law? For the most part they were ignorant and -were growing up without the influence of interested parents. Some -could not read or write; frequently they were exploited. It is to be -noted also that this concrete problem was often complicated by other -social or economic forces. In practically every cantonment city orders -were issued to prevent white soldiers from entering undesirable Negro -sections. The enforcement of such orders, however, was difficult -because of the frequent leniency of the guardians of the law. In one -city a prominent member of the Chamber of Commerce said, “The colored -people will probably never get over the effect of the moral lapse due -to the presence of the camp and the soldiers.” He grew eloquent in -describing the depths to which the city had fallen and the difficulty -of getting servants. Those who had formerly helped in some of the old -families were now leading an easier life and wearing on the streets -clothes of the most expensive style. Such a speaker apparently forgot -that the exodus had made great drafts on labor, that many women were -doing work formerly done by men, and that the increased wages had -enabled many men to keep their wives at home.</p> - -<p>Even when the moral situation was dark, however, all was not hopeless. -Sometimes a wise and big-hearted judge gave justice tempered with -mercy. Sometimes women, both colored and white, toiled untiringly in -their effort to save girls from the folly of their ways. The attitude -of the Negro people themselves was most important. Among them there was -often found a strange lack of sympathy and interest. This was sometimes -attributed to the attitude of officials who would not deal with them in -a respectful manner. While this was often the case, there was also a -feeling on the part of many good people that they could not afford to -help such girls. One churchman who was asked for his co-operation said, -“I don’t know whether I can afford to come to the jail,” and another, -“My mind is on heavenly things; I haven’t any time for such work.” -Gradually the situation improved, however, and we shall now consider -some of the forces for moral betterment. One of these, the War Camp -Community Service, will receive extended treatment in our next chapter -in connection with the subject of Welfare Organizations. Just now we -are interested especially in the influences that bore directly upon the -Negro woman or girl who in one way or another was affected by the war.</p> - - -<h3>GIRLS’ PROTECTIVE AGENCY</h3> - -<p>The Girls’ Protective Agency was active in several cantonment cities -where Negro soldiers were stationed. Comparatively few colored -women represented this organization, but those who did labored most -effectively. The worker at Anniston, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, gave her entire time to -colored girls. The Negro women of the city formed a co-operating -committee composed of representatives from every church. The names of -girls who were thought to be careless in their conduct were given to -the one in charge and she visited the girls and their parents. In this -way many were helped. The white workers also sometimes took an active -interest in colored girls, especially those who found their way into -the courts. Where grave problems arose from the intermingling of the -races, every effort was made to relieve the situation for the good of -both.</p> - - -<h3>TRAVELERS’ AID SOCIETY</h3> - -<p>Representatives of the Travelers’ Aid Society often rendered genuine -service to colored women visiting cantonment cities in search of their -friends in the camps. They usually put them in touch with the local Y. -W. C. A. or with representative women who could tell them of reliable -places where they could stay. While some assistants were indifferent, -most of them were impartial and took the same interest in providing -for the Negro women who came to their cities as for the white women. -This was especially true of a worker in Manhattan, Kansas, who labored -earnestly for the colored girls who visited the railroad stations -in order to meet soldiers. According to reports of reliable colored -citizens, she talked to the girls as she would to her own daughters.</p> - - -<h3>Y. W. C. A.—HOSTESS HOUSES</h3> - -<p>The Young Women’s Christian Association established constructive work -in cantonment cities by organizing the best girls into clubs and -patriotic leagues for various kinds of war effort. Such endeavor was -in the field of preventive rather than of constructive work. That at -Louisville is fairly representative of what was done in the cantonment -cities. Here an attractive building was secured and placed in charge -of an executive secretary, who was assisted by a girls’ worker. Clubs -were organized among the employed girls and school girls, and Bible, -cooking, and French classes conducted. Five hundred women and girls -were organized into twenty-six circles, with a captain over each -circle; and an information bureau was conducted for the soldiers.</p> - -<p>Of the various kinds of service rendered by the Y. W. C. A. the -erection of fifteen hostess houses in the various camps was the -greatest achievement and filled one of the greatest needs of the -Negro soldier and his women folk. It is doubtful if any other welfare -work gave more pleasure. Rightly was the hostess house called “a -bit of home in the camps, a place of rest and refreshment for the -women folks belonging to the soldiers, a sheltering chaperonage for -too-enthusiastic girls, a dainty supplement to the stern fare of the -camp life of the soldiers, a clearing house for the social activities -which included the men in the camps and their women visitors.”</p> - -<p>While the need was always great, the development of hostess houses -for Negro soldiers and women was very slow. Camp commanders often -failed to see the need of such an addition, and the uncertainty of -Negro soldiers’ definitely remaining a part of camp organizations was -usually given as the reason for delay. At length, however, through the -untiring efforts of Miss Eva D. Bowles, leader of Y. W. C. A. work for -Negro girls, her co-workers, and the War Work Council of the Y. W. -C. A., these buildings came into being. The work was started at Camp -Upton, <abbr title="New York">N. Y.</abbr>, where barracks were used as temporary quarters. Later -the first hostess house for Negro workers was erected in this camp. -It was well located, attractively finished, and splendidly equipped. -Five efficient secretaries were employed. Every evening the house was -crowded. The soldiers were served at the cafeteria, or they read, -wrote letters, sang, played, or mingled with their comrades. For -some of the men it was the most wholesome environment they had ever -enjoyed. The second hostess house was erected at Camp Dix, <abbr title="New Jersey">N. J.</abbr> It -was a spacious building, beautifully furnished and arranged, and the -New Jersey Federated Clubs of Colored Women spent $1200 in helping to -furnish the building. The third was at Camp Funston. Late in the spring -of 1918 barracks were used here, but in the course of the summer a -hostess house was completed just outside the camp and three secretaries -were employed. Perhaps the largest and most attractive house was at -Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio. When it was opened the sergeants in the -various companies of Negro soldiers entertained their men in it in -order to make them interested. At the suggestion of the hostesses a -Christmas tree was secured by the Y. M. C. A. secretary and a Negro -officer, and put up for the men by the co-operation of the fire and -electrical departments in the camp. The need was greatest in the -Southern camps because these were visited by hundreds of Negro women -daily. By the fall of 1918 houses were at both Camp Gordon and Camp -Jackson. The building at Gordon was situated just beyond the street -car station outside the camp. The one at Jackson was well located in -relation to the headquarters group of buildings. Both had unusually -large porches. At Camp Jackson the settees used in the yard were built -by soldiers. Two of the last houses opened for Negro men were at Camp -Meade, <abbr title="Maryland">Md.</abbr>, and Camp Alexander, Newport News, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr> Returning soldiers -held their farewell socials in these buildings.</p> - -<p>In every camp the soldiers showed a fine spirit in visiting the -hostess houses, especially in regard to conduct. They looked upon the -secretaries as their friends and ofttimes went to them with their -troubles. In turn those in charge not only served the women visitors, -but brought comfort and cheer to many a heartsick soldier, and they -gave many a commanding officer and welfare worker a new conception of -the ability and worth of Negro womanhood. In one case the executive -secretary was known throughout the camp as “Mother,” because of her -understanding heart and her large appreciation of the problems of the -men.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Negroes were highly commended for their loyalty in aiding the -Government and for their willingness to co-operate with all welfare -agencies during the war. There were, however, some workers who, though -they rendered great service, did not always receive the plaudits of -the crowd because they worked more humbly and did not always have the -backing of a great organization. Among these were those women who went -out into the highways and byways in order to help girls and lead them -into the noblest life. Sometimes their work was difficult, for public -officials did not always welcome them; but initiative and tact told, -and we must speak of three such women who were representative.</p> - -<p>The first was Mrs. R. T. Brooks, who when the war began was working for -the associated charities of Columbia, S. C. Her experience in dealing -with poverty and with lives that had been wasted or whose opportunities -had been lost, prepared her to meet the problems following the -establishment of Camp Jackson. Day and night she was seen in all parts -of the city on the watch for those whom she might help, and the little -pay she received was often divided with those who needed aid. She was -respected by judges and policemen in the court room, where she often -went to intercede for some erring girl, and one of the leading lawyers -of Columbia said of her work, “Mrs. Brooks is the most efficient -worker, white or colored, in the city.”</p> - -<p>In Little Rock, <abbr title="Arkansas">Ark.</abbr>, a few years before the war, a fourteen-year old -Negro girl was arraigned in court, charged with murder and seven other -offences, any one of which, if proved, would have given her a prison -sentence. The case aroused the colored women of the city, who followed -the trial with interest. The city attorney who was conducting the case -had little belief in Negro womanhood, but before the case was summed -up a number of the women called on him and presented the girl’s side. -The conference bore fruit, for the attorney, who had been violent in -his attack, at the end of his argument asked for mercy, showing how -environment had played a large part in the unfortunate girl’s life.</p> - -<p>After this trial the Negro women of Little Rock, with the permission -of the court, appointed and for two years paid the salary of Mrs. -Maggie A. Jeffries, who looked after the interest of Negro girls. When -soldiers came to Little Rock, her experience had prepared her for the -emergency. Her work received the most enthusiastic approval of numbers -of prominent citizens, and through her aid the work was formally taken -over by the city, and all probation workers used the same office. Many -a time this earnest helper pleaded with the judge to turn some erring -girl over to her, and she found honest work for the girl or bought a -ticket and sent her home to her parents.</p> - -<p>It was realized and often admitted by policemen and judges that a well -trained Negro woman with police authority could render invaluable -service with the problems of the Negro girl who appeared at court, -but generally such power was denied. Mrs. Mary Colson, of Des Moines, -however, was given such authority, being commissioned by the Governor -as a member of the secret service of the state. She also received a -certificate from the Policemen’s Institute, a course of lectures given -to the Des Moines police. When Mrs. Colson was first appointed many a -policeman treated the appointment as a joke, but before long she was -able to prove her worth, and she became a force that helped hundreds of -women and girls to make a new start. It was not her prime mission to -arrest, and she did so only in extreme cases. Her work was as blessed -as it was far-reaching.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI"><big>CHAPTER VI</big><br /><br /> -THE “Y” AND OTHER WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS</h2> -</div> - - -<p>No organization ever employed a greater number of workers to serve men -without cost than did the Young Men’s Christian Association during the -Great War. Millions of dollars given by the American people were spent -in carrying out its program of service. Wherever there were American -soldiers, in the camps at home, at the base ports, on the battle front, -in leave areas, or behind the lines in France, there they were followed -and served by the Y. M. C. A. Some of the workers even followed the -troops “over the top,” sacrificing life itself in their endeavor to -give comfort and cheer to the men.</p> - -<p>Negro soldiers shared in the “Y” service both at home and in France. -At first they were somewhat overlooked, but through the efforts of Dr. -Jesse E. Moorland and his associates provision was made for them. In -the National Army cantonments large “Y” huts with six secretaries were -maintained,—building, business, religious, educational, physical, and -social secretaries,—each of whom developed his particular line of -work. Sometimes a second building or tent was used. The secretaries -met in the general Y. M. C. A. conferences held weekly with the camp -secretary, who usually co-operated in every possible way.</p> - -<p>The effectiveness of the work depended largely upon the efficiency -and ability of the building secretary to co-operate with his staff -and the camp officials. Often these secretaries not only effectively -supervised the work in their buildings, but they also watched the -morale of the soldiers and held conferences with commanding officers -for the purpose of improving unsatisfactory conditions. The business -secretary conducted the stamp and money order business. This alone in -some camps amounted to sums ranging from $150 to $200 a day. Lectures -were given to the men on the value of saving and they often bore fruit. -At Camp Dodge $10,000 was sent home by the soldiers in one month. The -educational secretary worked mainly to reach the men who could not read -or write. In Camp Dodge, where perhaps the most successful work was -done, 2300 Negro soldiers learned to read and write and to do simple -work in arithmetic and drawing, using implements of warfare as models. -A business course and instruction in French were offered to those men -who had sufficient education.</p> - -<p>Colonel Bush, who was in charge of the educational work at Camp -Dodge, ordered all illiterate men to attend school, and the rule made -by many company commanders that every man must sign his name before -drawing his pay, served as a great incentive to study. This school -for Negro soldiers in the 366th Regiment was well organized, with the -educational secretary, George H. Fortner, as superintendent. Each -company represented a part of the school, with a lieutenant as head, -and non-commissioned officers, who did the teaching, as assistants. -For every fourteen men a teacher was furnished, and there were ample -materials. Educational lectures in the different camps were also -appreciated, as well as the circulation of books. Naturally the success -of all such work as this depended primarily on the initiative of the -secretary and his co-operation with the camp authorities.</p> - -<p>The physical secretary’s work was to promote athletics, chiefly games, -boxing and wrestling. In camps where there were combatant units the -athletic officers and the physical secretaries co-operated, and there -the best organizations were found. In non-combatant units effective -athletic work was seldom found, partly because of the nature of their -organization. However, in some of these, teams were organized, and -the secretaries were able at times to get outside agencies to provide -equipment. The women of Cuthbert, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, gave basket ball equipment for -two teams and a shooting gallery costing $44. As a result there was -organized a team which played Morehouse College and the Columbus Y. M. -C. A.</p> - -<p>The work of the social secretary was of great importance. He it was who -furnished relaxation and entertainment after the arduous tasks of the -day. Moving pictures, given from two to five times a week; programs, -consisting of singing, dancing, stunts, and recitations, by talent in -cantonment cities or by company entertainers; concerts, by bands or -great singers; and addresses by famous speakers, filled the “Y,” even -the windows and rafters, with men at night. Of such service no group -was more appreciative than the Negro soldiers. Members of the race -in cantonment cities co-operated splendidly, and schools sometimes -sent quartets or orchestras. Sometimes there were Christmas trees -hung with presents ranging from tooth brushes to wrist watches, and -with each present was a bag of popcorn and a personal letter. On one -occasion when more than a hundred white soldiers were present at such -a festivity, they also received presents. Many of the entertainers on -the “Y” circuit were also enjoyed by the men, though too often in some -camps their programs happened to be given in every building except the -one attended by the Negro soldiers.</p> - -<p>The religious secretaries were usually ministers of considerable -experience. Negro soldiers had high regard for things religious. Bible -classes were conducted every Sunday morning, and were followed by -preaching, sometimes by local ministers. Weekly Bible classes or prayer -meetings were also held, and sometimes “sings” or testimonial meetings. -At these meetings the soldiers often took a stand for Christ, and in -such cases the secretary wrote personal letters to their families, -informing them of the fact and asking them to write letters of -encouragement. The many personal interviews which these secretaries had -with the soldiers gave them some of the best opportunities of rendering -service.</p> - -<p>In the smaller camps things were not always as well appointed as in -the larger ones. No big program could be carried out, though religious -and sometimes educational work was conducted. In the South, moreover, -the colored secretaries most frequently did not attend the general “Y” -conferences. In spite of all discouraging circumstances, however, the -development of the work was rapid. What was done at Camp Hill, Newport -News, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, shows what was possible after an unpromising beginning. In -October, 1917, two Hampton students, W. D. Elam and E. M. Mitchell, -went to serve 4500 men, using an army tent for the work. The tent was -destroyed in a storm and was replaced by a smaller one, 16 by 16, in -which three men lived and where there were, in addition, a stove, a -victrola, and a piano. Stamps and stationery were handled, and small -meetings held. This was the extent of the facilities in one of the -coldest winters Virginians had ever seen. In the early spring, however, -a barrack was secured through the aid of the officers, and in April a -large “Y” building was dedicated with a full staff of secretaries and -all necessary equipment. Here, as elsewhere, the soldiers were served -in numberless ways; and when the time came to go to France, there was -chocolate or lemonade, with sandwiches, and the secretaries accompanied -the men to the port of embarkation, where they separated from each with -a touching farewell and a most fervent “God bless you.”</p> - - -<h3>IN FRANCE</h3> - -<p>As one traveled among the soldiers in France he saw in almost every -camp the Y. M. C. A. hut or tent. There were 7850 “Y” workers overseas, -1350 of whom were women. Of this large number 87 were Negroes and 19, -women of the race. Only three of these Negro women were in France -during the actual fighting, and not until the spring of 1919 did -others sail. At the head of the colored secretaries was <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> John Hope, -president of Morehouse College, Atlanta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, who was stationed at -the “Y” headquarters in Paris, where he helped to solve many problems -regarding the work. Traveling over France, he visited many units of -troops, saw their needs, and tried to meet them. There were hardly -ever more than 75 Negro secretaries in France at one time, and these -were scattered among nearly 200,000 Negro soldiers. They served with -the fighting units, with the troops in the service of supplies, and in -the leave areas. The fighting units of Negro soldiers were the 92nd -and 93rd Divisions, the latter comprising four regiments brigaded with -the French. It was in these units that the secretaries won deserved -praise for their service and courage. Airplane raids, bombardments, -and bursting gas shells did not slacken their ardor to follow the men -wherever they went.</p> - -<p>H. E. Caldwell, with the 369th Regiment, was under shell fire longer -than any other Negro secretary. Matthew W. Bullock and <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> B. N. -Murrell followed the 369th into the thickest of the fight and were with -it when it led the allied armies to the banks of the Rhine, a position -of honor accorded it because of its excellent service in the trenches. -Of Mr. Bullock it was said that when the fight was hardest and the -soldiers were wounded and dying, he was ever with his men encouraging -them to press forward to victory. Of <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Murrell we shall speak again. -T. C. Cook, of the 371st Regiment, was cited in orders for his bravery -in rescuing two wounded soldiers exposed in pouring rain and shell -fire. He succeeded in moving them to a narrow dug-out that was soon -afterwards filled with poisonous gas. In attempting to escape, he left -the dug-out only to fall unconscious in the open. On that morning of -the battle officers and men had entrusted to his care $35,000 of their -savings, which he carried on his back as he helped the wounded. When -he regained consciousness in a hospital behind the lines, he found -that the money had disappeared, but his anxiety was relieved when he -was informed that the colored sergeant-major of the regiment, whom he -had requested to guard the money in case of accident to himself, had -forwarded it to the Paris office of the Y. M. C. A. and that every cent -had been safely delivered. Of Secretary James G. Wiley of the 92nd -Division <abbr title="Lieutenant Colonel">Lt. Col.</abbr> A. E. Deitsch wrote: “During the occupancy of the -Marbache sector, he established an Association in the town of Atton -which was bombarded daily. Even when the German bombardment tore the -roof from the building and all civilians had left the vicinity, only -the soldiers necessary for the relaying of supplies and ammunition to -the front lines remaining, this man held on and served the soldiers -faithfully.”</p> - -<p>Sometimes the Negro secretary served not only the men in one camp -but in several, even covering an area containing as many as 50,000 -soldiers. Such a worker was J. E. Saddler, who was engaged in the -Chaumont region. The labor battalions which he served worked on the -roads, at bakeries, rail heads and ammunition dumps, often working -both day and night, one man doing two men’s work. At first Mr. Saddler -went on foot, walking 30 kilometers a day, carrying all the supplies -he could, and distributing them to groups of men doing road work. -Then he secured a motorcycle, and when that was completely used up -he obtained a Ford, with the aid of which he could reach more men. -Sometimes he organized schools, offering prizes to induce the men to -learn to write. Occasionally he conducted spelling bees, taking the -words from the <i>Stars and Stripes</i>. He was not a preacher, but -some Sundays he held as many as seven services. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Murrell served in -the Verdun region where thousands of men were engaged in salvaging and -in burying the American dead. He, like Mr. Saddler, traveled about in -a truck with supplies. At Romagne, the site of the Argonne cemetery, -he and his staff did excellent work. Two huts were constructed from -sheet iron taken from German dug-outs. At night these were so crowded -that one could hardly move about in them. The men wrote letters, -played games, or gathered around the piano; they also had daily shows, -athletic contests, and the canteen was excellent. All such service was -of great value in building up the morale of the men and in relieving -them from the depressing effects of the grewsome work they were called -on to perform. At Liffol-le-Grand, M. R. Atwell had a hut which was -attractively whitewashed and painted inside. Pictures of Negro officers -and nurses were on the walls, and generally the work ranked with the -most efficient in France.</p> - -<p>After the Armistice a splendid piece of work was done for the soldiers -at Issurtille by W. W. Waitneight, a white secretary, who in the -beginning was opposed to working with colored men. In the early days of -the camp these soldiers were not permitted to visit the “Y” buildings, -and no other place of recreation was provided for them. Finally a -captain, moved by the situation, asked for volunteers to help erect a -building. The “Y” furnished the lumber, some of the engineer regiments -supplied foremen, and the soldiers, including forty mechanics, -undertook to do the work. The site selected was in a bottom where the -entire camp drained, and at times the water was six inches deep on the -floor. In such an environment there was little enthusiasm on the part -of white secretaries to undertake the work; but the one who did found -the greater joy in the hearty appreciation of the men. Two thousand -were in nightly attendance, and from three thousand to thirty-five -hundred were served daily in the “Y” and in the wet canteen. The -work developed until it became the most popular in the camp, and the -secretary who at first doubted, learned to love the men and to work -untiringly for them. At Gierve, a white Baptist minister, Mr. Rankin, -served Negro soldiers in a spacious and well equipped hut, and he also -endeared himself to the men.</p> - -<p>At the biggest base ports in France—Bordeaux, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, and -Brest—the Y. M. C. A. did a wonderful work. For months there were -20,000 Negro soldiers at Bordeaux alone, doing stevedore work. Some of -the first colored secretaries sent to France went to this city during -the period of active fighting. They and the army officers did not work -harmoniously together, and after some stormy days they were ordered -to Paris with recommendations to Y. M. C. A. headquarters that they -be sent to America. After investigation, however, they were sent to -other fields of labor, but meanwhile Negro secretaries in New York, -about to sail for France, were detained for months. The situation was -finally adjusted and two other men, B. F. Seldon and A. W. Shockley, -who went to Bordeaux, successfully co-operated with the officers and -worked among the white as well as the colored soldiers. At <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Sulpice -Mr. Seldon had charge of a hut that was well equipped, and Mr. Shockley -conducted a canteen that was said to be one of the cleanest in France. -Thomas Clayton, another secretary in the Bordeaux area, conducted -schools for 600 illiterate men. Twenty-seven men were sent from the -section to the universities in France, and thirty were sent to the -agricultural department at Bonn. At Anconia, also in this area, a big -hut was in charge of J. M. Price, a white secretary who served with -colored troops from the beginning. This hut had an auditorium seating -2000, a spacious sitting-room, a good library, and a large room for -games. Two shows daily were given the 10,000 men. They were encouraged -to save, and in one month $22,000 was sent to the States. Mr. Price -was a Southern man, but he was so much admired by the men and he made -such a favorable impression on the commanding officers that, when the -troops sailed for America, he was, against the rules of the Y. M. C. -A., allowed to sail with the men he had served.</p> - -<p>The “Y” at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire did one of the biggest pieces of work seen -anywhere in France. There were at times more than 50,000 Negro soldiers -at this base. The first colored secretary sent to France, Franklin -W. Nichols, worked here and had the honor of building the first hut -erected for Negro stevedores. Other pioneers were <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> Leroy Ferguson, -J. O. Wright, William Stevenson, James H. Robinson, R. E. Williams, -and the three canteen workers who reached France before the Armistice, -Mrs. Helen Curtis, Mrs. Addie W. Hunton, and Miss Kathryn Johnson. -These workers left splendid records of achievement. During the last -months at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, Negro soldiers were served in four Y. M. C. A. -buildings operated by Negro secretaries and also in some conducted by -white secretaries. The huts of the former were located at Camps Dodge, -Guthrie, Montoir, Lusitania, and Camp I. That at Lusitania was the -largest; it had an auditorium seating 1800. The commanding officers -co-operated gladly, and the divisional secretaries in the area, -especially M. B. Wallace, showed fine spirit in helping to make the -work a success.</p> - -<p>During the days of fighting and immediately after the Armistice, Negro -soldiers at Brest related stories of discrimination by the “Y” and of -its refusal to serve them. In the spring of 1919, however, the camp -commander and the divisional secretary declared that the men should -have a “fifty-fifty” deal. The organization conducted altogether -fifteen huts in Camp Pontenazen, one in Camp President Lincoln, and a -small room at the sorting yard. “Soldiers’ Rest” at Camp Pontenazen -was especially set aside for the Negro soldiers, though all soldiers -were served there. In March, 1919, B. F. Lee was sent to work in this -hut. He later became general secretary for the building, and four -canteen workers helped in the last days. In all the other huts at -Pontenazen Negro soldiers were also served. While some canteen women -were not enthusiastic about assisting them, the divisional secretary, -a Tennesseean, tried to give all men equal service, and one secretary -who refused to serve the Negroes was sent back to America. At Camp -President Lincoln Secretaries Fritz Cansler and Nelson were stationed -and did some very effective educational work. After prayer meetings -movies were advertised and these always meant a full house. At the -sorting yard, located on the docks at Brest, a group of Negro soldiers -ran a kitchen where embarking soldiers were fed and where stevedores -working on the docks got one meal to prevent the necessity of returning -to camp; they also had a secretary. In the city of Brest Negro soldiers -were served at both the Y. M. C. A. restaurant and the big cafeteria, -and generally the improvement in the conditions at this base accounted -for a more favorable impression than that borne away from some other -places.</p> - -<p>There were many other instances of devoted service. “Y” work was -by no means easy. Many army officers looked upon any secretary with -disfavor. On the other hand, the secretaries themselves were not always -infallible, nor were their words and actions unerringly discreet.</p> - -<p>Hundreds of entertainers who went overseas visited the soldiers in all -branches of the service. Among these there were no theatrical people of -color, nor any of the leading singers of the race. However, during the -last months there was a religious entertaining unit composed of Rev. -H. H. Proctor, who spoke, J. E. Blanton, song leader, and Miss Helen -Hagan, a noted pianist. These helpers carried cheer wherever they went.</p> - -<p>The few Negro women who went to France as canteen workers exerted a -great influence for good. While many officers and secretaries were -opposed to having women serve the men, their presence was like the -calming of a great storm. They built up the morale instantly, as was -noted in every camp to which they were sent. Once or twice, as when -Mrs. Hunton first appeared at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, some of the men cried for -joy. The men loved, protected, and honored these workers for what they -represented, and one of them said that she had to go to France to be -truly proud of the fact that she was a Negro woman.</p> - -<p>The work of the canteen women received probably the greatest praise in -the leave areas. This work was conducted in the Department of Savoie, -among beautiful mountains and lakes conducive to rest and relaxation; -and Chambéry, Challes les Eaux, and Aix les Bains were the leading -cities. Aix les Bains is noted for its baths, used by the Romans -and visited by tourists from all over the world. Chambéry, used as -headquarters, is an educational center with colleges and art museums. -On the outskirts of the city overlooking the valley below is the home -of Jean Jacques Rousseau; and from there one might view also the cross -of Nivolet and a chain of snow-capped Alps. Seven miles away is the -famous Pass where Hannibal with his army crossed the Alps. To this day -the road said to have been built by him is in perfect condition. To -such an environment the Negro soldiers came, and they were welcomed by -the citizens as men who had helped to save their country. They stood -in the Pass, viewed Lake Bourget below, and the Italian Alps in the -distance. Here also it was that the secretaries, under the direction of -William Stevenson and Mrs. Curtis, did some of the best work in France.</p> - -<p>Other places of interest visited by the soldiers were the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Bernard’s -Pass, Mt. Revard, and the Church of the Black Madonna. The last place -was the most interesting of all because of its unusual sight. Inside -the church is a small figure of the Madonna with a black child in -her arms. The robes are of gold studded with diamonds, and pictures, -crutches, canes and other tokens of thanks have been left here by -people who have been blessed and healed. Once when the town was -destroyed by a mountain slide, only the church stood, and the presence -of the Madonna was thought by the people to be responsible for the -miraculous escape. Here the Negro soldiers were more than welcome and -the keepers felt honored by their visits.</p> - -<p>Altogether more than twenty thousand soldiers visited this leave area, -coming from all parts of France. They were selected from the various -organizations in the A. E. F. and sent for periods of from seven to -fourteen days. Before they arrived some unpleasant propaganda was -spread about them, but they made a highly favorable impression. The “Y” -headquarters was a spacious building, splendidly equipped. There were -band concerts, and on Sunday afternoons there were refreshments in the -beautiful garden, with representative people of the vicinity assisting -in the serving. Because of the good conduct of the men and the success -of the secretaries in establishing such fine relations between citizens -and soldiers, the Governor of Savoie gave a farewell reception, -including a public meeting in a theatre and an entertainment in his own -home afterwards; and letters were written by the mayors of all three -towns and by leading citizens to praise the work and to express regret -at its closing.</p> - -<p>While thousands of soldiers visited the leave areas, tens of thousands -went to see Paris the Beautiful. Naturally officers and welfare -workers as well as the men in the ranks desired especially to see this -great city before returning to America. Ordinarily three-day leaves -were granted, and each day in the spring of 1919 brought hundreds -of soldiers to the city. In order that the limited time might mean -as much as possible to the men, the Y. M. C. A. organized wonderful -sight-seeing programs, including all the famous places of historic -interest. With every party there were efficient guides, and the Negro -soldiers, like all the others, appreciated fully and thoroughly enjoyed -the never-to-be-forgotten experience.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - - -<h3>CRITICISM OF THE “Y”</h3> - -<p>The work of the Y. M. C. A. in American camps was so conducted that -it met with comparatively little criticism. Headquarters could be -easily reached for the adjustment of any question arising over the -Negro, and during the war public sentiment was more decidedly against -discrimination than in peace time. Such matters as arose generally -grew out of the attitude or action of individual wearers of the red -triangle. At Camp Greene, Charlotte, <abbr title="North Carolina">N. C.</abbr>, for instance, there were -10,000 Negro soldiers. Five “Y” buildings in the camp were located in -areas allotted to these men, but in no case were they allowed to use -the buildings except possibly for stamps and paper. A sign over one -read “This building is for white men only,” and the secretary placed -outside the building a table that colored men might use in writing -letters. In Camp Lee, Petersburg, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, a prayer meeting was conducted -in an area where Negro soldiers were located, but a soldier with a -rifle on his shoulder was doing guard duty, pacing in a circle around -the group to see that no Negroes attended. The comments made by the -Negro soldiers under the circumstances were interesting. In some camps -the soldiers of both races used the same building, playing games -together, attending the same picture shows, sometimes playing in the -same orchestra, and even writing letters for one another. Such friendly -contact was looked upon with disfavor by some secretaries, and they -introduced discriminatory measures, which naturally led to friction.</p> - -<p>It was from overseas, however, that the severest criticism of the -organization came. During the spring of 1919, in every shipment of -soldiers that landed on American shores there were those who denounced -the “Y” for something it had or had not done. The Negro soldiers -did their share of the criticising in spite of the fact that the -organization had done much to help them. Why, then, did they criticise -it?</p> - -<p>First of all, the “Y” appeared to have no definite policy regarding -Negro soldiers in France. Endeavor was left mainly in the hands of -divisional or regional directors, and these men inaugurated such -policies as they thought best, and a most careful investigation -indicates that some secretaries resorted to discrimination and -segregation more than the men in any other organization and even more -than the army with its military caste. Sometimes such an attitude was -assumed even by ministers of the gospel. The general situation was -described, very accurately, by one regional secretary as follows: -“About 25 per cent of the white secretaries served the colored soldiers -gladly, about 25 per cent served them half-heartedly, and about 50 -per cent either refused to serve them or made them feel they were -not wanted.” When soldiers were building the Pershing Stadium for the -allied games, the “Y” served for months all the men in the order in -which they appeared for service. One day a young Southern woman was -sent out as a canteen worker. The soldiers lined up as formerly. All -went well until a colored soldier in the line was reached. The young -woman asked him to get out of the line. He said he was an American -soldier and would not get out of the line. Thereupon she closed the -canteen. A noted divine from Atlanta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, was for a time in charge -of one of the three-day conferences for new secretaries in France. At -the close of one of the sessions a colored canteen worker told him she -had enjoyed the discussion. “I am glad you enjoyed it,” he said, “but -we don’t mix in the States and you must not expect to here.” All such -incidents could be multiplied hundreds of times, and because of them -there grew up in the hearts of the Negro soldiers a contempt for the -general organization that made such things possible.</p> - -<p>An interesting sidelight was afforded by the fate of what was known -as the “Honey Bee Club.” A Negro soldier who was sentenced to death, -just a few days before his execution asked a “Y” secretary at Brest to -come and pray with him. After four days of struggle with the soldier -and himself, the secretary felt that he too was changed and should -work in some large way for the good of the Negro men. He began with -prayer meetings among small groups that had been somewhat neglected, -and at one such meeting he told the story of the Honey Bee that -was busy and successful and another about birds that preyed on the -undesirable things of the world. Using with telling effect the lesson -drawn from the experience of the soldier who paid with his life for -the undesirable, he asked, “How many of you would like to be the -Honey Bee?” All responded with raised hands. Soon afterwards he was -given permission by the Paris office to devote all his time to the -organization of Honey Bee clubs. When it became known, however, that -membership was to be limited to Negro soldiers, opposition developed. -The colored men felt that if the club was capable of doing so much for -them, white soldiers in France should not be denied a share in its -blessings. The original idea was undoubtedly to help the Negro soldier -in France, but the method by which the idea was developed did not meet -with approval, and accordingly, in most cases, it was either opposed or -treated with indifference.</p> - -<p>In spite of all the criticism, however, the fact remains that the Young -Men’s Christian Association did more for the recreation, entertainment, -and educational development of Negro soldiers than any other welfare -organization in the course of the war. Through its agency thousands of -men learned to read and write. Moreover, it is to be remembered that -it was the “Y” that sent Negro welfare workers to France, including -nineteen women for canteen work, while other organizations faltered. -Such effort did not materialize without hard work on the part of the -Negro people and their friends. However, it did materialize, and the -Negro workers were a credit both to the organization and to their -race. In a talk to a number of them at a banquet in Paris, E. C. -Carter, head of the Y. M. C. A. overseas, said in summing up their -work: “No group of secretaries has been more successful, nor has any -work been on a higher level. I have been impressed most by your spirit. -Sometimes you have met with difficulties and have been insulted by -workers with the red triangle on their arms, but through it all you -have shown the spirit of true greatness as did the Master.”</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>During the World War not only the Y. M. C. A. but other leading -religious and social organizations in America aided the War Department -in providing for the welfare of the soldiers, both inside and outside -the camps. We may now consider briefly the Salvation Army, the Knights -of Columbus, the large agencies within the army itself, passing -on to War Camp Community Service, the Red Cross, and also to some -consideration of what was done by the Negro Church and the Federal -Council of Churches.</p> - - -<h3>SALVATION ARMY</h3> - -<p>The Salvation Army did little or no work for Negro soldiers in American -camps, but when the men returned from France they spoke about the -service the organization had rendered with an appreciation akin to -reverence. This agency did not have great buildings and hundreds of -workers distributed throughout the camps, but it did have here and -there faithful representatives imbued with the spirit of service. One -of its largest huts was at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, and here the relation between -men of different races was of the most cordial sort. The Salvation Army -workers stated that on no occasion had there been any trouble, and -this example well illustrates their spirit and it explains the deep -appreciation that the Negro soldiers had for their organization.</p> - - -<h3>KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS</h3> - -<p>The Knights of Columbus erected their first building for Negro soldiers -at Camp Funston, <abbr title="Kansas">Kan.</abbr> This was opened on December 1, 1917, with -Clarence Guillot as executive secretary and two assistants. Religious -services were conducted every Sunday for the four hundred Catholics in -the camp, with communion every Sunday morning. One of the two chaplains -was always available for consultation, there were excellent library -facilities, and also special effort for recreation. In Camps Taylor, -Dodge, Meade, and Beauregard (at Alexandria, <abbr title="Louisiana">La.</abbr>) buildings were also -provided. At Camps Dodge and Beauregard white secretaries were in -charge, while at Taylor and Meade Negro secretaries conducted the work. -The building at Dodge was visited by both white and colored soldiers, -and the kindliest feeling was maintained. At Beauregard a mess hall was -renovated and attractively furnished for the large Catholic element -there. The building at Camp Taylor, which was beautifully furnished -and adequately equipped, was first used by white soldiers, but when -they left the camp and Negro soldiers were moved into the area, it -was turned over to them. At Meade there was a small but attractive -portable building. The work was similar to that at Camp Funston. Not -all secretaries were in sympathy with the liberal policy that seemed to -be intended by the organization, but those who were not were sometimes -transferred.</p> - -<p>The Knights of Columbus had a small building for Negro soldiers at -Tours, and there was also special provision at Romagne, where the -soldiers were reburying the dead. After a tent was erected and supplied -with tobacco, chocolate, gum, packages of cakes, stationery, and other -such things, the secretary came to the Y. M. C. A. hut and addressed -the soldiers, informing them that the K. C. tent had been erected and -that to it they were very welcome. The next morning a hundred white and -colored soldiers were in line at it receiving supplies. When the camp -commander instituted a policy of segregation, the K. C. was compelled -to adopt it or leave camp. It chose the former course and put up signs -accordingly. When these signs appeared some of the soldiers pulled them -off and pulled down the tent, and there was a riot.</p> - -<p>The Knights of Columbus were criticised for the procedure at Romagne, -which was contrary to the general belief as to the policy of the -organization. As has been shown, however, while only a small number of -Negro secretaries were employed and in only a few camps was there any -special effort to serve Negro soldiers, they were generally admitted to -K. C. buildings and in general the organization impressed them by its -catholicity of spirit.</p> - - -<h3>AGENCIES IN THE ARMY</h3> - -<p>In addition to the work of the welfare organizations in the camps, -the Army also contributed something to the pleasure of the soldiers -by providing for athletics and socials. Holidays were usually given -on Wednesdays, Saturday afternoons, and Sundays, though in the -non-combatant units these were not always observed. In the combatant -units where athletic officers were selected, there was competition in -baseball, basket ball, or football, and occasionally a track meet was -held. For the most part, however, organized effort in athletics was -hardly ever successfully carried out among Negro soldiers, largely -because of the failure of the officers to realize the need. There were, -however, exceptions. An enviable record was made by the stevedore team -at Camp Alexander, Newport News, which defeated all the teams, white -or colored, in the various camps on the lower peninsula of Virginia. -One of the best examples of athletic competition in non-combatant units -was seen in the depot brigades at Camp Gordon, Atlanta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr> Three -fields were provided for the men and the teams were well equipped by -their organizations with suits and materials. During the baseball -season two scheduled games were played each week. The two battalions -represented, which formed and marched to the field, always furnished -an enthusiastic crowd. Games were also played with the colleges and -the Federal Prison team in Atlanta, and there was a big field and -track meet. They also had representation in the Camp Gordon meet. In -another camp a regimental cross-country run of two miles was held. -One hundred and thirty-five men entered and one hundred and twenty-six -finished. Boxing was also a source of recreation, and in some camps -men were selected for a special class. These later became instructors. -Boxing contests and exhibitions were held each week, and in some of the -stevedore regiments “battles royal” were conducted. Wrestling was also -introduced, but it was not as popular as boxing and did not receive -much encouragement.</p> - -<p>In Western and Southern camps only a small number of Negro soldiers -frequented the Liberty theatres and Y. M. C. A. auditoriums. In the -South they were not always permitted to attend. In some places they -built their own amusement houses and furnished their own entertainment, -as at Camp Travis, Texas. Here there was a minstrel troupe composed of -exceptional talent, most of the men having been stars in the profession -before being drafted into the army. They gave weekly shows in the camp, -and during the warm weather they played in an open air theatre on the -hillside, with thousands of white and Negro soldiers attending. They -also played in the city theatre in San Antonio, as well as elsewhere -in Texas; and they were accompanied by a forty-piece band which was -considered the finest in the camp. One tangible result of the work of -these entertainers was the erection of a beautiful recreation house at -a cost of $6000 with funds raised entirely by their work.</p> - -<p>Two other notable examples where provision was made for the recreation -and entertainment of Negro soldiers were found in the 92nd Division. -One was at Camp Funston and the other at Camp Upton. The theatre at -Camp Funston was first planned for the soldiers of the 89th Division, -who already had three theatres and a moving-picture show. General -Ballou accordingly used his influence to have the new one erected for -the use of the headquarters section of the 92nd Division, and the -money for the material was furnished by the Government. The soldiers -furnished the labor, with the exception of a foreman, an expert -carpenter, and some interior finishers. The building was wired by a -master electrician, who was drafted from <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Louis; it seated more than -2500; and it was the most beautiful and conveniently arranged theatre -seen in the camps. The “Buffalo” auditorium at Camp Upton was built by -the soldiers of the 367th Regiment, with the assistance of friends. -It was designed for both instruction and recreation. The total cost -was $40,000. Of this amount the officers and men subscribed more than -$14,000, and they conducted a campaign to raise the balance in New -York City. Within the building there was everything from religious -services and lectures to preliminary instruction in the use of the -bayonet, moving pictures and vaudeville. This auditorium was a great -factor in building up the fine <i lang="fr">esprit de corps</i> of the “Buffalo” -regiment; and the three outstanding examples which we have recorded are -representative of what was done with the co-operation of officers in -the different camps for the recreation and entertainment of the Negro -soldiers.</p> - - -<h3>NEGRO CHAPLAINS</h3> - -<p>It mattered not how ignorant a Negro soldier was, or how difficult his -life had been, he believed in God and in the efficacy of prayer. There -was something about his religion that was satisfying and genuine, and -no one could attend his services and hear him sing and pray without -being touched. In writing to his family and friends he usually asked -for their prayers. “Tell them all to pray for me and that I am trusting -in the Lord,” said one in dictating a letter, and another: “Tell them -not to worry about me now. I am happy and contented. I have prayed -constantly and have now no fear of death. Whatever happens will be all -right. Tell them to pray for me.” On one Sunday night at Camp Jackson -several white soldiers came into one of the religious services at the -colored “Y,” and they joined heartily in the singing. After the meeting -they told the secretary that they were leaving for France the next -morning and had come to the meeting in order to get a little nearer to -God.</p> - -<p>Such being the general situation, importance attached to the man who -became the religious guide in time of stress. The average minister -was hardly adapted to the work of chaplain, because his experience -had not prepared him to have an understanding and appreciation of the -problems of the men in the new situation. Some who were fitted were -pastors of leading churches and in most cases it was impossible for -them to get a leave of absence. Besides the difficulty of securing -competent men, there was also opposition on the part of many officers -to having Negro chaplains in their organizations. When the efforts -of the Federal Council of Churches resulted in increasing the number, -they found difficulty in serving the Negro men because several of them -were kept in one camp and often in one organization. At Camp Meade, -for instance, at one time there were three Negro chaplains in the 1st -Development Battalion. When this battalion was disbanded in December, -1918, two of the chaplains were assigned to the 4th Battalion, where -there were already one Negro and two white chaplains. At Camp Travis -three Negro chaplains were found serving one organization, and at both -Camps Taylor and Sherman there were several chaplains with a small -number of soldiers. At the same time there were throughout the South -Negro organizations without any chaplain at all, except a machine-gun -group at Camp Hancock and a part of the 157th Development Battalion at -Camp McClellan, which units were served respectively by a white and a -colored chaplain.</p> - -<p>The work of the chaplains who remained in the States consisted in -conducting religious services and in educational work, visiting -the sick in the hospitals, aiding the soldiers in securing their -allotments and allowances, and often adjusting difficulties. A number -of white chaplains served Negro soldiers, especially in the labor -organizations and in one instance in a fighting unit, the 371st -Infantry. Many of these men were sincere and conscientious, yet they -were not able to influence the men to any great extent. One said that -he felt the soldiers would rather have one of their own race for -a religious leader. At first the soldiers would not go to him with -their difficulties, but as he worked among them they came to have more -confidence in him, and a few began to seek his aid in the matter of -securing their allotments and allowances. His most effective work, -however, was in conducting schools for the illiterate. In general it -was not impossible for the white chaplain to enter into the life of -the Negro soldier, if he dealt with him as man to man and was a living -example of his teachings.</p> - -<p>To be a Negro, however, was by no means the only requisite of a -successful chaplain for Negro troops. Personality and moral force also -counted. Because care was not exercised at first in the selections -for Negro soldiers, a great opportunity was lost to serve them in -their darkest hours, when both physical and moral dangers surrounded -them. Some workers, however, won the hearty commendation of both -officers and men. Whether in America or in France, they gave of -themselves freely for their comrades. Such a man was Allen O. Newman -of the 366th Infantry. Soon after joining his regiment he won his -way to the hearts of the men by his genuine appreciation of their -difficulties. When they were in training at Camp Dodge he became one -of them. He ate with some company daily and afterwards gave a short -talk on patriotism or morality. He was also regimental song leader. -A chorus of two hundred and fifty men that he developed gave several -concerts in the city of Des Moines. Chaplain Newman accompanied his -regiment through France, and in the front line trenches he visited -and comforted them constantly. Chaplain H. M. Collins, who served the -stevedore organizations at Camp Williams, Issurtille, was a genuine -“big brother” to his men. The commander, in speaking of his work, said -that he had been the greatest factor in helping to better conditions in -the camp. He remained until the last Negro soldier started for America. -Altogether the sixty Negro chaplains who served during the war made -a real contribution in building up the morale, the morality, and the -loyalty of the Negro soldier.</p> - - -<h3>BASE HOSPITALS</h3> - -<p>In the National Army cantonments there were at times from 40,000 to -60,000 men. As a part of the equipment of these camps great base -hospitals were erected and supplied with the most modern improvements. -Negro soldiers shared with others the blessings of wonderful -discoveries in surgery and preventive medicine. Even in camps where -living conditions were unsatisfactory, in the base hospitals they were -well treated. Sometimes, as at Camp McClellan at Anniston, there was -such a marked difference within the hospital from the general situation -in the camp, that the men asked questions in their wonderment. Of -course there were exceptions, but whether in the North, the South, the -East, or the West, there was usually to be found among the doctors and -nurses the spirit of the Great Physician and the desire to heal all -men.</p> - - -<h3>RED CROSS. NEGRO NURSES</h3> - -<p>When American men were called to service, women throughout the -country enrolled as Red Cross members and worked for the organization -in various ways, rendering every service that would make life more -comfortable for the soldiers. They not only served as nurses but -also as canteen workers; and they knitted, sewed, and made bandages. -Hundreds of qualified and registered Negro nurses gladly offered -themselves for service. The Red Cross appeared to be willing to use -these nurses and at times greatly needed them, but for some reason it -was difficult for them actually to enroll for service. Considerable -correspondence with reference to the matter passed through the office -of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, and at last, after -the Armistice was signed, some Negro nurses served at Camps Grant -and Sherman. The first five called by the Red Cross were on duty in -Washington at the time, but on two hours’ notice they were traveling -to Camp Stuart, Newport News, where they were put on duty in the base -hospital to serve four weeks as a trial. They had every consideration -and courtesy, and the commanding officer said of them that he had never -had more competent nurses and that their conduct was above reproach. -After this trial at Newport News, four more were added and all were -sent to the base hospital at Camp Sherman, where they were provided -with a modern home. They worked in the wards on both day and night duty -with the white nurses and served all the soldiers, and because of their -efficiency they won the respect of all. Colored nurses were assigned -to Camp Grant where they made a similar record.</p> - -<p>Important in this general connection is the matter of the general -relation of Negro women throughout the country to Red Cross work. In -the North and West they joined the organization and worked in more -or less complete harmony; but in the South they had difficulty in -becoming members. Yet it was in the South that their services were -most needed. The whole matter is important as a study in effort toward -racial co-operation, and we shall refer to the experience of three -representative cities.</p> - -<p>In Atlanta the colored people were willing to work, because there were -thousands of Negro soldiers at Camp Gordon, some of whom were their -sons. Several attempts were made at first to work, but the Atlanta -chapter assumed an attitude of aloofness. When the Red Cross launched -its campaign in October, 1917, the Negro people were not asked to take -part until only two days were left. They objected at first but finally -decided to do what they could in the remaining two days. A committee -of the most influential men was formed and this raised $400. They also -contributed eight dozen sheets and eight dozen pillow cases. The money -was turned over to the Atlanta chapter, with the names of all persons -who contributed a dollar, the understanding being that this would go as -membership fees in the branch which they would be allowed to form. They -elected temporary officers and applied to the president of the Atlanta -chapter for the complete organization of a branch, but were met by a -policy of evasion. Meanwhile the women were eager to do knitting for -the soldiers and they secured some yarn; but the next morning the young -woman who received the yarn was called up over the telephone and asked -to return the wool she had received, as the Red Cross was “not giving -wool to new organizations.” Further effort on the part of the colored -people at length brought forth a formal letter giving them authority to -establish a branch, but because of certain conditions specified in the -letter and the previous attitude of the chapter in Atlanta, the Negro -people in this city did not finally co-operate in any large measure.</p> - -<p>The attitude of the Red Cross in Little Rock was in the beginning -similar to that of the Atlanta chapter, but there was a feeling on the -part of some of the white people that they should utilize the efforts -of the Negroes because they represented so large a part of their total -strength. W. H. Holt, a representative citizen, believed that some -satisfactory adjustment could be made and took charge of a campaign to -raise $15,000 among the colored people. Instead of $15,000, $22,000 -was raised. This result changed the situation entirely. The Negro -branch was immediately recognized and rooms were opened in the county -courthouse in which various kinds of Red Cross work was done by the -colored women.</p> - -<p>Very different was the case in Greenville, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, where was found -the most liberal attitude in any Southern city. The Negro women were -organized in a branch and did the same work as that done by the -members of the white branches. They made comfort-kits for every drafted -man sent from Greenville, as well as other articles desired by the Red -Cross, and they gave $100 to the Y. M. C. A. for the South Carolina -boys at Camp Jackson. They were enthusiastic about the work. The fine -spirit of co-operation shown in Greenville was due in large measure to -the attitude of Mrs. W. G. Sirrine, chairman of the local chapter, who -believed heartily in the assistance of the Negro women and finally said -of them, “They have responded to every call.” In general the work at -this place was an example of what was possible in teamwork between the -races when there was hearty good will and when all were striving for a -common cause.</p> - -<p>In every cantonment city in the South toward the end of the war there -was some form of co-operation between the Red Cross and the colored -women. The organization often aided the families of Negro soldiers when -they were in need, as was necessary in the case of the soldiers at Camp -Knox near Louisville, <abbr title="Kentucky">Ky.</abbr> The service records of more than a hundred -men were lost. Although they had been in the army for months, their -families had not received a cent of their allotments or allowances. -The Red Cross representative in Louisville took up the matter with the -commanding officer, and he saw that the claims were paid immediately. -This was only one of thousands of cases of such assistance.</p> - - -<h3>RED CROSS CANTEEN SERVICE</h3> - -<p>Over 65,000 women enrolled in the seven hundred American Red Cross -canteens. This service consisted of canteen kitchens, medical -supplies, and small transfer hospitals. It was organized to stimulate -the morale of the soldiers and to make them feel that the people of the -country appreciated the loyal manner in which they had responded to -the country’s call. In some of the chapters there were organized Negro -canteen auxiliaries, and these did very effective work in such centers -as Hamlet, <abbr title="North Carolina">N. C.</abbr>, Greenville, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, Montgomery, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, and New Orleans. -At first there was some objection to the wearing of the uniform by -Negro women, but in the centers mentioned they wore it and did regular -work for the soldiers passing through on the trains. At Montgomery -there was a canteen room at the station for colored soldiers, and in -New Orleans there was a well equipped auxiliary with headquarters -on the ground floor of the Pythian Temple owned by Negroes. In the -beginning it was said in some places that the canteen workers failed -to serve Negro soldiers, and to some extent this was true, but it was -by no means the rule. The policy was to render service to all officers -and enlisted men without distinction. On one occasion six hundred Negro -soldiers stopped at a town in Arkansas. They had come direct from the -farms in Louisiana, and were timid and uncertain when they arrived, but -they felt very different when they left. As the local paper said, “The -interest shown in them here made new and fighting men out of them. It -will be a long time before the American Red Cross will perform a better -service, or one that gives the good women, both white and colored, -more pleasure.” Another time, as a train stopped at the station in -Charlotte, N. C., a canteen worker came to a car window and asked the -Negro soldier in the car to have a cup of coffee and a sandwich. He -refused at first, but she insisted, passing the refreshments to him, -and as the train pulled out she uttered a hearty “Good luck!” and “God -bless you!”</p> - -<p>Not only in America but in France also the Red Cross served these men. -At Thiaucourt the canteen was in charge of a young woman who gave away -large quantities of supplies, such as towels, summer underwear, shaving -sticks, razor blades, gum and chocolate. In this instance the Negro -soldiers shared almost entirely in the generosity, but this was only -one of many, many cases of whole-hearted and highly appreciated service.</p> - - -<h3>WAR CAMP COMMUNITY SERVICE</h3> - -<p>Raymond B. Fosdick, chairman of the Committee on Training Camp -Activities, said in writing about the work of the Commission: “It is -our task, in the first place, to see that the inside of the sixty-odd -army camps furnish real amusement and recreation and social life. In -the second place, we are to see to it that the towns and cities near -by the camps are organized to provide recreation and social life to -the soldiers who flock there when on leave. The Government will give -the men while they train every possible opportunity for education, -amusement, and social life.”</p> - -<p>Negro soldiers were a part of the army for whom recreation was an -essential. In most places, however, the pool rooms and the ice cream -and soft drink parlors very frequently were but meeting-places for -the soldiers and girls, and the boarding and rooming houses were -especially questionable. Public dance halls were hardly ever adequately -supervised. In Charlotte, for instance, where two public halls were -conducted, the most popular one was open and crowded every night. A -policeman acted as doorkeeper and received all tickets. Little effort -was made to control the conduct and none to supervise dancing.</p> - -<p>The War Camp Community Service came into being to organize the social -and recreational facilities of the communities adjacent to the training -camps and to furnish the best possible places for the soldiers in their -free time. City organizations were impressed with their responsibility -for showing genuine hospitality to the men, and invariably they -co-operated. In the beginning there was very little effort to provide -centers for Negro soldiers. Within the first seven months that Negro -soldiers were in the camps in only one city did the War Camp Community -Service make provision for their entertainment. In May, 1918, however, -eight clubs were opened in different cities, and in all cases these -were the best places that provided wholesome amusement, and usually the -only available places.</p> - -<p>While discussion was going on as to whether Negro soldiers would be -permanent and whether it was necessary to establish clubs for them, -R. B. Patin, executive secretary of the War Camp Community Service -at Des Moines, established the first club for Negro soldiers. -The Lincoln School, a large three-story building, was secured by -the Community Service and the Des Moines Chamber of Commerce, and -Herbert R. Wright, a lawyer and former consul of the United States in -Honduras and Venezuela, was placed in charge of the club, which had -a spacious reading-room, well supplied with writing materials, and a -music room with piano, victrola, and numerous records. There was also -an up-to-date cafeteria, as well as a bootblack parlor and a well -conducted pool room. Citizens were invited to the band concerts in the -auditorium, as well as to the socials of the various companies in the -366th Infantry.</p> - -<p>Two of the largest community centers for Negro soldiers were located -at Washington, D. C., and Baltimore, <abbr title="Maryland">Md.</abbr> During the summer of 1918 a -well equipped “Soldiers’ Club” was established in Washington; it was -conducted by J. B. Ramsey and the co-operation of the community was -more effective than in any other center visited by the writer. Some -form of entertainment was given practically every evening by club or -church organizations; on Sundays many wounded soldiers at the Walter -Reed Hospital were taken to church and then to dinner; and on Christmas -Day, 1918, and New Year’s Day, 1919, there was very special hospitality -and entertainment. The center in Baltimore was opened July 20, 1918, -and was in charge of <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> W. H. Weaver, a Presbyterian minister. The -club was visited by soldiers from Camp Meade, Camp Holabird, Curtis -Bay, the Canton warehouses, and Edgewood, and its chief feature was -its sleeping-quarters accommodating two hundred men. For these the -fee was 25 cents a night and they were the most attractive found in -any center for Negro soldiers. The men at Camp Upton had access to the -recreational facilities of New York, and while a club was established -for them in Harlem, they did not depend upon the community center as in -most other places. At Camp Devens in Massachusetts the soldiers’ clubs -were open to all men in uniform irrespective of race.</p> - -<p>So much has been said about racial goodwill in Virginia that it was -surprising that there should be in this state in the beginning an -indifference that was very close to opposition to the establishing of -clubs for Negro soldiers. After the first eight months of war, however, -the need became so urgent that clubs were established at Petersburg -and Richmond for the soldiers at Camp Lee, at Alexandria for those at -Camp Humphrey, and at Norfolk, Portsmouth, Newport News, and Hampton -for the sailors and soldiers in the various camps and training stations -on the Lower Peninsula. At Petersburg, on account of the opposition of -the local ministers, dancing was not included as a part of the club -entertainment. At Alexandria an Odd Fellows Hall, owned by Negroes, was -donated to the Community Service without rent. The first club erected -at Newport News proving altogether inadequate, eighteen city lots were -purchased and a new building costing $25,000 erected. A staff of six -secretaries was employed. To furnish the building at Hampton, Negro -citizens raised $1,000, an effective program being carried out under -the direction of Miss Elizabeth Martin. The success of the work in -Newport News and Hampton was largely due to the sincere effort of J. L. -Einstein, director of community work on the Lower Peninsula.</p> - -<p>In Columbia, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, community work was influenced by local sentiment -and it was more than a year before a club was provided for Negro -soldiers. At Spartanburg and Greenville there were small clubs which -were principally bureaus of information, and at Greenville the colored -committee especially opposed dancing. At Charlotte, where a hotel -was renovated and made into an attractive club, the Negro ministers -gave their moral support, and clubs of colored women aided greatly. -In Atlanta it was said that the Negro soldiers were not “stationary -enough” for a club, though thousands of them were constantly at Camp -Gordon during the first year of the war. It was necessary at length for -the War Department to intervene on behalf of the men and a club was -finally established November 15, 1918, after fifteen months of waiting. -When it was established the colored committee objected to dancing, -pool and card playing, thus eliminating the forms of recreation that -the soldiers especially enjoyed. In Augusta, near Camp Hancock, more -than $3,000 was spent in renovating a two-story hall, and the club was -in charge of a liberal Baptist minister, <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> R. J. McCain. At Macon, -near Camp Wheeler, club rooms were secured in the Pythian Temple. At -Anniston, near Camp McClellan, the man employed as janitor was expected -to do the executive work and very little was done by way of carrying -out a constructive program. At Hattiesburg, <abbr title="Mississippi">Miss.</abbr>, a committee of -Negro men raised $100, rented and furnished a small rest room for the -Negro soldiers when they were first sent to Camp Shelby; later the War -Camp Community Service renovated the Masonic Hall with two floors and -attractively furnished it as a club. At Alexandria, <abbr title="Louisiana">La.</abbr>, near Camp -Beauregard, a club was opened in the Masonic Hall and repaired by the -Community Service at a cost of $1,000. At Little Rock the club was in -the Taborian Hall, a modern, well located building. The Negro citizens -paid the rent of $10 a month, while the Community Service equipped the -room. A soldier from Camp Pike was in charge. Effective work was not -done at this center because of lack of co-operation with the citizens. -The state of Texas was generally behind others in the work. At Camp -Logan, Houston, Camp MacArthur, Waco, and Camp Bowie, Fort Worth, there -were no centers. $5,000 was placed in the budget at Fort Worth for a -club, but it was cut out entirely, and the Negro people felt keenly the -attitude toward Negro soldiers after they had contributed generously -toward the various “drives” for the war. At Camp Travis in San Antonio, -after eight months had passed, the Negro citizens purchased a site and -gave it to the War Department for as long a time as it might be needed. -The War Camp Community Service appropriated $10,000, and a building was -opened at Christmas, 1918. When this was no longer needed for war work, -it was turned over to the colored people and used as a public library.</p> - -<p>All told this work gave to many Negro people a new conception of well -organized and supervised recreation for the young people. Scores of -men and women were employed as secretaries and tens of thousands of -dollars spent in promoting the work. Realizing that the development of -recreation centers for Negro girls was a part of the bigger problem -from the standpoint of the soldiers, the War Camp Community Service did -not confine its activities to maintaining clubs for soldiers but also -established centers where there were persons who gave their entire time -to girls. In the cantonment cities the young women were organized into -patriotic leagues and clubs, and these co-operated with the soldiers -in giving entertainments and socials, and in those cities where the -work for girls was most active there it was that Community Service as a -whole was most successful. When the first soldiers’ club was equipped -at Des Moines, one of the chief factors contributing to its success was -the organization also of four girls’ clubs with a total membership of -one hundred and thirty. There was a chaperone for each club; gymnasium -classes met twice a week, and at the close a demonstration in folk -games was given. At Chillicothe the club room was located under an -Episcopal mission and was beautifully furnished. In Baltimore the -whole effort was handled with unusual success, and no young woman was -admitted to the parties without a card from the hostesses. The work -in these three places was typical. Sometimes employment departments -and classes in cooking and sewing were conducted. All such effort -gave the young women better protection and at the same time afforded -them social contact in a wholesome environment. It also gave to the -different communities a deeper sense of responsibility for the welfare -of the Negro girl.</p> - - -<h3>THE NEGRO CHURCH</h3> - -<p>In the cantonment cities, especially in the South, there were numerous -representative Negro churches. A few of these had adequate facilities -for the entertainment of soldiers, but many were too poorly located or -equipped to conduct social centers. The ministers’ unions or alliances -always endorsed the war work for the soldiers, but rarely was there -organized effort on the part of the churches. On one occasion in -Columbia, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, the ministers’ alliance assumed responsibility for the -money contributed by the citizens for a flag presented to the 371st -Infantry. Some important factors contributed to the general situation. -In many cases at the beginning the welfare agencies in the cantonment -cities showed a tendency to ignore the Negro citizens. Another -difficulty was found in the uncertainty as to the soldiers’ presence. -Numerous cases occurred where elaborate arrangements were made for the -men and they did not arrive at all. In such a case of course either -the church or the camp authorities had failed to do what was necessary -for the most complete co-operation. Sometimes when rest rooms were -provided by the churches, the soldiers were not enthusiastic about them -because of the limitations placed upon them. Excellent concerts and -well ordered socials were sometimes given by the churches, however, -and soldiers were frequently invited to dinner at the homes of members -of congregations after the Sunday services.</p> - -<p>The best co-operation in any cantonment city between the Negro -churches and the camp authorities was probably that in Atlanta. The -Congregational church here had a spacious basement, a good library and -a well equipped gymnasium, and a trained worker organized and worked -with the girls’ clubs. A special Sunday afternoon service was held and -after this there were refreshments. Other large churches in Atlanta -were also active. San Antonio followed closely in such endeavor; -and in Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr>, one church sent a wagon load of watermelons to -the soldiers, and another twenty gallons of ice cream. In all the -cantonment cities ministers from the various churches preached in the -camps and they often took with them their church choirs. Some of the -national religious bodies sent camp pastors to the soldiers, and these -men sometimes spent as much as three days a week addressing those in -uniform and visiting the hospitals.</p> - - -<h3>FEDERAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES</h3> - -<p>The General Wartime Commission of the Churches was constituted by the -Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America soon after the -nation entered the war. This commission was composed of more than a -hundred men chosen from the different religious bodies which were -dealing with the problems raised by the war, and its activities were -conducted through committees charged with specific phases of war -work. Reports of conditions in the camps led to the Appointment of a -Committee on the Welfare of Negro troops. This consisted of Bishop -Wilbur P. Thirkield, chairman, George Foster Peabody, <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> R. R. Moton, -<abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> James H. Dillard, J. R. Hawkins, Thomas Jesse Jones, <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> M. Ashby -Jones, Bishop R. E. Jones, Robert E. Speer, <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> Henry A. Atkinson, -<abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> W. H. Jernagin, and <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> Gaylord S. White.</p> - -<p>In order that the Committee might have definite information for its -work, two Negro men, Charles H. Williams and <abbr title="Reverend">Rev.</abbr> G. Lake Imes, were -appointed as field secretaries. Of their work <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Thomas Jesse Jones, -executive secretary of the committee, wrote as follows: “One of -these, financed by the Phelps-Stokes Fund, made careful observations -of conditions in and about the cantonments where colored soldiers -were located. The reports prepared by this worker showed such a -thoroughness in ascertaining the truth and such a constructive point -of view in the recommendations made as to win the cordial approval of -the War Department and all the agencies co-operating in the care of -the soldiers. The second worker devoted his time to the study of the -churches in their relations to colored soldiers. On the basis of these -observations he assisted the churches to plan their activities so as -to be of real help to the soldiers in the community.” The reports of -the field secretaries were sent direct to the War Department and on -the basis of them conferences were held with the Secretary of War and -the various welfare organizations. It was in this connection that the -Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Emmett J. Scott, labored -unceasingly to remove discrimination and adjust difficulties. Members -of the committee, though in an unofficial capacity, often assisted -directly. Bishop Thirkield visited various camps and cantonment cities -and conferred with army officers, chambers of commerce, and Rotary -clubs, always with a view to improving conditions. Mr. Peabody on a -number of occasions went to Washington and conferred with the President -and the Secretary of War with reference to the Negro soldiers. In a -most uncompromising manner he always advocated a square deal. Dr. -Moton was frequently called into conference with President Wilson and -Secretary Baker and was also asked to go to France to investigate the -situation when damaging reports had been spread in both America and -France with reference to the conduct of Negro officers and soldiers. -<abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Jones was also called into conference and toward the close of the -war went to France under the auspices of the Y. M. C. A.</p> - -<p>Thus, while there were many difficulties and an enormous amount of -work to be done in the different welfare agencies—whether the Y. M. -C. A., the Red Cross, the Community Service, or some other—there were -loyal souls who were laboring unceasingly for the comfort of the Negro -soldier and also for the final consummation of victory for the great -cause in which all were engaged.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII"><big>CHAPTER VII</big><br /><br /> -THE STEVEDORE</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>Very early in the war it was found that there was a serious shortage -of common labor in the American army. France was unable to supply -her own needs, and therefore not at all able to assist her allies. -To supply the American need for common labor Negroes were suggested, -G. K. Little, assistant engineer at Mobile, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, writing to the -chief engineer that they were “loyal and willing to obey all orders -irrespective of weather conditions or other hardships” and generally -“peculiarly desirable.” It was the plan of these engineer service -battalions to work wherever they could help and to do whatever was -necessary. Forty-six such battalions were formed. The first four -consisted of white men and the others of Negroes.</p> - -<p>The stevedores represent that part of an army about which little is -said because it does the rough, unskilled work; yet no group renders a -more valiant service or contributes more to the success of an army than -do these men.</p> - -<p>This was especially true of the 150,000 Negro stevedores in the Great -War, who played an important part both at home and abroad. Included -in the term were the engineer regiments, the depot brigades, and the -service, labor, and development battalions. Some officials have said -that the Negro stevedore rendered the most magnificent service of any -Negro organizations in France. Their work was undoubtedly appreciated -by the War Department and by most citizens; yet honors were not -conferred upon them as upon the fighting men. No brass bands came out -to greet them on their return. Few had opportunities to win the Croix -de Guerre or the Distinguished Service Cross, although they often -performed deeds of bravery while working behind the lines in the range -of the big guns.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately the term “stevedores” came to mean to many people those -who were physically or mentally unfit to be fighting men and they were -looked upon as inferior to other soldiers. Sometimes this was true, but -it is also true that there were thousands of stevedores who represented -the best of the young manhood of America. In the beginning of the draft -hundreds of Negro men who met all the physical qualifications could -not meet the educational tests. Such men were usually transferred -to stevedore organizations, and the rate of illiteracy in these ran -from 35 to 75 per cent. Sometimes also those who because of physical -unfitness were only partially able to serve their country when it -needed them, nevertheless rendered some valuable service in American -camps. Such a company was the 402nd Reserve Labor Battalion, stationed -at Camp Hancock, Augusta, <abbr title="Georgia">Ga.</abbr> This was located fifteen miles from the -camp in a wood, where it built roads and also kept in condition the -range for the officers and men being trained for the battle fronts in -France.</p> - -<p>The question naturally arises how it happened that some of the best -of the Negro youth were placed in the stevedore regiments. In the -beginning there was great need for men to do the manual work connected -with supplying with food and equipment two million soldiers in France. -The Negro was regarded by many army officials as specially adapted -to this work because of his previous training and his cheerful -disposition; and for one reason or another some other officials -deemed it advisable to withhold from him regular military training. -Accordingly, in the fall of 1917, colored draftees and volunteers were -sent to various assembling camps and formed into stevedore and labor -units. Thousands from the Southern states, many of them students in the -schools and colleges, rushed to the colors with the hope of entering -combatant units, only to find, to their great disappointment, that they -had been assigned to service regiments.</p> - -<p>The work in the United States varied with the different camps. -Sometimes it was the handling of supplies or ammunition. Then again -it was grading, ditching, digging stumps, cleaning up new ground for -building purposes, or draining camps. The men did every form of fatigue -work and sometimes built roads along with civilians who received $3.50 -or $4.00 a day. Those who remained in the United States did not, as a -rule, experience as hard a life as their comrades in France. Living -conditions in the cantonments were usually very good, even in the tent -camps after the necessary improvements had been made. Sometimes it -happened that the stevedore was neglected in the beginning, especially -if he was placed in a camp apart from the other soldiers. Such was -the case at Camp Hill, Newport News, in the winter of 1917-18. In the -coldest weather experienced in this part of the country in a quarter of -a century, the stevedores lived in tents without floors or stoves. Most -of them could get only one blanket and some could not secure even that. -Twenty to thirty occupied one tent 16 feet square. Often men reaching -the camp in zero weather were compelled to stand around a fire outside -all night or sleep under trees for partial shelter from the wind, rain, -and snow. For four months no bathing facilities or changes of clothing -were provided. Food was served outdoors and often froze before it could -be eaten. After inspectors and other investigators constantly reported -these conditions they were changed. Comfortable barracks and mess halls -were built, a Y. M. C. A. building and a hostess house erected, and -the name of the camp was changed from Hill to Alexander in honor of -one of the three Negro lieutenants who had been graduated from West -Point. Not only in this camp, but in every other where unsatisfactory -conditions prevailed, improvements were gradually made until, at the -end of the war, most of the stevedores in American camps were living in -comfortable surroundings.</p> - -<p>The stevedore units were commanded almost entirely by white -commissioned officers, with white sergeants and colored corporals. In -some engineer units all the non-commissioned officers were white, -though in rare cases they were all colored. The work of the Negro -stevedore in the American Expeditionary Force was considered of prime -importance. He was among the first to sail for France, and among the -very first was a group of one hundred men from New Orleans. They and -those who followed them were to be found at the base ports of Brest, -<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire, Bordeaux, Marseilles, and Le Havre, and at such railheads -as Tours, Liffol-le-Grand, Gierve, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Sulpice, Chaumont, and other -such centers. The largest of these ports was Brest, and here the men -did more work than anywhere else. They handled all kinds of supplies -at the docks, coaled ships, and helped to build piers and docks. They -labored night and day, sometimes continuously for sixteen hours. -Although they worked in the rain and snow, it was only after months -had passed that they were provided with oil-skin suits and gum boots. -One high officer said, “The men who worked on these docks have had the -hardest job of any men in France, but their spirit has been fine.” In -the “Race to Berlin” the Brest port won the championship, a company of -the 310th Service Battalion winning the honor of having done more work -than any similar outfit in France. As a reward it was sent back to the -States earlier than would otherwise have been the case.</p> - -<p>The <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire base was the second largest port. Numerous camps were -located outside the city, extending as far as fifteen kilometers. -Twenty-eight miles of warehouses were constructed at Montois and -filled with supplies of every description, while outside there were -railroad engines, cars, and vast quantities of construction material. -<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire was also a huge embarkation port. At times more than -50,000 colored soldiers were stationed in this vicinity. The long pier -extending a mile out into the water was built almost exclusively by -the 317th Engineers. The task was very dangerous, as the men had to -work standing on slippery boards, but it was finally completed and -stood as a memorial to the Negro soldiers. Camp Guthrie was built -entirely by Negro men. They composed the personnel and ran the big -troop kitchens, the delousing plants, the officers’ mess halls, and -the infirmaries. Here, as at Brest, the hardest work on the docks -was done exclusively by Negro soldiers. This included coaling ships -and unloading supplies of all kinds, including railroad engines and -tractors. During the “Race to Berlin” new port records for unloading -ships were made weekly. The men sometimes “worked like mad men,” -having received the impression that they were going home as soon as -the armistice was signed. Badges were given to those who got the most -work done, and the base port winning the week’s competition flew a flag -for the next week. In addition to the work on the docks, the soldiers -built and repaired roads, built railroads, warehouses, a round house, -a water-filtering plant, and did general fatigue duty. In referring -to what they accomplished a major said, “It has been no hero service, -but has been hard, long, and faithful, and it is appreciated. These -men have handled 30,000 tons of material in one day.” Another officer -said, “Many colored soldiers are sleeping in the little graveyard on -the hill because they broke their heartstrings in the ‘Race to Berlin.’”</p> - -<p>Bordeaux was the third of the large ports. In the camps outside the -city as many as fifty thousand soldiers were stationed at times. At St. -Sulpice in the Bordeaux area the American army built and filled with -provisions and munitions about one hundred warehouses. At two camps on -the outskirts of the city, Anconia and Bassens, twenty thousand Negro -soldiers were stationed for months, handling cargoes day and night. -Many of them worked sixteen hours a day and rarely ever saw the camp in -the daytime, as they went to and from work in the dark.</p> - -<p>The work at the other base ports was similar, though on a smaller -scale. Sometimes hundreds of miles of railroad track had to be laid or -great steel warehouses erected. Gierve was outstanding as a center for -such work, as it was the largest supply depot in France. Warehouses -here covered an area seven miles long and three miles wide. There were -always some Negro units stationed at this place, along with white -units which did stevedore work. The two organizations which served at -Gierve for the longest period were the 313th and 328th Negro labor -battalions. At Liffol-le-Grand, near Chaumont, the headquarters of the -commander-in-chief of the American Army, there was another large supply -depot. Here the Negro engineers drained and cleared a swamp, laid miles -of railroad track, and helped to build a large round house and several -warehouses.</p> - -<p>The stevedores were the great roadbuilders in France. Thousands -also worked in the great forests, cutting wood, peeling trees, and -laboring in the sawmills. In the Forestry Division at Jironde they -made an average of peeling 35 trees a day per man, while the average -of other engineers were only 15 trees. Nazareth Thaggard of the 323rd -Service Battalion made the highest record of any man in the A. E. F. -by cutting 30 steres of wood in one day. The task for his company was -five steres. For this notable achievement he was given a twenty-day -pass to travel over France and made a corporal in his organization. The -320th Engineers cut and carried wood for a mile and a half on their -backs. The men in the 332nd Labor Battalion, stationed at Brion, cut -six steres of wood as a daily task. They cut 1500 steres at Jerocho -and 5400 at Comercy. The woodcutters lived in floorless tents often -surrounded by mud. Many times the necessary clothing and boots could -not be secured, and sometimes they were obliged to eat in the rain and -snow. <abbr title="Doctor">Dr.</abbr> Hope, of whom we have spoken as at the head of Y. M. C. A. -work for Negro soldiers in France, said in speaking of a visit to the -woodcutters: “One night I went in a car fifteen miles out in a wood -with a chaplain who came to a small French town to buy ‘smokes’ for -the men. When we reached the camp it was dark. Lights were seen in -the narrow streets and mud deeper than I had ever seen before. In the -morning the men got up at 4.45. The sound they made walking through -the mud was unlike any noise that I had ever heard. Even at that early -hour some were joking, some singing.” The record of almost every -organization cutting wood shows that the men endured great suffering, -and the Negro’s sense of humor was a great asset to him. Said one -private who served with the 323rd service battalion: “We have come in -wet to the skin, with our boots half full of water. Some would go to a -stove and get warm, some would sing, some play cards. Others would walk -five miles for French bread and butter and eggs that they would cook -in their mess-kits. Some would laugh and be happy, while others beside -them would die.”</p> - -<p>After peace was declared and the American army started home, there -remained still much work to be done “over there.” The heroes who fell -at Château-Thierry, Amiens, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel, in Belleau Wood and the Argonne -Forest deserved a suitable resting-place. The work of reburying the -dead was done almost exclusively by the Negro stevedores. Daily convoys -of trucks went as far as a hundred kilometers, and men searched the -fields, forests, and shell holes for the dead, who were brought to the -cemeteries and reinterred. This was the most ghastly and gruesome task -in the A. E. F.; yet the way the Negroes worked may be judged from the -fact that at Romagne, where the largest American cemetery is located, -1038 and 1050 soldiers were reburied in two successive days. The nature -of the work required that much of it be done after midnight when most -of the men were asleep. One could hear the sound of the hammer and -the tread of feet, and the lonely minor chord of the Negroes’ song -as they drove nails into the coffins. The electric lights all over -the cemeteries at night showed these men moving about without the -traditional fear attributed to them. Theirs was no enviable task, but -no group of men ever displayed finer spirit in the performance of duty, -and no soldiers more loyally served the republic.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>With all of their good service, however, the stevedore organizations -were not popular with the Negro soldiers. One reason for this was the -lack of opportunity in them for promotion. One incident will illustrate -the situation. A colonel who was organizing one of these regiments out -of recently drafted men, in an attempt to stir up enthusiasm, said, -“Men, we are going overseas in two weeks. We are going to see the -country and have some fun. You’ll probably never hear a gun fired.” -There was no applause, and the colonel seemed not to realize that -the lack of it was due to the fact that the men not only wanted to -hear guns fired but wanted to fire some themselves. Continuing, he -said, “This is the first opportunity Negroes ever had to serve as -engineers. It is all an experiment. It’s up to you men to make good.” -After concluding his remarks he asked if there were any questions. -“Sir, Colonel, what about promotions?” asked one man. This turn rather -surprised the officer, but he recovered and said, “The officers will -be white.” A moment later he added, “The non-commissioned officers -will also be white.” Then he paused, and the soldier repeated the -question. The colonel then said, “There will be twenty-five first class -privates, who will carry rifles, and you know they get three dollars -a month more pay. You know cooks are needed. A lot of men will want -that job, but it takes a —— good man to be a cook.” The silence -which greeted this remark indicated great disappointment on the part -of the men. Seeing this, the colonel tried to hold out some hope by -saying that some non-commissioned officers would be made in France -when new organizations were formed. As a matter of fact, as the war -progressed, many appointments as non-commissioned officers were made, -the commanders of Negro soldiers ultimately realizing that they as well -as other soldiers were prompted to do better work when there were even -remote possibilities of securing promotions.</p> - -<p>The kind of treatment accorded the men was due almost entirely to -the attitude of the officers who immediately commanded them. In some -organizations commanding officers were more like foremen and overseers -over railroad gangs and plantation workers than like officers in -command of American soldiers. Very frequently little interest was taken -in the personal appearance of the men, and military law was practically -disregarded in dealing with them. One commander did not hesitate to -say that if the men did not move as he thought they should, he helped -them with his foot, and the soldiers were placed in the guardhouse -on the most trivial pretense. “The spirit of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire,” said one -officer, “is the spirit of the South,” and in the early days of this -great camp there were constant clashes caused by racial feeling and by -drinking. There were several colored French women at this base. White -officers and soldiers were frequently seen with them, but if a Negro -was seen with a white French woman a good deal was likely to be said, -and trouble was generally started by the marines. Discriminatory orders -were often issued, and stevedores experienced difficulties in visiting -cafés and other public places. Sometimes they were also forbidden to -enter French homes or to be seen in company with French civilians. -With the military police there was special trouble, as the men -received the impression that they made a special effort to use their -authority to abuse Negro soldiers. Sometimes they conducted an “era of -ruthlessness,” and many of the fights and “near riots” were due to such -efforts. In the railway terminal in one cantonment city, when large -numbers of soldiers were returning to camp, every Negro was required to -show his pass, but the passes of the white men were not required. This -sort of thing made for friction, as did also the manner in which the -soldiers were often approached by the M. P.’s.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the Negro soldiers themselves were not without -faults. Some of their difficulties were due to their own ignorance -and to customs that they brought into the army from civil life. On -plantations and public works some had been used to “ducking the boss” -and slipping away, and attempts to continue this practice in the army -sometimes resulted in their being placed in the guardhouse.</p> - -<p>In such a situation it is pleasant to recall that two junior officers -in one organization were always working in the interest of the men -and heartily disapproved of the treatment they received. In their -camp discriminatory orders were not issued. While moreover some of -the roughest treatment given the stevedores was by Southern officers, -it is also true that some of the best and fairest officers commanding -Negro troops were Southern men. Such officers saw that their men -were well equipped, if it was possible to equip them, and provided -for their recreation by organizing athletic teams and by giving full -co-operation to the “Y” in its program. The 313th Labor Battalion was -commanded by such an officer in France and its fine record was largely -due to his impartial attitude. For the 542nd Engineers, one of whose -companies worked on the roads in the Remaucourt region in France, there -was built a little auditorium. This was wired by one of the officers, -and the scenery for the shows was painted by one of the men. There -were pictures every night and people from the village near by were -free to attend. One of the men, Frank Johnson, won the middleweight -championship of the S. O. S. and his only defeat was at the hands of -the French champion. That the stevedores appreciated their commanders -in such organizations was shown by the fact that when they sailed for -America they often presented to them gifts costing hundreds of francs.</p> - -<p>The story of one camp will serve to illustrate both types of officers -that commanded Negro troops. Camp Williams, located at Issurtille, -was the second largest supply depot in France. During the last days -of the war 12,000 Negro soldiers, mainly engineers and stevedores, -were stationed there. They built warehouses and railroads and supplied -the combat troops with wood, food, clothing, medicine and shells and -ammunition of all kinds. The camp adjutant said that they did their -work without grumbling. The non-commissioned officers were both -white and colored, mainly white. Very often they were ignorant men. -Illiterate Negro men were often selected in preference to educated men -and sometimes were made to serve as “stool pigeons.” For nine months -at this camp there was in force a special order bearing date July 3, -1918, which said: “All colored enlisted men of this command are hereby -confined to the limits of the Camp and Depot until further advised.” -The enforcing of this order was a great cause of trouble. When white -troops were permitted to visit not only Issurtille but all the -surrounding towns, many of the colored men broke the rules and left the -camp without passes; this brought them into conflict with the M. P.’s, -and ended by their being placed in the guardhouse. On arresting the men -the M. P.’s frequently cursed them and on the slightest provocation -threatened to use revolvers. Conditions finally made necessary a change -in the camp commander. Colonel S. V. Ham, a regular army officer who -had been wounded twice at the front, assumed command. He found a -filthy camp with practically no morale. Segregation was everywhere -and prejudice was intense. At once he issued the following order: -“The restrictions against visiting towns in this district by colored -troops are hereby removed until further notice. It is the desire of -the Commanding Officer to place the colored troops on the same status -as the white troops.” This was dated March 26, 1919. Colonel Ham -also issued an order forbidding the use of the word “nigger” in the -camp. All officers attended officers’ meetings when they were held; -previously colored officers never went, for they did not know when the -meetings were to be held. Lectures were given on the treatment of the -soldiers; military discipline was enforced in the case of both officers -and men; and the Colonel himself pulled down some of the discriminatory -signs. The result was that within three weeks the number of men in the -guardhouse was reduced from three hundred to fifty; sometimes several -days would pass without a man’s being placed there. Complaints were -reduced 60 per cent within the first week. Interesting also is the fact -that the rate of venereal disease in the camp was also lowered. The -general attitude of Colonel Ham changed the spirit of both officers and -men, and before long the feeling of racial antagonism gave way to one -of comradeship.</p> - - -<h3>PIONEER INFANTRY ORGANIZATIONS</h3> - -<p>There were fourteen other organizations in France, known as Pioneer -Infantry Regiments, which did mainly stevedore work. These were -composed largely of men who were drafted during the summer of 1918 and -who were given from one to three months of intensive military training -in American camps and then sent overseas. The commissioned officers -were white, and the enlisted personnel colored. In France a small -number of colored dental officers, chaplains, and band leaders were -assigned in some of the regiments. It appears that the idea of the -War Department in forming these organizations was to have men trained -to fight, if needed, and also to have sufficient men to do the work -necessary for the maintenance of a big army.</p> - -<p>Most of the regiments reached France during the months of September and -October, 1918, and consequently did no actual fighting. They worked in -the S. O. S. and in the advanced section, sometimes in the back area -of shell fire, and in a few instances near the front lines. Their work -consisted of road building, assistance at the base ports, salvaging -the battlefields, demunition and demolition work, and the building -of ammunition dumps with material moved from the battlefields to the -roads and then to central stations. The removing of ammunition after -the Château-Thierry drive was so satisfactorily done that <abbr title="Lieutenant Colonel">Lt. Col.</abbr> Ord, -chief ammunition officer of the S. O. S., wrote a letter in which he -said: “These two depots were transformed from a heterogeneous pile to -this remarkable condition in seven days, and I desire to compliment the -officers and twenty-six men who went from these headquarters as well as -the 801st Pioneer Infantry for this remarkable achievement.”</p> - -<p>Before the Armistice several regiments worked behind the front lines -in the Argonne Forest and at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel, where they built narrow- and -wide-gauge railroads and macadam roads for the movement of light and -heavy artillery and supplies. It was also the task of some to bury the -dead, working under shell fire. Sometimes bombs dropped among them, -killing and wounding them; but because of their late arrival in France -they did not work long in such danger. After the Armistice some did -guard duty, looking after the German prisoners. Companies of the 806th -and 811th Pioneer Infantry regiments did a part of the concrete and -grading work for the Pershing Stadium, the $100,000 structure erected -by the Y. M. C. A. for the inter-allied games held in July, 1919.</p> - -<p>While the Pioneer Infantry regiments and the stevedores did the -same kind of work for the most part, the former received the better -treatment, as their officers generally insisted on a square deal for -their men. In one battalion the major, an Alabamian, discouraged -segregation by removing all objectionable signs, and he made no effort -to prevent his men from associating with respectable French people. -The commander of the 815th Pioneer Infantry regiment gave wholesome -lectures to his men as a means of education and encouragement. These -organizations also, with few exceptions, were liberal in granting -leaves and in issuing week-end passes, and some of the men were sent -to the universities in France when the A. E. F. conducted its great -educational program.</p> - -<p>Most of the regiments had good bands, minstrel shows, and baseball -teams. The 807th Pioneer Infantry Band of fifty-two pieces was removed -from its organization for several months and stationed with General -Liggett of the First Army Corps, being called the First Army Post -Band. The 806th Pioneer Infantry Band played at the Columbus Stadium -in Paris, giving daily concerts during the A. E. F. try-outs for the -inter-allied meet. The baseball team of the 809th was the most notable -Negro team in France. It won the championship of the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire base -and finished third in the A. E. F. league. The umpires in the league -were fair in all the games.</p> - -<p>The Pioneer Infantry organizations proved a disappointment to many of -the soldiers in them because, as one officer said, “they did everything -the infantry was too proud to do and the engineers too lazy to do.” -However, they did splendid work and returned to America with a record -of honorable achievement.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII"><big>CHAPTER VIII</big><br /><br /> -THE NINETY-SECOND DIVISION</h2> -</div> - - - - -<p>The Ninety-second Division gave to the Negroes of the United States -the opportunity which they had long desired, namely, organization into -fighting units commanded largely by Negro men. In its creation Negroes -were drafted from all sections of the country and from all walks of -life. The largest group of Negro officers ever commissioned served with -this division, which was not trained in one camp, as was true with -other divisions in the National Army, but whose various units were -distributed among seven camps, extending from Camp Funston, <abbr title="Kansas">Kan.</abbr>, to -Camp Upton, <abbr title="New York">N. Y.</abbr> The units were stationed as follows:</p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Division Headquarters -</td> -<td class="cb" rowspan="3"><span style="font-size: 3em;">}</span> -</td> -<td rowspan="3" class="tdr mid">Camp Funston -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Headquarters Troops -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Divisional Trains -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">365th Infantry -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Grant -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">366th Infantry -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Dodge -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">367th Infantry -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Upton -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">368th Infantry -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Meade -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">349th Field Artillery -</td> -<td class="cb" rowspan="2"><span style="font-size: 2.5em;">}</span> -</td> -<td rowspan="2" class="tdr mid">Camp Dix -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">350th Field Artillery -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">351st Field Artillery -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Meade -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">349th Machine-Gun Battalion -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Funston -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">350th Machine-Gun Battalion -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Grant -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">351st Machine-Gun Battalion -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Upton -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">317th Engineers Regiment -</td> -<td class="cb" rowspan="3"><span style="font-size: 3em;">}</span> -</td> -<td class="tdr mid" rowspan="3">Camp Sherman -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">317th Engineers Train -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">325th Signal Corps -</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">317th Trench Mortar Battery -</td> -<td> -</td> -<td class="tdr">Camp Dix -</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p>As the headquarters troops, the military police, the 317th ammunition, -sanitary, and supply trains were all organized and trained with -the headquarters of the Division at Camp Funston, there was great -enthusiasm for achievement among these troops, and an earnest effort -was made to have them attain the highest possible efficiency. Being -close to the inspiration and brains of the Division, they set the -standard for the other units. By their wonderful progress moreover -they changed the attitude of the camp in regard to Negro soldiers -and developed in themselves and in their commanding officers greater -confidence in their ability.</p> - -<p>The infantry regiments were probably the best known, not only among the -Negro people but in Army circles as well. Negroes had made a glorious -record in this branch of the service and were naturally expected -to defend that record. The thousands of soldiers inducted into the -Division, and especially those drawn into the four infantry regiments, -began their training resolved that they would live up to the traditions -of the past. Every man realized that he was representing a confident -and loyal people who prayed and hoped for the success of the Division, -who followed every step of its progress, and who rejoiced with every -victory and sorrowed at every failure. The men were fully conscious of -their responsibility and began their work with enthusiasm.</p> - -<p>From reveille to retreat the recruits were carried through intensive -training, which included physical exercise, a study of the articles -of war, practice marching, use of the bayonet, shooting, the use of -grenades, and signal and semaphore work. Besides their program of -purely military instruction they were given lectures on personal -hygiene and first aid that prepared them to be not only good soldiers -but also better men. From five to seven months of such training showed -wonderful results in every regiment. Undeveloped young men from the -farms and cotton-fields of the South learned to stand erect and to walk -with a firm step, and they were also made to feel that America expected -each of them to do a man’s work.</p> - -<p>So well did Negroes absorb this training that they were often -considered the best drilled and best disciplined organizations in the -camps where they were trained. This was said to be true, for instance, -of the 367th Infantry, commonly known as the “Buffaloes,” which was -trained at Camp Upton. It paraded in New York City on Washington’s -Birthday, 1918, when it was presented with colors by the Union League -Club. The 368th was reviewed by President Wilson in Baltimore during -a Liberty Loan drive. At such times the press of the country carried -articles commending the Negro men for their martial appearance and -wonderful marching, and this praise not only developed a greater pride -in themselves but caused other Americans to recognize their real value -as soldiers.</p> - -<p>The organization of the 92nd Division made it necessary to train -Negroes in other branches of service than the infantry. The mere -suggestion of Negro artillery regiments brought laughter from some -old Army men, and even officers assigned to train the soldiers in -this branch of the service were dubious as to their success. However, -three artillery regiments were organized and the experiment proved a -success. After seven months of hard work at Camps Dix and Meade these -regiments were ready to sail to France, where they were to receive -additional training before doing combat duty. Specialist details, -composed of “non-coms,” were given intensive training, and before -leaving the States they were able to calculate firing data, to use the -various American optical instruments, to connect up and use the field -telephones, to signal, and to perform efficiently the work connected -with the occupation of a position.</p> - -<p>In the three machine-gun battalions—the 349th, 350th, and 351st, -trained at Camps Funston, Grant, and Upton respectively—it was found -that Negroes immediately grasped the intricacies of the machine-gun -and soon excelled in its mechanical manipulation. Ignorant men, those -unable either to read or to write, could take apart and assemble every -part of a gun to the minutest spring. As in other branches, they worked -with a will to succeed, and learned map-reading, trench-digging, -the use of dug-outs, and the construction of shafts and camouflaged -machine-gun emplacements, all of which knowledge was to be essential -when they met the enemy in France. They also mastered the drill and -made a splendid record on the range. In the Division overseas a -machine-gun school was also started, in charge of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Benjamin -H. Mosby, a Negro officer, one of the main objects being to make -machine-gun officers out of infantry officers. More than two hundred -men attended this course.</p> - -<p>The organization of the 325th Signal Corps marked the first time in -the history of the country when Negro men were placed in this branch -of the service. Before the organization of this unit was completed, -a representative of the War Department visited Negro educational -institutions and explained the qualifications for this branch of the -service. As a result, men with superior technical and academic training -were inducted into it. The work was new to most of the men, but their -training enabled them to master it rapidly, so much so that they -surprised the higher officials. The corps was organized and trained at -Camp Sherman, and six officers were raised from the ranks. The unit -boasted of having one of the best health records in France; not one -case of venereal disease was discovered in it. The story is told of one -man who, though he could scarcely write his name when he entered the -service, was able, at the time of the Armistice, to take messages at -the rate of twenty-five words a minute.</p> - -<p>The distribution of the troops in the Division handicapped the -administration somewhat. Orders were delayed in transmission, and -it was impossible to correlate the activities of the several arms -of the service; nor could the Division assemble for a review. The -first opportunity the different units had of meeting came when they -were ordered to join the American Army in France and met at Hoboken, -June 10, 1918, just before sailing. After an exciting voyage all -the units arrived safely at Brest; and after a short stay at Camp -Pontenazen, the headquarters troops and infantry regiments went on to -Bourbonne-les-Bains, making the four-day trip in crowded French box -cars.</p> - -<p>Bourbonne-les-Bains is a beautiful old city, located in Haute-Marne -at the end of a valley encircled by a picturesque chain of hills. The -people were hospitable and welcomed the soldiers into their homes -and places of amusement. While the atmosphere was restful, however, -the task before the Division was eminently serious. Eight weeks of -intensive training were given in the methods of modern warfare, and -terrain exercises and tactical problems worked out. The men perfected -themselves in shooting, in the use of the bayonet and grenades, and in -signal work and trench-digging.</p> - -<p>The three artillery regiments, comprising the 167th Field Artillery -Brigade, on reaching France were stationed at different centers for -six weeks of intensive training—the 349th and 350th at Montmorillion -and the 351st at Lathus. Finally the brigade was mobilized at La -Courtine. Here instruction was given in radio, telephone, and motor -operations, dug-out construction, gun emplacement, and range work. -Even after they reached France, there was still doubt in the minds -of some as to whether the Negro men would make artillerymen. A French -officer, however, came to test the barrage made by the 350th Artillery, -and after it had been put over, he jumped up and clapped his hands, -saying that it was the fastest and the most accurate he had ever seen -put over. In all the training area of the 92nd Division unusually fine -relations existed between the soldiers and the French people.</p> - - -<h3>INFANTRY ENGAGEMENTS</h3> - -<p>From Bourbonne-les-Bains the infantry regiments and headquarters -troops were moved to Bruyères, and it was here that they heard for -the first time the roar of the big guns. Here also it was that the -Commander-in-Chief of the American Expeditionary Forces, General John -J. Pershing, first visited the division. After spending twelve days in -securing necessary equipment, all moved to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die. Here the Americans -were welcomed as deliverers. The Germans had occupied the city for -fourteen days in 1914 and because of their treatment the people had -learned to hate them. The bishop’s house and the church, more than six -hundred years old, were used as headquarters.</p> - -<p>Because of the nature of the terrain the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector was usually -quiet and for this reason it was used for schooling divisions of -recruits, who often got here their baptism of fire before leaving. -There was a little bathing pool in “No Man’s Land,” and it was said -that at certain times, by agreement between the Germans and the French, -each had access to it without being fired upon. The 6th Division of -the American Army, however, which occupied the sector before it was -given over to the 92nd, fired on every German that ventured forth. When -the French said that such action would precipitate offensive tactics, -the Americans insisted that this was their purpose. The 92nd Division -accordingly found the enemy active when it entered the sector. While -there was no major offensive, raiding parties from both sides were -frequent and patrol duty was very necessary.</p> - -<p>The <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector will always be remembered by the men of the -92nd Division because it was there that they received their first -casualties. The first man killed was Private Moses Justice, Company H, -365th Infantry. He had worked as a farmer and enlisted from Marietta, -Ohio. While on patrol duty September 2, 1918, Second <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Thomas J. -Bullock, Company D, 367th Infantry, was killed, the first officer in -the division to fall. In this sector the Negro soldiers remained until -September 21, 1918, when they were ordered to the Meuse-Argonne region, -the 81st Division, known as the “Wildcats,” relieving the 92nd when it -entrained.</p> - -<p>Between September 21 and 23 the 92nd Division was carried from the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> -Die sector to the Argonne region, and by September 24 various units -had been assigned a place in the big drive scheduled for the 25th. -Headquarters were at Beauchamps Farm and Triacourt, and the division -was attached to the First Army Corps.</p> - -<p>On September 23 the 368th Infantry was assigned to the 38th French -Army Corps, commanded by General Durand. It was given a position -on the right bank of the Aisne, north of Vienne-Le-Château and La -Harozee and 500 meters west of Binarville. The Second Battalion of the -regiment, which was in the front line, on September 26 “reconnoitered -the enemy trench position opposite it and progressed at a slow pace, -because of the abundance of wire, until the right half had made an -advance of three kilometers, where it met with strong opposition of -machine-gun nests.” The Third Battalion, according to plan, supported -the advance of the second. On September 27 both were ordered to attack, -the objective being the Trench du Dromadaire. The Second Battalion -progressed two kilometers against machine-gun fire and the third -reached the enemy trench line. On September 28 the objective of the two -battalions remained unchanged.</p> - -<p>As these two battalions advanced and were subjected to heavy -machine-gun fire and enemy artillery barrage, the major commanding the -second was relieved of duty because of physical exhaustion. The Third -Battalion was within two hundred meters of its objective when, under -heavy fire, a portion of the line of an advance company broke and -withdrew to the rear. This company was reorganized and the attack was -resumed, but again the line broke. In spite of the action of some of -their comrades, however, <abbr title="Captain">Capt.</abbr> R. A. Williams and First <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> T. M. -Dent held their position with the part of the company with them until -the following day, when they were relieved by the 9th Cuirassiers, a -French regiment.</p> - -<p>As to the withdrawals, it was stated by company officers that “some -one, identity unknown, ordered a retreat.” Secretary Baker’s report -on this affair said that “there is strongly supported evidence that -orders from some quarters were carried forward by runners directing -the withdrawal, although orders had been given ... that no withdrawal -order, not in writing and signed by the battalion commander, should -be obeyed. The investigation showed that no such written order had -been issued.” The First Battalion, which had been in reserve, was -placed in the front line to renew the attack. It joined the French in -the advance on Binarville and progressed until the leading company -reached and passed by 200 meters the objective that had been given -the regiment. The advance covered four and a half kilometers and 11 -prisoners and 5 machine-guns were captured. The total casualties, -including killed, wounded, and gassed, were 9 officers and 269 enlisted -men. The commanding officer’s report of this engagement said that there -was insufficient use of the infantry rifle. Although machine-guns and -Stokes mortars were with each battalion ready and seeking opportunity -for action, the character of the terrain prevented their use. This -sector, which had been held alternately by the French and Germans -during the war, consisted of a rolling country, cut up by ravines and -covered with the debris of the Argonne Forest, blasted by four years of -shell fire; and it was interlaced by solid wire defences of all kinds. -<abbr title="Colonel">Col.</abbr> F. R. Brown, who was in command during the engagement, said of -the regiment: “It deserves commendation for successfully performing -its original mission of liaison between the 38th (French) Corps and -the 77th Division (U. S.). It deserves commendation as a whole for -successfully advancing as rapidly as did the French units on our left, -in spite of the many difficulties encountered.”</p> - -<p>As a result of the withdrawals of the Third Battalion of the 368th -Infantry during the Argonne engagement, rumors spread in both France -and America that the 92nd Division had been charged with “cowardice -before the enemy.” So great was the confidence of the Negro people in -the bravery of their soldiers, based upon the deeds of a glorious past, -that such rumors seemed almost unbelievable; and when the men in other -regiments of the division heard the reports, many of them begged for an -opportunity to go to the front. The final report of the Secretary of -War, however, somewhat allayed the rumors. He said: “The circumstances -disclosed by a detailed study of the situation do not justify many of -the highly colored accounts which have been given of the behavior of -the troops in this action, and they afford no basis at all for any of -the general assumptions with regard to the action of colored troops -in this battle or elsewhere in France. On the contrary, it is to be -noted that many colored officers, and particularly three in the very -battalion here under discussion, were decorated with Distinguished -Service Crosses for extraordinary heroism under fire.”</p> - -<p>The Division remained in the Argonne until October 5, 1918, when it was -ordered to the Marbache sector, where it remained until the signing of -the Armistice. It was in this sector that the best fighting was done. -During the quiet days between October 5 and November 8, considerable -patrol work was carried on. Some of the enemy soldiers were killed and -others captured, and a number of 92nd soldiers met a similar fate. -Active operations began November 8, the 183rd Infantry Brigade holding -the portion of the Allied line east of the Moselle River, extending -from Pont-à-Mousson to Marbache. On the morning of November 10 an -attack was executed on Bois Frehaut by the Second Battalion of the -365th Regiment, commanded by Major Warner A. Ross. A similar attack was -made on Bois Voivrotte by two platoons of the Second Battalion of the -366th Infantry, commanded by Major A. E. Sawkins. Each battalion was -supported by its machine-gun company and had the co-operation of the -divisional artillery. Trench mortars and 37 M. M. guns were to support -the attack, the object being to capture and hold the above named places -and advance the line of observation in the sector. On the afternoon -of November 9 the Second Battalion of the 365th Infantry was placed -in Pont-à-Mousson and the Second Battalion of the 366th in Forêt de -Facq in preparation for the attack which was to be made at 5 a. m. on -November 10. The hour was changed from 5 to 7 in order that the 92nd -Division might co-operate with the Second American Army, which was -to launch its drive at that time. By 8.12 a. m. the Second Battalion -of the 366th had completely occupied Bois Voivrotte and taken three -prisoners, and by 11.45 the Second Battalion of the 365th completely -occupied Bois Frehaut, although it had been heavily shelled with gas -and high explosives. After the first objectives had been successfully -reached, reinforcements were brought forward and a new attack launched -on the strong enemy positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte, and Bois -Cheminot at 5 a. m. on November 11. The troops making the attack were -met by the strong artillery, machine-gun and infantry fire of the -enemy. However, by 7.30 they had reached the outskirts of Bouxières and -Bois Cheminot. Then a telephone message from headquarters, ordering all -hostilities to cease, stopped the advance of the 92nd Division, which -was sweeping the enemy before it. The opposing units engaged between -the Moselle and Seille rivers were the 86th and 30th Regiments of -infantry, the 31st Landwehr Brigade, and the 47th Infantry Regiment. -They were supported by one battalion of sharpshooters. East of the -Seille River were the 70th Infantry Regiment and the 6th Grenadiers.</p> - -<p>In the report of the commanding general of the 183rd Infantry Brigade -on the offensive operations in this sector in the last engagement -during the Great War, <abbr title="Brigadier General">Brig. Gen.</abbr> Malvern Hill Barnum made the following -summary and conclusion:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“The advance of the brigade in this battle, most of which was made -on the east banks of the Moselle River was 3½ kilometers. It was -against heavy artillery and machine-gun fire and high concentration -of gas. In order to drive the enemy from their strongly fortified -positions all forms of auxiliary arms, such as machine-guns, Stokes -mortars, 37 M. M. guns, and rifle grenades, were effectively used -against them. The divisional artillery supported this attack with -a rolling barrage, which was well laid. It also placed a heavy -concentration fire on German machine-gun nests, completely routing the -enemy.</p> - -<p>“A great part of this attack was executed over an open, sloping -terrain, heavily wired, which was completely controlled by German -artillery. The Bois Frehaut and Bois Voivrotte were woods protected -with heavy German wire and were filled with machine-gun nests, trench -mortars, light artillery, and infantry. The enemy was driven from -his strongholds with a loss of six prisoners and approximately the -following material: 1000 grenades, all types; 5000 rounds ammunition; -25 boxes M. G. ammunition, in belts; 50 rifles and bayonets; 10 pairs -field glasses; 4 machine-guns; 6 carrier pigeons; 1 signal lamp and -battery; 2 Very pistols; 3 carbide lamps; 100 helmets. Many overcoats, -boots, canteens, belts, and other articles of equipment were left by -the fleeing enemy.</p> - -<p>“In this advance the brigade suffered the following casualties in the -365th and 366th Infantry and the 350th Machine-Gun Battalion: killed, -32; wounded, 119; gassed, 285; missing, 8; total, 444.”</p> -</div> - -<p>This attack, on the last two days of the war, was made in a sector -that had been organized for four years. It was in front of the great -fortress of Metz and was occupied by young, efficient soldiers of the -most famous military power in the world. Yet against this opposition -the inexperienced Negro troops took complete possession of “No Man’s -Land,” constantly remaining on the offensive until the enemy had been -pushed back three and a half kilometers.</p> - -<p>The Congressional Record of February 28, 1919, contains the following -statement concerning the First Battalion of the 367th Infantry of the -92nd Division: “The entire first battalion of the three hundred and -sixty-seventh (Buffaloes) Infantry was cited for bravery, and awarded -the Croix de Guerre, thus entitling every officer and man in the -battalion to wear this distinguished French decoration. This citation -was made by the French Commission because of the splendid service and -bravery shown by this battalion in the last engagement of the war.” -The writer has been unable to find a copy of the citation in the War -Department records; but because it did appear in the Congressional -Record as indicated and also given publicity in the newspapers of the -country, it is included in the story of the 92nd Division.</p> - - -<h3>ARTILLERY</h3> - -<p>The various other units in the Division contributed their share toward -developing the efficiency which it attained. The 167th Field Artillery -Brigade surprised not only old Army officers but Americans generally by -the ability of the men to absorb training, which was fully demonstrated -when they forced the enemy to retire from strong fortifications held -for four years. It had been thought that it would be difficult, if not -impossible, to find Negro men with adaptability for this work; yet -sometimes it developed that non-commissioned officers were better at -taking messages than their instructors. The most surprising thing about -the Negro gunner was the rapidity with which he was able to fire. One -gun crew in the 349th Artillery fired four rounds in 6<abbr title="two-fifths"><sup>2</sup>⁄<sub>5</sub></abbr> seconds with -the French 75’s, while another crew was making four shots in 7½ -seconds. A striking example of the efficiency of the artillery was the -manner in which it laid down a barrage at Pregny for a unit of the 78th -Division and its own division without endangering the lives of the men -in the infantry.</p> - -<p>It was during the last days of the war, from November 4 to 11, in the -fighting around Bois Frehaut, Bois de la Voivrotte, Cheminot, Pagny, -and Bois de la Côte, that Negro artillerymen did their most effective -work. At daybreak on November 4 the 349th laid down a rolling barrage -to cover the advance on Cheminot of a patrol of the 365th Infantry. -This was followed by a box barrage continuing nearly an hour, during -which time 1062 shells were fired. On November 6 the regiment was again -called upon for a rolling barrage through Bois Frehaut and a combing -fire in Bois Voivrotte, to be followed by a standing barrage in front -of Champey and Bouxières. Two hundred and fifty rounds were fired -in the combing fire, and 2033 in the rolling and box barrages. The -accuracy of the Negro artillerymen reduced the resistance of the enemy -and enabled the 92nd Division infantry to reach its objectives without -great loss. The action in co-operation with the infantry was carefully -watched by officials, who commended the brigade on “the good execution -of the Rolling and Standing Barrage” and also said that the good -work was being favorably commented on by those “higher up.” Because -of the qualities displayed by both officers and men in this sector, -General John H. Sherburne, who commanded the 167th Field Artillery -Brigade, commended them in orders on November 18, 1918, saying, “You -have been zealous soldiers and skillful artillerymen.... By day and -night, often under the hail of shrapnel, often through clouds of deadly -gas, you have marched and fought, dragged your guns sometimes by hand -into line, kept up your lines of communication and brought up your -supplies, always with a cheerfulness that earned you the admiration -of all.” Colonel Wade H. Carpenter, of the 351st Field Artillery, -was a West Point graduate and a South Carolinian by birth. Although -he too had been doubtful of success at first, in the end he was no -less enthusiastic about the achievements of his regiment. Under date -December 27, 1918, he said to his command: “When you landed in France -you were acclaimed as comrades in arms, brothers in a great cause. -In the days that have passed no man, no little child, has had cause -to regret that first glorious welcome. Surrounded by new and unusual -conditions, beset by subtle temptations, you have kept your hearts high -and, with purpose fixed on the high ideal of service, you have put away -those things that did not contribute strength for the task at hand. You -have been men.... Through rain and in tents or in cold billets you have -cheerfully pushed on to fit yourself for the final test and at length -you came to the front lines. There, under fire, by day and by night -you served the pieces, sending back gas for gas and shell for shell, -two for one. The orders reached the guns because you maintained the -connections; the ammunition was there because neither the elements nor -enemy stopped you. This mission has been accomplished and you have been -what America expects her sons to be—brave soldiers.”</p> - -<p>In the proposed drive against Metz, which was to have been the greatest -battle of the entire war, the 167th Field Artillery Brigade had been -selected to support the Second Army, of which the 92nd Division was a -part. Such confidence on the part of the Commander-in-Chief of the A. -E. F. clearly shows that the Negro artilleryman had proved beyond doubt -his ability to become proficient in this branch of service.</p> - -<p>This brigade was able to accomplish what it did because the men were -eager to learn and easily disciplined. No task was too dangerous or -too difficult for them. They kept their lines of communication intact -under all conditions. The six colored officers who were graduated at -Fort Sill and who remained with the brigade throughout the campaign -in France, greatly contributed to the morale and did excellent work -in handling and instructing the men. The Negro non-commissioned -officers were also an important factor. They took advantage of their -opportunities and made a record in the school at La Courtine that -was not surpassed in excellence by any group from other artillery -organizations. The officers and enlisted men in this brigade were -pioneers in a field where success was uncertain, but they brought -faithfulness and patriotic fervor to their task, and their record is -one that should encourage and inspire all Negro people.</p> - - -<h3>317TH ENGINEER REGIMENT</h3> - -<p>The 317th Engineer Regiment was formally organized at Camp Sherman on -November 4, 1917, as the sapper engineer regiment of the 92nd Division. -Two thousand draftees were turned over to this regiment from the -158th Depot Brigade. After careful examination 1490 of these men were -inducted into the regiment. This group included a large number of men -who had knowledge of the building trades and also students from well -known industrial schools.</p> - -<p>After it was decided to organize an engineer regiment in the 92nd -Division, considerable discussion arose in the War Department over the -question of officers to command it. Negro officers who had graduated -at the training school for infantry in Des Moines were suggested, but -engineer officials opposed this plan because these men had had no -special training for the work. Letters in the War Department files -pointed out that from 15,000 applicants to serve in this branch of -the service only one Negro, a graduate of Harvard University, had -qualified. Although it had been found expedient to have trained -engineers as officers in engineer labor battalions, thirty Negro -infantry officers with no engineering experience were assigned to the -317th Engineers. White captains were also assigned to the regiment, -but were soon transferred and sent to France. During the winter of -1917-18 a War Department inspector investigated the organization and -reported that the Negro officers did not have sufficient knowledge -and experience to train the regiment, and he recommended that they be -replaced by white officers with engineer training. In March, 1918, -accordingly white captains replaced the Negro captains, but the Negro -lieutenants were retained.</p> - -<p>In spite of the unrest caused in the regiment by the change in the -personnel of the officers, the training continued. On June 1 the -regiment left Camp Sherman for Hoboken, whence it sailed on June 8, -reaching Brest on the 19th. Thence it was sent to the Pontenazen -barracks, which consisted of stone buildings erected by Napoleon -Bonaparte on the site of an old Roman camp. Heavy working details, -comprising 85 per cent of the regiment’s strength, loaded baggage and -constructed roads and barracks. On June 25 the regiment left for the -Bourbonne-les-Bains area, arriving on the night of June 27. Here it was -given intensive training for four weeks, and in the area it constructed -mess halls, bath houses, warehouses, stables, and railroad yards.</p> - -<p>Additional equipment arrived August 2, ten days before the regiment -moved into a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains for intensive -training around Ponseux and Archettes, and on August 20 there was -further removal to the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector previously occupied by the 7th -Engineers of the 5th Division. Just before this division left for -<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel, it conducted several local attacks down the Fave Valley -and around Frappelle, which were finally captured. When then the -317th Engineers began the work of organizing and consolidating the -positions left by the 5th Division, they found the enemy active. They -constructed dug-outs, repaired trenches, often under shell fire, and -mined bridges if these were in danger of being captured by the enemy. -They also worked at logging and sawmill operations in order to supply -French institutions as well as the fighting regiments at the front with -firewood. Especially courageous was the work of twenty-five enlisted -men engaged in gas-proofing dug-outs. They worked three days and nights -under heavy bombardment where mustard gas and phosgene were used by -the enemy, but they continued their labors until all the dug-outs were -protected.</p> - -<p>On September 24, 1918, the regiment moved into the Argonne between Les -Islettes and Clermont, and was assigned to the First Army Corps. The -objective of the First Army was to close the Grand Pré gap and flank -the armies operating against the French and British. The bombardment -for this attack lasted three hours and it was estimated that 100,000 -shells were fired. The American artillery averaged a gun every eight -meters. After the bombardment changed to a rolling barrage, the men of -the 77th, 28th, 35th, 79th, 4th, 80th, and 33rd Divisions went over -the top in the greatest attack ever made by United States forces. In -this attack one battalion of the 317th Engineers opened the road from -Neuvilly to Bourielles, cutting it through to “No Man’s Land” on the -night of September 26. The 111th Engineers assisted in this work. The -Second Battalion opened the road from Croix de Pierre and Pierre -Croisée, while the Third opened the valley road from La Claon to La -Harze. In many places these roads had been completely obliterated by -the heavy artillery fire. The engineers had to relocate them, often at -night, and rebuild them through swamps out of logs and planks in order -that the wounded might be carried to the rear and ammunition carts -reach the front. Sometimes they used rocks and timbers taken from mined -enemy trenches and burned buildings. They built light- and heavy-gauge -railroads for hauling shells to new artillery positions on the front, -and heavy-gauge railroads in the back areas, especially in the vicinity -of Grand Pré. Throughout this offensive from September 26 to November -11 the 317th Engineers spent most of the time building roads and -supplying the fighting units at the front with the necessary materials. -The men often worked day and night under shell fire, but they labored -cheerfully and successfully.</p> - -<p>Orders, letters, and memoranda bear testimony to their achievement. -The chief engineer of the First Army, Colonel G. R. Spaulding, in -expressing his appreciation of what had been done by the troops aiding -in the construction of railroads in the First Army area, wrote on -November 10, 1918: “Especial credit is given to the 317th Engineers -which were very instrumental in the rehabilitation of the lines in the -Fôret d’Argonne and on the line from <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Juvin to the north.” General -Pershing wrote to <abbr title="Lieutenant Colonel">Lt. Col.</abbr> J. Edward Cassidy on April 7, 1919, thanking -him for his services and saying, “With the 317th Engineers on the -front you gave us valuable service.” <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lt.</abbr> Colonel Cassidy himself in -his order to the regiment on February 3, 1919, commended it for being -true in the fullest sense to the trust reposed in it by the American -people and for doing work of a high and efficient order. Said he: “For -more than a hundred years the Corps of Engineers has maintained a proud -record of achievement, whether in peace or war, from the blazing sun -of the tropics to the eternal ice and snow of the Arctic regions, and -it is a pleasure to the commanding officer to be able to say that your -work has been in accordance with the best traditions of the Engineer -Service.”</p> - -<p>The 317th Engineers “played the game” without fear and without -grumbling in the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector and in the Argonne-Meuse offensive. -For nearly three months the regiment did front line work, first as a -part of the 33rd Corps of the 7th French Army in the Vosges Mountains -at Frapelle, Lafontanelle, Lesseux, and other points in the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die -sector, and later as a corps regiment of the First American Army, at -Neuvilly, Bourielles, Cheppy, Varennes, Four de Paris, Abri de Crochet, -La Besogne, Lançon, Grand Pré, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Juvin, Briquenay, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Georges, and -Le Mort Homme in the Argonne region, and at Buzancy in the Ardennes. -For this work it was generously commended by the officials in the -American Army and it deserved the sincere gratitude of all the American -people.</p> - - -<h3>92ND DIVISIONAL TRAINS</h3> - -<p>The 317th Motor Supply Train was composed of 18 officers and 475 -enlisted men. At first it operated 35 trucks in the divisional area -in France, but the demand soon increased this number to 49. When there -was a scarcity of supplies the soldiers in the outfit were often -required to work both day and night and even then they were not always -able to meet the demands made upon them. In the 317th Military Police -there were 9 officers and 200 enlisted men. This group was trained at -Camp Funston and did police duty both there and in France. The 317th -Ammunition Train consisted of 38 officers and 1175 men. It included the -motor battalion, the horse battalion, ordnance, and medical detachment -headquarters. Both trucks and wagons were used and often the men helped -to move the artillery guns under fire. On one occasion the 367th -Infantry, which was under fire, gave an order for ammunition at 3 a. m. -This was obtained by the 317th Ammunition Train 37 kilometers away and -delivered under fire at 7 a. m. This unit was commanded by Major M. T. -Dean, one of the three Negroes in the 92nd Division who rose to that -rank during the war.</p> - -<p>The 317th Sanitary Train included the field hospitals and also the -ambulance companies of the 365th, 366th, 367th, and 368th Infantry -Regiments. These units were formed at Camp Funston on November 9, 1917, -with a personnel of 57 officers and 700 men, which last number was -later increased to 860. All of the men were trained litter-bearers. -There were also in the organization mechanics, cooks, horse-shoers, -and first class privates. During the winter of 1917-18 epidemics of -meningitis, measles, parotitis, and influenza affected the command, but -no deaths occurred at Camp Funston; and meanwhile there were weekly -inspections to safeguard the health of the men. The units entrained for -overseas June 7, 1917, remained eight days at Camp Upton, and reached -Brest on June 25. It was quartered at the Pontenazen barracks until -July 2, when it left for the training area at Bourbonne-les-Bains. On -August 13 the advanced training area was reached, and the unit received -a week of intensive training before it departed for the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector.</p> - -<p>Here field hospitals were established and functioned by the 365th at -Raon l’Étape and by the 366th at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die, and the 367th established -dressing stations at Sells, Virge, and Clarice. The organization was -moved from the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Die sector to Givry, Argonne, on September 25, and -there it was a part of the First Army for five days. Passing through -Passovant, Jailon, and Marbache enroute to Millery, the 366th and -368th established field hospitals, and the ambulance companies of the -365th, 367th, and 368th established dressing stations. From Millery the -Sanitary Train went to Mayenne, where it remained until January 28. Le -Mans was reached on February 4, 1919, and Brest on February 6, from -which port the unit sailed on the “Olympic” on February 18, reaching -New York on the 24th.</p> - -<p>That the efficiency of the Sanitary Train of the 92nd was observed -and appreciated may be seen from a communication from Colonel C. R. -Reynolds, of the Medical Corps of the Second Army of the A. E. F., -to the Division Surgeon under date November 15, 1918. Said he: “I -desire to express my admiration and appreciation of the splendid -hospital organized and administered by the Medical Department of the -92nd Division at Millery. Your department has received most favorable -comments by the Army Commander ... and all medical officers who have -visited the institution. The transportation and hospitalization of the -battle casualties and respiratory diseases have been accomplished in -accordance with the principles of military surgery and preventative -medicine, which reflects the intelligence and training on the part of -the officers, nurses, and enlisted men of the Medical Department of the -92nd Division, in which pride may be justly felt.”</p> - -<p>That the work of the 317th Sanitary Train was successful was due in -some measure to the fact that the officers and men were encouraged -and inspired by those with whom they came in contact. There was one -promotion to the rank of major, that of <abbr title="Captain">Capt.</abbr> Joseph H. Ward, and -sixteen lieutenants were promoted to captaincies. Major Ward was -commissioned by cablegram on September 24, 1918. At first he was -assigned to the 325th Signal Corps, but he also served as a surgeon in -Base Hospital 49, where he had been a patient. During his convalescence -he was asked to help dress wounds, and later he was given fifty cases -to attend to in a tent; being finally transferred to a ward as surgeon, -he had here his regular turn on operating day, and he was shown every -courtesy and given every privilege. For their specific duties it is -reasonable to suppose that as a group the medical men were better -prepared than many of the other officers.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>The history of the 92nd Division will always be of interest to the -American Negro because it gave him his first opportunity to serve in -a great military organization where Negro officers led Negro troops. -The old idea that Negro soldiers would not respect Negro officers was -proved untrue. When the war suddenly came to an end, however, both -officers and men turned their faces homeward having uppermost in their -minds some of the policies to which they had been subjected at times -in the Army itself and in the welfare organizations. The commanding -officer, Major General Charles C. Ballou, whom the officers and the -Negro people in general had desired for the post after Colonel Charles -Young was declared ineligible, was severely criticised. Undoubtedly he -wanted the Division to succeed, but some of the methods that he used -and that he allowed his staff officers to use had a most demoralizing -effect on both officers and men. Even in the face of all the charges, -however, it must be said to his credit that both officers and men -were subjected to less humiliation and suffering when he was with -the division than they were after he left it, between the signing of -the Armistice and the departure for America. The attitude of some of -the white officers also helped. Brigadier General Malvern H. Barnum, -commanding the 183rd Brigade; General John H. Sherburne, commanding -the 167th Artillery Brigade; Colonel Vernon A. Caldwell, commanding -the 365th Regiment; Colonel James A. Moss, who at one time advised the -officers not to insist upon respect, yet worked for the interest of -the 367th in France; Majors Warner A. Ross and John C. Sheffield of the -365th; Major Appleton of the 367th, and Major Alfred E. Sawkins of the -366th, are especially named as having worked for the success of the -division. Of Major Sawkins it is said that whatever fare his officers -had he shared with them, that he worked for the interest of both -officers and men at all times, and that the spirit of his men when they -went into battle was always high. They suffered the greatest casualties -of any battalion and won nearly half the Distinguished Service medals -which were won in the 92nd Division.</p> - -<p>In the last analysis the verdict in regard to the 92nd Division rests -upon its achievement. Said an operation memorandum issued on November -7, 1918, from division headquarters:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. When the Marbache sector was taken over by the 92nd Division -the Germans owned “No man’s land” and were aggressive. They held: -Belie Air Farm, Bois de Tête d’Or, Bois de Frehaut, Voivrotte Farm, -Voivrotte Woods, Bois de Cheminot, Moulon Brook.</p> - -<p>2. The constant aggressive action of our patrols, night and day, has -resulted in many casualties to the enemy, and the capture of many -prisoners.</p> - -<p>3. Each of the places named above has been raided, as has Epley also, -and patrols have penetrated north nearly to the east and west line -through Pagny. The enemy has been driven northward beyond Frehaut and -Voivrotte woods, and eastward from Cheninit woods across the Seilée, -destroying the Cheminot bridge, flooding the Seilée, and attempting to -destroy the Seilée bridge—evidence of the fact that he regards the -92d Division as an uncomfortable neighbor, and intends to avoid close -relations in future.</p> - -<p>4. West of the river excellent results have followed energetic -offensive action. The enemy has suffered losses in killed, wounded, -and prisoners during the occupancy of this part of the sector.</p> -</div> - -<p>The memorandum issued November 18, 1918, at the Division Headquarters -by Major General Ballou sums up his own estimate of the work he was -able to accomplish, as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>Five months ago to-day the 92d Division landed in France.</p> - -<p>After seven weeks of training it took over a sector in the front line, -and since that time some portion of the Division has been practically -continuously under fire.</p> - -<p>It participated in the last battle of the war with creditable -success, continually pressing the attack against highly organized -defensive works. It advanced successfully on the first day of the -battle, attaining its objectives and capturing prisoners, this in -face of determined opposition by an alert enemy, and against rifle, -machine-gun, and artillery fire. The issue of the second day’s battle -was rendered indecisive by the order to cease firing at 11 <span class="allsmcap">A. -M.</span>, when the Armistice became effective.</p> - -<p>The Division commander, in taking leave of what he considers himself -justly entitled to regard as <em>his</em> Division, feels that he -has accomplished his mission. His work is done and will endure. -The results have not always been brilliant, and many times were -discouraging, yet a well organized, well disciplined, and well trained -colored division has been created and commanded by him to include the -last shot of the great world war.</p> - -<p>May the future conduct of every officer and man be such as to reflect -credit upon the Division and upon the colored race.</p> -</div> - -<p>Just before the 92nd Division left France it passed in review before -General Pershing at Le Mans and on this occasion he spoke as follows: -“Officers and men of the 92nd Division, I wish to express to you my -appreciation for your co-operation during your stay on the A. E. F. -This Division is one of the best in the A. E. F., and the conduct of -the officers and men has not been surpassed in any other. The officers -are on the average with the officers of the A. E. F. Owing to the late -arrival of the Division in France, it was not able to take as active -part as was contemplated, but it had been planned to have the Division -in the action on the east bank of the Moselle, which would have taken -place two or three days preceding the Armistice, but the Armistice -prevented. I had no fear of the Division not making a showing for I -know what colored troops can do, having served with them in Cuba, the -Philippines, and in Mexico.”</p> - -<p>Even in the work that was done, however, there were outstanding -individual heroes. While the 368th Infantry was in the Argonne, it -became necessary to send a runner with a message to the left flank of -the American firing-line. The way was across an open field swept by -heavy machine-gun fire. Volunteers were called for, and Private Edward -Saunders of Company I responded. Before he had gone far a shell cut -him down. As he fell he cried to his comrades, “Some one come and get -this message; I am wounded.” <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Robert L. Campbell of the same -company sprang forward. He dashed across the shell-swept area, picked -up the wounded man, and with the Germans fairly hailing bullets around -him, carried his comrade back to the American lines. For their valor -both men were cited for the Distinguished Service Cross and Lieutenant -Campbell was recommended for a captaincy. On another occasion this -same officer was with a few soldiers who were armed only with their -rifles, trench knives, and hand grenades picked up from small holes -along the way, and who were moving over a road in the Château-Thierry -sector. Suddenly their course was crossed by the firing of a German -machine-gun. They tried to locate it by the direction of the bullets, -but could not. To their right, a little ahead, lay a space covered with -thick underbrush; just back of it was an open field. <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Campbell, -who knew by the direction of the bullets that the Germans had not seen -his party, ordered one of the men, with a rope which they happened -to have, to crawl to the thick underbrush, there to tie the rope to -several stems of the brush; then to withdraw as far as possible and -pull the rope, thus making the brush shake as though men were crawling -through it. The purpose was to draw direct fire from the machine-gun -and thus to locate its position. The ruse worked. Lieutenant Campbell -then ordered three of his men to steal out and flank the machine-gun on -one side, while he and the others moved up and flanked it on the other -side. The brush was shaken more violently by the rope, and the Germans, -with their eyes fixed upon it, poured a hail of bullets into it. Then -at a given signal the flanking party dashed up, and they killed four of -the Germans and captured the remaining three, also the machine-gun. -For such exploits <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Campbell was held up to his organization -by the commanding general as an example of the soldier who combined -courage and initiative.</p> - -<p><abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Charles G. Young, of the 368th, while in command of a scout -platoon near Dinarville, September 27-28, 1918, was twice severely -wounded by shell fire, but refused attention and remained with his men, -helping to dress their wounds and to evacuate his own wounded during -the entire night, and holding firmly his exposed position covering -the right flank of his battalion. Private Bernard Lewis, also of the -368th, during an attack on Binarville September 30, volunteered to go -down the road that led to the village to rescue a wounded soldier of -his company. He was compelled to go under heavy machine-gun and shell -fire, but in total disregard of personal danger he brought his comrade -safely back to his lines. Private Robert M. Breckenridge, an automatic -rifleman, of Company B, 365th Infantry, at Ferne de Belwir on October -29, although severely wounded in the leg, continued in action, crawled -forward for a distance of a hundred yards, and assisted in preventing -any enemy party from taking a position on the company’s flank. In -spite of his wound, he continued to use his weapon with great courage -and skill until he was killed by machine-gun fire. Corporal Russell -Pollard, of Company H of the 365th, during the assault on Bois Frehaut -on November 10, skilfully conducted his squad until his rifle was -broken. He then used his wire-cutter with speed and skill under heavy -fire, and although wounded in his right arm, he continued to cut the -wire with his left, assisting his men in getting through, until for -the second time he was ordered to the dressing-station by his company -commander. <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> Thomas Edward Jones, of the Medical Corps of the -368th, went into an open area swept by fire to care for a wounded -soldier who was being carried by another officer. While he was dressing -the wounded runner, a bullet passed through his arm and his chest and -a man was killed within a few yards of him. Corporal Van Horton, of -Company E of the 366th, displayed extraordinary heroism near Lesseux on -September 4. “During a hostile attack, preceded by a heavy minenwerfer -barrage, the combat group to which this courageous soldier belonged was -attacked by about twenty of the enemy, using liquid fire. The sergeant -in charge of the group and four other men having been killed, Corporal -Horton fearlessly rushed to receive the attack, and the persistency -with which he fought resulted in stopping the attack and driving back -the enemy.”</p> - -<p>These instances are only typical of those who were outstanding for -bravery and who were cited for honors. Thus these stalwart soldiers and -others like them upheld the record that the Negro had previously made -in the wars in which his country had engaged.</p> - - -<h3>SECRETARY BAKER AND GENERAL PERSHING</h3> - -<p>In all the exploits and achievements of Negro soldiers in the World -War, and the difficulties that they encountered in their display of -loyalty, it is not to be forgotten that there were true friends who -were interested in them and who believed that each one should be -given a man’s chance. One explanation of how it was that they were -able to “carry on” even under the most adverse conditions was that -they believed that the men guiding the destinies of the American arms -were fair, broad-minded men who would not countenance petty things. -Wherever Negro soldiers were visited they always seemed to feel that -Secretary Baker and General Pershing wanted them to have a square deal, -and that if these officials really knew of unsatisfactory conditions -they would endeavor to correct them immediately. Secretary Baker on -numerous occasions showed that he was actuated by a genuine belief in -democracy. This led him to examine into the conditions under which -Negro soldiers worked, trained, and fought, and also to consider their -possibilities of rendering the country the greatest possible service. -When objections were made to sending Negro soldiers to certain camps -for fear of trouble because of the Houston riot which occurred in 1917 -just as plans were being formulated to call thousands of Negroes in the -first draft, and when on other occasions pressure was strong, he never -ceased to feel that avenues open to other soldiers should be open in -like manner to Negroes. Against strong and determined opposition he -saw that training as officers was given, and when the future of the -first training camp was uncertain, it was Secretary Baker who assured -the men that he was depending on them and expected them to reach the -standards set by men in other camps. While, as he said, he was not -trying to solve the race problem, he did put forth great effort to -eliminate those things which tended to break down morale; and it is -only necessary to recall such a camp as Hill at Newport News, Virginia, -in the winter of 1917-18 to realize how War Department pressure was -exerted to remedy bad conditions.</p> - -<p>Some of the outstanding features of Secretary Baker’s policy with -reference to Negro soldiers may be summarized as follows, and the -statements given below embody his plans as stated before justice was -sometimes thwarted:</p> - -<p>1. That Negro soldiers should be organized and trained on the same -basis as all other soldiers.</p> - -<p>2. That Negro men should be given the opportunity to train as officers, -and that those who met the qualifications should be appointed for -service just as others who qualified.</p> - -<p>3. That a Negro man should be appointed as one of the assistants to the -Secretary.</p> - -<p>4. That Negro men should receive every possible aid in making a -thoroughgoing study of conditions in both American and French camps.</p> - -<p>5. That wherever injustice came to the attention of the Secretary -immediate attention should be given to the matter and effort made to -correct it.</p> - -<p>General Pershing’s service with the Negro units in the regular army -and his recommendation of Major Charles Young of the Tenth Cavalry to -the Adjutant General of the Army from Headquarters Punitive Expedition -U. S. Army, Colonia Dublan, Mexico, August 21, 1916, along with other -officers “who had shown very high efficiency throughout the campaign,” -and his tributes to the soldierly qualities of Negroes on several -occasions, gave Negroes in America the idea that he stood for a square -deal and would give honor to whom honor was due. When agitation arose -over the use of Negro soldiers in the war, General Pershing let it be -known that he desired Negro troops in France. When one of the Allies -made strong objections to the attachment of any battalions of Negro -infantry for training with their forces, and General Pershing was asked -for his views by the War Department, he said: “In event Department -still desires early to despatch 92nd Division, I adhere to former -recommendations that Division be included among those to be employed -temporarily with ——. I have informed —— —— that these soldiers -are American citizens and that I can not discriminate against them in -event War Department desires to send them to France.”</p> - -<p>When stories were circulated among Negro people to the effect that -Negroes were being wrongly treated, and subjected to most dangerous -positions to save white troops, and shot by Germans when captured -or left to die if wounded, General Pershing saw that these were -repudiated; and he further said that “the only regret expressed by -colored troops is that they are not given more dangerous work to do. I -can not commend too highly the spirit shown among the colored combat -troops who exhibit fine capacity for quick training and eagerness for -the most dangerous work.” When he visited any section of territory -occupied by Americans, he always showed an interest in the Negro -soldiers; they were impressed and encouraged by his inquiry into the -conditions under which they labored; and his understanding of the hard -life of the stevedores, and his appreciation of their efforts, did much -to make their work less burdensome. The men also felt that in the case -of court martials, if verdicts were reviewed by General Pershing, as -was done in some important cases, absolute justice would be meted out.</p> - -<p>When in the midst of the charges and counter-charges relative to the -fitness of Negro officers to lead men General Pershing was questioned -about a few Negro officers who were declared inefficient by a board, -he assured his hearers that because a few officers had been declared -unfit, this was by no means to be construed as an indication of lack of -capacity on the part of the race, because at that time more than 6000 -white officers had been returned to the states for unfitness to lead -men and certainly no one considered the white race a failure because -of that fact. Finally we have seen how the General reviewed the 92nd -Division just before it departed for America, commending the officers -and men for their splendid record overseas. He assured them of his -confidence by saying that he had planned to place them before the great -fortress of Metz; and his words did much to soften the bitterness of -feeling and let both officers and men return to their homeland feeling -that after all the commander and chief of the American Expeditionary -Forces had appreciated their part in the great struggle. No one can -tell what greater things might not have been accomplished by Negro -soldiers during the war if the spirit of Secretary Baker and General -Pershing had followed them throughout the service.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX"><big>CHAPTER IX</big><br /><br /> -THE NINETY-THIRD DIVISION</h2> -</div> - - -<p>The organization of the 93rd Division was begun at Camp Stuart, Newport -News, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, in December, 1917, with the few remaining National Guard -units of Negro men that had survived since the Spanish-American War. -These units were battalions from Ohio and Washington, and companies -from Massachusetts, Maryland, Connecticut, and Tennessee which later -composed the 372nd Infantry Regiment. This Division, which was never -assembled or fully organized, consisted on paper of the 369th, 370th, -371st, and 372nd Infantry Regiments. The general who was to command it -was ordered to Camp Stuart in December, 1917, but in the latter part -of this month the 369th landed in France and was brigaded with the -French, while the other three regiments were still training in America. -These three arrived in France in April, 1918, when they too were -brigaded with the French, with whom they served throughout their stay -overseas. After the cessation of hostilities on November 11, 1918, the -four regiments were reassigned to the American Army for return to the -United States and demobilization. Their record is one of the noblest -in all the history of American arms. Each regiment was decorated as a -whole or in part with the French Croix de Guerre with palm. The history -of the 93rd Division accordingly embraces the activities of the four -regiments that composed it, and these will be considered in order.</p> - - -<h3>369TH INFANTRY</h3> - -<p>The 369th Infantry, or the old 15th New York National Guard Regiment, -was first organized in New York City in 1916 by authority of the New -York State Legislature. It was reorganized by the War Department as -a National Guard regiment of the United States on April 9, 1917, and -placed under the command of Colonel William Hayward. It is proud of -the fact that it was the first National Guard regiment of the United -States to reach war strength of 2001 men and 56 officers, that it was -the first in the field, that it was under fire for 191 days, longer -than any other American regiment, and that after the armistice it led -the French armies to the Rhine, being the first Allied unit to enter -Germany. In all these ways its record was unique.</p> - -<p>The morning following its mobilization on the night of July 14, 1917, -it was moved to Camp Whitman, near Poughkeepsie; and when the President -of the United States drafted the National Guard regiments on August 5, -it was immediately placed on active duty without any training whatever. -The First Battalion, commanded by Major Lorillard Spencer, guarded -600 miles of railroad in New York and New Jersey, several uniform and -shoe factories near New York City, and the German ships seized by the -United States Government. The Second Battalion, commanded by Major -Munson Morris, did pioneer and guard duty at Camp Upton when it was a -wilderness. The Third Battalion, commanded by Major Edward Dayton, with -the band did similar work at Camp Dix, transforming it from a cornfield -into a camp. The machine-gun company guarded 2000 German spies interned -at Ellis Island. Meanwhile regimental headquarters remained in New York -City.</p> - -<p>On October 5, 1917, regimental headquarters and two battalions went -to Camp Wadsworth, Spartanburg, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, for training with the 27th -Division, but after two weeks’ stay in camp the regiment was ordered to -Hoboken to embark for France. It did not sail on October 27 as planned -because of the lack of equipment, and while this was being secured the -various battalions were billeted in armories in different parts of -New York City. On November 11, 1917, however, fully equipped, it went -aboard the U. S. S. “Pocahontas,” which sailed that night for France in -a convoy. On the second day out engine troubles developed and the ship -was obliged to return to port. The regiment went to Camp Merritt, where -details helped to finish the camp. It again embarked, but this time the -“Pocahontas” caught fire and for ten days was tied up at the docks. On -the night of December 13 she finally sailed, but even then she seemed -destined not to land the regiment in France, for she collided with a -British oil tanker which drove a hole in her bow. This, however, was -repaired and the trip was completed on December 26, when Brest was -safely reached.</p> - -<p>The regiment was moved to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire by rail on January 1, 1918, and -there for more than two months it did manual labor, building docks, -erecting hospitals, doing fatigue duty, laying railroad tracks, and -doing construction work on the great dam at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire. From the -time of their arrival at this port until March 10 the men did not -see their rifles except at night, but on this latter date they were -ordered to join a French combat unit. All entrained on March 13 for -Givry-en-Argonne, reporting on March 15 to General Le Gallais of the -16th Division, 4th French Army. It was at this place that the regiment -learned that its name was changed from 15th New York to 369th Infantry. -The American equipment was turned in and French equipment given, this -including everything needed on the Western front. The organization of -the regiment was also changed so as to make it conform to that of a -French regiment. During this training period of three weeks the men -drilled day and night under French officers. Beginning April 8 the -battalions were successively placed in front line trenches, “doubled” -with French units, their first sector being in Main de Massiges, left -of the Aisne River and northeast of Châlons in the Champagne. After -eight days of this experience the regiment took over 4½ kilometers -of front, with two battalions in the lines and one in support enjoying -a rest period which gave some opportunity for additional training. On -April 29 Colonel Hayward was placed in command of several French units -in addition to his own regiment.</p> - -<p>The activity in this sector consisted of nightly patrols and raids -until July 4 and 5, when active preparation was made for the big German -drive long expected by the French high command. The 369th labored -incessantly, helping to build and fortify the intermediate positions, -which were two or three kilometers from the front line. When the -battalions were relieved from front line duty, instead of going into -rest billets they worked on these positions, which were fortified as -a means of strategy by General Gouraud. This procedure enabled the -French to counter-attack and to recapture trenches secretly evacuated. -This method foiled and stopped the German drive on a fifty-mile front -between Rheims and the Argonne. The 369th participated in this attack, -with the third battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, occupying the -front line, where it did its share in stopping the enemy advance.</p> - -<p>During the terrific bombardment of the German artillery, which had -as its target not only the front line but also several kilometers of -rear area, the commander of the 369th was ordered to establish liaison -at once, if possible, between his headquarters and the French 27th -Infantry. This meant establishing a line of relay runners over a front -of three kilometers, the entire distance being under heavy shell fire. -This hazardous task was performed by the runners of the 369th in such a -courageous and efficient manner and with so little thought of personal -safety that the regiment received commendation from the division -commander.</p> - -<p>From the time of the regiment’s arrival on the front until the second -day of this battle it was a part of the 16th French Division, but on -the night of July 15, while the battle was raging, it received orders -to reinforce the 161st French Division, which was being furiously -attacked. A place was made for the 369th by taking out a French -regiment which had been greatly reduced in both officers and men. In -order to make the change of position, the regiment moved six kilometers -under constant shell fire. On reporting to General LeBouc, commander of -the 161st Division, two battalions were immediately ordered into front- -and second-line positions to relieve a Moroccan regiment. Officers and -men had been without food or water for hours, yet they occupied the -positions and took up the combat, which lasted for three days before -the enemy was definitely checked.</p> - -<p>On July 18 the 161st began to push the Germans back and to reoccupy -the abandoned terrain. Two battalions of the 369th shared in this -undertaking and continued in such operations until July 21, when the -regiment took over and established the front line in the Calvaire -sector north of Minaucourt. All three battalions suffered casualties in -this offensive, the third suffering most because it was in the front -line longest.</p> - -<p>On July 23 the 369th occupied a sector between Butte de Mesnil and Main -de Massiges under the most trying conditions. The enemy was constantly -being pushed back, but during the process artillery and infantry combat -hardly ceased for several days, and there was a constant rain of gas -and high explosive shells on all sides. The sector held by the 369th -had a front of a thousand meters, and the three battalions supported -one another from the front line to the intermediate positions in the -rear. Several raids were made each night by both sides and casualties -occurred daily and nightly on the patrols and raids that were sent into -“No Man’s Land.”</p> - -<p>The regiment was at length relieved in this sector and it started for -Camp <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Quen south of Châlons to get a long promised rest. It had been -under fire continuously for 130 days. At this camp the other three -Negro regiments serving with the French were supposed to be mobilized -for the complete organization of the 93rd Division. Barracks were -cleaned in expectation of these troops, but before they reached the -camp the 369th, which had been resting less than a week, was ordered -back to the front to resume its place in the 161st Division. It was -placed in a sector west of and adjacent to the sector of Calvaire -previously held. On its return to the division it replaced the 115th R. -I., which was broken up and distributed among other French units. The -new sector was the most active and deadly the regiment had held. There -were constant raids and patrols and a continuous combat of artillery. -The Germans here used the device of having several aeroplanes “loop -the loop” over the French lines in the hope that men would come out -and watch them. If they did a projector gas attack would be launched -immediately.</p> - -<p>One of the most furious attacks on the 367th was begun in such manner. -The aeroplanes did the “loop the loop,” which was followed by two -gas attacks separated only by seconds. Then a terrific artillery -bombardment started, lasting forty minutes, during which time it was -estimated that 9000 shells fell on the regiment. Twenty minutes after -the lull of the big guns seven German infantry regiments charged over -the top to drive the 369th from its trenches. The First Battalion, -assisted by the machine-gun companies from the other two, met the -assault with a steady, intensive, and continued fire until it broke -down in front of the lines. At no point were the enemy able to enter -the lines or capture any prisoners. Instead, the 369th Regiment -captured prisoners who gave valuable and much needed information, -and it was specially commended for its steadiness under fire in this -engagement. In this sector the regiment lost a large number of officers -and men and experienced its hardest fighting. On September 15 it was -relieved by a French Fourragère regiment and taken to the rear to Somme -Tourbe and Somme Bionne, where for eight days the men rested. Meanwhile -they were taught the principles of open warfare in anticipation of the -attack by the French and American armies which was launched September -25, 1918.</p> - -<p>For this attack the infantry battalions in the division were placed -in assault waves and commanded by their regimental officers. The -artillery preparation for the attack lasted six hours and twenty-five -minutes, with French and American guns of all sizes going at full -blast. At the zero hour (5.25 A. M.) the Allied armies went over the -top in one of the biggest offensives of the war. The French and -Moroccan battalions on the left and right of the 369th contracted -their fronts, thus leaving an opening between the French divisions; -and the Third Battalion, commanded by Major Spencer, advanced on the -left and established liaison with the Moroccans. On September 26 the -two units captured the town of Ripont, a large number of prisoners and -machine-guns, and advanced to the Dormois River, a distance of more -than four kilometers. Heavy casualties resulted from this advance; -several officers and men were killed, and Major Spencer himself was -wounded six times. On the afternoon of the 27th Fountaine en Dormoise -was captured and the regimental P. C. was established there. Further -advance was held up for a while by barbed wire entanglements commanded -by machine-gun nests, some of which were in concrete pill boxes. -These, however, were finally captured. During the night the Second -Battalion relieved the third in the front line, and by daylight on -the 28th it was ordered to continue the attack with the two French -battalions on its left and right. The artillery barrage for the third -day’s attack was ineffective, and the assaulting battalion had to cut -its way through wire and overcome machine-gun nests without artillery -assistance. The day’s advance was 1000 meters over hills and ridges -occupied and controlled by the enemy. On this day the battle was -hottest around Bellevue Ridge and Bellevue Signal, with the contending -forces trying to gain possession. After nightfall the French executed -a brilliant flank movement with three battalions, including the second -of the 369th, driving the enemy from all the trenches and terrain -leading to the summit of the ridge. Dawn on the 29th found the enemy -killed, captured, or driven from the ridge and the advance moving down -the slopes toward the plains beyond to the town of Sechault, the next -objective.</p> - -<p>The First Battalion, commanded by Major Little, led this advance, -entering the town and engaging in heavy fighting in the streets and -in house to house combat, in an attempt to clear the town of enemy -infantry and machine-gun nests. The battalion advanced through Sechault -to the plains beyond, but withdrew for the night to make way for French -artillery preparation for the continued advance, which began on the -30th through the woods of Petit Rosière and lasted until October 3. The -regiment was again commended by the division general for the way in -which it cleared Sechault of the enemy. The entire division halted to -await the capture of the town because of its importance.</p> - -<p>The Second and Third Battalions were sent in to relieve the first on -October 3, but the regiment had suffered so many casualties in both -officers and men that it was relieved with the 161st Division and -carried in troop trains to Vitry-le-François. A little later it was -transferred from Gouraud’s Fourth Army, where it had served during its -offensives, to become a part of the 7th French Army.</p> - -<p>The 369th entrained at Vitry-le-François for Belfort on October 12, -reaching its destination on the 14th. Two days later it moved by trucks -and forced marches to Thann in the Vosges Mountains, where the entire -regiment was put in front line trenches in the Thur sector. This was -comparatively quiet, and from October 16 to November 11 only six -casualties occurred, including one officer.</p> - -<p>The 369th Regiment played an important part in all the campaigns in -which it participated, its efficiency increasing with every engagement. -During the time that it was brigaded with the French the relations were -most cordial; and during the last days of the September offensive the -commanding general of the 161st Division attached it to his own two -crack regiments because of its fighting qualities under fire. While -there were difficulties of language, these were usually overcome by -the assignment of efficient interpreters and the French officers were -enthusiastic in their praise of the manner in which the regiment fought -in all its battles.</p> - -<p>After the Armistice the 161st Division became a part of the Second -French Army of Occupation. The 369th was given the post of honor as -advance guard in the Triumphal March of November 17, 1918, and led -the Army of Occupation out of the mountains to the plains lying on -the west bank of the Rhine River. Reaching Blodelsheim on the Rhine -on the morning of November 18, it was the first unit of all the -Allied armies to reach the goal toward which so many million men had -struggled through four bloody years. The regiment occupied the towns -of Blodelsheim, Fessenheim, and Balgan, which also included a pontoon -bridge head and a ferry head. Meanwhile the municipal affairs of these -towns were administered by the regimental commander and his troops, who -also guarded the surrounding territory.</p> - -<p>Of this duty the 369th was relieved on December 4, and it moved to -division headquarters near Ensisheim. On the 13th it took part in the -division review, at which time its colors were decorated with the Croix -de Guerre for gallantry in action in the Champagne offensive. The -recommendation for this citation was made by General LeBouc, with the -approval of General Gouraud, Marshal Petain, and General Pershing. The -translation of the citation reads as follows:</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="center"><i>Citation for Croix de Guerre</i></p> - -<p class="center"><i>161st Division of Infantry, 8th Army Corps, Fourth Army (Aux Armées -Françaises)</i></p> - -<p><i>369th Regiment of Infantry, United States, under command of Colonel -Hayward, who though injured insisted on leading his regiment in -battle, of Lieutenant Colonel Pickering, admirably cool and brave, -of Major Spencer, grievously wounded, of Major Cobb, killed, and of -Major Little, a true leader of his men, fought with great bravery, -stormed powerful enemy positions energetically defended, captured many -machine-guns, large numbers of prisoners and six cannon, and took, -after heavy fighting, the Town of Sechault.</i></p> -</div> - -<p>One hundred and sixty-seven officers and men received decorations, -including the Congressional Medal of Honor, the Distinguished Service -Cross, the Croix de Guerre, and the Legion of Honor. Where all were -brave it is almost invidious to mention names. Some of the most -noteworthy exploits, however, were those of Henry Johnson, Needham -Roberts, and Sergeant William Butler. The story of the first two -of these men is well known to the American public, as they were the -very first Americans to receive the French Croix de Guerre. Their -achievement in repulsing a German raiding party of more than twenty -men in a hand-to-hand combat served as an incentive to their comrades -and as an example for the whole American Army. Johnson’s feat was -particularly noteworthy. Soon after the beginning of the encounter -Roberts was wounded. Although surrounded by overwhelming numbers, -Johnson continued fighting, first using hand grenades, then his rifle -until that jammed, when he used the butt of it, hitting right and left. -Finally he resorted to his bolo knife as a last means of preventing -the capture of himself and his comrade. Although himself wounded, he -succeeded in killing four of the enemy and in wounding a large number -of the others. In August, while the 369th was in the front lines, and -when raiding parties from both sides went out nightly, on one occasion -the Germans laid down an encaging barrage, after which they enclosed -and captured a raiding party of one officer and four men. Sergeant -William Butler, armed with a Chauchaut rifle, attacked the group with -such effectiveness that he killed four men and wounded the officer, who -was captured and later died, the rest being put to flight. The officer -and four men of the 369th meanwhile made their escape and returned to -their regiment. A captured German report described Sergeant Butler’s -activities as “an enemy group in overwhelming numbers” and stated -that because of the superiority of the rescuing party eight Germans, -including an officer, failed to return. For his heroism on this -occasion Sergeant Butler was decorated by both the French and American -Governments.</p> - -<p>On December 18 the 369th bade a last farewell to its French comrades in -arms and started for Belfort, reaching there on the 20th. It had made -an enviable record, serving longer than any other American unit as an -integral part of a foreign army. In his report of the operations of -the regiment on the western front, Colonel Hayward said: “It had less -training than any American unit before action, as follows: 3 weeks at -Camp Whiteman, New York; 10 days at Camp Wadsworth, South Carolina; -2 weeks with French Army while changing equipment. It had one of -the lowest, if not the lowest percentages of venereal infections or -drunkenness in the A. E. F. It was 191 days in action in front line -trenches, believed to be the longest of any American regiment. It never -lost a trench or a foot of ground and never had one of its number -captured by the enemy.”</p> - -<p>With such a record the 369th turned its steps homeward on January 1, -1919, arriving on the 2nd at Le Mans, where it remained until the 11th. -It then entrained for Brest, reaching there on the 12th. The battalions -sailed on three ships, and the last contingent arrived in New York, -February 12.</p> - -<p>It was a happy day for these war-worn heroes when they saw again the -Statue of Liberty and set foot on American shores. As one battalion -steamed into port, the regiment’s famous band, which had toured -France under the direction of <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> James Reese Europe and had -the distinction of being considered the best musical organization -in the American Army, played the “Star Spangled Banner” and the -“Marseillaise”; and it was a sight never to be forgotten to see these -hardy warriors stand at attention while the national airs of two -great allies were being played. As they landed they were applauded by -thousands of their kinsmen and countrymen for their glorious deeds; and -the greatest reception ever given returning heroes was held for the -369th by the City of New York on February 17, when the regiment, led by -its band, marched up Fifth Avenue under the Victory Arch and through -Harlem to the plaudits and cheers of tens of thousands who counted it -a privilege to honor those who had so gloriously upheld the traditions -of their country. At the end of this historic day’s activities, the -regiment entrained at night for Camp Upton for demobilization, which -was completed March 1. The twelve hundred original survivors were -discharged at Camp Upton, while the replacements were sent to the camps -nearest their homes.</p> - - -<h3>370TH INFANTRY</h3> - -<p>The 370th Infantry Regiment, which was otherwise known as “the old -8th” of Chicago, was one of the federalized National Guard units -that entered the World War with a record of achievement and with a -tradition to uphold. The regiment’s beginning dates back to 1892, when -a small group of men in Illinois banded themselves together for the -purpose of organizing a battalion of Negro soldiers. The first company -was formed with B. G. Johnson as captain, John C. Buckner as first -lieutenant, and John R. Marshall as second lieutenant. Three years -later a battalion was formed with John C. Buckner as major, and soon -afterwards this was admitted to the Illinois State militia as the Ninth -Battalion Infantry National Guard. This organization at the time it was -formed gave Negro men their best opportunity in the country to gain a -knowledge of military tactics, which they found useful when Congress -declared war on Spain April 25, 1898.</p> - -<p>The allotment for Illinois under President McKinley’s call for 175,000 -men was seven regiments of infantry and one of cavalry. When these -eight regiments left for camp and the Ninth Battalion was not called -to the colors, the Negro people felt that they were wilfully being -kept out of the war with Spain. Shortly afterwards, however, John R. -Tanner, who served as governor of the state during the Spanish-American -War, called John R. Marshall to his office and suggested that he -organize a regiment of Negro men, in which case he would be the first -man of his race to bear the military title of Colonel; and the work of -organization accordingly began.</p> - -<p>President McKinley’s second call for 75,000 men on May 25, 1898, gave -Governor Tanner an opportunity to carry out his promise to put the -regiment into service. He ordered it to Springfield, where the work of -recruiting continued until it reached war strength with 1195 men and -76 officers, and on July 23 John R. Marshall was sworn in as Colonel. -While every other Illinois regiment had gone to Cuba and soldiers -from all parts of the country were constantly embarking, the 8th -remained at Camp Tanner in Illinois; and just about the time the Negro -soldiers were getting discouraged over their prospects of taking part -in real war, Governor Tanner visited the camp and in a speech said: -“Even from the doors of the White House have I received letters asking -and advising me not to officer this regiment with colored men, but I -promised to do so, and I have done it. I shall never rest until I see -this regiment, my regiment, on the soil of Cuba battling for the right -and its kinsmen.”</p> - -<p>It was not Spanish shot and shell that sent many Americans to their -graves, but the hot climate of Cuba and its fevers; in some camps the -sick and dying were found in every tent and the dead march was heard at -every mess call. Yet when the men of the 8th were asked to go to Cuba -to relieve the 1st Illinois whose men were dying daily, they readily -said “Let’s go”; and their volunteering under the circumstances was -especially commended by President McKinley.</p> - -<p>On August 14, 1898, the regiment arrived in Cuba and immediately it -attracted attention by its military precision. Some very efficient men -were officers, among them Major Franklin A. Dennison, who served as -judge of claims in Santiago. When the regiment returned on March 17, -1900, and marched down Michigan Avenue, it was given a great ovation -by the citizens of Chicago. Much of its success had been due to the -hard work of Colonel Marshall, who served until January 1, 1914. He was -succeeded by Major Dennison, who took command January 12. During the -next year the state legislature appropriated money for the erection of -a new armory. The corner-stone of this was laid in 1915, and it was the -first building of its kind for Negroes in America. In the course of the -trouble with Mexico the 8th was sent to the border.</p> - -<p>When war was declared against Germany, April 6, 1917, the regiment -was sent to Texas for preparation. It was in Houston during the riots -between the citizens and the soldiers of the 25th Infantry, but its -record for discipline was upheld. For a while after the riots it was -not thought safe for it to remain at Camp Logan, but the soldierly -bearing of its officers and men demonstrated that such fears were -unwarranted; and when the regiment left Texas for Newport News the -citizens of Houston turned out to do it honor. Its arrival at Newport -News, with a Negro colonel who placed Negro military police on the -streets, created something of a sensation. On Washington’s Birthday, -1918, three companies, led by Colonel Dennison and the regimental band, -went to Norfolk to take part in a demonstration to stimulate interest -in the sale of war stamps, and for the first time in the history of -the city Negro troops marched at the head of a procession of several -thousand American soldiers, sailors, and marines.</p> - -<p>The regiment did intensive training at Newport News until it sailed -for France. It arrived in Brest April 22, 1918, spent two days in -the barracks at Pontenazen, and then journeyed for three days to -Grandvillars, a village near the town of Belfort and within three -miles of the Swiss border. Here it received intensive training under -French officers for six weeks. The regiment made excellent progress and -was complimented on numerous occasions. It was supplied with French -equipment, and during the training period and the time spent in quiet -sectors it was attached to four different French divisions.</p> - -<p>At the end of the first training period the regiment marched on June 12 -and 13 to Morvillars, where it entrained for Ligny en Barrois (Meuse). -It then moved near the town of Bar-le-Duc in the department of the -Meuse. Here it was declared fit for active service, and on June 21 -it was placed on the front line in a quiet sector in the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel -district for fourteen days. Leaving for the Argonne on July 19, it was -placed in the Verdun sector on the plateau of Gorgia and at Hermont -and Mont des Allieux. At the last named place, on July 24, the first -casualty in action took place when Private Robert M. Lee of machine-gun -company No. 2 was killed. The only other operation except the usual -routine work was the raid of a Stokes mortar platoon, commanded by <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lt.</abbr> -Robert A. Wood, on August 4. This was in the sub-sector of Vauquois. -Three hundred rounds of ammunition were fired, the object being to fill -up the gaps of the artillery barrage.</p> - -<p>On August 15 the 370th was placed at the disposal of General Mangin, -who was commander of the 10th Army and who ordered the regiment in -reserve along the Curcq River. From this position it was taken on -September 15 to the Soissons sector with the 59th Division in the area -of Vauxaillon with the Ailette Canal and Alizy Château as its strong -salients. The Third Battalion, commanded by Colonel Otis B. Duncan, -succeeded in taking the southern boundary of the canal. Four rifle -companies were detached with two French regiments and assisted in -taking Mont des Singes. The fighting was severe. The 370th was usually -in close support, but it also participated in several attacks, in all -of which the objectives were gained.</p> - -<p>For the first time, on September 22, the regiment was given a full -sector extending from L’Écluse to a point 300 meters west of the -crossing of the Pinon Braucourt road. The First Battalion went into a -position on the Oise-Aisne Canal and the Farm Guilliminet, the Second -into a support position at Mont des Tombs and Les Tueries and the -slopes west of Antioche Farm, and the third into reserve at Tincelle -Farm. The headquarters company was stationed at Levilly and the supply -company at Monte Couve.</p> - -<p>In the midst of the relief of the First and Second Battalions on the -front line during the night of September 27, an attack was ordered at -dawn. By the greatest effort the relief was completed and the Second -Battalion, which was ordered to work, began offensive operations. -These lasted three days. During the night, while the relief was being -conducted, there was considerable mixing of units. It was difficult to -maintain liaison and as a result one company advanced too far and a -number of casualties resulted.</p> - -<p>Colonel Duncan, commanding the Third Battalion, was ordered on -September 30 to attack along the canal from Mont des Singes to the -Pinon Braucourt road. The fighting in this section continued until -the evening of October 4 before it was certain that the enemy had -been driven across the canal. During this advance the patrols of -the regiment were out nightly around L’Écluse and along the canal. -The 370th drove the enemy from this triangle several times, but it -was difficult to remain where it was as it was the target of severe -artillery and machine fire from two directions. This attack of the -30th is memorable in the annals of the 370th as it was against the -Hindenburg line and was driving back the famous Prussian Guard, the -flower of Emperor William’s army. On account of the orders’ being -delayed in transmission, the advance started in broad daylight. It was -led by Colonels Roberts and Duncan with other officers close by their -sides. As they passed through a shell-torn ravine, German machine-gun -bullets rained upon them, but they pressed forward, finally engaging -in a hand-to-hand struggle and driving the enemy before them. The fact -that some of the new troops got separated from their units in the -night caused the rumor to be circulated that the regiment as a whole -was demoralized. This was found to be not true, as all the objectives -were gained and the morale of the men in the front line was good at all -times.</p> - -<p>The regiment took part in the general advance of the division on -October 12, pushing back the German line 70 kilometers. In this -advance the cities of Laon and Crépy were captured. The First and -Second Battalions were complimented by the commanding general, the -First for its passage of the strong position in Bois de Mortier -and its successful reaching of its objective, and the Second for a -well conducted march in pursuit of the enemy via Anizyle-Château to -Cessières, which was reached late on the night of the 12th. Here the -division stopped for twelve days, ten of which were spent in cleaning -the town and the last two in supplying the men with much needed -clothing. During these days the First and Second Battalions were in the -<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Gobain forest and the Third at Mauneux Farm.</p> - -<p>After this brief period of rest from fighting, the division went into -the front line again, the First and Second Battalions going in near -Grandliep, with the Third in reserve near Chambrey. There were no -engagements between October 24 and November 3, but on the latter date -a large shell fell and exploded in the midst of Company A at Chautrud -Farm where the men were gathered around the kitchen. Thirty-four were -killed and fifty-two wounded.</p> - -<p>On November 5 the enemy began a general withdrawal with the French -following closely. The three battalions of the 370th continued in -pursuit, alternating in the front line position. Company C of the First -Battalion, Captain James H. Smith commanding, took a German battery -consisting of three field pieces (77 cannon) and two machine-guns, for -which it was proposed for an army citation. The Second Battalion helped -to take Beaume and Aubenton, while the Third had crossed the Belgian -frontier when the Armistice was signed. On November 10 the regiment -celebrated the evacuation of Signy le Petit, a town which had been -occupied for four years by the Germans, who marched out four hours -before the parade through the town with a French soldier carrying the -Stars and Stripes and Color-Sergeant Mark P. Freeman, a Negro, carrying -the Tricolor of France.</p> - -<p>After the Armistice the regiment did road work and fatigue duty, -cleaning up the villages and towns where it was stationed. With the -French the relations were always most cordial; all had been comrades, -working and fighting together for a great cause. In spite of the -difficulties of language, which were often serious, the regiment showed -marked improvement as the operations progressed. It played an important -part in the activity of the division, as its numerical strength was -nearly half of that of the infantry of the whole. During most of the -advance to the Ailette and north of the Hindenburg line, the battalion -operated separately, but for three weeks in front of the Ailette the -regiment functioned as an organization, and it did as much work as any -other regiment in the 59th Division. Valuable and necessary service -was also rendered by 125 men of the regiment’s depot company who were -attached to the divisional artillery, and by 75 who were attached to -the engineers.</p> - -<p>On the day that the armistice was signed General Vincenden commended -the men of the 59th Division for helping to vanquish “the most powerful -instrument of conquest that a nation could forge.” In referring to the -“Black Devils,” he said: “The 370th R. I. U. S. has contributed largely -to the success of the 59th Division and has taken in bitter strife -both cannon and machine-guns. Its units, fired by a noble ardor, go -at times even beyond the objectives given by the higher command; they -have always wished to be in the front lines, for the place of honor is -in the leading rank. They have shown, in the course of our advance, -that they are worthy of being there.” As the officers and men were -leaving the French command, he further thanked and commended them in -General Order No. 4785, which especially complimented the intrepidity -of Colonel Duncan and said to the men in closing: “The blood of your -comrades who fell on the soil of France, mixed with the blood of our -soldiers, renders indissoluble the bonds of affection that unite us. -We have, besides, the pride of having worked together at a magnificent -task, and the pride of bearing on our foreheads the ray of a common -grandeur.”</p> - -<p>Prominent among those to whom these words were addressed and among -those who received citations were Sergeant Charles T. Monroe of the -Headquarters Company of the regiment, Sergeant Mathew Jenkins of -Company F, and First <abbr title="Lieutenant">Lieut.</abbr> William J. Warfield of Company L. Sergeant -Monroe displayed extraordinary heroism in action at Mont-de-Sanges, -September 24, 1918. A private at the time, in the absence of a platoon -commander he took charge of a platoon of Stokes mortars, directing the -work of the men under heavy shell fire. Although the shelling was at -times so intense that the guns were buried, Sergeant Monroe and his -men worked unceasingly in placing them back in action. He himself was -buried by the explosion of a shell, but on being dug out, continued -to direct the work of his men and to inspire them by his fearless -example. Sergeant Jenkins, on September 20, 1918, was in command of a -detachment that was ordered to attack the German line. After rescuing, -under fire, a wounded comrade, he charged with his detachment, took a -fortified tunnel, and, being far in advance of his lines and without -rations and ammunition, held the position for more than thirty-six -hours until relieved, making use of captured guns and ammunition to -repel the attacks made upon him. Lieutenant Warfield’s exploit took -place near Ferme de la Rivière, September 28, 1918. Although separated -with his platoon from the company, he continued to lead a stubborn -resistance against enemy machine-gun nests, successfully capturing a -gun and killing the crew. Although severely wounded, he still continued -to command, refusing relief until his objective was reached. Altogether -the regiment received twenty-one Distinguished Service Crosses, -sixty-eight French Croix de Guerre, and one Distinguished Service Medal.</p> - -<p>The 370th was released from the French command and returned to the -American Army December 12, 1918. After the change it encamped at -Soissons until December 23, then at Le Mans until January 8, 1919, and -then at Brest until February 1, when it sailed for America, arriving -at Camp Upton nine days later. As the men of the 370th turned towards -their native land, they did so with pride in the achievements of their -regiment and with the knowledge that it had lived up to its tradition. -It had served on two fronts and had participated in the Oisne-Aisne -offensive, the last great battle of the war. While patrols had gone -forth both day and night, only one man had been taken prisoner. Because -of such a record, all Chicago turned out on February 17 to do honor -to the “Old 8th.” Offices and stores were closed for the day, bells -and whistles welcomed the heroes home, and at the Coliseum, where -the regiment went after leaving the station, thousands gathered that -they might see the war-scarred and medal-bedecked soldiers and hear -something of their experiences. After this great meeting, there was -in the afternoon a regimental parade down Michigan Avenue in full war -equipment, amid the plaudits of all Chicago. At the close of the parade -the regiment entrained for Camp Grant at Rockford for demobilization. -This was completed March 12, and thus the noble record of the 370th -became history.</p> - - -<h3>371ST INFANTRY</h3> - -<p>The 371st Infantry Regiment, commanded by Colonel P. L. Miles, was -organized and trained at Camp Jackson, Columbia, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr> It was composed -mainly of North and South Carolina men and was officered largely by -Southerners. The commanding officer was interested in the welfare of -his men, so also were many of the junior officers; and in spite of some -discouraging circumstances the soldiers were faithful in their work. -Especially had there been strong protest against having Negroes trained -in Columbia; but in the end all such fears proved to be unwarranted, -as the conduct of the men was above reproach. At the end of their -training period citizens from all walks of life gave testimony to the -fact that they had been a credit to their race and to the uniform they -wore, and the Columbia <i>State</i> said that South Carolina was proud -of the regiment and that when the men went to France they would carry -with them the best wishes, the prayers, and the blessing of the best -people of the state.</p> - -<p>Just before the regiment left for overseas, the colored citizens -of Columbia presented it with a flag (March 27, 1918). As the men -marched through the principal street of Columbia in full uniform, they -presented a wonderful spectacle. The transformation that had been -wrought in many of them was almost unbelievable, and mothers, fathers, -wives, and friends came from far to see their kinsmen on parade. After -receiving the flag the regiment returned to camp, but it was soon -on its way to France. William Slovens McNutt, in writing about its -departure from Camp Jackson, said that while he was with some officers -he heard a great shout outside and the thump, thump, thump of marching -soldiers. On looking out he saw a Negro regiment passing in full array. -The whole camp was quiet, and the only sound was that of the marching -and the cracking of the packs. The black men from the cotton-fields -were on their way to France. A big Mississippian standing near swore -growlingly under his breath, gulped, and said: “I’m done talking about -niggers. These boys have been fine soldiers here, and if they ever get -back from France, I’m big enough to lick any man who don’t give ’em a -square deal.” Then a soft, quavery voice somewhere in the ranks began -the hymn, “Will there be any stars in my crown?” Others took it up, -and soon the whole regiment was singing the old church song as the men -tramped their solemn way out of camp to put their bodies to the chance -of war on a foreign field.</p> - -<p>The regiment sailed from Newport News April 9, 1918, arriving at Brest -on the 23rd. For three days the men drilled, worked, and rested before -their next journey to Rembercourt, the training area. One of its first -duties was to clean up Rembercourt, and the soldiers were interested -to find that the French people would not allow them to remove the -cobwebs from the old barns used as billets because of the superstition -that their removal would bring harm to the family. Some companies -were trained at Marats-le-Grand and others at Marats-le-Petit in the -Rembercourt area. Here under French instructors they did intensive -work, learning the French system, and the rapidity with which they -absorbed the new methods gratified both the French and the American -officers. It took the men some time to get used to the French rations, -and Colonel Miles meanwhile forbade the sale of French wines or any -form of intoxicant to the men in his charge.</p> - -<p>The 371st was assigned to the 157th French Division. Its training -period lasted until June 6, when it was ordered to the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mihiel -sector to join the 38th Division. While it was proceeding to carry out -the orders and the regimental commander was making reconnaissance -of the sector, the order was rescinded and the regiment was directed -to return to the 13th French Army Corps. It then marched to -Sivry-la-Perche, Bois Bourrus, Vigneville, and Bois de Bethlainville, -where it supported the 68th Division from June 13 to June 22.</p> - -<p>On the nights of June 22 and 23 the headquarters company of the First -Battalion entered the front line of the Avocourt sub-sector, west of -Hill 304, for its first experience in modern warfare. After July 14 -the regiment moved into the Varrieres sub-sector in the same vicinity, -and the Second and Third Battalions were in support. In this sector -the regiment remained until September 14, most of the time with two -battalions in the line and one in support, although for a short time -the entire regiment was in the front line. During these days there was -some nervousness on the part of the troops as they were constantly -expecting an attack; but it did not take them long to become accustomed -to the artillery fire, and their nonchalant attitude won for them the -admiration and the confidence of the French officers.</p> - -<p>The supporting battalion did the night work on the defenses destroyed -by the artillery fire, and its nearness to the front line prevented any -training of the regiment in offensive action. Outpost duty was done, -and at one time the 371st covered as much as five kilometers, which -was its own front and half the front of the 333rd French Infantry at -its left. There were occasional raiding parties and nightly patrols, -and daily there was harassing fire in the sector. Some men were killed -or wounded in these raids, but on the other hand some prisoners were -taken, much to the satisfaction of the French command.</p> - -<p>The 371st, though inexperienced in war, occupied and defended its -sectors, and provided for all means of liaison and supply just as -a French infantry regiment was expected to do. More and more its -discipline improved. On September 14 it was taken from the Verdun -region by trucks to Helitz-l’Évêque, Champagne, for two weeks of -training in offensive action, but on the first day of training new -orders came and the regiment marched to Somme Bionne, Champagne, in -the area of the great offensive which was to start on September 26. On -the night of the 26th the regiment marched from the old French line -at Boyan to Butte de Mesnil. At 12.30 on the 27th it was ordered to -a position in readiness behind the crest line facing north between -Butte de Mesnil and Maison Champagne Ferme. A position astride the -Ripont-Gratevil road was reached before daylight. There was heavy gun -fire and there were six casualties in the course of the march.</p> - -<p>In accordance with operation order No. 20, issued by the 157th -Division, the First Battalion of the 371st Infantry attacked at 6.45 -o’clock on September 28 on a front of 500 meters on the axis Ripont, -Bussy Farm, les Petit Rosières, between the 161st French Division on -the right and the 2nd Moroccan Division on the left. Major Joseph B. -Pate, commanding the First Battalion of the 371st, was ordered to fill -an interval that was reported to have occurred between the 161st and -the 2nd Moroccan Division. On receiving information from the commander -on the right that no gap existed, the First Battalion attacked at the -hour set, but machine-guns held up the advance for a while and caused a -large number of casualties. At daylight it was discovered that the gap -did exist, but defective liaison prevented getting the necessary aid or -artillery support. As a result machine-gun nests had to be taken with -rifle and bayonet at a heavy cost.</p> - -<p>The French and the 371st, advancing on Hill 188, withdrew and marched -to the right flank around the hill, as it was filled with machine-gun -nests. The hill was finally taken by the First Battalion of the -371st with the assistance of a battalion of the 372nd Infantry. This -encounter will always be remembered by the 371st, as it was here that -the regiment lost the greatest number of men. Machine-gun fire swept -the crest of the hill, but even this did not stop the advance. When -night came a position had been reached 400 meters south of Le Pied.</p> - -<p>Personal reconnaissance by the commander of the Second Battalion -determined that Bussy Farm had been evacuated by the enemy. Acting in -accordance with orders from the 157th Division, the Third Battalion of -the 371st occupied this farm at 7 o’clock on the morning of September -29. At 9.15 on the same morning the entire regiment advanced in a -column of battalions on a front of 500 meters’ distance between -the battalions and 500 meters from the 372nd Infantry on the right -and the 333rd French Infantry on the left. The Third Battalion of -the 371st captured the villages of Ardeuil, Montfauxelle, and the -railroad station, yards, and shops just north of Montfauxelle; and -the advance of the regiment halted at these places for the night. -During this advance Company K of the Third Battalion was on the extreme -left near the French unit. Both were subjected to heavy fire from -the hills before them. Captain Chester D. Heywood, who commanded the -company, ordered an attack to clear the hill. This was successful, and -thirty-five prisoners, including three officers, a 77 M. M. cannon -with its ammunition, and a number of machine-guns were captured. On -September 30 the regiment advanced in the same formation as on the -preceding day, with the Third, Second, and First Battalions from front -to rear in the order given. Trières Farm was captured by the Third -Battalion, which was far in advance of the troops on its right and -left. While in this position it was subjected to heavy fire and there -were heavy losses. The Second Battalion was deployed to the right and -met the same opposition.</p> - -<p>On October 1 at 5 o’clock the regiment was relieved of front line duty -and carried to the rear to reorganize. There it remained until October -6. Before entering the great Champagne campaign it had had no training -in offensive operations for battalions, and the signal platoon had had -experience only in a defensive sector. Lack of training on the part -of the signal platoon prevented the regiment from obtaining artillery -assistance even sometimes when it was sorely needed in the advance. -In spite of this handicap the regiment carried the attack forward in -advance of adjacent troops. No French troops led the way for the 371st. -It marched into battle and maintained its approach formation under -heavy fire without faltering. Many officers stayed at their posts even -when wounded, continually encouraging their men; and on the other hand -there were numerous acts of heroism and devotion to duty on the part of -the men.</p> - -<p>During the regiment’s advance it shot down three German aeroplanes -which were flying low and directing the firing. This was a unique -record. Ninety prisoners were taken, and of a total strength of 2384 -the losses of the regiment in the Champagne offensive were as follows: -Officers, killed 4, died of wounds 4, wounded 41, total 49; Enlisted -men, killed 101, died of wounds 6, wounded 866, total 973; Missing 30; -Total 1052.</p> - -<p>Such figures are cold. Let us note some of the concrete deeds that were -afterwards cited for honors. Near Champagne, on September 28, Corporal -Sandy E. Jones was engaged as company clerk and was left behind to care -for the company records. “When he learned that all the company officers -had become casualties, he immediately went forward, and, collecting the -scattered elements of the company, reorganized them under most trying -and difficult conditions.” Private Reuben Burrell, “although painfully -wounded in the knee, refused to be evacuated, stating that if he went -to the rear there would not be enough left for his group to function.” -Privates Ellison Moses and Junius Diggs, after their companies had been -forced to withdraw from advanced positions, “went forward and rescued -wounded soldiers, working persistently until all of them had been -carried to shelter.” Four other men, among them Bruce Stoney, Charlie -Butler, and Willie Boston, “crawled 200 yards ahead of our lines under -violent machine-gun fire and rescued an officer who was lying mortally -wounded in a shell hole.” These are only a few of the individual acts -of heroism.</p> - -<p>After the Champagne offensive the regiment was withdrawn and sent to -a quiet sector in the Vosges Mountains, the Bonhomme sub-sector in -Alsace. It remained there from October 16 until after the Armistice, -with the assistance of one battalion of Chasseurs holding over eight -kilometers of front. There were no important operations here and for -the first time the reserve battalions were given intensive training.</p> - -<p>During the service with the French there were always the most cordial -relations. General Goybet had sincere affection for these Negro troops -and took personal pride in what they did. Other generals and the French -soldiers also learned to respect and admire them for their soldierly -qualities and their bravery; and so did the Moroccan division. General -Garnier Duplessis, commander of the 9th Army Corps of France, after -watching the deeds of the 371st and 372nd in the Champagne offensive, -said, “I salute the brave American regiments who have equalled in -intrepidity their French comrades.” Colonel Quillet, who commanded -the regiment in the decisive battle that brought victory, said: “In -sectors they have shown endurance, a vigilance, a spirit of devotion, -and a remarkable discipline. In battle they have taken by storm with -a magnificent animation very strong positions doggedly defended by -the enemy.” On October 11, when the regiment came out of battle, the -commander of the 157th Division wrote Colonel Miles, saying, “Your -troops have been admirable in their attack”; and when the famous -157th “Red Hand Division” was broken up, General Goybet commended -the American Negro soldiers for the part they had taken in the great -struggle as follows: “During seven months we have lived as brothers -in arms, sharing the same works, the same fatigues, the same dangers; -side by side we have participated in the great Champagne battle, which -was crowned with a prodigious victory. The 157th Division will never -forget the irresistible dash, the heroic push of the colored American -troops.... The most formidable defenses, the best organized machine-gun -nests, the most smashing artillery barrage could not stop them. These -élite regiments crossed all of it with a superb disdain of death and, -thanks to their courageous devotion, the Red Hand Division during nine -days of hard struggle always held the lead in the historic advance of -the Fourth Army.”</p> - -<p>For its splendid fighting in the Champagne battles the regiment was -commended by the French high command and the regimental colors were -decorated by Vice-Admiral Moreau in Brest January 27, 1919. The -citation reads as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><i>The 371st R. I. U. S. has shown, during its first engagement, the -very best qualities of bravery and audacity which are characteristic -of shock troops.</i></p> - -<p><i>Under the command of Colonel Miles, it launched itself with a -superb spirit and admirable disregard of danger at the assault of a -position stubbornly defended by the enemy. It took it by terrible -fighting, under an exceptionally violent machine-gun fire. It then -continued its progression in spite of the fire of enemy artillery -and its cruel losses, making numerous prisoners, securing cannon, -machine-guns and important material.</i></p> - -<p class="right"> -<i>PETAIN</i>,<br /> -<i>Marshal of France</i>.<br /> -</p> -</div> - - -<p>Thirty-four individual Croix de Guerre for officers and sixty-nine for -enlisted men, one Legion of Honor, and twenty-one Distinguished Service -Crosses were awarded to members of the regiment. The 371st sailed -from Brest February 3, 1919, and arrived at Camp Upton February 11th. -Thence the men were sent to the camps nearest their homes, and most of -them naturally went to Camp Jackson. Amid the plaudits of the city of -Columbia they returned the flag that had been given them, and South -Carolina, that had hesitated to receive and train these black sons of -hers, had the magnanimity to admit that no other organization that -represented the state in the World War had shed as much luster upon it -or brought as much glory to it as the 371st Regiment of Negro soldiers.</p> - - -<h3>372ND INFANTRY</h3> - -<p>The 372nd Infantry Regiment was organized at Camp Stuart, Newport News, -in January, 1918, of infantry troops from the First Separate Battalion -of Washington, D. C., the Ninth Separate Battalion of Ohio, First -Separate Company I of Maryland, First Separate Company K of Tennessee, -First Separate Company M of Connecticut, and Company L of the 6th -Massachusetts Regiment. These organizations had survived since the -Spanish-American War by reason of the enthusiasm of a few commanders -who had held them together from year to year in spite of handicaps, -until the call to arms in 1917.</p> - -<p>Every one of these units had made an interesting record. The First -Separate Battalion of Washington was the first unit of district -guardsmen to be mobilized for duty on the Mexican Border in 1916. It -served for four months, spending a part of the time at Naco, <abbr title="Arizona">Ariz.</abbr>, -where it guarded waterworks. On March 29, 1917, just before the United -States entered the war, it was mustered into the Federal service and -called to guard the White House, the Capitol, and other Government -buildings and railroad properties around Washington. The Ninth Ohio -Battalion was composed of companies from Springfield, Cleveland, and -Columbus. It was called to the mobilization center in 1916, but was -not ordered to the border. In July, 1917, when the regiment was called -to service, efforts were made to raise it to war strength, which was -finally reached at Camp Stuart. The First Separate Company of Maryland -was organized in the 80’s by <abbr title="Captain">Capt.</abbr> William R. Spencer, who commanded it -for nearly thirty years. In 1917 it first went to Pittsburgh for guard -duty, but later was sent to Camp McClellan, Anniston, <abbr title="Alabama">Ala.</abbr>, where it -served at the remount station until it was ordered to France. While at -Camp McClellan it participated in a review of thirty-five thousand men -and was conceded by the reviewers to be the best drilled company in the -line of march. Company K of Tennessee, commanded by Captain Hadley, was -the only National Guard company of Negro men in the South. It trained -at Camp Sevier, Greenville, <abbr title="South Carolina">S. C.</abbr>, before joining the 372nd at Newport -News. Company M of Connecticut was one of the two National Guard -companies in New England composed of Negro men. During the years of its -existence it trained in camp with the Connecticut National Guard, which -as early as 1904 it accompanied to Manassas, <abbr title="Virginia">Va.</abbr>, for the Bull Run sham -battle. During the maneuvers an unfortunate incident occurred, two -troopers in the unit opposing this company being injured, and it was -withdrawn from further participation in the event. Company L, of the -Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, was the only Negro company attached to a -white regiment in the United States; and William J. Williams, the first -captain, was the first Negro to receive that commission in the United -States Volunteer Army. This company served in the Spanish-American -War, and it was mustered into the Federal service on the day that the -United States declared war on Germany. It was first sent to Fort Smith, -<abbr title="New Hampshire">N. H.</abbr>, where it remained until July. Thence it was moved successively -to Framingham, Ayer, the Watertown Arsenal, where it was raised to war -strength, then to Westfield, and thence to Camp Greene, Charlotte, N. -C. In January, 1918, it was ordered to Camp Stuart to join the other -National Guard units preparatory to the formation of the 372nd Regiment -under the command of Colonel Glendie B. Young. While organization was -being completed, the men were given three months of intensive training -in all forms of offensive and defensive tactics.</p> - -<p>On March 30 the regiment sailed for France, arriving at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nazaire -on April 13. It was stationed in one of the rest camps outside the -city, details doing stevedore work at Montoir until the 21st, when -the regiment was ordered to the Givry-en-Argonne training area, -where it was billeted at Condé-en-Barrois. Under French officers -intensive instruction was given in the use of hand and rifle grenades, -machine-guns and automatic rifles, trench construction and battle -formations; and during this period the regiment was reorganized in -accordance with the French table of organization and became an integral -part of the 63rd Division of the French Army.</p> - -<p>Leaving Condé-en-Barrois on May 27, the 372nd proceeded to towns in -the Meuse and Vosges Departments, there to await operation orders. -These were received on June 6, the different battalions being assigned -to the sub-sector Argonne (Meuse), which was placed under the command -of Colonel Young. The First Battalion was located at La Noue and Les -Islettes as reserve to the 63rd Division, the Second at Camp Kapp and -Basse Chevrie, and the Third at Courtes Chousses. There were no large -offensive operations in this sector, but patrols from both sides gave -the regiment its first real opportunity to see modern warfare.</p> - -<p>On June 21 the 372nd was transferred from the 63rd to the 35th -French Division, the latter having relieved the 63rd. On June 27 the -commanding officer of the 35th Division ordered the 372nd to relieve -the 123rd French R. I. in the Vauquois Sector (Meuse). This relief, -which was made by the battalions going into the line separately, -continued until July 3, when it was completed. On July 2 the regiment -was again transferred, this time to the 157th “Red Hand” Division. -It was immediately ordered to occupy new positions in support, and -from July 11 to 14 it relieved the 49th French R. I. in sub-sector -Courcelles. The First Battalion on the night of the 11th moved to Bois -de Fenchères, the Second and supply company on the following night to -Camp Demougin at Brabant, and the Third and headquarters company to -Lochères. On July 4, 1918, Colonel Herschel Tupes relieved Colonel -Young in the command of the regiment.</p> - -<p>The 372nd moved into second-line positions on July 18. The First -Battalion was stationed at sub-sector West, the Second at Vigneville, -and the Third at Bois de Bethelainsville. On the 26th the regiment -moved into a sub-sector of Hill 304 in the Verdun region, where it -relieved the 333rd French Regiment. This relief was completed on the -28th, with the First Battalion in the front line left of sub-sector -304, the Second on the right of 304, and the Third in reserve at Camp -Dormandie. The regiment remained in the Verdun region throughout the -month of August. Here it took part in no offensive operations except -active patrol duty; yet the men were under constant bombardment, which -made the line of communication difficult to hold in order. Detachments -took part in two attacks, which were accompanied by artillery operation -put over by the 333rd French Regiment. On both occasions the men of the -372nd were praised for their conduct under fire. Sub-sector 304 was -organized and consolidated for the first time by this regiment.</p> - -<p>While in this sector the Negro officers, many of whom had been with -their units for years, were removed. It was natural that the removal -of those who had helped to organize and promote their organizations -should affect the morale of the regiment for a time, but the men -finally adjusted themselves to the changes and the work of the regiment -proceeded.</p> - -<p>On September 8 the 129th U. S. Infantry relieved the 372nd. The -battalions marched to Bois de Brocourt and Bois de Fouchères, where -they remained until September 12, when orders arrived to leave for -the training area in Brienne le Château. Four days later they were -ordered by train to Vitry-le-François in Haute-Marne, and thence they -proceeded by night marches through Jussacourt, Contault-le-Maupas, -Dommartin-sur-Yevre, and Mes Maigneaux to Hans, ten kilometers west of -Ste. Menehould, where they arrived on September 25.</p> - -<p>In the big offensive the attack which had been scheduled for the Fourth -Army began at 5.25 on the morning of September 26. The mission of the -157th French Division was “to exploit the successes after the initial -breaking through attack had attained the assigned objectives.” The -372nd was ordered to advance at 3 in the afternoon. The headquarters -and headquarters company occupied the north bank of Marson Brook, and -the three battalions were on the south of the brook. On the 27th the -First and Third Battalions marched north to new positions in Ravin -d’Hébaterne, while the Second Battalion was held in reserve for the -157th Division. On the 28th the Second Battalion advanced to Ripont -by Corduroy road. The Third was ordered to attack north of Ripont -Rouvroy road, which it did at 11.30. Stubborn resistance was offered -by the enemy from their entrenchments on Crete-des-Observatoires, but -after hard fighting, which lasted the entire afternoon, this position -was rushed and cleared. The Third Battalion captured in this advance -60 prisoners, one 105-calibre field-gun, two 77-calibre field-guns, -2 anti-tank rifles, and large quantities of material and small arm -ammunition. The Third Battalion continued its advance until night, -reaching the woods south of Bussy Farm, three and a half kilometers -north of Ripont. Its ranks had been greatly depleted in the day’s -operations.</p> - -<p>On September 29 the First Battalion was ordered to attack towards -Moulin, L’Avébrune, and then towards Challerange, but after starting -the attack it was obliged to leave its direction of attack and advance -toward Sechault because of the strong resistance from that direction. -The town was finally captured, the First Battalion of the 372nd -assisting. Because of the casualties suffered by the First and Third -Battalions, they were ordered at nightfall to the woods south of Bussy -Farm, where they were reorganized into one provisional battalion.</p> - -<p>On September 30 the Second Battalion advanced to a plateau 250 meters -south of Bussy Farm and on October 1 to Trières Farm, where it relieved -a battalion of the 371st Infantry. The provisional battalion, commanded -by Major Johnson, advanced three kilometers north of Sechault on the -Sechault-Monthoise road, capturing the town of Ardeuil. On October -3 the advance was held up, pending the capture of Croix de Langley, -west of Monthoise, by the 120th French Division, which was stopped -in its advance. The enemy took advantage of a heavy fog on the 4th -and launched a strong counter-attack, assisted by heavy artillery -preparation. This attack, which developed into a hand-to-hand combat, -was completely repulsed by two battalions of the 333rd French Regiment, -and the Second Battalion of the 372nd, the enemy leaving behind 55 -prisoners and 6 machine-guns.</p> - -<p>The 372nd was relieved on October 6 by a French regiment and moved -southward to the north banks of Marson Brook for the 7th, and on to -Somme Bionne, 12 kilometers west of Ste. Menehould, on the 8th. Its -fighting qualities were put to severe test in the Champagne offensive -from September 26 to October 7. The nature of the attack may be judged -by the losses sustained. Seven officers and 74 enlisted men were killed -and 32 officers and 435 men were wounded. Three of the wounded officers -afterwards died.</p> - -<p>The regiment entrained at Valmy in Champagne on the 11th for Alsace, -arriving at Corcieux in the Department of Vosges the following day. -Here it detrained and marched to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Leonard, preparatory to entering -the front lines to relieve the 70th French Infantry at Ban-de-Laveline -in sub-sector B on the 15th. It remained in this sector until after -the armistice. On the night of November 7 patrols were sent out from -each battalion to gain contact with the enemy, who were believed to -be retreating. A patrol from the Second Battalion, consisting of an -officer and twenty-three men, advanced two kilometers into territory -occupied by the Germans, who surrounded them. The officer and one -man were killed. All the rest, a number of whom were wounded, were -captured, with the exception of one man, who made his escape and -returned to the battalion. On the last morning of the war another -patrol went 1200 meters into the enemy’s line and captured a soldier -of the 2nd Ersatz Bavarian Regiment. There were no heavy offensives -in sub-sector B, but there was aggressive patrolling, which secured -valuable information from the enemy. On November 17 the regiment was -ordered to Granges, Ammontzev, and Jussarupt in the Vosges, where it -remained until January 1. At Ammontzev, on December 17, 1918, General -Goybet, commander of the 157th French Division, awarded the Croix de -Guerre to those officers and men who had won the coveted prize, and -Colonel Tupes presented to eight men the Distinguished Service Cross.</p> - -<p>The 157th, the “Red Hand Division,” was ordered dissolved on December -20. At the same time the 372nd was returned to the American Army. The -regiment had served with the French since April, 1918. During that -time the relations had been most friendly, the men of the two nations -working together in perfect harmony. The 372nd played an important -part in the operations of its division. Its occupation of sub-sector -Argonne Quest, considered a phase of training, was satisfactorily -conducted. In the Vauquois sub-sector its mission was difficult and -important, namely, the defense of Côtes-de-Foriment, the key to the -Aire Valley, which was threatened by a German offensive. Its fighting -in the Champagne and its capture of Crete-des-Observatoires, the key to -Challerange and Monthois, caused the French Higher Command to say that -its achievements were equal to those of any French unit in its division.</p> - -<p>The regiment entrained for Le Mans on January 1, arriving two days -afterwards. There it remained until the 11th, when it was ordered to -Brest, where it arrived on the 14th. At Brest, on January 24, 1919, the -regimental colors were decorated with the Croix de Guerre with palm by -Vice-Admiral Moreau of the French Navy. The citation said:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><i>The 372nd Infantry</i></p> - -<p><i>Gave proof during its first engagement of the finest qualities -of bravery and daring exploits, which are the virtues of assaulting -troops.</i></p> - -<p><i>Under the orders of Colonel Tupes, dashed with superb gallantry -and admirable scorn of danger, the assault of a position continuously -defended by the enemy, taking it by storm under exceptionally violent -machine-gun fire, continued the progress in spite of the enemy’s -artillery fire and severe fire. Made numerous prisoners, captured -cannons, many machine-guns and important war material.</i></p> - -<p class="right"> -(Signed) <i>QUILLET</i>,<br /> -<i>Colonel, Commanding 157th L. D.</i><br /> -</p> -</div> - - -<p>Of individual heroes in the regiment thus cited for gallantry there -were many. Two of the most outstanding were Corporal Clarence R. -Van Alen, of Boston, and Sergeant Clifton Merrimon, of Cambridge, -both of whom were members of the “Old 6th Massachusetts” and both of -whom received the extraordinary triple decoration of the Croix de -Guerre with palm, the Distinguished Service Cross, and the Medaille -Militaire. On the morning of September 28, 1918, when his company was -under a gruelling fire from hidden German machine-gun nests, Corporal -Van Alen, having determined the location of one of these, rushed it -single-handed. He killed four of the operators and brought the other -three as prisoners into the American lines, himself escaping with a -few scratches. Later on the same day, and during the same engagement, -he rushed and captured single-handed a trench mortar battery that was -inflicting severe losses upon the French lines. Corporal (afterwards -Sergeant) Merrimon, near Bussy Farm on September 27, made an attack -with hand grenades on an enemy machine-gun which was causing heavy -losses to his platoon, and succeeded in killing the gunner and putting -the gun out of commission. He then reorganized the remainder of the -platoon, leading his men to their position south of Bussy Farm. -Although gassed himself, he silenced the machine-gun single-handed. -Colonel Tupes himself was decorated with the Croix de Guerre, and -altogether four members of the regiment received the Medaille Militaire -and fifty-two the Croix de Guerre.</p> - -<p>The 372nd sailed for America on February 3, 1919, landing at Hoboken on -Lincoln’s Birthday. Demobilization was completed on March 6.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Of such nature was the work and the fighting of the 93rd Division of -the American Army in France, which was composed of Negro soldiers and -whose different regiments were so largely decorated with the Croix de -Guerre with palm.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X"><big>CHAPTER X</big><br /><br /> - -HOME-FIRES</h2> -</div> - - - -<p class="quote p0"> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">“Keep the home-fires burning,</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">While your hearts are yearning;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Though your lads are far away</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">They dream of home;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">There’s a silver lining</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Through the dark cloud shining;</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">Turn the dark cloud inside out</span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 3em;">Till the boys come home.”</span><br /> -</p> - - -<p>To the American returning from France in 1919, the whole country that -had been the scene of the war came back like a panorama or a dream. -The moans of the dying and the devastation of homes and villages -mingled with the treasures of art and the shrines of devotion. Perhaps -he recalled the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, the Palace of Kings -at Fontainebleau, the tombs of Voltaire and Rousseau and Hugo, the -Luxembourg, or the never-to-be-forgotten Promenade at Nice. Roman ruins -and amphitheatres, the parade on Bastille Day, fireworks on the Seine, -nights at the opera, the games at the Pershing Stadium, the endless -coming and going at Brest, even memories of Héloïse and Abelard, all -crowded upon the mind to awaken wonder. But above all, far above all, -came back the France of the Great Soul, of Liberty and Fraternity and -Courage, of the “Marseillaise,”—of Verdun and the deathless word, “Ils -ne passeront pas.”</p> - -<p>It is a country to love, a country worth dying for. Yet few Americans -would prefer even France to their own wonderful land. Memories of those -at home rushed back even on the field of battle; and though he lived in -Mississippi or Montana, to the returning soldier even the harbor of New -York spoke of home. After all there is nothing like the land of one’s -birth and loved ones. “One touch of nature makes the whole world kin.”</p> - -<p>To the Negro soldier who went to France the experience was, as for -every soldier, one ever to be remembered. Some men who in Alabama or -Louisiana had in all their lives hardly been twenty-five miles from -home were suddenly taken thousands of miles away, across the Atlantic, -to decide the fate of empires. Altogether four hundred thousand Negro -men answered their country’s call. Of these a little more than half saw -service abroad, and many never came back.</p> - -<p>Of those who remained at home importance attached to an organization of -which little has been said in these pages, that of the Students’ Army -Training Corps. Units of this were established in twenty representative -educational institutions, and with inspiring ceremony on October 1, -1918, the flower of the young men of the nation, in these and other -colleges, took the oath of loyalty to the flag. Meanwhile black -fathers and mothers invested millions of dollars in Liberty Bonds and -War Savings Stamps and contributed generously to all the numerous -“drives”; and history has not yet told of how much the Negro woman, -working hard in the fields of the South, did to feed her country and -the world while the war was on.</p> - -<p>To the Negro soldier no thought was dearer or more inspiring than -that of these women at home, so largely defenceless; and no hope was -stronger than that the future might be better for them and their -children. Only such feeling explains the tenderness, even the tears, -with which the men in uniform greeted the women of their race who in -one way or another strove to help them. At Camp McClellan one man was -daily growing weaker from pneumonia. One morning a Negro woman who was -a member of the Red Cross brought some flowers to be given to him. A -beautiful rose was selected by the Chaplain who, when giving it to -the soldier, said, “This is the flower that the lady brought you this -morning.” “For me?” asked the man; then, looking at the gift with all -its beautiful suggestion, he said, “Chaplain, I am twenty-three years -old. Do you know that this is the first time anyone ever gave me a -flower?” Overseas it was the same. To one talented young woman who went -to France to try to bring good cheer, and who inspired the men by her -beautiful playing on the piano, a soldier wrote appreciatively: “I just -want to thank you for the way you entertained us soldiers last evening -and say that you really did bring sunshine to us all. To-day it seems -that a burden has been lifted off us, and we wish you could stay in -our camp forever. I feel better than I have felt in the whole eleven -months that I have been overseas. All the soldiers are talking of you -to-day; it has been a year since some of them saw a colored woman. A -friend of mine is from Cincinnati and he joins me in wishing you Good -Luck and Godspeed.”</p> - -<p>Not only through the personal presence of such a worker as this but -in far-reaching and unseen ways the influences of home were brought -to bear upon the men at the front. Sometimes in the darkest night the -great good cheer and the big heart of the Negro shone forth. More than -one man “higher up,” while on patrol in No Man’s Land, was buoyed up -by the simple faith of an untutored Negro lad. “Officer,” said one, in -such a situation, “it is hard, but I’m with you to the end.” On another -night, before they went over the top, six boys were in a dug-out. After -talking things over, one suggested that they say the Lord’s Prayer. -Only one knew it; but while a game of dice was going on in another -corner, the little group knelt and repeated the words, gathering -strength for the attack that was to come before the new day. Hearing -a slight noise toward the close, they turned and saw that a major had -come into the dug-out. “Let’s say it again, boys,” he said, “it gives -me more courage too.” Then they knelt again and the officer joined with -them in the prayer.</p> - -<p>In many ways the war meant the awakening of new impulses. As one -traveled through the South, again and again he noticed a service -flag at the window, sometimes in a cabin forlorn and dilapidated, -sometimes in one neat and in a cluster of trees or surrounded by -cotton. Sometimes there was only one star, but often there were two; -and whenever those stars appeared they meant that the deeper springs -of life were being stirred, and that a people whose horizon had been -limited was beginning to think in terms of the world. If such was -the influence at home, even stronger was that with the men who went -to France. They were thrilled with a new hope. One and all they were -willing to give their very lives if things might be better for those -in the little home in South Carolina or Georgia. They had seen their -glorious Stars and Stripes and they knew that they had not fully -realized its benefits; but now as never before that banner unfurled -meant democracy, and as a beacon light it pointed the way for all -lovers of liberty. Negro men went to war believing that a new day was -dawning for them, and that loyalty to their country’s cause in her hour -of need would be the means of their enjoying in fuller measure the -blessings for which they were fighting. In that faith they were willing -to face shells and gas at Verdun, in Champagne, and in the Argonne, or -wherever duty might lead them.</p> - -<p>When the war closed then, it is unfortunate that the experiences of -thousands of these men had embittered them instead of bringing them -into the freedom for which they had longed. Let us pass over smaller -matters and consider only two of the larger reasons that accounted -for their feeling. It is possible that no group similarly situated -did more to make Armistice Day possible than did the American Negro -soldiers; and we have seen that the record of the 369th Infantry -was such that it was given the honor of leading French troops to the -Rhine. When, however, in Paris, on July 14, 1919—on Bastille Day, -the day of freedom—the Allied generals and their armies participated -in the greatest military demonstration in the history of the world, -the American Negro was not there. Other nations had all the races -that fought under their flags in line. Belgium had her black colonial -troops; England had Indians and Africans with her own sons and her -soldiers from the colonies; and France had her Senegalese, Moroccans, -Algerians, Soudanese, and Madagascans: every race that came to her -defence was in her victorious army on that memorable day. Only America -left her Negro troops behind. The last soldiers in the Victory Parade -passed down the Champs Elysees, and still the hero of the 369th or the -371st had not appeared. He alone in the day of glory was the Disowned, -the Disinherited.</p> - -<p>Then there was “Le Panthéon de la Guerre,” a great painting by “Pierre -Carrier-Belleuse, Auguste François Gorguet, and their associates, who -on the morrow of the victory of the Marne undertook a work for the -glorification of France.” Standing before the painting one beheld -thousands of French heroes, officers of all ranks, and soldiers, -gunners, horsemen, sailors, and aviators—every group that represented -France. Along the right of this great circular painting were seen -the Allied nations, represented by their sovereigns, statesmen, and -military leaders, with representatives of the groups that assisted in -the great struggle. Colonial as well as European soldiers were there. -In the American group President Wilson stood in the center with one of -his peace documents, and on either side were members of the cabinet, -statesmen, military and naval leaders. Every group of Americans was -supposed to be represented, and all were there—soldiers, sailors, -business men, farmers, cowboys, Indians,—all except the Negro, the -Negro soldier, and the stevedore who bore the heavy load. It was not -sufficient to say to the Negro that this was an accidental omission; he -knew better.</p> - -<p>This, then, is the question for Americans. Either these things are true -or they are not. Either they are just or they are not. That they are -true everybody knows. That they are just we leave to the conscience of -our readers.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile let us remember that now as ever the Negro has faith in his -country and in the principles for which it stands. In every crisis he -has been loyal and true. In the World War, in spite of propaganda, -he answered promptly every call. For him, as for others, the draft -was a great Americanizer. It did within a year what decades of quiet -existence would not have done. It carried him far from his home and -showed him other peoples and other customs; and as never before he -realized that he was to do a man’s part for his own country’s welfare.</p> - -<p>As a result of the war also there was co-operation between the races -in communities where previously little or none had existed. The -inter-racial committees that have been organized throughout the South -are the direct outgrowth of efforts to work together in the course of -the war. The welfare organizations moreover introduced for Negro young -men and women such wholesome recreation as had not been enjoyed by them -in large numbers before. Through this work standards developed and a -new appreciation of the place that such recreation should have in the -lives of the youth of the race.</p> - -<p>And in the years to come who will read of the work of the Negro -stevedores without feeling that America owes a great debt to these -men? They had a heavy and sometimes an unpleasant task, but the zeal -with which they worked hastened the peace and saved the lives of -thousands of men. In the 92nd Division also more than 20,000 Negro men -were moulded into a great fighting organization, officered largely by -Negroes for the first time in the history of America; while the record -of the 93rd Division is one to make not only every Negro but also every -American proud.</p> - -<p>Such memories linger in the mind of every man who played his part on -the field of battle, and also of that one who offered himself for -his country but happened not to be called to the front. Forgetting -themselves, but uplifted with hope, they went forth in the spirit of -the Master. Risking life itself, they were willing to die, if need be, -that others might live. They had only sublime faith in their country, -and over all was the divine purpose, “For God and Home and Native Land.”</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter transnote"> -<p class="center"><strong>Transcriber’s Notes</strong></p> - -<p>— Where hyphenation was inconsistent, this has been -standardized using the one more common in this text. Where that was not -possible to discern, the most common hyphenation in use at the time of -publication has been used.</p> - -<p>— Several unconventional spellings for French locations have been left as per the original, except where otherwise noted.</p> - -<p>— Page 28: “The fact than many” changed to “The fact that many”</p> - -<p>— Page 36: “The Plattsburgh idea of military training was” changed to -“The Plattsburg idea of military training was”</p> - -<p>— Page 42: “manual of physical” changed to “manual or physical”</p> - -<p>— Page 46: “words of farewell and mpressed” changed to “words of -farewell and impressed”</p> - -<p>— Page 46: “a surprisingly efficient organzation” changed to “a -surprisingly efficient organization”</p> - -<p>— Page 60: “not always carried out.”” changed to “not always carried out.”</p> - -<p>— Page 70: “his own comrades in arms” changed to “his own comrades in arms.”</p> - -<p>— Page 80: “the first Satuday of each month” changed to “the first -Saturday of each month”</p> - -<p>— Page 89: “was at Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, O.” changed to -“was at Camp Sherman, Chillicothe, Ohio.”</p> - -<p>— Page 103: “erected for Negro stevedores” changed to “erected for Negro stevedores.”</p> - -<p>— Page 114: “The next moring a hundred white and colored soldiers” -changed to “The next morning a hundred white and colored soldiers”</p> - -<p>— Page 116: “Here there was a minstrel troup” changed to “Here there -was a minstrel troupe”</p> - -<p>— Page 124: “the young woman who recieved the yarn” changed to “the -young woman who received the yarn”</p> - -<p>— Page 143: “317th Engineers, The task” changed to “317th Engineers. The task”</p> - -<p>— Page 168: “positions of Champey, Bouières, La Côte,” changed to -“positions of Champey, Bouxières, La Côte,”</p> - -<p>— Page 179: “measles, parolitis” changed to “measles, parotitis”</p> - -<p>— Page 188: “by a heavy minewerfer” changed to “by a heavy minenwerfer”</p> - -<p>— Page 197: “northeast of Châlons in the Campagne” changed to -“northeast of Châlons in the Champagne”</p> - -<p>— Page 212: “Vauxaillon with the Arlette Canal” changed to “Vauxaillon -with the Ailette Canal”</p> - -<p>— Page 227: “General Garnier Duplossis” changed to “General Garnier Duplessis”</p> - -<p>— Page 236: “capturing the town of Ardueil.” changed to “capturing the -town of Ardeuil.”</p> - -<p>— Page 248: “not only ever Negro but also every American proud” changed -to “not only every Negro but also every American proud”</p> -</div> -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SIDELIGHTS ON NEGRO SOLDIERS ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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