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If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: A Square Deal - -Author: Theodore Roosevelt - -Release Date: December 5, 2021 [eBook #66890] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team - at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images - made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A SQUARE DEAL *** - -[Illustration: Theodore Roosevelt] - - - - - A Square Deal - - - By - - Theodore Roosevelt - - The matter contained is this book has been carefully prepared from the - many addresses by the President, the aim being to bring under each - specific head the ideas expressed on many occasions. - - ❦ - - With New Photogravure Portrait - - Allendale, N. J. - The Allendale Press - - - - - _Copyright, 1906_ - - _By Horace Markley_ - _Entered at Stationers Hall_ - - _All Rights Reserved_ - - - - - A Square Deal - and - - Ideals of Citizenship—p. 8 - The Dignity of Labor—p. 18 - The Workingman—p. 28 - Labor Unions—p. 36 - The Business Man—p. 46 - - Success in Life—p. 52 - The Man Who Counts—p. 58 - Education—p. 64 - The School Teacher—p. 74 - - The Nobility of Parenthood—p. 82 - Great Riches—p. 96 - The Farmer—p. 104 - The Trusts—p. 114 - - The Problem of the South—p. 126 - Lynch Law—p. 134 - The Indians—p. 142 - Immigration—p. 148 - - The Chinese Question—p. 160 - Official Corruption—p. 164 - The Monroe Doctrine—p. 172 - The World’s Peace—p. 184 - - The Essence of Christian Character—p. 198 - - With granite, once a genius bridged a stream. - A builder once a rugged temple wrought; - On canvas once a painter fixed a thought; - A sculptor once in marble carved a dream; - A queen once built a tomb, and in the scheme - Of gold and bronze the quivering sunbeams caught; - Then came oblivion, unseen, unsought, - Contemptuous of thinker and of theme. - - And some one wrote a book. Palace and Hall - Are gone. Marble and bronze are dust. The fanes - Are fallen which the sun old sought. The rook - At morn, caws garrulously over all. - All! All are gone. The book alone remains. - Man builds no structure which outlives a book. - - By HON E. F. WARE - _Late U. S. Pension Commissioner_ - - - - - FOREWORD - - -If it were possible to place this volume in the hands of every American -citizen I feel profoundly convinced there would follow an uplift toward -right-living and right-thinking which would affect the destiny of our -race more than anything which has yet occurred in our history. - -There is here presented a fearless expression of views upon the -paramount problems of the age, social, economic and political, by a -citizen who has been exalted to the highest office in the -world—expressions of opinion made upon many occasions during his term of -Presidency. But it is an unparalleled spectacle to see a man who has -risen to such greatness dare to discuss some of the questions which are -here treated, and still more rare to find them handled with such great -wisdom. - -I ask the reader to go a little deeper than a mere reading of these -varied subjects of such vital moment to him; that he permit his mind to -be receptive of the powerful and subtle influences which run like a holy -pattern through the woof and warp of the whole design. - -Here are the eternal truths limned in a new light by one of the most -forceful personalities of the day. It is true that the views expressed -here are held by a large proportion of our citizens who will rejoice to -find what they have long felt so cogently expressed by an exemplar of -what he preaches, who adds to the simple truths he has been inspired to -expound, the dignity of the high office he holds—the highest that has -been attained by man since the dawn of the world—that of the Presidency -of the new and dominant race of the Western Hemisphere. - -I bespeak of every reader the kindness of doing whatever lies in his -power to make known to his fellow citizens this volume; speak of it -whenever you can; or, still better, present a volume to any friend who -has your sincerest good wishes. - - HORACE MARKLEY - - - - -“_We must treat each man on his worth and merits as a man. We must see -that each is given a square deal, because he is entitled to no more and -should receive no less._” - - - - - A Square Deal - and - Ideals - of - Citizenship - - -Mankind goes ahead but slowly, and it goes ahead mainly through each of -us trying to do the best that is in him and to do it in the sanest way. -We have founded our Republic upon the theory that the average man will, -as a rule, do the right thing, that in the long run the majority will -decide for what is sane and wholesome. If our fathers were mistaken in -that theory, if ever the times become such—not occasionally but -persistently—that the mass of the people do what is unwholesome, what is -wrong, then the Republic cannot stand, I care not how good its laws, I -care not what marvelous mechanism its Constitution may embody. Back of -the laws, back of the administration, back of the system of government -lies the man, lies the average manhood of our people, and in the long -run we are going to go up or go down accordingly as the average standard -of citizenship does or does not wax in growth and grace. - -¶¶The first requisite of good citizenship is that the man shall do the -homely, every-day, hum-drum duties well. A man is not a good citizen, I -do not care how lofty his thoughts are about citizenship in the -abstract, if in the concrete his actions do not bear them out; and it -does not make much difference how high his aspirations for mankind at -large may be, if he does not behave well in his own family those -aspirations do not bear visible fruit. He must be a good breadwinner, he -must take care of his wife and his children, he must be a neighbor whom -his neighbors can trust, he must act squarely in his business -relations,—he must do all these every-day, ordinary duties first, or he -is not a good citizen. But he must do more. - -¶In this country of ours the average citizen must devote a good deal of -thought and time to the affairs of the State as a whole or those affairs -will go backward; and he must devote that thought and time steadily and -intelligently. If there is any one quality that is not desirable, -whether in a nation or in an individual, it is hysterics, either in -religion or anything else. The man or woman who makes up for ten days’ -indifference to duty by an eleventh-day morbid repentance about that -duty is of scant use in the world. Now in the same way it is of no -possible use to decline to go through all ordinary duties of citizenship -for a long space of time and then suddenly to get up and feel very angry -about something or somebody, not clearly defined, and demand reform, as -if it was a concrete substance to be handed out forthwith.[4] - -¶We cannot keep too clearly before our minds the facts that for the -success of our civilization what is needed is not so much brilliant -ability, not so much unusual genius, as the possession by the average -man of the plain, homely, work-a-day virtues that make that man a good -father, a good husband, and a good friend and neighbor—a decent man with -whom to deal in all relations of life. - -¶We need good laws, we need honest administration of the laws, and we -cannot afford to be contented with less, but more than aught else we -need that the average man shall have in him the root of righteous -living; that the average man shall have in him the feeling that will -make him ashamed to do wrong or to submit to wrong, and that will make -him feel his bounden duty to help those that are weaker, to help those -especially that are in a way dependent upon him, and while not in any -way losing his power of individual initiative, to cultivate without -ceasing the further power of acting in combination with his fellows for -a common end of social uplifting and of good government. - -¶One word upon success in life, upon the success that each of us should -strive for. It is a great mistake—oh, such a great mistake—to measure -success merely by that which glitters from without, or to speak of it in -terms which will mislead those about us, and especially the younger -people about us, as to what success really is. - -¶There must of course be for success, a certain material basis, I should -think ill of any man who did not wish to leave his children a little -better and not a little worse off materially than he was, and I should -not feel that he was doing his duty by them; and if he cannot do his -duty by his own children he is not going to do his duty by any one else. - -¶But after that certain amount of material prosperity has been gained -then the things that really count most are the things of the soul rather -than the things of money, and I am sure that each of you if he will -really think of what it is that made him most happy, of what it is that -made him most respect his neighbors will agree with me. - -¶¶Look back in your own lives, see what the things are that you are -proudest of as you look back, and you will in almost every case and on -every occasion find that those memories of pride are associated, not -with days of ease, but with days of effort, the day when you had to do -all that was in you for some worthy end, and the worthiest of all worthy -ends is to make those that are closest and nearest to you—your wife and -your children, and those near you—happy and not sorry that you are -alive. - -¶And after that has been done, to be able so to handle yourself that you -can feel when the end comes that on the whole your community, your -fellow men, are a little better off and not a little worse off because -you have lived. - -¶This kind of success is open to every one of us. The great prizes come -more or less by accident, and no human being knows that better than any -man who has won one of them. The great prizes come more or less by -accident, but to each man there comes normally the chance so to lead his -life that at the end of his days his children, his wife, those that are -dear to him shall rise up and call him blessed, and so that his -neighbors and those who have been brought into intimate association with -him, may feel that he has done his part as a man in a world which sadly -needs that each man should play his part well.[1] - -¶¶Treat each man according to his worth as a man. Don’t hold for or -against him that he is either rich or poor. But if he is rich and -crooked, hold it against him; if not rich but crooked, then hold it -against him. But if he is a square man, stand by him. Distrust all who -would have any one class placed before any other. Other republics have -fallen because of the unscrupulous rich or the unscrupulous poor who -gained ascendancy, who substituted loyalty to class for loyalty to the -people as a whole. - -¶Abolish the insolence and arrogance of the rich who look down upon the -poor; if they lost their wealth they would be ready to plunder the rich. -The unscrupulous man who becomes rich would oppress the poor. The man -who is true to you is ultimately righteous, and the man who will steal -for you will steal from you. The man who will seek to persuade you that -he will benefit you by wronging any one else will wrong you when it will -benefit him. - -¶What we must do as a Nation is to stand for the immutable principles of -decency and virtue, regarding vice with abhorrence. If we make any -artificial divisions we have done irreparable injury to the people.[2] - -¶Let us be steadfast for the right; but let us err on the side of -generosity rather than on the side of vindictiveness toward those who -differ from us as to the method of attaining the right. Let us never -forget our duty to help in uplifting the lowly, to shield from wrong the -humble; and let us likewise act in a spirit of the broadest and frankest -generosity toward all our brothers, all our fellow-countrymen; in a -spirit proceeding not from weakness but from strength, a spirit which -takes no more account of locality than it does of class or creed; a -spirit which is resolutely bent on seeing that the Union which -Washington founded and which Lincoln saved from destruction shall grow -nobler and greater throughout the ages. - -¶I believe in this country with all my heart and soul. I believe that -our people will in the end rise level to every need, will in the end -triumph over every difficulty that rises before them. I could not have -such confident faith in the destiny of this mighty people if I had it -merely as regards one portion of that people. Throughout our land things -on the whole have grown better and not worse, and this is as true of one -part of the country as it is of another. - -¶For weal or woe we are knit together and we shall go up or go down -together; and I believe that we shall go up and not down, that we shall -go forward instead of halting and falling back, because I have an -abiding faith in the generosity, the courage, the resolution, and the -common-sense of all my countrymen. - -¶Fundamentally our people are the same throughout this land; the same in -qualities of heart and brain and hand which have made this Republic what -it is in the great to-day; which will make it what it is to be in the -infinitely greater to-morrow. All of us alike, Northerners and -Southerners, Easterners and Westerners, can best prove our fealty to the -Nation’s past by the way in which we do the Nation’s work in the -present; for only thus can we be sure that our children’s children shall -inherit Abe Lincoln’s single-hearted devotion to the great unchanging -creed that “righteousness exalteth a nation.”[3] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Dignity - of - Labor - - -The law of worthy work well done is the law of successful American life. -I believe in play too—play, and play hard while you play; but don’t make -the mistake of thinking that that is the main thing. The work is what -counts, and if a man does his work well and it is worth doing, then it -matters but little in which line that work is done; the man is a good -American citizen. If he does his work in slipshod fashion, then no -matter what kind of work it is, he is a poor American citizen.[8] - -¶Among ourselves we differ in many qualities, of body, head, and heart; -we are unequally developed, mentally as well as physically. But each of -us has the right to ask that he shall be protected from wrong-doing as -he does his work and carries his burden through life. No man needs -sympathy because he has to work, because he has a burden to carry. Far -and away the best prize that life offers is the chance to work hard at -work worth doing; and this is a prize open to every man, for there can -be no work better worth doing than that done to keep in health and -comfort and with reasonable advantages those immediately dependent upon -the husband, the father, or the son. - -¶There is no room in our healthy American life for the mere idler, for -the man or the woman whose object it is throughout life to shirk the -duties which life ought to bring. Life can mean nothing worth meaning, -unless its prime aim is the doing of duty, the achievement of results -worth achieving. A recent writer has finely said: “After all the saddest -thing that can happen to a man is to carry no burdens. To be bent under -too great a load is bad; to be crushed by it is lamentable; but even in -that there are possibilities that are glorious. But to carry no load at -all—there is nothing in that. No one seems to arrive at any goal really -worth reaching in this world who does not come to it heavy-laden.” - -¶Surely from our own experience each one of us knows that this is true. -From the greatest to the smallest, happiness and usefulness are largely -found in the same soul, and the joy of life is won in its deepest and -truest sense only by those who have not shirked life’s burdens. The men -whom we most delight to honor in all this land are those who, in the -iron years from ’61 to ’65, bore on their shoulders the burden of saving -the Union. They did not choose the easy task. They did not shirk the -difficult duty. Deliberately and of their own free will they strove for -an ideal, upward and onward across the stony slopes of greatness. They -did the hardest work that was then to be done; they bore the heaviest -burden that any generation of Americans ever had to bear; and because -they did this they have won such proud joy as it has fallen to the lot -of no other men to win, and have written their names forever more on the -golden honor roll of the Nation. - -¶As it is with the soldier, so it is with the civilian. To win success -in the business world, to become a first class mechanic, a successful -farmer, an able lawyer or doctor, means that the man has devoted his -best energy and power through long years to the achievement of his ends. -So it is in the life of the family, upon which in the last analysis the -whole welfare of the Nation rests. The man or woman who as breadwinner -and home-maker, or as wife and mother, has done all that he or she can -do, patiently and uncomplainingly, is to be honored; and is to be envied -by all those who have never had the good fortune to feel the need and -duty of doing such work. - -¶The woman who has borne, and who has reared as they should be reared, a -family of children, has in the most emphatic manner deserved well of the -Republic. Her burden has been heavy, and she has been able to bear it -worthily only by the possession of resolution, of good sense, of -conscience, and of unselfishness. - -¶¶But if she has borne it well, then to her shall come the supreme -blessing, for in the words of the oldest and greatest of books, “Her -children shall rise up and call her blessed,” and among the benefactors -of the land her place must be with those who have done the best and the -hardest work whether as lawgivers or as soldiers, whether in public or -in private life. - -¶This is not a soft and easy creed to preach. It is a creed willingly -learned only by men and women who, together with their softer virtues, -possess also the stronger; who can do, and dare, and die at need, but -who while life lasts will never flinch from their allotted task.... It -is not enough to be well-meaning and kindly, but weak; neither is it -enough to be strong, unless morality and decency go hand in hand with -strength. We must possess the qualities which make us do our duty in our -homes and among our neighbors, and in addition we must possess the -qualities which are indispensable to the makeup of every great and -masterful nation—the qualities of courage and hardihood, of individual -initiative and yet of power to combine for a common end, and, above all, -the resolute determination to permit no man and no set of men to sunder -us one from the other by lines of caste or creed or section. - -¶We must act upon the motto of all for each and each for all. - -¶There must be ever present in our minds the fundamental truth that in a -Republic such as ours the only safety is to stand neither for nor -against any man because he is rich or because he is poor, because he is -engaged in one occupation or another, because he works with his brains -or because he works with his hands. We must treat each man on his worth -and merits as a man. We must see that each is given a square deal, -because he is entitled to no more and should receive no less. Finally we -must ever keep in mind that a Republic such as ours can exist only by -virtue of the orderly liberty which comes through the equal domination -of the law over all men alike, and through its administration in such -resolute and fearless fashion as shall teach all that no man is above it -and no man below it.[11] - -¶In our present advanced civilization we have to pay certain penalties -for what we have obtained. Among the penalties is the fact that in very -many occupations there is so little demand upon nerve, hardihood, and -endurance, that there is a tendency to unhealthy softening of fibre and -relaxation of fibre; and such being the case I think it is a fortunate -thing for our people as a whole that there should be certain -occupations, prominent among them railroading, in which the man has to -show the very qualities of courage, of hardihood, of willingness to face -danger, the cultivation of the power of instantaneous decision under -difficulties, and the other qualities which go to make up the virile -side of a man’s character.... These qualities are all-important, but -they are not all-sufficient. It is necessary absolutely to have them. No -nation can rise to greatness without them, but by them alone no nation -will ever become great. - -¶Reading through the pages of history you come upon nation after nation -in which there has been a high average of individual strength, bravery, -and hardihood, and yet in which there has been nothing approaching to -national greatness because those qualities were not supplemented by -others just as necessary. With the courage, with the hardihood, with the -strength, must come the power of self-restraint, the power of -self-mastery, the capacity to work for and with others as well as for -one’s self, the power of giving to others the love which each of us must -bear for his neighbor, if we are to make our civilization great.... We -need then, the two qualities—work and love, using each in its broadest -sense—work, the quality which makes a man ashamed not to be able to pull -his own weight, not to be able to do for himself as well as for others -without being beholden to any one for what he is doing. - -¶¶No man is happy if he does not work. Of all miserable creatures the -idler, in whatever rank of society, is in the long run the most -miserable. If a man does not work, if he has not in him not merely the -capacity for work but the desire for work, then nothing can be done with -him. He is out of place in our community. We have in our scheme of -government no room for the man who does not wish to pay his way through -life by what he does for himself and for the community. If he has -leisure which makes it unnecessary for him to devote his time to earning -his daily bread, then all the more he is bound to work just as hard in -some way that will make the community the better off for his existence. -If he fails in that, he fails to justify his existence. - -¶¶¶Work, the capacity for work, is absolutely necessary; and no man’s -life is full, no man can be said to live in the true sense of the word, -if he does not work. This is necessary; and yet it is not enough. If a -man is utterly selfish, if utterly disregardful of the rights of others, -if he has no ideals, if he works simply for the sake of ministering to -his own base passions, if he works simply to gratify himself, small is -his good in the community. I think even then he is probably better off -than if he is an idler, but he is of no real use unless together with -the quality which enables him to work he has the quality which enables -him to love his fellows, to work with them and for them for the common -good of all.[12] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The - Workingman - - -With the sole exception of the farming interest, no one matter is of -such vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the -wage-workers. If the farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is -absolutely certain that all others will be well off too. It is therefore -a matter for hearty congratulation that on the whole wages are higher -to-day in the United States than ever before. The standard of living is -also higher than ever before in our history, and far higher than in any -other country. Every effort of legislator and administrator should be -bent to secure the permanency of this condition of things and its -improvement wherever possible. Not only must our labor be protected by -the tariff, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible -from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by -contract, or of those who, coming freely, yet represent a standard of -living so depressed that they can undersell our men in the labor market -and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary, with this end -in view, to reenact immediately the law excluding Chinese laborers and -to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement -entirely effective. - -¶American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands. -Moreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that, -independent of the reward, they wish to turn out a perfect job. This is -the great secret of success in competition with the labor of foreign -countries. - -¶¶When all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood remains as the -indispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of national life for -which we strive. Each man must work for himself, and unless he so works -no outside help can avail him; but each man must remember also that he -is indeed his brother’s keeper, and that while no man who refuses to -walk can be carried with advantage to himself or any one else, yet that -each at times stumbles or halts, that each at times needs to have the -helping hand outstretched to him. To be permanently effective, aid must -always take the form of helping a man to help himself; and we can all -best help ourselves by joining together in the work that is of common -interest to all.[7] - -¶How to secure fair treatment alike for labor and for capital, how to -hold in check the unscrupulous man, whether employer or employee, -without weakening individual initiative, without hampering and cramping -the industrial development of the country, is a problem fraught with -great difficulties and one which it is of the highest importance to -solve on lines of sanity and far-sighted common-sense as well as of -devotion to the right. Exactly as business men find they must often work -through corporations, and as it is a constant tendency of these -corporations to grow larger, so it is often necessary for laboring men -to work in federations, and these have become important factors of -modern industrial life. Both kinds of federation, capitalistic and -labor, can do much good, and as a necessary corollary they can both do -evil. - -¶Opposition to each kind of organization should take the form of -opposition to whatever is bad in the conduct of any given corporation or -union—not of attacks upon corporations as such nor upon unions as such; -for some of the most far-reaching beneficent work for our people has -been accomplished through both corporations and unions. Each must -refrain from arbitrary or tyrannous interference with the rights of -others. Organized capital and organized labor alike should remember that -in the long run the interest of each must be brought into harmony with -the interest of the general public; and the conduct of each must conform -to the fundamental rules of obedience to the law, of individual freedom, -and of justice and fair-dealing toward all. Each should remember that in -addition to power it must strive after the realization of healthy, -lofty, and generous ideals. - -¶Every employer, every wage-worker, must be guaranteed his liberty and -his right to do as he likes with his property or his labor so long as he -does not infringe upon the rights of others. It is of the highest -importance that employer and employee alike should endeavor to -appreciate each the view-point of the other and the sure disaster that -will come upon both in the long run if either grows to take as habitual -an attitude of sour hostility and distrust toward the other. - -¶Few people deserve better of the country than those representatives of -both capital and labor—and there are many such—who work continually to -bring about a good understanding of this kind, based upon wisdom and -upon broad and kindly sympathy between employers and employed. Above -all, we need to remember that any kind of class animosity in the -political world is, if possible, even more destructive to national -welfare, than sectional, race, or religious animosity. We can get good -government only upon condition that we keep true to the principles upon -which this Nation was founded, and judge each man not as a part of a -class, but upon his individual merits. - -¶All that we have a right to ask of any man, rich or poor, whatever his -creed, his occupation, his birthplace, or his residence, is that he -shall act well and honorably by his neighbor and by his country. We are -neither for the rich man as such nor for the poor man as such; we are -for the upright man, rich and poor. So far as the constitutional powers -of the National Government touch these matters of general and vital -moment to the Nation, they should be exercised in conformity with the -principles above set forth.[9] - -¶The consistent policy of the National Government, so far as it has the -power, is to hold in check the unscrupulous man, whether employer or -employee; but to refuse to weaken individual initiative or to hamper or -cramp the industrial development of the country. We recognize that this -is an era of federation and combination, in which great capitalistic -corporations and labor unions have become factors of tremendous -importance in all industrial centers. Hearty recognition is given the -far-reaching, beneficent work which has been accomplished through both -corporations and unions, and the line as between different corporations, -as between different unions, is drawn on conduct, the effort being to -treat both organized capital and organized labor alike; asking nothing -save that the interest of each shall be brought into harmony with the -interest of the general public, and that the conduct of each shall -conform to the fundamental rules of obedience to law, of individual -freedom, and of justice and fair-dealing towards all. - -¶Whenever either corporation, labor union, or individual disregards the -law or acts in a spirit of arbitrary and tyrannous interference with the -rights of others, whether corporations or individuals, then, where the -Federal Government has jurisdiction, it will see to it that the -misconduct is stopped, paying not the slightest heed to the position or -power of the corporation, the union, or the individual, but only to one -vital fact—that is, the question whether or not the conduct of the -individual or aggregate of individuals is in accordance with the law of -the land. Every man must be guaranteed his liberty and his right to do -as he likes with his property or his labor, so long as he does not -infringe the rights of others. No man is above the law and no man is -below it; nor do we ask any man’s permission when we require him to obey -it. Obedience to the law is demanded as a right; not asked as a -favor.[10] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - Labor Unions - - -I believe emphatically in organized labor. I believe in organizations of -wage-workers. Organization is one of the laws of our social and economic -development at this time. But I feel that we must always keep before our -minds the fact that there is nothing sacred in the name itself. To call -an organization an organization does not make it a good one. The worth -of an organization depends upon its being handled with the courage, the -skill, the wisdom, the spirit of fair-dealing as between man and man.[8] - -¶It is no easy matter to work out a system or rule of conduct, whether -with or without the help of the lawgiver, which shall minimize that -jarring and clashing of interests in the industrial world which causes -so much individual irritation and suffering at the present day, and -which at times threatens baleful consequences to large portions of the -body politic. But the importance of the problem can not be -overestimated, and it deserves to receive the careful thought of all -men. There should be no yielding to wrong; but there should most -certainly be not only desire to do right, but a willingness each to try -to understand the view-point of his fellow, with whom, for weal or for -woe, his own fortunes are indissolubly bound. - -¶No patent remedy can be devised for the solution of these grave -problems in the industrial world; but we may rest assured that they can -be solved at all only if we bring to the solution certain old-time -virtues, and if we strive to keep out of the solution some of the most -familiar and most undesirable of the traits to which mankind has owed -untold degradation and suffering throughout the ages. Arrogance, -suspicion, brutal envy of the well-to-do, brutal indifference toward -those who are not well-to-do, the hard refusal to consider the rights of -others, the foolish refusal to consider the limits of beneficent action, -the base appeal to the spirit of selfish greed, whether it take the form -of plunder of the fortunate or of oppression of the unfortunate—from -these and from all kindred vices this Nation must be kept free if it is -to remain in its present position in the forefront of the peoples of -mankind. - -¶On the other hand, good will come, even out of the present evils, if we -face them armed with the old homely virtues; if we show that we are -fearless of soul, cool of head, and kindly of heart; if, without -betraying the weakness that cringes before wrong-doing, we yet show by -deeds and words our knowledge that in such a government as ours each of -us must be in very truth his brother’s keeper.[20] - -¶In any great labor disturbance not only are employer and employee -interested, but also a third party—the general public. Every -considerable labor difficulty in which interstate commerce is involved -should be investigated by the Government and the facts officially -reported to the public. - -¶Very much of our effort in reference to labor matters should be by -every device and expedient to try to secure a constant better -understanding between employer and employee. Everything possible should -be done to increase the sympathy and fellow-feeling between them, and -every chance taken to allow each to look at all questions, especially at -questions in dispute, somewhat through the other’s eyes. If met with a -sincere desire to act fairly by one another, and if there is, -furthermore, power by each to appreciate the other’s standpoint, the -chance for trouble is minimized. I suppose every thinking man rejoices -when by mediation or arbitration it proves possible to settle troubles -in time to avert the suffering and bitterness caused by strikes. -Moreover, a conciliation committee can do best work when the trouble is -in its beginning, or at least has not come to a head. When the break has -actually occurred, damage has been done, and each side feels sore and -angry; and it is difficult to get them together—difficult to make either -forget its own wrongs and remember the rights of the other. If possible -the effort at conciliation or mediation or arbitration should be made in -the earlier stages, and should be marked by the wish on the part of both -sides to try and come to a common agreement which each shall think in -the interests of the other as well as of itself.[15] - -¶The question of securing a healthy, self-respecting, and mutually -sympathetic attitude as between employer and employee, capitalist and -wage-worker, is a difficult one. All phases of the labor problem prove -difficult when approached. But the underlying principles, the root -principles, in accordance with which the problem must be solved are -entirely simple. We can get justice and right dealing only if we put as -of paramount importance the principle of treating a man on his worth as -a man rather than with a reference to his social position, his -occupation, or the class to which he belongs. There are selfish and -brutal men in all ranks of life. If they are capitalists their -selfishness and brutality may take the form of hard indifference to -suffering, greedy disregard of every moral restraint which interferes -with the accumulation of wealth, and coldblooded exploitation of the -weak; or, if they are laborers, the form of laziness, of sullen envy of -the more fortunate, and of willingness to perform deeds of murderous -violence. Such conduct is just as reprehensible in one case as in the -other, and all honest and farseeing men should join in warring against -it wherever it becomes manifest. - -¶Individual capitalist and individual wage-worker, corporation and -union, are alike entitled to the protection of the law, and must alike -obey the law. Moreover, in addition to mere obedience to the law, each -man, if he be really a good citizen, must show broad sympathy for his -neighbor and genuine desire to look at any question arising between them -from the standpoint of that neighbor no less than from his own; and to -this end it is essential that capitalist and wage-worker should consult -freely one with the other, should each strive to bring closer the day -when both shall realize that they are properly partners and not enemies. -To approach the questions which inevitably arise between them solely -from the standpoint which treats each side in the mass as the enemy of -the other side in the mass is both wicked and foolish. - -¶In the past the most direful among the influences which have brought -about the downfall of republics has ever been the growth of the class -spirit, the growth of the spirit which tends to make a man subordinate -the welfare of the public as a whole to the welfare of the particular -class to which he belongs, the substitution of loyalty to a class for -loyalty to the Nation. This inevitably brings about a tendency to treat -each man not on his merits as an individual, but on his position as -belonging to a certain class in the community. If such a spirit grows up -in this Republic it will ultimately prove fatal to us, as in the past it -has proved fatal to every community in which it has become dominant. -Unless we continue to keep a quick and lively sense of the great -fundamental truth that our concern is with the individual worth of the -individual man, this Government can not permanently hold the place which -it has achieved among the nations. The vital lines of cleavage among our -people do not correspond, and indeed run at right angles to, the lines -of cleavage which divide occupation from occupation, which divide -wage-workers from capitalists, farmers from bankers, men of small means -from men of large means, men who live in the towns from men who live in -the country; for the vital line of cleavage is the line which divides -the honest man who tries to do well by his neighbor from the dishonest -man who does ill by his neighbor. In other words, the standard we should -establish is the standard of conduct, not the standard of occupation, of -means, or of social position. - -¶¶It is the man’s moral quality, his attitude toward the great questions -which concern all humanity, his cleanliness of life, his power to do his -duty toward himself and toward others, which really count; and if we -substitute for the standard of personal judgment which treats each man -according to his merits, another standard in accordance with which all -men of one class are favored and all men of another class discriminated -against, we shall do irreparable damage to the body politic. I believe -that our people are too sane, too self-respecting, too fit for -self-government, ever to adopt such an attitude. This government is not -and never shall be government by a plutocracy. This government is not -and never shall be government by a mob. It shall continue to be in the -future what it has been in the past, a government based on the theory -that each man, rich or poor, is to be treated simply and solely on his -worth as a man, that all his personal and property rights are to be -safeguarded, and that he is neither to wrong others nor to suffer wrong -from others. - -¶¶¶The noblest of all forms of government is self-government; but it is -also the most difficult. We who possess this priceless boon, and who -desire to hand it on to our children and our children’s children, should -ever bear in mind the thought so finely expressed by Burke: “Men are -qualified for civil liberty in exact proportion to their disposition to -put moral chains upon their own appetites; in proportion as they are -disposed to listen to the counsels of the wise and good in preference to -the flattery of knaves. Society can not exist unless a controlling power -upon will and appetite be placed somewhere, and the less of it there be -within the more there must be without. It is ordained in the eternal -constitution of things that men of intemperate minds can not be free. -Their passions forge their fetters.”[14] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Business Man - - -The American business man is of a peculiar type; and probably the -qualities of energy, daring, and resourcefulness which have given him -his prominence in the international industrial world find their highest -development in the West. It is the merest truism to say that in the -modern world industrialism is the great factor in the growth of nations. -Material prosperity is the foundation upon which every mighty national -structure must be built. Of course there must be more than this. There -must be a high moral purpose, a life of the spirit which finds its -expression in many different ways; but unless material prosperity exists -also there is scant room in which to develop the higher life. - -¶The productive activity of our vast army of workers, of those who work -with head or hands, is the prime cause of the giant growth of this -nation. We have great natural resources but such resources are never -more than opportunities, and they count for nothing if the men in -possession have not the power to take advantage of them.... In such -development laws play a certain part, but individual characteristics a -still greater part. A great and successful commonwealth like ours in the -long run works under good laws, because a people endowed with honest and -practical common-sense ultimately demands good laws. But no law can -create industrial well-being, although it may foster and safeguard it. - -¶The prime factor in securing industrial well-being is the high average -of citizenship found in the community. The best laws that the wit of man -can devise would not make a community of thriftless and idle men -prosperous. No scheme of legislation or of social reform will ever work -good to the community unless it recognizes as fundamental the fact that -each man’s own individual qualities must be the prime factors in his -success. Work in combination may help and the State can do a good deal -in its own sphere, but in the long run each man must owe his success in -life to whatever of hardihood, of resolution, of common-sense, and of -capacity for lofty endeavor he has within his own soul. It is a good -thing to act in combination for the common good, but it is a very -unhealthy thing to let ourselves think for one moment that anything can -ever supply the want of our own individual watchfulness and exertion. - -¶Yet given this high average of individual ability and invention, we -must ever keep in mind that it may be nullified by bad legislation, and -that it can be given a chance to develop under the most favorable -conditions by good legislation. Probably the most important aid which -can be contributed by the National Government to the material well-being -of the country is to insure its financial stability. An honest currency -is the strongest symbol and expression of honest business life. - -¶The business world must exist largely on credit, and to credit -confidence is essential. Any tampering with the currency, no matter with -what purpose, if fraught with the suspicion of dishonesty in result, is -fatal in its effects on business prosperity. Very ignorant and primitive -communities are continually obliged to learn the elementary truth that -the repudiation of debts is in the end ruinous to the debtors as a -class; and when communities have moved somewhat higher in the scale of -civilization they also learn that anything in the nature of a debased -currency works similar damage. A financial system of assured honesty is -the first essential. - -¶Another essential for any community is perseverance in the economic -policy which for a course of years is found best fitted to its peculiar -needs. The question of combining such fixedness of economic policy as -regards the tariff, while at the same time allowing for a necessary and -proper readjustment of duties in particular schedules, as such -readjustment becomes a matter of pressing importance, is not an easy -one. It is, perhaps too much to expect that from the discussion of such -a question it would be possible wholly to eliminate political -partisanship. Yet those who believe, as we all must when we think -seriously of the subject, that the proper aim of the party system is, -after all, simply to subserve the public good, cannot but hope that -where such partisanship on a matter of this kind conflicts with the -public good it shall at least be minimized. It is all right and -inevitable that we should divide on party lines, but woe to us if we are -not Americans first and party men second![16] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - Success in Life - - -From the very beginning our people have markedly combined practical -capacity for affairs with power of devotion to an ideal. The lack of -either quality would have rendered the possession of the other of small -value. Mere ability to achieve success in things concerning the body -would not have atoned for the failure to live the life of high endeavor; -and, on the other hand, without a foundation of those qualities which -bring material prosperity there would be nothing on which the higher -life could be built. The men of the Revolution would have failed if they -had not possessed alike devotion to liberty, and ability (once liberty -had been achieved) to show common-sense and self-restraint in its use. -The men of the great Civil War would have failed had they not possessed -the business capacity which developed and organized these resources in -addition to the stern resolution to expend these resources as freely as -they expended their blood in furtherance of the great cause for which -their hearts leaped. - -¶It is this combination of qualities that has made our people succeed. -Other peoples have been as devoted to liberty, and yet, because of lack -of hard-headed common-sense and of ability to show restraint and -subordinate individual passions for the general good, have failed so -signally in the struggle of life as to become a byword among the -nations. Yet other peoples, again, have possessed all possible thrift -and business capacity, but have been trampled under foot, or have played -a sordid and ignoble part in the world, because their business capacity -was unaccompanied by any of the lift toward nobler things which marks a -great and generous nation. The stern but just rule of judgment for -humanity is that each nation shall be known by its fruits; and if there -are no fruits, if the nation has failed, it matters but little whether -it has failed through meanness of soul or through lack of robustness of -character. We must judge a nation by the net result of its life and -activity. And so we must judge the policies of those who at any time -control the destinies of a nation.[19] - -¶There was no patent device for securing victory by force of arms forty -years ago; and there is no patent device for securing victory for the -forces of righteousness in civil life now. In each case the -all-important factor was and is the character of the individual man. -Good laws in the State, like a good organization in an army, are the -expressions of national character. Leaders will be developed in military -and in civil life alike; and weapons and tactics change from generation -to generation, as methods of achieving good government change in civic -affairs; but the fundamental qualities which make for good citizenship -do not change any more than the fundamental qualities which make good -soldiers. In the long run, in the Civil War, the thing that counted for -more than aught else was the fact that the average American had the -fighting edge; had within him the spirit which spurred him on through -toil and danger, fatigue and hardship, to the goal of the splendid -ultimate triumph. So in achieving good government the fundamental factor -must be the character of the average citizen; that average citizen’s -power of hatred for what is mean and base and unlovely; his fearless -scorn of cowardice, and his determination to war unyieldingly against -the dark and sordid forces of evil.[6] - -¶¶There are very different kinds of success. There is the success that -brings with it the seared soul—the success which is achieved by wolfish -greed and vulpine cunning—the success which makes honest men uneasy or -indignant in its presence. Then there is the other kind of success—the -success which comes as the reward of keen insight, of sagacity, of -resolution, of address, combined with unflinching rectitude of behavior, -public and private. The first kind of success may, in a sense,—and a -poor sense at that—benefit the individual, but it is always and -necessarily a curse to the community; whereas the man who wins the -second kind, as an incident of its winning, becomes a beneficiary to the -whole commonwealth.[5] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Man - Who Counts - - -When it comes to rendering service, that which counts chiefly with a -college graduate, as with any other American citizen, is not intellect -so much as what stands above mere power of body, or mere power of mind, -but must in a sense include them, and that is, character. It is a good -thing to have a sound body and a better thing to have a sound mind; and -better still to have that aggregate of virile and decent qualities which -we group together under the name of character. I said both decent and -virile qualities—it is not enough to have one or the other alone. If a -man is strong in mind and body and misuses his strength then he becomes -simply a foe to the body politic, to be hunted down by all decent men; -and if on the other hand he has thoroughly decent impulses but lacks -strength he is a nice man but does not count. You can do but little with -him. - -¶In the unending strife for civic betterment, small is the use of those -people who mean well, but who mean well feebly. The man who counts is -the man who is decent and who makes himself felt as a force for decency, -for cleanliness, for civic righteousness. He must have several -qualities; first and foremost, of course, he must be honest, he must -have the root of right thinking in him. That is not enough. In the next -place he must have courage; the timid good man counts but little in the -rough business of trying to do well the world’s work. And finally, in -addition to being honest and brave he must have common-sense. If he does -not have it, no matter what other qualities he may have, he will find -himself at the mercy of those who, without possessing his desire to do -right, know only too well how to make the wrong effective. - -¶We can pardon the man who has had no chance in life if he does but -little for the state, and we can count it greatly to his credit if he -does much for the state. But upon you who have had so much rests a heavy -burden to show that you are worthy of what you have received. A double -responsibility is upon you to use aright, not merely the talents that -have been given to you, but the chances you have to make much of these -talents. We have a right to expect service to the state from you in many -different lines: In the line of what, for lack of a better word, we will -call philanthropy; in all lines of effort for public decency. - -¶Remember always that the man who does a thing so that it is worth doing -is always a man who does his work for the work’s sake. Somewhere in -Ruskin there is a sentence to the effect that the man who does a piece -of work for the fee, normally does it in a second-rate way, and that the -only first-rate work is the work done by the man who does it for the -sake of doing it well, who counts the deed as itself his reward. In no -kind of work done for the public do you ever find the really best, -except where you find the man who takes hold of it because he is -irresistibly impelled to do it; because he wishes to do it for the sake -of doing it well, not for the sake of any reward that comes afterward or -in connection with it. - -¶Of course, that is true of almost every other walk of life; just -exactly as true as it is in politics. A clergyman is not worth his salt -if he finds himself bound to be a clergyman for the material reward of -that profession. Every doctor who has ever succeeded has been a man -incapable of thinking of his fee when he did a noteworthy surgical -operation. A scientific man, a writer, a historian, an artist, can only -be a good man of science, a first class artist, a first class writer, if -he does his work for the sake of doing it well; and this is exactly as -true in political life, exactly as true in every form of social effort, -in every kind of work done for the public at large. The man who does -work worth doing is the man who does it because he cannot refrain from -doing it, the man who feels it borne in on him to try that particular -job and see if he cannot do it well. And so it is with a general in the -field. The man in the civil war who thought of any material reward for -what he did was not among the men whose names you read now on the honor -roll of American history. - -¶So the work that our colleges can do is to fit their graduates, to do -service; to fit the bulk of them, the men who cannot go in for the -highest type of scholarship, to do the ordinary citizen’s service for -the country; and they can fit them to do this service only by training -them in character. To train them in character means to train them not -only to possess, as they must possess, the softer and gentler virtues, -but also the virile powers of a race of vigorous men, the virtues of -courage, of honesty—not merely the honesty that refrains from doing -wrong, but the honesty that wars aggressively for the right—the virtues -of courage, honesty, and finally, hard common-sense.[20] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - Education - - -Facts tend to become commonplace, and we tend to lose sight of their -importance when once they are ingrained into the life of the nation. -Although we talk a good deal about what the widespread education of this -country means, I question if many of us deeply consider its meaning. -From the lowest grade of the public school to the highest form of -university training, education in this country is at the disposal of -every man, every woman, who chooses to work for and obtain it. The State -has done very much. Private benefaction has done much, very much. And -each one of us who has obtained an education has obtained something for -which he or she has not personally paid. No matter what the school, what -the university, every American who has a school training, a university -training, has obtained something given to him outright by the State, or -given to him by those dead or those living who were able to make -provision for that training because of the protection of the State, -because of existence within its borders. - -¶Each one of us then who has an education, school or college, has -obtained something from the community at large for which he or she has -not paid, and no self-respecting man or woman is content to rest -permanently under such an obligation. Where the State has bestowed -education the man who accepts it must be content to accept it merely as -a charity unless he returns it to the State in full, in the shape of -good citizenship. I do not ask of you, good citizenship as a favor to -the State. I demand it of you as a right, and hold you recreant to your -duty if you fail to give it. - -¶From all our citizens we have a right to expect good citizenship; but -most of all from those who have received most; most of all from those -who have had the training of body, of mind, of soul, which comes from -association in and with a great university. From those to whom much has -been given we have Biblical authority to expect and demand much in -return; and the most that can be given to any man is education. I expect -and demand in the name of the nation much more from you who have had -training of the mind than from those of mere wealth. To the man of means -much has been given, too, and much will be expected from him, and ought -to be, but not as much as from you, because your possession is more -valuable than his. If you envy him I think poorly of you. Envy is merely -the meanest form of admiration, and a man who envies another admits -thereby his own inferiority. - -¶We have a right to expect from the college-bred man, the college-bred -woman, a proper sense of proportion, a proper sense of perspective, -which will enable him or her to see things in their right relation one -to another, and when thus seen while wealth will have a proper place, a -just place, as an instrument for achieving happiness and power, for -conferring happiness and power, it will not stand as high as much else -in our national life. I ask you to take that not as a conventional -statement from the university platform, but to test it by thinking of -the men whom you admire in our past history and seeing what are the -qualities which have made you admire them, what are the services they -have rendered. For, as President Wheeler said to-day, it is true now as -it ever has been true that the greatest good fortune, the greatest -honor, that can befall any man is that he shall serve, that he shall -serve the nation, serve his people, serve mankind; and looking back in -history the names that come up before us, the names to which we turn, -the names of the men of our own people which stand as shining honor -marks in our annals, the names of those men typifying qualities which -rightly we should hold in reverence, are the names of the statesmen, of -the soldiers, of the poets, and after them, not abreast of them, the -names of the architects of our material prosperity also.[23] - -¶You, men and women, you who have had the advantages of a college -training are not to be excused if you fail to do, not as well as, but -more than the average man outside who has not had your advantages. Every -now and then I meet (at least I meet him in the East and I dare say he -is to be found here) the man who having gone through college feels that -somehow that confers upon him a special distinction which relieves him -from the necessity of showing himself as good as his fellows. I see you -recognize the type. That man is not only a curse to the community, and -incidentally to himself, but he is a curse to the cause of academic -education, the college and university training, because by his -insistence he serves as an excuse for those who like to denounce such -education. - -¶Your education, your training, will not confer on you one privilege in -the way of excusing you from effort or from work. All it can do, and -what it should do, is to make you a little better fitted for such -effort, for such work; and I do not care whether that is in business, -politics, in no matter what branch of endeavor, all it can do is by the -training you have received, by the advantages you have received, to fit -you to do a little better than the average man that you meet. - -¶It is incumbent upon you to show that the training has had that effect. -It ought to enable you to do a little better for yourselves, and if you -have in you souls capable of a thrill of generous emotion, souls capable -of understanding what you owe to your training, to your alma mater, to -the past and the present that have given you all that you have—if you -have such souls it ought to make you doubly bent upon disinterested work -for the State and the Nation.[22] - -¶Education may not make a man a good citizen, but most certainly -ignorance tends to prevent his being a good citizen. Washington was far -too much of a patriot, had far too much love for his fellow citizen to -try to teach them that they could govern themselves unless they could -develop a sound and enlightened public opinion. No nation can -permanently retain free government unless it can retain a high average -of citizenship, and there can be no such high average of citizenship -without a high average of education, using the word in its broadest and -truest sense to include the things of the soul as well as the things of -the mind. - -¶School education can never supplant or take the place of -self-education, still less can it in any way take the place of those -rugged and manly qualities which we group under the name of character; -but it can be of enormous use in supplementing both. It is a source of -just pride to every American that our people have so consistently acted -in accordance with Washington’s principles of promoting institutions for -the diffusion of knowledge. There is nothing dearer to our hearts than -our public school system, by which free primary education is provided -for every one within our borders. - -¶The higher education such as is provided by the University of -Pennsylvania and kindred bodies, not only confers great benefits to -those able to take advantage of it, but entails upon them corresponding -duties. - -¶The men who founded this nation had to deal with theories of government -and the fundamental principles of free institutions. We are now -concerned with a different set of questions for the Republic has been -firmly established, its principles fully tested and approved. To merely -political issues have succeeded those of grave social and economic -importance, the solution of which demands the best efforts of the best -men. We have a right to expect that a wise and leading part in the -effort to attain this solution will be taken by those who have been -exceptionally blessed in the matter of obtaining an education. - -¶That college graduate is but a poor creature who does not feel when he -has left college that he has received something for which he owes a -return. What he thus owes he can as a rule only pay by the way he bears -himself throughout life. It is but occasionally that a college graduate -can do much outright for his alma mater; he can best repay her by living -a life that will reflect credit upon her, by so carrying himself as a -citizen that men shall see that the years spent in training him have not -been wasted. - -¶The educated man is entitled to no special privilege, save the -inestimable privilege of trying to show that his education enables him -to take the lead in striving to guide his fellows aright in the -difficult task which is set to us of the twentieth century. The problems -before us to-day are very complex, and are widely different from those -which the men of Washington’s generation had to face; but we can -overcome them surely if we approach them in the spirit which Washington -and Washington’s great supporters brought to bear upon the problems of -their day—the spirit of sanity and of courage, the spirit which combines -hard common-sense with the loftiest idealism.[25] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The School Teacher - - -The development of the high school, especially during the last half -century, has been literally phenomenal. Nothing like our present system -of education was known in earlier times. No such system of popular -education for the people by the representatives of the people existed. - -¶It is, of course, a mere truism to say that the stability and future -welfare of our institutions of government depend upon the grade of -citizenship turned out from our public schools. And no body of public -servants, no body of individuals associated in private life, are better -worth the admiration and respect of all who value citizenship at its -true worth, than the body composed of the teachers in the public schools -throughout the length and breadth of this Union. They have to deal with -citizenship in the raw and turn it out something like a finished -product. I think that all of us who also endeavor to deal with that -citizenship in the raw in our own homes appreciate the burden of the -responsibility. - -¶The training given in the public schools must, of course, be not merely -a training in intellect, but a training in what counts for infinitely -more than intellect—a training in character. And the chief factors in -that training must be the personal equation of the teachers; the -influence exerted, sometimes consciously and sometimes unconsciously, by -the man or woman who stands in so peculiar a relation to the boys and -girls under his or her care—a relation closer, more intimate, and more -vital in its after-effects than any other relation save that of parent -and child. Wherever a burden of that kind is laid, those who carry it -necessarily carry a great responsibility. There can be no greater. Scant -should be our patience with any man or woman doing a bit of work vitally -worth doing, who does not approach it in the spirit of sincere love for -the work, and of desire to do it well for the sake of the work’s sake. - -¶Doubtless most of you remember the old distinction drawn between the -two kinds of work, the work done for the sake of the fee and the work -done for the sake of the work itself. The man or woman in public or -private life who ever works only for the sake of the reward that comes -outside of the work, will in the long run do poor work. The man or woman -who does work worth doing is the man or woman who lives, who breathes -that work; with whom it is ever present in his or her soul; whose -ambition it is to do it well and to feel rewarded by the thought of -having done it well. That man, that woman, puts the whole country under -an obligation. As a body all those connected with the education of our -people are entitled to the heartiest praise from all lovers of their -country, because as a body they are devoting heart and soul to the -welfare of those under them. - -¶It is a poor type of school nowadays that has not a good playground -attached. It is not so long since, in my own city at least, this was -held as revolutionary doctrine, especially in the crowded quarters where -playgrounds were most needed. People said they didn’t need playgrounds. -It was a newfangled idea. They expected to make good citizens of the -boys and girls who, when they were not in school, were put upon the -streets in the crowded quarters of New York to play at the kind of games -alone that they could play at in the streets. We have passed that stage. -I think we realize what a good healthy playground means to children. I -think we understand not only the effects for good upon their bodies, but -for good upon their minds. We need healthy bodies. We need to have -schools physically developed. - -¶Sometimes you can develop character by the direct inculcation of moral -precept; a good deal more often you cannot. You develop it less by -precept than by your practice. Let it come as an incident of the -association with you; as an incident to the general tone of the whole -body, the tone which in the aggregate we all create. Is not that the -experience of all of you, in dealing with these children in the schools, -in dealing with them in the family, in dealing with them in bodies -anywhere? They are quick to take the tone of those to whom they look up, -and if they do not look up to you, then you can preach virtue all you -wish, but the effect will be small. - -¶I should hold myself a poor citizen if I did not welcome the chance to -wish you Godspeed in your work for yourselves and to wish you Godspeed -in your work as representatives of that great public body of public -school teachers, upon the success of whose efforts to train aright the -children of to-day depends the safety of our institutions of -to-morrow.[21] - -¶It is not too much to say that the most characteristic work of the -Republic is that done by the educators, by the teachers, for whatever -our shortcomings as a Nation may be—and we have certain shortcomings—we -have at least firmly grasped the fact that we cannot do our part in the -difficult and all-important work of self-government, that we cannot rule -and govern ourselves unless we approach the task with developed minds, -and with what counts for more even—with trained characters. You teachers -make the whole world your debtors. - -¶Of your profession this can be said with more truth than of any other -profession barring only that of the minister of the Gospel himself. If -you—you teachers—did not do your work well this Republic would not -endure beyond the span of the generation. - -¶Moreover as an incident to your avowed work, you render some well-nigh -unbelievable services to the country. For instance, you render to the -Republic the prime, the vital service of amalgamating into one -homogeneous body the children alike of those who are born here and of -those who come here from so many different lands abroad. You furnish a -common training and common ideals for the children of the mixed peoples -who are here being fused into one nationality. - -¶It is in no small degree due to you and to your efforts that we of this -great American Republic form one people instead of a group of jarring -peoples. The pupils, no matter where they or their parents were born, -who are being educated in our public schools will be sure to become -imbued with that mutual sympathy, that mutual respect and understanding, -which is absolutely indispensable for the working out of the problems we -as a people have before us. - -¶And one service you render which I regard as wholly indispensable. In -our country, where altogether too much prominence is given to the mere -possession of wealth, we are under heavy obligations to such a body as -this[A] which substitutes for the ideal of accumulating money the -infinitely loftier, non-materialistic ideal of devotion to work worth -doing simply for that work’s sake. - -¶I do not in the least underestimate the need of having material -prosperity as the basis of our civilization, but I most earnestly insist -that if our civilization does not build a lofty super structure on this -basis, we can never rank among the really great peoples.[28] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Nobility - of - Parenthood - - -In our modern industrial civilization there are many and grave dangers -to counterbalance the splendors and the triumphs. It is not a good thing -to see cities grow at disproportionate speed relatively to the country; -for the small land owners, the men who own their little home, and, -therefore, to a very large extent, the men who till farms, the men of -the soil, have hitherto made the foundation of lasting National life in -every State; and, if the foundation becomes either too weak or too -narrow, the superstructure, no matter how attractive, is in imminent -danger of falling. - -¶¶But far more important than the question of the occupation of our -citizens is the question of how their family life is conducted. No -matter what that occupation may be, so long as there is a real home and -so long as those who make up that home do their duty to one another, to -their neighbors, and to the State, it is of minor consequence whether -the man’s trade is plied in the country or the city, whether it calls -for the work of the hands or for the work of the head. - -¶But the Nation is in a bad way if there is no real home, if the family -is not of the right kind, if the man is not a good husband and father, -if he is brutal or cowardly or selfish; if the woman has lost her sense -of duty, if she is sunk in vapid self-indulgence or has let her nature -be twisted so that she prefers a sterile pseudo-intellectuality to that -great and beautiful development of character which comes only to those -whose lives know the fulness of duty done, of effort made, and -self-sacrifice undergone. - -¶In the last analysis the welfare of the State depends absolutely on -whether or not the average family, the average man and woman, and their -children, represent the kind of citizenship for the foundation of a -great Nation, and if we fail to appreciate this we fail to appreciate -the root morality upon which all healthy civilization is based. - -¶No piled-up wealth, no splendor of material growth, no brilliance of -artistic development, will permanently avail any people unless its home -life is healthy, unless the average man possesses honesty, courage, -common-sense, and decency; unless he works hard and is willing at need -to fight hard, and unless the average woman is a good wife, a good -mother, able and willing to perform the first and greatest duty of -womanhood, able and willing to bear and to bring up as they should be -brought up, healthy children, sound in body, mind and character, and -numerous enough so that the race shall increase and not decrease. - -¶¶There are certain old truths which will be true as long as this world -endures, and which no amount of progress can alter. One of these is the -truth that the primary duty of the husband is to be the home-maker, the -breadwinner for his wife and children, and that the primary duty of the -woman is to be the helpmeet, the housewife, the mother. - -¶The woman should have ample educational advantages; but save in -exceptional cases the man must be, and the woman need not be, and -generally ought not to be, trained for a life long career as the family -breadwinner; and, therefore, after a certain point the training of the -two must normally be different because the duties of the two are -normally different. - -¶This does not mean inequality of function, but it does mean that -normally there must be dissimilarity of function. On the whole, I think -the duty of the woman the more important, the more difficult, and the -more honorable of the two; on the whole I respect the woman who does her -duty even more than I respect the man who does his. - -¶¶No ordinary work done by a man is either as hard or as responsible as -the work of a woman who is bringing up a family of small children; for -upon her time and strength demands are made not only every hour of the -day but often every hour of the night. She may have to get up night -after night to take care of a sick child, and yet must by day continue -to do all her household duties as well; and if the family means are -scant she must usually enjoy even her rare holidays taking her whole -brood of children with her. The birth-pangs make all men the debtors of -all women. - -¶Above all our sympathy and regard are due to the struggling wives among -those whom Abraham Lincoln called the plain people, and whom he so loved -and trusted; for the lives of these women are often led on the lonely -heights of quiet, self-sacrificing heroism. - -¶Just as the happiest and most honorable and most useful task that can -be set any man is to earn enough for the support of his wife and family, -for the bringing up and starting in life of his children, so the most -important, the most honorable and desirable task which can be set any -woman is to be a good and wise mother in a home marked by self-respect -and mutual forbearance, by willingness to perform duty, and by refusal -to sink into self-indulgence or avoid that which entails effort and -self-sacrifice. - -¶Of course there are exceptional men and exceptional women who can do -and ought to do more than this, who can lead and ought to lead great -careers of outside usefulness in addition to—not as a substitute -for—their home work; but I am not speaking of exceptions; I am speaking -of the primary duties. I am speaking of the average citizens, the -average men and women who make up the Nation. - -¶No mother has an easy time, and most mothers have very hard times; and -yet what true mother would barter her experience of joy and sorrow in -exchange for a life of cold selfishness, which insists upon perpetual -amusement and the avoidance of care, and which often finds its fit -dwelling place in some flat designed to furnish with the least possible -expenditure of effort the maximum of comfort and of luxury, but in which -there is literally no place for children? - -¶¶The woman who is a good wife, a good mother, is entitled to our -respect as is no one else, but she is entitled to it only because, and -so long as, she is worthy of it. Effort and self-sacrifice are the law -of worthy life for the man as for the woman, though neither the effort -nor the self-sacrifice may be the same for the one as for the other. - -¶I do not in the least believe in the patient Griselda type of woman, in -the woman who submits to gross and long-continued ill-treatment, any -more than I believe in a man who tamely submits to wrongful aggression. -No wrong-doing is so abhorrent as wrong-doing by a man toward the wife -and the children who should arouse every tender feeling in his nature. - -¶Selfishness toward them, lack of tenderness toward them, lack of -consideration for them, above all, brutality in any form toward them, -should arouse the heartiest scorn and indignation in every upright soul. - -¶I believe in the woman’s keeping her self-respect just as I believe in -the man’s doing so. I believe in her rights just as much as I believe in -the man’s and, indeed, a little more, and I regard marriage as a -partnership in which each partner is in honor bound to think of the -rights of the other as well as of his or her own. - -¶But I think the duties are even more important than the rights, and in -the long run, I think, that the reward is ampler and greater for duty -well done than for the insistence upon individual rights necessary -though this, too, must often be. - -¶¶¶Into the woman’s keeping is committed the destiny of the generation -to come after us. In bringing up children mothers must remember that -while it is essential to be loving and tender, it is no less essential -to be wise and firm. Foolishness and affection must not be treated as -interchangeable terms, and besides training sons and daughters in the -softer and milder virtues mothers must seek to give them those stern and -hardy qualities which in after life they will surely need. - -¶Some children will go wrong in spite of the best training, and some -will go right even where their surroundings are most unfortunate; -nevertheless, an immense amount depends upon the family training. - -¶If mothers, through weakness, bring up sons to be selfish and to think -only of themselves, they will be responsible for much sadness among the -women who are to be their wives in the future. If they let their -daughters grow up idle, perhaps under the mistaken impression that as -they have had to work hard, their daughters shall know only enjoyment, -they are preparing them to be useless to others and burdens to -themselves. - -¶¶¶Teach boys and girls alike that they are not to look forward to lives -spent in avoiding difficulties, but to lives spent in overcoming -difficulties. Teach them that work, for themselves and also for others, -is not a curse, but a blessing. Seek to make them happy, to make them -enjoy life, but seek also to make them face life with the steadfast -resolution to wrest success from labor and adversity, and to do their -whole duty before God and to man. Surely she who can thus train her sons -and her daughters is thrice fortunate among women. - -¶There are a good many people who are denied the supreme blessing of -children, and for these we have the respect and sympathy always due to -those who, from no fault of their own, are denied any of the other great -blessings of life. - -¶But the man or woman who deliberately foregoes these blessings, whether -from viciousness, coldness, shallow-heartedness, self-indulgence, or -mere failure to appreciate aright the difference between the -all-important and the unimportant—why, such a creature merits contempt -as hearty as any visited upon the soldier who runs away in battle, or -upon the man who refuses to work for the support of those dependent upon -him, and who, though able-bodied, is yet content to eat in idleness the -bread which others provide. - -¶The existence of women of this type forms one of the most unpleasant -and unwholesome features of modern life. If any one is so dim of vision -as to fail to see what a thoroughly unlovely creature such a woman is I -wish they would read Judge Robert Grant’s novel “Unleavened Bread,” -ponder seriously the character of Selma, and think of the fate that -would surely overcome any nation which developed its average and typical -women along such lines. - -¶Unfortunately it would be untrue to say that this type exists only in -American novels. That it also exists in American life is made -unpleasantly evident by statistics as to the dwindling families in some -localities. It is made evident in equally sinister fashion by the census -statistics as to divorce, which are fairly appalling; for easy divorce -is now as it ever has been, a bane to any nation, a curse to society, a -menace to the home, an incitement to married unhappiness and to -immorality, an evil thing for men, and a still more hideous evil for -women. - -¶These unpleasant tendencies in our American life are made evident by -articles such as those which I actually read not long ago in a certain -paper, where a clergyman was quoted seemingly with approval, as -expressing the general American attitude when he said that the ambition -of any save a very rich man should be to rear two children only, so as -to give his children an opportunity “to taste a few of the good things -of life.” - -¶This man whose profession and calling should have made him a moral -teacher, actually set before others the ideal, not of training children -to do their duty, not of sending them forth with stout hearts and ready -minds to win triumphs for themselves and their country, not of allowing -them the opportunity and giving them the privilege of making their own -place in the world, but forsooth, of keeping the number of children so -limited that they might “taste a few good things!” - -¶¶The way to give a child a fair chance in life is not to bring it up in -luxury, but to see that it has the kind of training that will give -strength of character. Even apart from the question of National life, -and regarding only the individual interest of the children themselves, -happiness in the true sense is a hundredfold more apt to come to any -given member of a healthy family of healthy-minded children, well -brought up, well educated, but taught that they must shift for -themselves, must win their own way, and by their own exertions make -their own positions of usefulness, than it is apt to come to those whose -parents themselves have acted on and have trained their children to act -on, the selfish and sordid theory that the whole end of life is “to -taste a few of the good things!” - -¶The intelligence of the remark is on a par with its morality, for the -most rudimentary mental process would have shown the speaker that if the -average family in which there are children contained but two children -the nation as a whole would decrease in population so rapidly that in -two or three generations it would very deservedly be on the point of -extinction, so that the people who had acted on this base and selfish -doctrine would be giving place to others with braver and more robust -ideals. - -¶Nor would such a result be in any way regrettable; for a race -that practiced such doctrine,—that is a race that practiced -race-suicide—would thereby conclusively show that it was unfit to -exist, and that it had better give place to people who had not -forgotten the primary laws of their being. - -¶To sum up, then, the whole matter is simple enough. If either a race or -an individual prefers the pleasures of mere effortless ease, of -self-indulgence, to the infinitely deeper, the infinitely higher -pleasures that come to those who know the toil and the weariness, but -also the joy, of hard duty well done, why, that race or that individual -must inevitably in the end pay the penalty of leading a life both vapid -and ignoble. - -¶No man and no woman really worthy of the name can care for the life -spent solely or chiefly in the avoidance of risk and trouble and labor. -Save in exceptional cases the prizes worth having in life must be paid -for, and the life worth living must be a life of work for a worthy end, -and ordinarily of work more for others than for one’s self. - -¶The man is but a poor creature whose effort is not rather for the -betterment of his wife and children than for himself; and as for the -mother, her very name stands for loving unselfishness and -self-abnegation, and, in any society fit to exist, is fraught with -associations which render it holy. - -¶The woman’s task is not easy—no task worth doing is easy—but in doing -it, and when she has done it, there shall come to her the highest and -holiest joy known to mankind; and, having done it, she shall have the -reward prophesied in Scripture; for her husband and her children, yes, -and all people who realize that her work lies at the foundation of all -National happiness and greatness, shall rise up and call her -blessed.[33] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - Great Riches - - -In this world of ours it is practically impossible to get success of any -kind on a large scale without paying something for it. The exceptions to -the rule are too few to warrant our paying heed to them, and as a rule -it may be said that something must be paid as an offset for everything -we get and for everything we accomplish. This is notably true of our -industrial life. - -¶The problems which we of America have to face to-day are very serious, -but we will do well to remember that after all they are only part of the -price which we have to pay for the triumphs we have won, for the high -position to which we have attained. If we were a backward and stationary -country we would not have to face these problems at all, but I think -that most of us are agreed that to be backward and stationary would be -altogether too heavy a price to pay for the avoidance of the problems in -question. - -¶There are no labor troubles where there is no work to be done by labor. -There are no troubles about corporations where the poverty of the -community is such that it is not worth while to form corporations. There -is no difficulty in regulating railroads where the resources of a region -are so few that it does not pay to build railroads. There are many -excellent people who shake their heads over the difficulties that as a -Nation we now have to face; but their melancholy is not warranted save -in a very partial degree, for most of the things of which they complain -are the inevitable accompaniments of the growth and greatness of which -we are proud. - -¶There is every reason why we should be vigilant in searching out what -is wrong and unflinchingly resolute in striving to remedy it. But at the -same time we must not blind ourselves to what has been accomplished for -good, and above all we must not lose our heads and become either -hysterical or rancorous in grappling with what is bad. - -¶Take such a question, for instance, as the question, or rather the -group of questions, connected with the growth of corporations in this -country. This growth has meant, of course, the growth of individual -fortunes. Undoubtedly the growth of wealth in this country has had some -very unfortunate accompaniments, but it seems to me that much the worse -damage that people of wealth can do the rest of us is not any actual -physical harm, but the awakening in our breasts of either the mean vice -of worshipping mere wealth, and the man of mere wealth, for the wealth’s -sake, or the equally mean vice of viewing with rancorous envy and hatred -the men of wealth merely because they are men of wealth. - -¶Envy is, of course, merely a kind of crooked admiration, and we often -see the very man who in public is most intemperate in his denunciation -of wealth in his private life most eager to obtain wealth, in no matter -what fashion, and at no matter what moral cost. - -¶It is impossible too strongly to insist upon what ought to be the -patent fact that it is not only in the interest of the people of wealth -themselves, but in our interest, in the interest of the public as a -whole, that they should be treated fairly and justly; that if they show -exceptional business ability they should be given exceptional reward for -that ability. - -¶The tissues of our industrial fabric are interwoven in such complex -fashion that what strengthens or weakens part also strengthens or -weakens the whole. - -¶If we penalize industry we will ourselves in the end have to pay a -considerable part of the penalty. If we make conditions such that the -men of exceptional ability are able to secure marked benefits by the -exercise of that ability, then we shall ourselves benefit somewhat. It -is our interest no less than our duty to treat them fairly. - -¶On the other hand, it is no less their interest to treat us fairly—by -“us” I mean the great body of the people, the men of moderate or small -fortunes, the farmers, the wage-workers, the smaller business men and -professional men. - -¶The man of great means who achieves fortune by crooked methods does -wrong to the whole body politic. But he not merely does wrong to, he -becomes a source of imminent danger to other men of great means; for his -ill-won success tends to arouse a feeling of resentment, which if it -becomes inflamed, fails to differentiate between the men of wealth who -have done decently and the men of wealth who have not done decently. - -¶The conscience of our people has been deeply shocked by the revelations -made of recent years as to the way in which some of the great fortunes -have been obtained and used, and there is, I think, in the minds of the -people at large a strong feeling that a serious effort must be made to -put a stop to the cynical dishonesty and contempt for right which have -thus been revealed. - -¶I believe that something, and I hope that a good deal, can be done by -law to remedy the state of things complained of. But when all that can -be has thus been done, there will yet remain much which the law cannot -touch, and which must be reached by the force of public opinion. - -¶There are men who do not divide actions merely into those that are -honest and those that are not, but create a third subdivision—that of -law honesty; of that kind of honesty which consists in keeping clear of -the penitentiary. It is hard to reach astute men of this type save by -making them feel the weight of an honest public indignation. - -¶We can not afford in this country to draw the distinction as between -rich man and poor man. The distinction upon which we must insist is the -vital, deep-lying, unchangeable distinction between the honest man and -the dishonest man, between the man who acts decently and fairly by his -neighbor and with a quick sense of his obligations, and the man who -acknowledges no internal law save that of his own will and appetite. -Above all we should treat with a peculiarly contemptuous abhorrence the -man who in a spirit of sheer cynicism debauches either our business life -or our political life. - -¶There are men who use the word “practical politics” as merely a -euphemism for dirty politics, and it is such men who have brought the -word “politician” into discredit. There are other men who use the -noxious phrase “business is business” as an excuse and justification for -every kind of mean and crooked work, and these men make honest Americans -hang their heads because of some of the things they do. - -¶It is the duty of every honest patriot to rebuke in emphatic fashion -alike the politician who does not understand that the only kind of -“practical politics” which a nation can with safety tolerate is that -kind which we know as clean politics, and that we are as severe in our -condemnation of the business trickery which succeeds as of the business -trickery which fails. The scoundrel who fails can never by any -possibility be as dangerous to the community as the scoundrel who -succeeds, and of all the men in the country the worst citizens, those -who should excite in our minds the most contemptuous abhorrence, are the -men who have achieved great wealth, or any other form of success, in any -save a clean and straightforward manner.[27] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Farmer - - -Conditions have changed in the country far less than they have changed -in the cities, and in consequence there has been little breaking away -from the methods of life which have produced the great majority of the -leaders of the Republic in the past. Almost all our great Presidents -have been brought up in the country, and most of them worked hard on the -farms in their youth and got their early mental training in the healthy -democracy of farm life. - -¶The forces which made these farm bred boys leaders of men when they had -come to their full manhood are still at work in our country districts. -Self-help and individual initiative remain to a peculiar degree typical -of life in the country, life on a farm, in a lumbering camp, on a ranch. -Neither the farmers nor their hired hands can work through combinations -as readily as the capitalists or wage-workers of cities can work. - -¶It must not be understood from this that there has been no change in -farming and farm life. The contrary is the case. There has been much -change, much progress. The granges and similar organizations, the -farmers’ institutes, and all the agencies which promote intelligent -co-operation and give opportunity for social and intellectual -intercourse among the farmers, have played a large part in raising the -level of life and work in the country districts. - -¶In the domain of government, the Department of Agriculture since its -foundation has accomplished results as striking as those obtained under -any other branch of the national administration. By scientific study of -all matters connected with the advancement of farm life; by experimental -stations: by the use of trained agents, sent to the uttermost countries -of the globe; by the practical application of anything which in theory -has been demonstrated to be efficient; in these ways, and in many -others, great good has been accomplished in raising the standard of -productiveness in farm work throughout the country. - -¶We live in an age when the best results can only be achieved, if to -individual self-help, we add the mutual self-help which comes by -combination, both of citizens in their individual capacity and of -citizens working through the State as an instrument. The farmers of the -country have grown more and more to realize this, and farming has tended -more and more to take its place as an applied science—though as with -everything else the theory must be tested in practical work and can -avail only when applied in practical fashion. - -¶But after all this has been said it remains true that the -countryman—the man on the farm, more than any other of our citizens -to-day, is called upon continually to exercise the qualities which we -like to think of as typical of the United States throughout its -history—the qualities of rugged independence, masterful resolution, and -individual energy and resourcefulness. He works hard (for which no man -is to be pitied), and often he lives hard (which may not be pleasant): -but his life is passed in healthy surroundings, surroundings which tend -to develop a fine type of citizenship. In the country moreover, the -conditions are fortunately such as to allow a closer touch between man -and man, than, too often, we find to be the case in the city. Men feel -more vividly the underlying sense of brotherhood of community of -interest. I do not mean by this that there are not plenty of problems -connected with life in our rural districts. There are many problems; and -great wisdom and earnest disinterestedness in effort are needed for -their solution. - -¶¶After all, we are one people, with the same fundamental -characteristics, whether we live in the city or in the country, in the -East or in the West, in the North or in the South. Each of us, unless he -is contented to be a cumberer of the earth’s surface, must strive to do -his life work with his whole heart. Each must remember that while he -will be noxious to every one unless he first do his duty by himself, he -must also strive ever to do his duty by his fellow. The problem of how -to do these duties is acute everywhere. It is most acute in great -cities, but it exists in the country too. A man to be a good citizen, -must first be a good breadwinner, a good husband, a good father—I hope -the father of many children; just as a woman’s first duty is to be a -good housewife and mother. The business duties, the home duties, the -duties to one’s family come first. The couple who bring up plenty of -healthy children, who leave behind them many sons and daughters fitted -in their turn to be good citizens, emphatically deserve well of the -State. - -¶But duty to one’s self and one’s family does not exclude duty to one’s -neighbor. Each of us, rich or poor, can help his neighbor at times; and -to do this he must be brought up in touch with him, into sympathy with -him. Any effort is to be welcomed that brings people closer together, so -as to secure a better understanding among those whose walks of life are -in ordinary circumstances far apart. - -¶Probably the good done is almost equally great on both sides, no matter -which one may seem to be helping the other. But it must be kept in mind -that no good will be accomplished at all by any philanthropic or -charitable work, unless it is done along certain definite lines. In the -first place, if the work is done in a spirit of condescension it would -be better never to attempt it. It is almost as irritating to be -patronized as to be wronged. The only safe way of working is to try to -find out some scheme by which it is possible to make a common effort for -the common good. Each of us needs at times to have a helping hand -stretched out to him or her. - -Every one of us slips on some occasion, shame to his fellow who then -refuses to stretch out the hand that should always be ready to help the -man who stumbles. It is our duty to lift him up; but it is also our duty -to remember that there is no earthly use in trying to carry him. If a -man will submit to being carried, that is sufficient to show that he is -not worth carrying. In the long run, the only kind of help that really -avails is the help which teaches a man to help himself. Such help every -man who has been blessed in life should try to give to those who are -less fortunate, and such help can be accepted with entire self-respect. - -¶The aim to set before ourselves in trying to aid one another is to give -that aid under conditions which will harm no man’s self-respect and -which will teach the less fortunate how to help themselves as their -stronger brothers do. To give such aid it is necessary not only to -possess the right kind of heart, but also the right kind of head. -Hardness of heart is a dreadful quality, but it is doubtful whether, in -the long run, it works more damage than softness of head. At any rate -both are undesirable. The prerequisite to doing good work in the field -of philanthropy—in the field of social effort, undertaken with one’s -fellows for the common good—is that it shall be undertaken in a spirit -of broad sanity no less than of broad and loving charity. - -¶¶The sinews of virtue lie in a man’s capacity to care for what is -outside himself. The man who gives himself up to the service of his -appetites, the man who the more goods he has the more he wants, has -surrendered himself to destruction. It makes little difference whether -he achieves his purpose or not. If his point of view is all wrong, he is -a bad citizen whether he be rich or poor. It is a small matter to the -community whether in arrogance and insolence he has misused great wealth -or whether though poor, he is possessed by the mean and fierce desire to -seize a morsel, the biggest possible, of that prey which the fortunate -of earth consume. The man who lives simply, and justly, and honorably, -whether rich or poor, is a good citizen. Those who dream only of -idleness and pleasure, who hate others, and fail to recognize the duty -of each man to his brother, these, be they rich or poor, are the enemies -of the State. The misuse of property is one manifestation of the same -evil spirit which under changed circumstances denies the right of -property because this right is in the hands of others. In a purely -material civilization the bitterness of attack on another’s possession -is only additional proof of the extraordinary importance attached to -possession itself. When outward well-being instead of being regarded as -a valuable foundation on which happiness may with wisdom be built, is -mistaken for happiness itself, so that material prosperity becomes the -one standard, then, alike by those who enjoy such prosperity in slothful -or criminal ease, and by those who in no less evil manner rail at, envy, -and long for it, poverty is held to be shameful, and money, whether well -or ill gotten, to stand for merit. - -¶All this does not mean condemnation of progress. It is mere folly to -try to dig up the dead past, and scant is the good that comes from -asceticism and retirement from the world. But let us make sure that our -progress is in the essentials as well as in the incidentals. Material -prosperity without the moral lift toward righteousness means a -diminishing capacity for happiness and a debased character. The worth of -a civilization is the worth of the man at its centre. When this man -lacks moral rectitude, material progress only makes bad worse, and -social problems still darker and more complex.[13] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Trusts - - -The tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on -with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth -century brings us face to face, at the beginning of the twentieth, with -very serious social problems. The old laws, and the old customs which -had almost the binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to -regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the -industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive -power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. - -¶The growth of the cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the -growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial -centres has meant a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of -wealth, but in the number of very large individual, and especially of -very large corporate fortunes. The creation of these great corporate -fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental -action, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other -countries as they operate in our own. - -¶The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which is -wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the rich have grown -richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the -average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well -off as in this country and at the present time. There have been abuses -connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true that a -fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the -person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense -incidental benefits upon others. Successful enterprise, of the type -which benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such as -to offer great prizes as the rewards of success. - -¶The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across -this continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our -manufactures, have on the whole done great good for our people. Without -them the material development of which we are so justly proud could -never have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize the immense -importance to this material development of leaving as unhampered as is -compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom -the success of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest study -of business conditions will satisfy any one capable of forming a -judgment that the personal equation is the most important factor in a -business operation; that the business ability of the man at the head of -any business concern, big or little, is usually the factor which fixes -the gulf between striking success and hopeless failure. - -¶An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be -found in the international commercial conditions of to-day. The same -business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of -corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in -international commercial competition. Business concerns which have the -largest means at their disposal and are managed by the ablest men are -naturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial -supremacy among the nations of the world. - -¶America has only just begun to assume that commanding position in the -international business world which we believe will more and more be -hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not -jeoparded, especially at a time when the overflowing abundance of our -own natural resources and the skill, business energy, and mechanical -aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under such -conditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful -strength of our Nation. - -¶Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with -ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably -endangers the interests of all. The fundamental rule in our national -life—the rule which underlies all others—is that, on the whole, and in -the long run, we shall go up or down together. There are exceptions; and -in times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and in times of -adversity some will suffer far more, than others; but speaking -generally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in -them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or -less degree. - -¶It surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any proof of this -statement; the memory of the lean years which began in 1893 is still -vivid, and we can contrast them with the conditions in this very year -which is now closing. Disaster to great business enterprises can never -have its effects limited to the men at the top. It spreads throughout, -and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst for those farthest down. -The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the wage-worker may be -deprived of even bare necessities. - -¶The mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme care must -be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance. -Many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great -industrial combinations which are popularly, although with technical -inaccuracy, known as “trusts,” appeal especially to hatred and fear. - -¶These are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combined with -ignorance, which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady judgment. -In facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the world -shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and ineffective -unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober self-restraint. Much -of the legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly -mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. In accordance -with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or reckless agitator -has been the really effective friend of the evils which he has been -nominally opposing. - -¶In dealing with business interests, for the Government to undertake by -crude and ill-considered legislation to do what may turn out to be bad, -would be to incur the risk of such far-reaching national disaster that -it would be preferable to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand -the impossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with -which they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would -endeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and -to what extent and in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies. - -¶All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real and grave -evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization because of its many -baleful consequences; and a resolute and practical effort must be made -to correct these evils. - -¶There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people -that the great corporations known as the trusts are in certain of their -features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. This springs -from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor lack of pride in the -great industrial achievements that have placed this country at the head -of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest -upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting -changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon -ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to -accomplish great things is necessary when the world’s progress demands -that great things be done. It is based upon sincere conviction that -combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised -and within reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this -conviction is right. - -¶It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to -require that when men receive from Government the privilege of doing -business under corporate form, which frees them from individual -responsibility, and enables them to call into their enterprise the -capital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful -representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is -to be invested. Corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be -regulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public -injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social -betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the -entire body politic of crimes of violence. Great corporations exist only -because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions; and it is -therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony with -these institutions. - -¶The first essential in determining how to deal with the great -industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts—publicity. In the -interest of the public, the Government should have the right to inspect -and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate -business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now invoke. -What further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation, -or taxation, can only be determined after publicity has been obtained, -by process of law, and in the course of administration. The first -requisite is knowledge, full and complete—knowledge which may be made -public to the world. - -¶Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint-stock or other -associations, depending upon any statutory law for their existence or -privileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and -full and accurate information as to their operations should be made -public regularly at reasonable intervals. - -¶The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one -State, always do business in many States, often doing very little -business in the State where they are incorporated. There is utter lack -of uniformity in the State laws about them; and as no State has any -exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice -proved impossible to get adequate regulation through State action. -Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the Nation should, -without interfering with the power of the States in the matter itself, -also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations -doing an interstate business. This is especially true where the -corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some -monopolistic element or tendency in its business. There would be no -hardship in such supervision; banks are subject to it, and in their case -it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed, it is probable -that supervision of corporations by the National Government need not go -so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by so -conservative a State as Massachusetts, in order to produce excellent -results. - -¶When the constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth -century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in -industrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the -beginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a -matter of course that the several States were the proper authorities to -regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant -and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. The conditions are -now wholly different and wholly different action is called for. I -believe that a law can be framed which will enable the National -Government to exercise control along the lines above indicated; -profiting by the experience gained through the passage and -administration of the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however the judgment -of the Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such -an act, then a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer -the power. - -¶There should be created a Cabinet officer, to be known as Secretary of -Commerce and Industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last -session of the Congress. It should be his province to deal with commerce -in its broadest sense; including among many other things whatever -concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business corporations -and our merchant marine. - -¶The course proposed is one phase of what should be a comprehensive and -far-reaching scheme of constructive statesmanship for the purpose of -broadening our markets, securing our business interests on a safe basis, -and making firm our new position in the international industrial world; -while scrupulously safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and -capitalist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure equity as -between man and man in this Republic.[7] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Problem - of - the South - - -All good Americans who dwell in the North must, because they are good -Americans, feel the most earnest friendship for their fellow-countrymen -who dwell in the South, a friendship all the greater because it is in -the South that we find in its most acute phase one of the gravest -problems before our people: the problem of so dealing with the man of -one color as to secure him the right that no one would grudge him if he -were of another color. To solve this problem it is of course necessary -to educate him to perform the duties, a failure to perform which will -render him a curse to himself and to all around him. - -¶Most certainly all clear-sighted and generous men in the North -appreciate the difficulty and perplexity of this problem, sympathize -with the South in the embarrassment of conditions for which she is not -alone responsible, feel an honest wish to help her where help is -practicable, and have the heartiest respect for those brave and earnest -men of the South who, in the face of fearful difficulties, are doing all -that men can do for the betterment both of white and of black. The -attitude of the North toward the negro is far from what it should be, -and there is need that the North also should act in good faith upon the -principle of giving to each man what is justly due him, of treating him -on his worth as a man, granting him no special favor, but denying him no -proper opportunity for labor and the reward of labor. - -¶But the peculiar circumstances of the South render the problem there -far greater and far more acute. Neither I nor any other man can say that -any given way of approaching that problem will present in our time even -an approximately perfect solution, but we can safely say that there can -never be such solution at all unless we approach it with the effort to -do fair and equal justice among all men; and to demand from them in -return just and fair treatment for others. - -¶Our efforts should be to secure to each man, whatever his color, -equality of opportunity, equality of treatment before the law. As a -people striving to shape our actions in accordance with the great law of -righteousness we cannot afford to take part in or be indifferent to the -oppression or maltreatment of any man who, against overwhelming -disadvantages, has by his own industry, energy, self-respect and -perseverance struggled upward to a position which would entitle him to -the respect of his fellows, if only his skin were of a different hue. - -¶Every generous impulse in us revolts at the thought of thrusting down -instead of helping up such a man. To deny any man the fair treatment -granted to others no better than he is to commit a wrong upon him—a -wrong sure to react in the long run upon those guilty of such denial. -The only safe principle upon which Americans can act is that of “all men -up,” not that of “some men down.” If in any community the level of -intelligence, morality, and thrift among the colored men can be raised, -it is, humanely speaking, sure that the same level among the whites will -be raised to an even higher degree; and it is no less sure that the -debasement of the blacks will in the end carry with it an attendant -debasement of the whites. - -¶The problem is so to adjust the relations between two races of -different ethical type that the rights of neither be abridged nor -jeopardized; that the backward race be trained so that it may enter into -the possession of true freedom while the forward race is enabled to -preserve unharmed the high civilization wrought out by its forefathers. -The working out of this problem must necessarily be slow; it is not -possible in offhand fashion to obtain or to confer the priceless boon of -freedom, industrial efficiency, political capacity, and domestic -morality. Nor is it only necessary to train the colored man; it is quite -as necessary to train the white man, for on his shoulders rest a well -nigh unparalleled sociological responsibility. It is a problem demanding -the best thought; the utmost patience, the most earnest effort, the -broadest charity, of the statesman, the student, the philanthropist; of -the leaders of thought in every department of our national life. The -Church can be a most important factor in solving it aright. But above -all else we need for its successful solution the sober, kindly, -steadfast, unselfish performance of duty by the average plain citizen in -his every-day dealings with his fellows. - -¶The ideal of elemental justice meted out to every man is the ideal we -should keep ever before us. It will be many a long day before we attain -to it and unless we show not only devotion to it, but also wisdom and -self-restraint in the exhibition of that devotion, we shall defer the -time for its realization still further. In striving to attain to so much -of it as concerns dealing with men of different colors, we must remember -two things. - -¶In the first place it is true of the colored man, as it is true of the -white man, that in the long run his fate must depend far more upon his -own effort than upon the efforts of any outside friend. Every vicious, -venal, or ignorant colored man is an even greater foe to his own race -than to the community as a whole. The colored man’s self-respect -entitles him to do that share in the political work of the country which -is warranted by his individual ability and integrity and the position he -has won for himself. But the prime requisite of the race is moral and -industrial uplifting. - -¶Laziness and shiftlessness, then, and above all, vice and criminality -of every kind, are evils more potent for harm to the black race than all -acts of oppression of white men put together. The colored man who fails -to condemn crime in another colored man, who fails to co-operate in all -lawful ways in bringing colored criminals to justice, is the worst enemy -of his own people, as well as an enemy to all the people. Law-abiding -black men should, for the sake of their race, be foremost in relentless -and unceasing warfare against lawbreaking black men. If the standards of -private morality and industrial efficiency can be raised high enough -among the black race, then its future on this continent is secure. The -stability and purity of the home is vital to the welfare of the black -race, as it is to the welfare of every race. - -¶The white man who can be of most use to the colored man is that colored -man’s neighbor. It is the southern people themselves who must and can -solve the difficulties that exist in the South. What help the people of -the rest of the Union can give them must and will be gladly and -cheerfully given. The hope of advancement for the colored man in the -South lies in his steady common-sense effort to improve his moral and -material conditions and to work in harmony with the white man in -upbuilding the commonwealth. The future of the South now depends upon -the people of both races living up to the spirit and letter of the laws -of their several states and working out the destinies of both races not -as races, but as law-abiding citizens.[29] - -¶It is a good thing that the guard around the tomb of Lincoln should be -composed of colored soldiers. It was my own good fortune at Santiago to -serve beside colored troops. A man who is good enough to shed his blood -for the country is good enough to be given a square deal afterwards. -More than that no man is entitled to, and less than that no man shall -have.[24] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - Lynch Law - - -All thoughtful men must feel the gravest alarm over the growth of -lynching in this country, and especially over the peculiarly hideous -form so often taken by mob violence when colored men are the victims, on -which occasions the mob seems to lay most weight, not on the crime but -on the color of the criminal. In a certain proportion of these cases the -man lynched has been guilty of a crime horrible beyond description a -crime so horrible that as far as he himself is concerned he has -forfeited the right to any kind of sympathy whatsoever. - -¶The feeling of all good citizens that such a hideous crime shall not be -hideously punished by mob violence is due not in the least to sympathy -for the criminal, but to a very lively sense of the dreadful -consequences which follow the course taken by the mob in exacting -inhuman vengeance from an inhuman wrong. - -In such cases, moreover, it is well to remember that the criminal not -merely sins against humanity in inexpiable and unpardonable fashion, but -sins particularly against his own race and does them a wrong far greater -than any white man can possibly do them. - -¶Therefore, in such cases the colored people throughout the land should -in every possible way show their belief that they, more than all others -in the community are horrified at the commission of such a crime, and -are peculiarly concerned in taking every possible measure to prevent its -recurrence and to bring the criminal to immediate justice. - -¶The slightest lack of vigor either in denunciation of the crime or in -bringing the criminal to justice is itself unpardonable. Moreover, every -effort should be made under the law to expedite the proceedings of -justice in the case of such an awful crime. But it cannot be necessary, -in order to accomplish this, to deprive any citizen, of those -fundamental rights to be heard in his own defence which are so dear to -us all and which lie at the root of our liberty. - -¶It certainly ought to be possible by the proper administration of the -laws to secure swift vengeance upon the criminal; and the best and -immediate efforts of all legislators, judges and citizens should be -addressed to securing such reforms in our legal procedure as to leave no -vestige of excuse for those misguided men who undertake to wreak -vengeance through violent methods. - -¶Men who have been guilty of a crime like rape or murder should be -visited with swift and certain punishment, and the just efforts made by -the courts to protect them in their rights should under no circumstances -be perverted into permitting any mere technicality to avert or delay -their punishment. The substantial rights of the prisoner to a fair trial -must, of course, be guaranteed; but subject to this guarantee, the law -must work swiftly and surely, and all the agents of the law should -realize the wrong they do when they permit justice to be delayed or -thwarted for technical or insufficient reasons. - -¶We must show that the law is adequate to deal with crime by freeing it -from every vestige of technicality and delay. - -¶But the fullest recognition of the horror of the crime and the most -complete lack of sympathy with the criminal can not in the least -diminish our horror at the way in which it has become customary to -avenge these crimes, and at the consequences that are already proceeding -therefrom. - -¶It is, of course, inevitable that where vengeance is taken by a mob it -should frequently light on innocent people; and the wrong done in such a -case to the individual is one for which there is no remedy. But even -where the real criminal is reached, the wrong done by the mob to the -community itself is well nigh as great. Especially is this true where -the lynching is accompanied by torture. There are certain hideous sights -which when once seen, can never be wholly erased from the mental retina. - -The mere fact of having seen them implies degradation. This is a -thousandfold stronger when, instead of merely seeing the dead, the man -has participated in it. Whoever in any part of our country has ever -taken part in lawlessly putting to death a criminal by the dreadful -torture of fire must forever after have the awful spectacle of his own -handiwork seared into his brain and soul. He can never again be the same -man. - -¶This matter of lynching would be a terrible thing even if it stopped -with the lynching of men guilty of the inhuman and hideous crime of -rape; but as a matter of fact, lawlessness of this type never does stop -and never can stop in such fashion. Every violent man in the community -is encouraged by every case of lynching in which the lynchers go -unpunished to himself take the law into his own hands whenever it suits -his own convenience. In the same way the use of torture by the mob in -certain cases is sure to spread until it is applied more or less -indiscriminately in other cases. - -¶The spirit of lawlessness grows with what it feeds on, and when mobs -with impunity lynch criminals for one crime they are certain to begin to -lynch real or alleged criminals for other causes. Mob violence is simply -one form of anarchy, and anarchy is now, as it always has been, the -handmaiden and forerunner of tyranny. - -¶Surely no patriot can fail to see the fearful brutalization and -debasement which the indulgence of such a spirit and such practices -inevitably portend. Surely all public men, all writers for the daily -press, all clergymen, all teachers, all who in any way have a right to -address the public, should with every energy unite to denounce such -crimes and to support those engaged in putting them down. As a people we -claim the right to speak with peculiar emphasis for freedom and for fair -treatment of all men without regard to differences of race, fortune, -creed or color. We forfeit the right so to speak when we commit or -condone such crimes as those of which I speak. - -¶The nation, like the individual, can not commit a crime with impunity. -If we are guilty of lawlessness and brutal violence, whether our guilt -consists in active participation therein or in mere connivance and -encouragement, we shall assuredly suffer later on because of what we -have done. - -¶The cornerstone of this Republic, as of all free governments, is -respect for and obedience to the law. Where we permit the law to be -defied or evaded, whether by rich man or poor man, by black man or -white, we are by just so much weakening the bonds of our civilization -and increasing the chances of its overthrow, and of the substitution -therefor of a system in which there shall be violent alternations of -anarchy and tyranny.[26] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Indians - - -In dealing with the Indians our aim should be their ultimate absorption -into the body of our people. But in many cases this absorption must and -should be very slow. In portions of the Indian territory the mixture of -blood has gone on at the same time with progress in wealth and -education, so that there are plenty of men with varying degrees of -purity of Indian blood who are absolutely indistinguishable in point of -social, political, and economic ability from their white associates. -There are other tribes which have as yet made no perceptible advance -toward such equality. To try to force such tribes too fast is to prevent -their going forward at all. Moreover, the tribes live under widely -different conditions. - -¶Where a tribe has made considerable advance and lives on fertile -farming soil it is possible to allot the members lands in severalty much -as is the case with white settlers. There are other tribes where such a -course is not desirable. On the arid prairie lands the effort should be -to induce the Indians to lead pastoral rather than agricultural lives, -and permit them to settle in villages rather than to force them into -isolation. - -¶The large Indian schools situated remote from any Indian reservation do -a special and peculiar work of great importance. But, excellent though -these are, an immense amount of additional work must be done on the -reservations themselves among the old, and above all among the young -Indians. - -¶The first and most important step toward the absorption of the Indian -is to teach him to earn his living; yet it is not necessarily to be -assumed that in each community all Indians must become either tillers of -the soil or stock-raisers. Their industries may properly be diversified, -and those who show special desire or adaptability for industrial or even -commercial pursuits should be encouraged so far as practicable to follow -out each his own bent. - -¶Every effort should be made to develop the Indian along the lines of -natural aptitude, and to encourage the existing native industries -peculiar to certain tribes, such as the various kinds of basket-weaving, -canoe-building, smithwork, and blanket-work. Above all, the Indian boys -and girls should be given confident command of colloquial English, and -should ordinarily be prepared for a vigorous struggle with the -conditions under which their people live, rather than for immediate -absorption into some more highly developed community. - -¶The officials who represent the Government in dealing with the Indians -work under hard conditions and also under conditions which render it -easy to do wrong and very difficult to detect wrong. Consequently they -should be amply paid on the one hand, and on the other hand a -particularly high standard of conduct should be demanded from them, and -where misconduct can be proved the punishment should be exemplary.[9] - -¶In my judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up -our minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not as a member -of a tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine to -break up the tribal mass. It acts directly upon the family and the -individual. Under its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have -already become citizens of the United States. We should now break up the -tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal lands; -that is, they should be divided into individual holdings. There will be -a transition period during which the funds will in many cases have to be -held in trust. This is the case also with the lands. A stop should be -put upon the indiscriminate permission to Indians to lease their -allotments. The effort should be steadily to make the Indian work like -any other man on his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians should -be made the same as those of the whites. - -¶In the schools the education should be elementary and largely -industrial. The need of higher education among the Indians is very, very -limited. On the reservation care should be taken to try to suit the -teaching to the needs of the particular Indian. There is no use in -attempting to induce agriculture in a country suited only for cattle -raising, where the Indian should be made a stock grower. The ration -system, which is merely the corral and the reservation system, is highly -detrimental to the Indians. It promotes beggary, perpetuates pauperism, -and stifles industry. It is an effectual barrier to progress. It must -continue to a greater or less degree as long as tribes are herded on -reservations and have everything in common. The Indian should be treated -as an individual—like the white man. During the change of treatment -inevitable hardships will occur; every effort should be made to minimize -these hardships; but we should not because of them hesitate to make the -change. There should be a continuous reduction in the number of -agencies. - -¶In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than -to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation -resulting from the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save our -own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by international agreement -this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess -exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it about.[7] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - Immigration - - -The question of immigration is of vital interest to this country. In the -year ending June 30, 1905, there came to the United States 1,026,000 -alien immigrants. In other words, in the single year that has just -elapsed there came to this country a greater number of people than came -here during the one hundred and sixty-nine years of our Colonial life -which intervened between the first landing at Jamestown and the -Declaration of Independence. It is clearly shown in the report of the -Commissioner-General of Immigration that while much of this enormous -immigration is undoubtedly healthy and natural, a considerable -proportion is undesirable for one reason or another; moreover, a -considerable proportion of it, probably a very large proportion, -including most of the undesirable class, does not come here of its own -initiative but because of the activity of the agents of the great -transportation companies. These agents are distributed throughout -Europe, and by the offer of all kinds of inducements they wheedle and -cajole many immigrants, often against their best interest, to come here. -The most serious obstacle we have to encounter in the effort to secure a -proper regulation of the immigration to these shores arises from the -determined opposition of the foreign steamship lines who have no -interest whatever in the matter save to increase the returns on their -capital by carrying masses of immigrants hither in the steerage quarters -of their ships. - -¶We can not have too much immigration of the right sort, and we should -have none whatever of the wrong sort. Of course it is desirable that -even the right kind of immigration should be properly distributed in -this country. We need more of such immigration for the South; and -special effort should be made to secure it. Perhaps it would be possible -to limit the number of immigrants allowed to come in any one year to New -York and other northern cities, while leaving unlimited the number -allowed to come to the South; always provided, however, that a stricter -effort is made to see that only immigrants of the right kind come to our -country anywhere. - -¶In actual practice it has proved so difficult to enforce the -immigration laws where long stretches of frontier marked by an imaginary -line alone intervene between us and our neighbors that I recommend that -no immigrants be allowed to come in from Canada and Mexico, save natives -of the two countries themselves. As much as possible should be done to -distribute the immigrants upon the land and keep them away from the -congested tenement-house districts of the great cities. But the -distribution is a palliative, not a cure. The prime need is to keep out -all immigrants who will not make good American citizens. The laws now -existing for the exclusion of undesirable immigrants should be -strengthened. - -¶Adequate means should be adopted, enforced by sufficient penalties, to -compel steamship companies engaged in the passenger business to observe -in good faith the law which forbids them to encourage or solicit -immigration to the United States. Moreover, there should be a sharp -limitation imposed upon vessels coming to our ports as to the number of -immigrants in ratio to the tonnage which each vessel can carry. This -ratio should be high enough to insure the coming hither of as good a -class of aliens as possible. Provision should be made for the surer -punishment of those who induce aliens to come to this country under -promise or assurance of employment. It should be made possible to -inflict a sufficiently heavy penalty on any employer violating this law -to deter him from taking the risk. It seems to me wise that there should -be an international conference held to deal with this question of -immigration, which has more than a merely national significance; such a -conference could among other things enter at length into the methods for -securing a thorough inspection of would-be immigrants at the ports from -which they desire to embark before permitting them to embark. - -¶In dealing with this question it is unwise to depart from the old -American tradition and to discriminate for or against any man who -desires to come here and become a citizen, save on the ground of that -man’s fitness for citizenship. It is our right and duty to consider his -moral and social quality. His standard of living should be such that he -will not, by pressure of competition, lower the standard of living of -our own wage-workers; for it must ever be a prime object of our -legislation to keep high their standard of living. If the man who seeks -to come here is from the moral and social standpoint of such a character -as to bid fair to add value to the community he should be heartily -welcomed. We can not afford to pay heed to whether he is of one creed or -another, of one nation or another. We cannot afford to consider whether -he is Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile; whether he is Englishman -or Irishman, Frenchman or German, Japanese, Italian, Scandinavian, Slav, -or Magyar. What we should endeavor to find out is the individual quality -of the individual man. In my judgment, with this end in view, we shall -have to prepare through our own agents a far more rigid inspection in -the countries from which the immigrants come. - -¶It will be a great deal better to have fewer immigrants, but all of the -right kind, than a great number of immigrants, many of whom are -necessarily of the wrong kind. As far as possible we wish to limit the -immigration to this country to persons who propose to become citizens of -this country, and we can well afford to insist upon adequate scrutiny of -the character of those who are thus proposed for future citizenship. -There should be an increase in the stringency of the laws to keep out -the insane, the idiotic, the epileptic, and pauper immigrants. But this -is by no means enough. Not merely the anarchist, but every man of -anarchistic tendencies, all violent and disorderly people, all people of -bad character, the incompetent, the lazy, the vicious, the physically -unfit, defective, or degenerate should be kept out. The stocks out of -which American citizenship is to be built should be strong and healthy, -sound in body, mind and character. If it be objected that the Government -agents would not always select well, the answer is that they would -certainly select better than do the agents and brokers of foreign -steamship companies, the people who now do what ever selection is -done.[14] - -¶Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. We need every honest -and efficient immigrant fitted to become an American citizen, every -immigrant who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong body, a stout -heart, a good head, and a resolute purpose to do his duty well in every -way and to bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fearing members -of the community. But there should be a comprehensive law enacted with -the object of working a threefold improvement over our present system. -First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all persons who are -known to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of -anarchistic societies, but also all persons who are of a low moral -tendency or of unsavory reputation. This means that we should require a -more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid system of -examination at our immigration ports, the former being especially -necessary. - -¶The second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by -a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent -capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American -citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them -belong to the intelligent criminal class. But it would do what is also -in point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent in -producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order, -out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all -persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic -fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with American -labor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an -American living and enough money to ensure a decent start under American -conditions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the resulting -competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in American -industrial life; and it would dry up the springs of the pestilential -social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic organizations -have their greatest possibility of growth. - -¶Both educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law should be -designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social. A -very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship companies -which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be held to a -strict accountability for any infraction of the law.[7] - -¶The United States Government endeavors to do its duty by the immigrants -who come to these shores, but unless people have had some experience -with the dangers and difficulties surrounding the newly arrived -immigrant they can hardly realize how great they are. - -¶The immigrant comes here almost unprotected; he does not as a rule know -our language, he is wholly unfamiliar with our institutions, our -customs, our habits of life and ways of thought, and there are, I am -sorry to say, great numbers of evil and wicked people who hope to make -their livelihood by preying on him. He is exposed to innumerable -temptations, innumerable petty oppressions, on almost every hand, and -unless some one is there to help him he literally has no idea where to -turn. - -¶No greater work can be done by a philanthropic or religious society -than to stretch out the helping hand to the man and the woman who come -here to this country to become citizens, and the parent of citizens, and -therefore, to do their part in making up for weal or woe the future of -our land. If we do not take care of them, if we do not try to uplift -them, then as sure as fate our own children will pay the penalty. If we -do not see that the immigrant and the children of the immigrant are -raised up most assuredly the result will be that our own children and -children’s children are pulled down. Either they will rise or we shall -sink. - -¶The level of well-being in this country will be a level for all of us. -We cannot keep that level down for a part and not have it sink more or -less for the whole. Therefore it means much, not merely to the -immigrants but to every good American that there should be at Ellis -Island, the colporteurs and the representatives of religious and -philanthropic societies to try to care for the immigrant’s body, and -above all to try to care for the immigrant’s soul. - -¶It is of course unnecessary to say that the things of the body must be -cared for; that the first duty of any man, especially of the man who has -others dependent upon him, is to take care of them and to take care of -himself. Nobody can help others if he begins by being a burden upon -others. Each man must be able to pull his own weight; and therefore each -man must show his capacity to earn for himself and his family enough to -secure a certain amount of material well-being. That must be the -foundation. But on that foundation he must build as a superstructure the -spiritual life.[17] - -¶This government is based upon the fundamental idea that each man, no -matter what his occupation, his race, or his religious belief, is -entitled to be treated on his worth as a man, and neither favored nor -discriminated against because of any accident in his position. Even here -at home there is painful difficulty in the effort to realize this ideal; -and the attempt to secure from other nations acknowledgment of it -sometimes encounters obstacles that are well-nigh insuperable; for there -are many nations which in the slow procession of the ages have not yet -reached that point where the principles which Americans regard as -axiomatic obtain any recognition whatever. One of the chief difficulties -arises in connection with certain American citizens of foreign birth or -of particular creed, who desire to travel abroad. Russia for instance, -refuses to admit and protect Jews. Turkey refuses to admit and protect -certain sects of Christians. - -¶This Government has consistently demanded equal protection abroad for -all American citizens, whether native or naturalized. On March 27, 1899, -Secretary Hay sent a letter of instructions to all the diplomatic and -consular officers of the United States in which he said: “This -Department does not discriminate between native-born and naturalized -citizens in according them protection while they are abroad, equality of -treatment being required by the laws of the United States.” - -¶These orders to our agents abroad have been repeated again and again, -and are treated as the fundamental rule of conduct laid down for them, -proceeding upon the theory “that all naturalized citizens of the United -States while in foreign countries are entitled to and shall receive from -this Government the same protection of persons and property which is -accorded to native-born citizens.” - -¶In issuing passports the State Department never discriminates, or -alludes to any man’s religion; and in granting to every American -citizen, native or naturalized, Christian or Jew, the same passport, so -far as it has power it insists that all foreign governments shall accept -the passport as prima facie proof that the person therein described is a -citizen of the United States and entitled to protection as such. It is a -standing order to every American diplomatic and consular officer to -protect every American citizen of whatever faith, from unjust -molestation, and officers abroad have been stringently required to -comply with this order.... The steady pressure which the Department has -been keeping up in the past will be continued in the future. This -Administration has on all proper occasions given clear expression to the -belief of the American people that discrimination and oppression because -of religion, wherever practiced, are acts of injustice before God and -man, and in making evident to the world the depth of American conviction -in this regard we have gone to the very limit of diplomatic usage.[18] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Chinese Question - - -The questions arising in connection with Chinese immigration stand by -themselves. The conditions in China are such that the entire Chinese -coolie class, that is, the class of Chinese laborers, skilled and -unskilled, legitimately come under the head of undesirable immigrants to -this country, because of their numbers, the low wages for which they -work and their low standard of living. Not only is it to the interest of -this country to keep them out, but the Chinese authorities do not desire -that they should be admitted. At present their entrance is prohibited by -laws amply adequate to accomplish this purpose. These laws have been, -are being, and will be, thoroughly enforced. The violations of them are -so few in number as to be infinitesimal and can be entirely disregarded. -There is no serious proposal to alter the immigration law as regards the -Chinese laborer, skilled or unskilled, and there is no excuse for any -man feeling or affecting to feel the slightest alarm on the subject. - -¶But in the effort to carry out the policy of excluding Chinese -laborers, Chinese coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been done by -this nation to the people of China, and therefore ultimately to this -Nation itself. Chinese students, business and professional men of all -kinds—not only merchants, but bankers, doctors, manufacturers, -professors, travelers, and the like—should be encouraged to come here -and treated on precisely the same footing that we treat students, -business men, travelers, and the like of other nations. - -¶Our laws and treaties should be framed, not so as to put these people -in the excepted classes, but to state that we will admit all Chinese, -except Chinese of the coolie class, Chinese skilled or unskilled -laborers. There would not be the least danger that any such provision -would result in any relaxation of the law about laborers. These will, -under all conditions, be kept out absolutely. But it will be more easy -to see that both justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be -shown, to other Chinese, if the law or treaty is framed as above -suggested. Examinations should be completed at the port of departure -from China. For this purpose there should be provided a more adequate -consular service in China than we now have. The appropriations, both for -the offices of the consuls and for the office forces in the consulates, -should be increased. - -¶As a people we have talked much of the open door in China, and we -expect, and quite rightly intend to insist upon, justice being shown us -by the Chinese. But we cannot expect to receive equity unless we do -equity. We can not ask the Chinese to do to us what we are unwilling to -do to them. They would have a perfect right to exclude our laboring men -if our laboring men threatened to come into their country in such -numbers as to jeopardize the well-being of the Chinese population; and -as, mutatis mutandis, these were the conditions with which Chinese -immigration actually brought this people face to face, we had and have a -perfect right, which the Chinese Government in no way contests, to act -as we have acted in the matter of restricting coolie immigration. That -this right exists for each country was explicitly acknowledged in the -last treaty between the two countries. But we must treat the Chinese -student, traveler, and business man in a spirit of the broadest justice -and courtesy if we expect similar treatment to be accorded to our own -people of similar rank who go to China. Much trouble has come during the -past year from the organized boycott against American goods which has -been started in China. The main factor in producing this boycott has -been the resentment felt by the students and business people of China, -by all the Chinese leaders, against the harshness of our law toward -educated Chinamen of the professional and business classes.[14] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - Official Corruption - - -We need civic righteousness. The best constitution that the wit of man -has ever devised, the best institutions that the ablest statesmen in the -world ever have reduced to practice by law or by custom, will be of no -avail if they are not vivified by the spirit which makes a State great -by making its citizens honest, just, and brave. I do not ask you as -practical believers in applied Christianity to take part one way or the -other in matters that are merely partisan. There are plenty of questions -about which honest men can and do differ very greatly and very -intensely, but as to which the triumph of either side may be compatible -with the welfare of the State—a lesser degree of welfare or a greater -degree of welfare—but compatible with the welfare of the State. - -¶But there are certain great principles, such as those which Cromwell -would have called “fundamentals,” concerning which no man has a right to -have more than one opinion. Such a principle is honesty. If you have not -honesty in the average private citizen, or public servant, then all else -goes for nothing. The abler a man is, the more dexterous, the shrewder, -the bolder, why, the more dangerous he is if he has not the root of -right living and right thinking in him—and that in private life, and -even more in public life. - -¶Exactly as in time of war, although you need in each fighting man far -more than courage, yet all else counts for nothing if there is not that -courage upon which to base it; so in our civil life, although we need -that the average man in private life, that the average public servant, -shall have far more than honesty, yet all other qualities go for nothing -or for worse than nothing unless honesty underlie them—not only the -honesty that keeps its skirts technically clear, but the honesty that is -such according to the spirit as well as the letter of the law; the -honesty that is aggressive, the honesty that not merely deplores -corruption,—it is easy enough to deplore corruption,—but that wars -against it and tramples it under foot. - -¶¶I ask for that type of honesty, I ask for militant honesty, for the -honesty of the kind that makes those who have it discontented with -themselves as long as they have failed to do everything that in them -lies to stamp out dishonesty wherever it can be found, in high place or -in low. And let us not flatter ourselves, we who live in countries where -the people rule, that it is ultimately possible for the people to cast -upon any but themselves the responsibilities for the shape the -government and the social and political life of the community assume. I -ask, then, that our people feel quickened within them indignation -against wrong in every shape, and condemnation of that wrong, whether -found in private or in public life. - -¶We have a right to demand courage of every man who wears the uniform; -it is not so much a credit to him to have it as it is shame unutterable -to him if he lacks it. So when we demand honesty we demand it not as -entitling the possessor to praise, but as warranting the heartiest -condemnation possible if he lacks it. Surely in every movement for the -betterment of our life, our life social in the truest and deepest sense, -our life political, we have a special right to ask not merely support, -but leadership from those of the Church. We ask that you to whom much -has been given will remember that from you rightly much will be expected -in return. For all of us here the lines have been cast in pleasant -places. Each of us has been given one talent, or five, or ten talents, -and each of us is in honor bound to use that talent or those talents -aright, and to show at the end that he is entitled to the praise of -having done well as a faithful servant.[31] - -¶Steps have been taken by the State Department looking to the making of -bribery an extraditable offence with foreign powers. The need of more -effective treaties covering this crime is manifest. The exposures and -prosecutions of official corruption in St. Louis, Mo., and other cities -and States have resulted in a number of givers and takers of bribes -becoming fugitives in foreign lands. Bribery has not been included in -extradition treaties heretofore, as the necessity has not arisen. While -there may have been as much official corruption in former years, there -has been more developed and brought to light in the immediate past than -in the preceding century of our country’s history. - -¶It should be the policy of the United States to leave no place on earth -where a corrupt man fleeing from this country can rest in peace. There -is no reason why bribery should not be included in all treaties as -extraditable. The recent amended treaty with Mexico, whereby this crime -was put in the list of extraditable offences, has established a salutary -precedent in this regard. Under this treaty the State Department has -asked, and Mexico has granted, the extradition of one of the St. Louis -bribe-givers. - -¶There can be no crime more serious than bribery. Other offenses violate -one law, while corruption strikes at the foundation of all law. Under -our form of government all authority is vested in the people and by them -delegated to those who represent them in official capacity. There can be -no offence heavier than that of him in whom such a sacred trust has been -reposed, who sells it for his own gain and enrichment; and no less heavy -is the offence of the bribe-giver. - -¶He is worse than the thief, for the thief robs the individual, while -the corrupt official plunders an entire city or State. He is as wicked -as the murderer, for the murderer may only take one life against the -law, while the corrupt official and the man who corrupts the official -alike aim at the assassination of the commonwealth itself. Government of -the people, by the people, for the people will perish from the face of -the earth if bribery is tolerated. The givers and takers of bribes stand -on an evil pre-eminence of infamy. The exposure and punishment of public -corruption is an honor to a nation, not a disgrace. The shame lies in -toleration, not in correction. - -¶No city or State, still less the Nation, can be injured by the -enforcement of law. As long as public plunderers when detected can find -a haven of refuge in any foreign land and avoid punishment, just so long -encouragement is given them to continue their practices. If we fail to -do all that in us lies to stamp out corruption we cannot escape our -share of responsibility for the guilt. The first requisite of successful -self-government is unflinching enforcement of the law and the cutting -out of corruption.[10] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Monroe Doctrine - - -The Monroe Doctrine is not a part of international law. But it is the -fundamental feature of our entire foreign policy so far as the Western -Hemisphere is concerned, and it has more and more been meeting with -recognition abroad. The reason why it is meeting with this recognition -is because we have not allowed it to become fossilized, but have adapted -our construction of it to meet the growing, changing needs of this -hemisphere. Fossilization, of course, means death, whether to an -individual, a government, or a doctrine. - -It is out of the question to claim a right and yet shirk the -responsibility for exercising that right, when we announce a policy such -as the Monroe Doctrine we thereby commit ourselves to accepting the -consequences of the policy and these consequences from time to time -alter. - -¶Let us look for a moment at what the Monroe Doctrine really is. It -forbids the territorial encroachment of non-American powers on American -soil. Its purpose is partly to secure this Nation against seeing great -military powers obtain new footholds in the Western Hemisphere, and -partly to secure to our fellow republics south of us the chance to -develop along their own lines without being oppressed or conquered by -non-American powers. As we have grown more and more powerful our -advocacy of this doctrine has been received with more and more respect; -but what has tended most to give the Doctrine standing among the nations -is our growing willingness to show that we not only mean what we say and -are prepared to back it up, but that we mean to recognize our -obligations to foreign peoples no less than to insist upon our own -rights. - -¶We cannot permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine unless we succeed -in making it evident in the first place that we do not intend to treat -it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandisement on our part at -the expense of the republics to the south of us; second that we do not -intend to permit it to be used by any of those republics as a shield to -protect that republic from the consequences of its own misdeeds against -foreign nations; third, that inasmuch as by this doctrine we prevent -other nations from interfering on this side of the water, we shall -ourselves in good faith try to help those of our sister republics, which -need such help, upward toward peace and order. - -¶As regards the first point we must recognize the fact that in some -South American countries there has been much suspicion lest we should -interpret the Monroe Doctrine in some way inimical to their interests. -Now let it be understood once for all that no just and orderly -government on this continent has anything to fear from us. There are -certain of the republics south of us which have already reached such a -point of stability, order and prosperity that they are themselves, -although as yet hardly consciously, among the guarantors of this -doctrine. - -¶No stable and growing American republic wishes to see some great -non-American military power acquire territory in its neighborhood. It is -the interest of all of us on this continent that no such event should -occur, and in addition to our own Republic there are now already -republics in the regions south of us which have reached a point of -prosperity and power that enables them to be considerable factors in -maintaining this doctrine which is so much to the advantage of all of -us. - -¶It must be understood that under no circumstances will the United -States use the Monroe Doctrine as a cloak for territorial aggression. -Should any of our neighbors, no matter how turbulent, how disregardful -of our rights, finally get into such a position that the utmost limits -of our forbearance are reached, all the people south of us may rest -assured that no action will ever be taken save what is absolutely -demanded by our self-respect; that this action will not take the form of -territorial aggrandisement on our part, and that it will only be taken -at all with the most extreme reluctance and not without having exhausted -every effort to avert it. - -¶As to the second point, if a republic to the south of us commits a tort -against a foreign nation, such for instance, as wrongful action against -the persons or citizens of that nation, then the Monroe Doctrine does -not force us to interfere to prevent punishment of the tort, save to see -that the punishment does not directly or indirectly assume the form of -territorial occupation of the offending country. The case is more -difficult when the trouble comes from the failure to meet contractual -obligations. Our own government has always refused to enforce such -contractual obligations on behalf of its citizens by the appeal to arms. -It is much to be wished that all foreign Governments would take the same -view, but at present this country would certainly not be willing to go -to war to prevent a foreign Government from collecting a just debt, or -to back up some one of our sister republics in a refusal to pay just -debts, and the alternative may in any case prove to be that we shall -ourselves undertake to bring about some arrangement by which so much as -is possible of the just obligations shall be paid. Personally, I should -always prefer to see this country step in and put through such an -arrangement rather than let any foreign country undertake it. - -¶I do not want to see any foreign power take possession permanently or -temporarily of the Custom Houses of an American republic in order to -enforce its obligations, and the alternative may at any time be that we -shall be forced to do so ourselves. - -¶Finally, and what is in my view really the most important thing of all, -it is our duty, so far as we are able, to try to help upward our weaker -brothers. Just as there has been a gradual growth of the ethical element -in the relations of one individual to another, so that with all the -faults of our Christian civilization it yet remains true that we are, no -matter how slowly, more and more coming to recognize the duty of bearing -one another’s burdens, similarly I believe that the ethical element is -by degrees entering into the dealings of one nation with another. Under -strain of emotion caused by sudden disaster this feeling is very -evident. A famine or a plague in our country brings much sympathy and -some assistance from other countries. Moreover, we are now beginning to -recognize that weaker peoples have a claim upon us, even when the appeal -is made, not to our emotions by some sudden calamity, but to our -consciences by a long-continuing condition of affairs. - -¶I do not mean to say that nations have more than begun to approach the -proper relationship one to another, and I fully recognize the folly of -proceeding upon the assumption that this ideal condition can now be -realized in full for, in order to proceed upon such an assumption, we -would first require some method of forcing recalcitrant nations to do -their duty, as well as of seeing that they are protected in their -rights. - -¶In the interest of justice it is as necessary to exercise the police -power as to show charity and helpful generosity. But something can even -now be done toward the end in view. That something, for instance, this -nation has already done as regards Cuba, and is now trying to do as -regards Santa Domingo. There are few things in our history in which we -should take more genuine pride than the way in which we liberated Cuba, -and then, instead of instantly abandoning it to chaos, stayed in -direction of the affairs of the island until we had put it on the right -path, and finally gave it freedom and helped it as it started on the -life of an independent republic.[30] - -Boasting and blustering are as objectionable among nations as among -individuals, and the public men of a great nation owe it to their sense -of national self-respect to speak courteously of foreign powers just as -a brave and self-respecting man treats all around him courteously. But -though to boast is bad and causelessly to insult another, worse; yet -worse than all is it to be guilty of boasting, even without insult, and -when called to the proof to be unable to make such boasting good. There -is a homely old adage which runs: “Speak softly and carry a big stick; -you will go far.” If the American nation will speak softly and yet -build, and keep at a pitch of the highest training, a thoroughly -efficient navy, the Monroe Doctrine will go far. I ask you to think over -this. If you do, you will come to the conclusion that it is mere plain -common-sense, so obviously sound that only the blind can fail to see its -truth and only the weakest and most irresolute can fail to desire to put -it into force.[32] - -¶One of the most effective instruments for peace is the Monroe Doctrine -as it has been and is being gradually developed by this Nation and -accepted by other nations. No other policy could have been as efficient -in promoting peace in the Western Hemisphere and in giving to each -nation thereon the chance to develop along its own lines. If we had -refused to apply the Doctrine to changing conditions it would now be -completely outworn, would not meet any of the needs of the present day, -and indeed would probably by this time have sunk into complete oblivion. -It is useful at home, and is meeting with recognition abroad because we -have adapted our application of it to meet the growing and changing -needs of the Hemisphere. When we announce a policy, such as the Monroe -Doctrine, we thereby commit ourselves to the consequences of the policy, -and those consequences from time to time alter. It is out of the -question to claim a right and yet shirk the responsibility for its -exercise. Not only we, but all American Republics who are benefited by -the existence of the Doctrine, must recognize the obligations each -nation is under as regards foreign peoples no less than its duty to -insist upon its own rights. - -That our rights and interests are deeply concerned in the maintenance of -the Doctrine is so clear as hardly to need argument. This is especially -true in view of the construction of the Panama Canal. As a mere matter -of self-defense we must exercise a close watch over the approaches to -this canal; and this means that we must be thoroughly alive to our -interests in the Caribbean Sea.[14] - -¶The Monroe Doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the foreign -policy of all the nations of the two Americas, as it is of the United -States. Just seventy-eight years have passed since President Monroe in -his Annual Message announced that “The American continents are -henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by -any European power.” - -¶In other words, the Monroe Doctrine is a declaration that there must be -no territorial aggrandizement by any non-American power at the expense -of any American power on American soil. It is in no wise intended as -hostile to any nation in the Old World. Still less is it intended to -give cover to any aggression by one New World power at the expense of -any other. It is simply a step, and a long step, toward assuring the -universal peace of the world by securing the possibility of permanent -peace on this hemisphere. - -¶During the past century other influences have established the -permanence and independence of the smaller states of Europe. Through the -Monroe Doctrine we hope to be able to safeguard like independence and -secure like permanence for the lesser among the New World nations. - -¶This doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any -American power, save that it in truth allows each of them to form such -as it desires. In other words, it is really a guaranty of the commercial -independence of the Americans. We do not ask under this doctrine for any -exclusive commercial dealings with any other American state. We do not -guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself, -provided that punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of -territory by any non-American power. - -¶Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guaranty of our own good faith. We -have not the slightest desire to secure any territory at the expense of -any of our neighbors. We wish to work with them hand in hand, so that -all of us may be uplifted together, and we rejoice over the good fortune -of any of them, we gladly hail their material prosperity and political -stability, and are concerned and alarmed if any of them fall into -industrial or political chaos. We do not wish to see any Old World -military power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to become a -military power ourselves. The peoples of the Americas can prosper best -if left to work out their own salvation in their own way. - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The World’s Peace - - -More and more war is coming to be looked upon as in itself a lamentable -and evil thing. A wanton or useless war, or a war of mere aggression—in -short, any war begun or carried on in a conscienceless spirit, is to be -condemned as a peculiarly atrocious crime against all humanity. We can, -however, do nothing of permanent value for peace unless we keep ever -clearly in mind the ethical element which lies at the root of the -problem. Our aim is righteousness. Peace is normally the handmaiden of -righteousness; but when peace and righteousness conflict then a great -and upright people can never for a moment hesitate to follow the path -which leads towards righteousness, even though that path also leads to -war. There are persons who advocate peace at any price; there are others -who, following a false analogy, think that because it is no longer -necessary in civilized countries for individuals to protect their rights -with a strong hand, it is therefore unnecessary for nations to be ready -to defend their rights. These persons would do irreparable harm to any -nation that adopted their principles, and even as it is they seriously -hamper the cause which they advocate by tending to render it absurd in -the eyes of sensible and patriotic men. - -¶There can be no worse foe of mankind in general, and of his own country -in particular, than the demagogue of war, the man who in mere folly or -to serve his own selfish ends continually rails at and abuses other -nations, who seeks to excite his countrymen against foreigners on -insufficient pretexts, who excites and inflames a perverse and -aggressive national vanity, and who may on occasions wantonly bring on -conflict between his nation and some other nation. But there are -demagogues of peace just as there are demagogues of war, and in any such -movements as that for The Hague conference it is essential not to be -misled by one set of extremists any more than by the other. - -¶Whenever it is possible for a nation or an individual to work for real -peace, assuredly it is failure of duty not so to strive; but if war is -necessary and righteous then either the man or the nation shrinking from -it forfeits all title to self-respect. We have scant sympathy with the -sentimentalist who dreads oppression less than physical suffering, who -would prefer a shameful peace to the pain and toil sometimes lamentably -necessary in order to secure a righteous peace. As yet there is only a -partial and imperfect analogy between international law and internal or -municipal law, because there is no sanction of force for executing the -former while there is in the case of the latter. - -¶The private citizen is protected in his rights by the law, because the -law rests in the last resort upon force exercised through the forms of -law. A man does not have to defend his rights with his own hand, because -he can call upon the police, upon the sheriff’s posse, upon the militia, -or in extreme cases upon the Army, to defend him. But there is no such -sanction of force for international law. At present there could be no -greater calamity than for the free peoples, the enlightened, -independent, and peace-loving peoples, to disarm while yet leaving it -open to any barbarism or despotism to remain armed. - -¶So long as the world is as unorganized as now, the armies and navies of -those peoples who on the whole stand for justice, offer not only the -best, but the only possible, security for a just peace. For instance, if -the United States alone, or in company only with the other nations that -on the whole tend to act justly, disarmed, we might sometimes avoid -bloodshed, but we would cease to be of weight in securing the peace of -justice—the real peace for which the most law-abiding and high-minded -men must at times be willing to fight. As the world is now, only that -nation is equipped for peace that knows how to fight and that will not -shrink from fighting if ever the conditions become such that war is -demanded in the name of the highest morality. - -¶So much it is emphatically necessary to say in order both that the -position of the United States may not be misunderstood, and that a -genuine effort to bring nearer the day of the peace of justice among the -nations may not be hampered by a folly which, in striving to achieve the -impossible, would render it hopeless to attempt the achievement of the -practical. But while recognizing most clearly all above set forth, it -remains our clear duty to strive in every practicable way to bring -nearer the time when the sword shall not be the arbiter among nations. - -¶At present the practical thing to do is to try to minimize the number -of cases in which it must be the arbiter, and to offer, at least to all -civilized powers, some substitute for war which will be available in at -least a considerable number of instances. Very much can be done through -another Hague conference in this direction, and I most earnestly urge -that this Nation do all in its power to try to further the movement and -to make the result of the decisions of The Hague conference effective. I -earnestly hope that the conference may be able to devise some way to -make arbitration between nations the customary way of settling -international disputes in all save a few classes of cases, which should -themselves be as sharply defined and rigidly limited as the present -governmental and social development of the world will permit. If -possible, there should be a general arbitration treaty negotiated among -all the nations represented at the conference. Neutral rights and -property should be protected at sea as they are protected on land. There -should be an international agreement to this purpose and a similar -agreement defining contraband of war. - -¶During the last century there has been a distinct diminution in the -number of wars between the most civilized nations. International -relations have become closer, and the development of The Hague tribunal -is not only a symptom of this growing closeness of relationship, but is -a means by which the growth can be furthered. Our aim should be from -time to time to take such steps as may be possible toward creating -something like an organization of the civilized nations, because as the -world becomes more highly organized the need for navies and armies will -diminish. - -¶It is not possible to secure anything like an immediate disarmament, -because it would first be necessary to settle what peoples are on the -whole a menace to the rest of mankind, and to provide against the -disarmament of the rest being turned into a movement which would really -chiefly benefit these obnoxious peoples; but it may be possible to -exercise some check upon the tendency to swell indefinitely the budgets -for military expenditure. - -Of course such an effort could succeed only if it did not attempt to do -too much; and if it were undertaken in a spirit of sanity as far removed -as possible from a merely hysterical pseudo-philanthropy. It is worth -while pointing out that since the end of the insurrection in the -Philippines this Nation has shown its practical faith in the policy of -disarmament by reducing its little army one-third. But disarmament can -never be of prime importance; there is more need to get rid of the -causes of war than of the implements of war. - -¶I have dwelt much on the dangers to be avoided by steering clear of any -mere foolish sentimentality because my wish for peace is so genuine and -earnest; because I have a real and great desire that this second Hague -conference may mark a long stride forward in the direction of securing -the peace of justice throughout the world. No object is better worthy -the attention of enlightened statesmanship than the establishment of a -surer method than now exists of securing justice as between nations, -both for the protection of the little nations and for the prevention of -war between the big nations. To this aim we should endeavor not only to -avert bloodshed, but, above all, effectively to strengthen the forces of -right. The Golden Rule should be, and as the world grows in morality it -will be, the guiding rule of conduct among nations as among individuals; -though the Golden Rule must not be construed, in fantastic manner, as -forbidding the exercise of the police power. This mighty and free -Republic should ever deal with all other states, great or small, on a -basis of high honor, respecting their rights as jealously as it -safeguards its own.[14] - -¶Among Washington’s maxims which he bequeathed to his countrymen were -the following: “Observe good faith and justice toward all nations” and -“To be prepared for war is the most effective means to promote peace.” -These two principles taken together should form the basis of our whole -foreign policy. Neither is sufficient taken by itself. It is not merely -an idle dream but a most mischievous dream to believe that mere -refraining from wrong-doing will insure us against being wronged. Yet, -on the other hand, a nation prepared for war is a menace to mankind -unless the national purpose is to treat other nations with good faith -and justice. In any community it is neither the conscientious man who is -a craven at heart nor yet the bold and strong without the moral sense, -who is of real use to the community, it is the man who to strength and -courage adds a realizing sense of the moral obligations resting upon -him, the man who has not only the desire but the power to do his full -duty by his neighbor and by the State. - -¶So in the world at large the nation which is of use in the progress of -mankind is that nation which combines strength of character, force of -character and insistence upon its own rights, with a full acknowledgment -of its own duties toward them. - -¶Just at present the best way in which we can show that our loyalty to -the teachings of Washington is a loyalty of the heart and not of the -lips only is to see to it that the work of building up our Navy goes -steadily on, and that at the same time our stand for international -righteousness is clear and emphatic. - -¶Never since the beginning of our country’s history has the Navy been -used in an unjust war. Never has it failed to render great and sometimes -vital service to the Republic. It has not been too strong for our good, -though often not strong enough to do all the good it should have -done.... Our possession of the Philippines, our interest in the trade of -the Orient, our building the Isthmian Canal, our insistence upon the -Monroe Doctrine all demand that our navy shall be of adequate size and, -for its size, of unsurpassed efficiency. If it is strong enough I -believe it would minimize the chance of our being drawn into foreign -war. If we let it run down it is as certain as the day that sooner or -later we shall have to choose between a probably disastrous foreign war -or a peace kept on terms that imply national humiliation. - -¶¶Our navy is the surest guaranty of peace and the cheapest insurance -against war, and those who, in whatever capacity, have helped to build -it up during the past twenty years have been in good faith observing and -living up to one of the most important of the principles which -Washington laid down for the guidance of his countrymen. Nor was -Washington the only one of our presidents who showed far-sighted -patriotism by support of the Navy. When Andrew Jackson was in Congress -he voted for the first warships we ever built as part of our regular -navy, and he voted against the grant of money to pay an humiliating -tribute to the pirates of the Barbary States. Old Hickory was a patriot -through and through, and there was not an ounce of timidity in his -nature, and of course he felt only indignant contempt for a policy which -purchased an ignoble peace by cowardice instead of exacting a just peace -by showing we were as little willing to submit to as to inflict -oppression. Had a majority of Jackson’s colleagues and successors felt -as he did about the navy, had it been built up instead of being brought -to a standstill, it would probably never have been necessary to fight -the War of 1812. - -¶With the great powers of the world we desire no rivalry that is not -honorable to both parties. We wish them well. We believe that the trend -of the modern spirit is ever stronger toward peace, not war; toward -friendship, not hostility, as the normal international attitude. We are -glad indeed that we are on good terms with all the other peoples of -mankind, and no effort on our part shall be spared to secure a -continuance of these relations. And remember that we shall be a potent -factor for peace largely in proportion to the way in which we make it -evident that our attitude is due, not to weakness, not to inability to -defend ourselves, but to a genuine repugnance to wrong-doing, a genuine -desire for self-respecting friendship with our neighbors. - -¶The voice of the weakling or the craven counts for nothing when he -clamors for peace; but the voice of the just man armed is potent. We -need to keep in a condition of preparedness, especially as regards our -navy, not because we want war, but because we desire to stand with those -whose plea for peace is listened to with respectful attention.[5] - -¶The true end of every great and free people should be self-respecting -peace; and this Nation most earnestly desires sincere and cordial -friendship with all others. Over the entire world, of recent years, wars -between the great civilized powers have become less and less frequent. -Wars with barbarous or semi-barbarous peoples come in an entirely -different category, being merely a most regrettable but necessary -international police duty which must be performed for the sake of the -welfare of mankind. - -¶Peace can only be kept with certainty where both sides wish to keep it; -but more and more the civilized peoples are realizing the wicked folly -of war and are attaining that condition of just and intelligent regard -for the rights of others which will in the end, as we hope and believe, -make world-wide peace possible. The peace conference at The Hague gave -definite expression to this hope and belief and marked a stride toward -their attainment. - -¶Probably no other great nation in the world is so anxious for peace as -we are. There is not a single civilized power which has anything -whatever to fear from aggressiveness on our part. All we want is peace; -and toward this end we wish to be able to secure the same respect for -our rights from others which we are eager and anxious to extend to their -rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us commercially, and to -guarantee the safety of the American people. - -¶Our people intend to abide by the Monroe Doctrine and to insist upon it -as the one sure means of securing the peace of the Western Hemisphere. -The Navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the -Monroe Doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation -chooses to disregard it. We desire the peace which comes as of right to -the just man armed; not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the -craven and the weakling.[7] - - - - - A Square Deal - and - The Essence - of - Christian Character - - -I think that each one of us who has a large experience grows to realize -more and more that the essentials of experience are alike for all of us. -The things that move us most are the things of the home, of the Church; -the intimate relations that knit a man to his family, to his close -friends; that make him try to do his duty by his neighbor, by his God, -are in their essentials just the same for one man as for another, -provided the man is in good faith trying to do his duty. - -¶I feel that the progress of our country really depends upon the sum of -the efforts of the individuals acting by themselves, but especially upon -the sum of the efforts of the individuals acting in associations for the -betterment of themselves, for the betterment of the communities in which -they dwell. There is never any difficulty about the forces of evil being -organized. Every time that we get an organization of the forces that are -plainly striving for good, we are doing our part to offset, and a little -more than offset the forces of evil. - -¶I want to read several different texts which it seems to me have -especial bearing upon the work of brotherhoods like this, upon the -spirit in which not only all of us who are members of this brotherhood, -but all of us who strive to be decent Christians are to apply our -Christianity on week days as well as on Sundays. The first verse I want -to read can be found in the seventh chapter of Matthew, the first and -sixteenth verses. - -¶First: “Judge not, that ye be not judged,” sixteenth, “Ye shall know -them by their fruits. Do men gather grapes from thorns, or figs of -thistles? Even so every good tree bringeth forth good fruit, but a -corrupt tree bringeth forth evil fruit. A good tree cannot bring forth -evil fruit, neither can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit.” - -¶“Judge not that ye be not judged.” That means, treat each of us his -brethren with charity. Be not quick to find fault. Above all be not -quick to judge another man who according to his light is striving to do -his duty as each of us hopes he is striving to do his. Let us ever -remember that we have not only divine authority for the statement that -by our fruits we shall be known, but also that it is true that mankind -will tend to judge us by our fruits. - -¶It is an especially lamentable thing to see ill done by any man who -from his associations with the Church, who from the fact that he has had -the priceless benefits of the teachings of Christian religion, should be -expected to take a position of leadership in the work for good. - -¶The next quotation I wish to read is found in the twenty-fifth chapter -of Matthew, thirty-seventh to fortieth verses inclusive: “Then shall the -righteous answer them, saying, ‘Lord, when saw we thee a hungered, and -fed thee, or thirsty, and gave thee drink?’ - -¶“‘When saw we thee a stranger and took thee in, or naked, and clothed -thee?’ - -¶“‘Or, when saw we thee sick, or in prison, and came unto thee?’ - -¶“And the King shall answer and say unto them, ‘Verily, I say unto you, -inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren -ye have done it unto me.’” - -¶That is what this brotherhood means; by trying to worship our Creator -by acting toward his creatures as He would have us act; to try to make -our religion a living force in our lives; to do unto others as we would -have them do unto us. - -¶The next text I wish to read is found in I Corinthians, thirteenth -chapter, beginning, with the first verse. “Though I speak with the -tongues of men and of angels, and have not charity I am become as -sounding brass, as a tinkling cymbal.” - -¶“And though I have the gift of prophecy, and understand all mysteries, -and all knowledge; and though I have all faith so that I would remove -mountains, and have not charity, I am nothing. - -¶“And though I bestow all my goods to feed the poor, and though I give -my body to be burned, and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing. -Charity suffereth long and is kind, charity envieth not, charity -vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up. - -¶“And now abideth faith, hope, charity, these three, but the greatest of -these is charity.” - -¶Let each of us exercise the largest tolerance for his brother who is -trying, though in a different way to lead a decent life; who is trying -to do good in his own fashion; let each try to show practical sympathy -with that brother; not be too quick to criticise. - -¶In closing I want to read a few verses from the Epistle of James, from -the first chapter twenty-seventh verse: - -¶“Pure religion and undefiled before God and the Father is this: To -visit the fatherless and the widows in their affliction and to keep -himself unspotted before the world.” - -¶If a man will try to serve God the Father by being kindly to the many -around him who need such kindness and by being upright and honest -himself, then we have the authority of the Good Book for saying that we -are in honor bound to treat him as a good Christian and extend the hand -of brotherhood to him. - -¶Every thinking man, when he thinks, realizes what a very large -number of people tend to forget that the teachings of the Bible are -so interwoven and entwined with our whole civic and social life that -it would be literally—I do not mean figuratively, I mean -literally—impossible for us to figure to ourselves what this life -would be if these teachings were removed. We would lose almost all -the standards by which we now judge both public and private morals; -all the standards toward which we, with more or less resolution, -strive to raise ourselves. Almost every man who has, by his life -work, added to the sum of human achievement of which the race is -proud, of which our people are proud, almost every such man has -based his life work largely upon the teachings of the Bible. -Sometimes it has been done unconsciously, more often consciously, -and among the very greatest men a disproportionately large number -have been diligent and close students of the Bible at first hand. - -¶Lincoln,—sad, patient, kindly Lincoln, who after bearing upon his weary -shoulders for four years a greater burden than that borne by any other -man of the Nineteenth Century, laid down his life for the people whom, -living, he had served so well,—built up his entire reading upon his -early study of the Bible. He had mastered it absolutely; mastered it as, -later he mastered only one or two other books, notably Shakespeare; -mastered it so that he became almost a man of one book, who knew that -book and who instinctively put into practice what he had been taught -therein; and he left his life as a part of the crowning work of the -Nineteenth Century. - -¶You may look through the Bible from cover to cover, and nowhere will -you find a line that can be construed into an apology for the man of -brains who sins against the light. On the contrary, in the Bible, taking -that as a guide, you will find that because much has been given to you -much will be expected of you, and a heavier condemnation is to be -visited upon the able man who goes wrong than upon his weaker brother -who cannot do the harm that the other does, because it is not in him to -do it. I plead, not merely for training of the mind, but for the moral -and spiritual training of the home and the church; the moral and -spiritual training that have always been found in, and that have ever -accompanied the study of this book; this book, which, in almost every -civilized tongue, can be described as ‘The Book,’ with the certainty of -all understanding you when you so describe it. - -¶The immense moral influence of the Bible, though of course, infinitely -the most important, is not the only power it has for good. In addition -there is the increasing influence it exerts on the side of good taste, -of good literature, of proper sense of proportion, of simple and -straightforward writing and thinking. - -¶The Bible does not teach us to shirk difficulties, but to overcome -them. That is a lesson that each one of us who has children is bound in -honor to teach these children if he or she expects to see them become -fitted to play the part of men and women in our world. - -¶If we read the Bible aright we read a book which teaches us to go forth -and do the work of the Lord; to do the work of the Lord in the world as -we find it; to try to make things better in this world, even if only a -little better, because we have lived in it. That kind of work can be -done only by the man who is neither a weakling nor a coward, by the man -who, in the fullest sense of the word is a true Christian—like Great -Heart, Bunyan’s hero. We plead for a closer and wider and deeper study -of the Bible, so that our people may be in fact as well as in theory, -‘doers of the word, and not hearers only.’ - - - - - REFERENCE NOTES. - - -The figures which appear in the text have reference to the source from -which that particular extract was made, and the reader can refer here if -need be to the occasion and time when such words were uttered. Of course -everything of a purely local or ephemeral nature has been omitted, and -only the more vital truths which concern our daily lives and the -commonweal have been gathered here, and these the average reader will -find a help and guide in which he will be inclined to put an abiding -faith. - ------ - -Footnote A: - - National Teachers Association. - -Footnote 1: - - From an address before the Hungarian Club, N. Y. Feb. 14, 1905. - -Footnote 2: - - Extract from an address at Little Rock, Oct. 25, 1905. - -Footnote 3: - - From an address before the Republican Club, N. Y. Feb. 14, 1905. - -Footnote 4: - - Address at Symphony Hall, Boston, Aug. 25, 1902. - -Footnote 5: - - Address before N. Y. Chamber of Commerce, Nov. 11, 1902. - -Footnote 6: - - Address at Antietam, Sept. 17, 1903. - -Footnote 7: - - Extract from Message to 57th Cong. 1st Session. - -Footnote 8: - - Address to Brotherhood of Local Engineers, Chatt. Sept. 8, 1903. - -Footnote 9: - - Extract from Message to 57th Cong. 2nd Session. - -Footnote 10: - - Extract from Message to 58th Cong. 2nd Session. - -Footnote 11: - - Extract from Message to 59th Cong. 1st Session. - -Footnote 12: - - Address at Topeka, May 1, 1903. - -Footnote 13: - - Address at Bangor, Aug. 27, 1902. - -Footnote 14: - - Extract from Message to 59th Cong. 1st Session. - -Footnote 15: - - Address at Sioux Falls, Apr. 6, 1903. - -Footnote 16: - - From address at Logansport, Sep. 23, 1902. - -Footnote 17: - - Address at Grace Dutch Reformed Church, Washington, Nov. 12, 1905. - -Footnote 18: - - From Letter of Acceptance of Nomination, Sep. 12, 1904. - -Footnote 19: - - Address before Union League, Phila., Nov. 22, 1902. - -Footnote 20: - - Address at dedicatory exercises New High School, Phila. in honor of - Dr. Nicholas Butler, N. Y. Apr. 19, 1902. - -Footnote 21: - - Nov. 22, 1902. - -Footnote 22: - - Address at Leland Stanford Jr. Univ. Palo Alto, May 12, 1903. - -Footnote 23: - - Address at Univ. of California, Berkeley, May 14, 1903. - -Footnote 24: - - Spoken at Lincoln’s Monument, Springfield, Ill., June 4, 1903. - -Footnote 25: - - Address at Univ. of Pa. Feb. 22, 1905. - -Footnote 26: - - Extract from letter to Governor Durbin of Ind. Aug. 6, 1903. - -Footnote 27: - - Address at Atlanta, Oct. 20, 1905. - -Footnote 28: - - Address before Nat. Educ. Asso. Asbury Park, July 7, 1905. - -Footnote 29: - - Address in Alabama, Oct. 24. 1905. - -Footnote 30: - - Address at Chautauqua, Aug. 11, 1904. - -Footnote 31: - - Address at Pan Amer. Miss. Service, Cath. S. S. P. & P., Washington, - Oct. 25, 1903. - -Footnote 32: - - Address at Chicago, Apr. 2, 1903. - -Footnote 33: - - Address before National Mothers’ Congress, Washington, May 13, 1905. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. P. 122, changed “because they the” to “because they are”. - 2. P. 129, changed “oppression of maltreatment” to “oppression or - maltreatment”. - 3. P. 155, changed “which give rise” to “which gives rise”. - 4. P. 162, changed “But will” to “But it will”. - 5. P. 166, changed “else count for” to “else counts for”. - 6. P. 181, changed “announced that the” to “announced that”. - 7. P. 182, changed “the Americans. We” to “the Americas. We”. - 8. P. 193, changed “of unsurpassing efficiency” to “of unsurpassed - efficiency”. - 9. Footnotes -10. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in - spelling. -11. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed. -12. 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