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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..afa14f7 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #66609 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/66609) diff --git a/old/66609-0.txt b/old/66609-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index cb7c97d..0000000 --- a/old/66609-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,12474 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Augustus, by E. S. Shuckburgh - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Augustus - The Life and Times of the Founder of the Roman Empire - -Author: E. S. Shuckburgh - -Release Date: October 24, 2021 [eBook #66609] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Wouter Franssen and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team - at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AUGUSTUS *** - - - - - -AUGUSTUS - - - - -Works on Roman History, etc. - - -ROMAN LIFE UNDER THE CÆSARS. - - By ÉMILE THOMAS. With Numerous Illustrations. Small demy 8vo, - cloth, 7s. 6d. - -ROME AND POMPEII. - - By GASTON BOISSIER. Translated by D. HAVELOCK FISHER. With Maps - and Plans. Large crown 8vo, cloth, 7s. 6d. - -THE COUNTRY OF HORACE AND VIRGIL. - - By GASTON BOISSIER. Translated by D. HAVELOCK FISHER. Large - crown 8vo, cloth, 7s. 6d. - -ROME: FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE END OF THE REPUBLIC. - - By ARTHUR GILMAN, M.A. 3rd Edition. With a Map and Numerous - Illustrations. Large crown 8vo, cloth, 5s. (“The Story of the - Nations.”) - -LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN. - - - - -[Illustration: AUGUSTUS - -With _Corona Civica_ - -Photographed from the Bust in the Vatican Museum - -Edⁿᵉ Alinari] - - - - - AUGUSTUS - - THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE - FOUNDER OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE - (B.C. 63-A.D. 14) - - BY - E. S. SHUCKBURGH, LITT.D. - LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE - - ILLUSTRATED - - [Illustration] - - LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN - PATERNOSTER SQUARE · 1903 - - (_All rights reserved._) - - - - -Preface - - -Augustus has been much less attractive to biographers than Iulius; -perhaps because the soldier is more interesting than the statesman; -perhaps because the note of genius conspicuous in the Uncle was wanting -in the Nephew. Yet Augustus was the most successful ruler known to us. -He found his world, as it seemed, on the verge of complete collapse. He -evoked order out of chaos; got rid one after the other of every element -of opposition; established what was practically a new form of government -without too violent a breach with the past; breathed fresh meaning into -old names and institutions, and could stand forth as a reformer rather -than an innovator, while even those who lost most by the change were -soothed into submission without glaring loss of self-respect. He worked -ceaselessly to maintain the order thus established, and nearly every part -of his great empire had reason to be grateful for increased security, -expanding prosperity, and added amenity of life. Nor can it be said -that he reaped the credit due in truth to ministers. He had excellent -ministers and agents, with abilities in this or that direction superior -to his own; but none who could take his place as a whole. He was the -centre from which their activities radiated: he was the inspirer, the -careful organiser, the unwearied manipulator of details, to whom all -looked, and seldom in vain, for support and guidance. We may add this to -a dignity never forgotten, enhanced by a physical beauty and grace which -helped to secure reverence for his person and office, and established -a sentiment which the unworthiness of some of his successors could not -wholly destroy. He and not Iulius was the founder of the Empire, and it -was to him that succeeding emperors looked back as the origin of their -power. - -Yet his achievements have interested men less than the conquest of -Gaul and the victories in the civil war won by the marvellous rapidity -and splendid boldness of Iulius. Consequently modern estimates of the -character and aims of Augustus have been comparatively few. An exhaustive -treatise is now appearing in Germany by V. Gardthausen, which will -be a most complete storehouse of facts. Without any pretence to such -elaboration of detail, I have tried in these pages to do something to -correct the balance, and to give a picture of the man as I have formed -it in my own mind. The only modest merit which I would claim for my -book is that it is founded on a study as complete as I could make it of -the ancient authorities and sources of information without conscious -imitation of any modern writer. These authorities are better for the -earlier period to about B.C. 24, while they had the Emperor’s own Memoirs -on which to rely. The multiform activities of his later life are chiefly -to be gathered from inscriptions and monuments, which record the care -which neglected no part however remote of the Empire. In these later -years such histories as we have are more concerned with wars and military -movements than with administration. Suetonius is full of good things, -but is without chronological or systematic order, and is wanting in -the critical spirit to discriminate between irresponsible rumours and -historical facts. Dio Cassius, plain and honest always, grows less and -less full as the reign goes on. Velleius, who might at least have given -us full details of the later German wars, is seldom definite or precise, -and is tiresome from devotion to a single hero in Tiberius, and by an -irritating style. - -It has been my object to illustrate the policy of Augustus by constant -reference to the Court view as represented by the poets. But in his -later years Ovid is a poor substitute for Horace in this point of view. -The Emperor’s own catalogue of his achievements, preserved on the walls -of the temple at Ancyra, is the best possible summary; but a summary -it is after all, and requires to be made to live by careful study and -comparison. - -The constitutional history of the reign is that which has generally -engaged most attention. I have striven to state the facts clearly. Of -their exact significance opinions will differ. I have given my own for -what it is worth, and can only say that it has been formed independently -by study of our authorities. - -I have not tried to represent my hero as faultless or to make black -white. Nothing can clear Augustus of the charge of cruelty up to B.C. -31. But in judging him regard must be had to his age and circumstances. -We must not, at any rate, allow our judgment of his later statesmanship -to be controlled by the memory of his conduct in a time of civil war -and confusion. He succeeded in re-constituting a society shaken to its -centre. We must acknowledge that and accept the bad with the good. But it -is false criticism to deny or blink the one from admiration of the other. - -I have to thank the authorities of the British Museum for casts of coins -reproduced in this book: also the Syndics of the Pitt Press, Cambridge, -for the loan of certain other casts. - - - - -Contents - - - PAGE - - PREFACE v - - CHAPTER I. - - CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH, B.C. 63-44 1 - - CHAPTER II. - - THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT THE DEATH OF IULIUS CÆSAR 17 - - CHAPTER III. - - THE INHERITANCE 34 - - CHAPTER IV. - - THE CONSULSHIP AND TRIUMVIRATE 53 - - CHAPTER V. - - PHILIPPI 79 - - CHAPTER VI. - - PERUSIA AND SICILY 89 - - CHAPTER VII. - - ACTIUM 109 - - CHAPTER VIII. - - THE NEW CONSTITUTION, B.C. 30-23 131 - - CHAPTER IX. - - THE FIRST PRINCIPATUS, B.C. 27-23 151 - - CHAPTER X. - - THE IMPERIAL AND MILITARY POLICY OF AUGUSTUS 171 - - CHAPTER XI. - - AUGUSTUS AND HIS WORSHIPPERS 194 - - CHAPTER XII. - - THE REFORMER AND LEGISLATOR 212 - - CHAPTER XIII. - - LATER LIFE AND FAMILY TROUBLES 233 - - CHAPTER XIV. - - THE LAST DAYS 247 - - CHAPTER XV. - - THE EMPEROR AUGUSTUS, HIS CHARACTER AND AIMS, HIS WORK AND - FRIENDS 265 - - AUGUSTUS’S ACCOUNT OF HIS REIGN 293 - (_From the Inscription in the Temple of Rome and Augustus - at Angora_) - - INDEX 303 - - - - -List of Illustrations - - - AUGUSTUS WITH _CORONA CIVICA_. (From the Bust in the - Vatican Museum) _Frontispiece_ - - THE YOUNG OCTAVIUS. (From the Bust in the Vatican - Museum) _Facing p._ 10 - - COIN.—_Obv._ M. Brutus. _Rev._ Two Daggers and Cap - of Liberty ” 16 - - ” _Obv._ Head of Augustus bearded as sign of - Mourning. _Rev._ Divus Iulius ” 16 - - ” _Obv._ Head of Agrippa. Cos. III. _i.e._ B.C. - 27. _Rev._ Emblematical Figure ” 16 - - ” _Obv._ Head of Augustus with Official Titles. - _Rev._ Head of same with Radiated Crown and - the Iulian Star ” 16 - - ” _Obv._ Head of Sext. Pompeius. _Rev._ The same - with titles, _Præfectus Classis et oræ. - Maritimæ_ ” 16 - - AUGUSTUS ADDRESSING TROOPS. (From the Statue in - the Vatican) ” 108 - - COIN.—_Obv._ Head of Augustus. _Rev._ The Sphinx ” 130 - - ” _Obv._ Heads of Augustus and Agrippa. _Rev._ - Crocodile and Palm—_Colonia Nemausi_ (Nismes) ” 130 - - ” _Obv._ Head of Augustus. _Rev._ Triumphal Arch - celebrating the Reconstruction of the Roads ” 130 - - ” _Obv._ Head of Drusus. _Rev._ Trophy of Arms - taken from the Germans ” 130 - - ” _Obv._ Head of Livia. _Rev._ Head of Iulia ” 130 - - ALTAR DEDICATED TO LARES OF AUGUSTUS IN B.C. 2 BY - A _MAGISTER VICI_. (Uffizi Gallery, Florence) ” 196 - - AUGUSTUS AS SENATOR. (From the Statue in the Uffizi - Gallery, Florence) ” 212 - - IULIA, DAUGHTER OF AUGUSTUS. (From the Bust in the - Uffizi Gallery, Florence) ” 234 - - LIVIA, WIFE OF AUGUSTUS. (From the Bust in the Uffizi - Gallery, Florence) (Page 274) ” 234 - - MÆCENAS. (From the Head in the Palazzo dei - Conservatori, Rome) ” 279 - - P. VERGILIUS MARO. (From the Bust in the Capitoline - Museum, Rome) (Page 284) ” 279 - - - - -CHAPTER I - -CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH, B.C. 63-44 - - _Iam nova progenies_ - _cœlo demittitur alto._ - - -[Sidenote: Birth of Augustus, Sept. 23, B.C. 63.] - -In a house at the eastern corner of the Palatine, called “At the -Oxheads,”[1] on the 23rd of September, B.C. 63—some nine weeks before -the execution of the Catilinarian conspirators by Cicero’s order—a child -was born destined to close the era of civil wars thus inaugurated, to -organise the Roman Empire, and to be its master for forty-four years. - -The father of the child was Gaius Octavius, of the plebeian _gens -Octavia_, and of a family that had long occupied a high position in the -old Volscian town of Velitræ. Two branches of the Octavii were descended -from C. Octavius Rufus, quæstor in B.C. 230. The elder branch had -produced five consuls and other Roman magistrates, but of the younger -branch Gaius Octavius, the father of Augustus, was the first to hold -curule office. According to the inscription, afterwards placed by his -son in the _sacrarium_ of the palace,[2] he had twice served as military -tribune, had been quæstor, plebeian ædile, iudex quæstionum, and prætor. -After the prætorship (B.C. 61) he governed Macedonia with conspicuous -ability and justice. He is quoted by Cicero as a model administrator -of a province; and he was sufficiently successful against the Bessi -and other Thracian tribes—constant scourges of Macedonia—to be hailed -as “imperator” by his soldiers. He returned to Italy late in B.C. 59, -intending next year to be a candidate for the consulship, but early in -B.C. 58 he died suddenly in his villa at Nola, in the same chamber as -that in which his son, seventy-two years later, breathed his last.[3] - -[Sidenote: The mother of Augustus.] - -The mother of the young Gaius Octavius was Atia, daughter of M. Atius -Balbus,[4] of Velitræ, and Iulia, sister of Gaius Iulius Cæsar. This -connection with Cæsar—already rising in political importance—may have -made his birth of some social interest, but the ominous circumstances -said to have accompanied it are doubtless due to the curiosity or -credulity of the next generation. The people of Velitræ, it is reported, -had been told by an oracle that a master of the Empire was to be born -there. Rumours, it is said, were current in Rome shortly before his -birth that a “king of the Roman people” was about to be born. His mother -dreamed strange dreams, and the learned Publius Nigidius prophesied the -birth of a lord of the world; while Catullus and Cicero had visions.[5] -But there was, in fact, nothing mysterious or unusual in his infancy, -which was passed with his foster-nurse at Velitræ. When he was two years -old his father, on his way to his province, carried out successfully an -order of the Senate to destroy a band of brigands near Thurii, survivors, -it is said, of the followers of Spartacus and Catiline. In memory of this -success his parents gave the boy the cognomen Thurinus. He never seems -to have used the name, though Suetonius says that he once possessed a -bust of the child with this name inscribed on it in letters that had -become almost illegible. He presented it to Hadrian, who placed it in his -private _sacrarium_.[6] - -[Sidenote: The stepfather of Augustus.] - -[Sidenote: The great-uncle of Augustus.] - -[Sidenote: The first Triumvirate and its results.] - -About B.C. 57 or 56[7] his mother Atia re-married. Her husband was L. -Marcius Philippus (prætor B.C. 60, governor of Syria B.C. 59-7, Consul -B.C. 56); and when in his ninth year Octavius lost his foster-mother he -became a regular member of his stepfather’s household. Philippus was -not a man of much force, but he belonged to the highest society, and -though opposed to Cæsar in politics, appears to have managed to keep -on good terms with him.[8] But during his great-nephew’s boyhood Cæsar -was little at Rome. Prætor in B.C. 62, he had gone the following year -to Spain. He returned in B.C. 60 to stand for the consulship, and soon -after the consulship, early in B.C. 58, he started for Gaul, from which -he did not return to Rome till he came in arms in B.C. 49. But though -occupied during the summers in his famous campaigns beyond the Alps, he -spent most of his winters in Northern Italy—at Ravenna or Lucca—where he -received his partisans and was kept in touch with home politics, and was -probably visited by his relatives. Just before entering on his consulship -he had formed with Pompey and Crassus the agreement for mutual support -known as the First Triumvirate. The series of events which broke up this -combination and made civil war inevitable must have been well known to -the boy. He must have been aware that the laurelled despatches of his -great-uncle announcing victory after victory were viewed with secret -alarm by many of the nobles who visited Philippus; and that these men -were seeking to secure in Pompey a leader capable of outshining Cæsar in -the popular imagination by victories and triumphs of his own. He was old -enough to understand the meaning of the riots of the rival law-breakers, -Milo and Clodius, which drenched Rome in blood. Election after election -was interrupted, and, finally, after the murder of Clodius (January, -B.C. 52), all eyes were fixed on Pompey as the sole hope of peace and -order. There was much talk of naming him dictator, but finally he was -created sole consul (apparently by a decree of the Senate) and remained -sole consul till August, when he held an election and returned his -father-in-law, Metellus Scipio, as his colleague. - -[Sidenote: Pompey’s position after B.C. 52.] - -The upshot of these disorders, therefore, was to give Pompey a very -strong position. He was, in fact, dictator (_seditionis sedandæ causa_) -under another name; and the Optimates hastened to secure him as their -champion. A law had been passed in B.C. 56, by agreement with Cæsar, -giving Pompey the whole of Spain as a province for five years after his -consulship of B.C. 55. As Cæsar’s government of Gaul terminated at the -end of B.C. 49, Pompey would have imperium and an army when Cæsar left -his province. He would naturally indeed be in Spain; but the Senate now -passed a resolution that it was for the good of the State that Pompey -should remain near Rome. He accordingly governed Spain by three legati, -and remained outside the walls of the city with imperium. The great -object of the Optimates was that Cæsar should return to Rome a _privatus_ -while Pompey was still there in this unprecedented position. Cæsar wished -to be consul for B.C. 48. The Optimates did not openly oppose that wish, -but contended that he should lay down his provincial government and -military command first, and come to Rome to make his _professio_, or -formal announcement of his being a candidate, in the usual way.[9] - -But Cæsar declined to walk into this trap. He knew that if he came home -as a _privatus_ there were many ready to prosecute him for his actions -in Gaul, and with Pompey there in command of legions he felt certain -that a verdict inflicting political ruin on him could be obtained. He -therefore stood by the right—secured by a law of B.C. 55, and reinforced -by Pompey’s own law in B.C. 52—of standing for the consulship without -coming to Rome, and without giving up his province and army before the -time originally fixed by the law. He would thus not be without imperium -for a single day, but would come to Rome as consul. - -Here was a direct issue. Pompey professed to believe that it could be -settled by a decree of the Senate, either forbidding the holder of the -election to receive votes for Cæsar in his absence, or appointing a -successor in his province. Cæsar, he argued, would of course obey a -_Senatus-consultum_. But Cæsar was on firm ground in refusing to admit -a successor till the term fixed by the law had expired, and also in -claiming that his candidature should be admitted in his absence—for that -too had been granted by a law. If neither side would yield the only -possible solution was war.[10] - -[Sidenote: Provocation to Cæsar.] - -Cæsar hesitated for some time. He saw no hope of mollifying his enemies -or separating Pompey from them. His daughter Iulia’s death in B.C. 54 -after a few years’ marriage to Pompey had severed a strong tie between -them. The death of Crassus in B.C. 53 had removed, not indeed a man of -much strength of character, but one whose enormous wealth had given him -such a hold on the senators that any strong act on their part, against -his wishes, was difficult. After his death the actual provocations to -Cæsar had certainly increased. The depriving him, under the pretext of -an impending Parthian war, of two legions which were being kept under -arms in Italy; the insult inflicted upon him by Marcellus (Consul B.C. -51) in flogging a magistrate of his new colony at Comum, who if the -colony were regarded as legally established would be exempt from such -punishment;—these and similar things shewed Cæsar what he had to expect -if he gave up office and army. He elected therefore to stand on his legal -rights. - -[Sidenote: Civil war.] - -Legality was on his side, but long prescription was in favour of the -Senate’s claim to the obedience of a magistrate, especially of the -governor of a province. There was therefore a deadlock. Cæsar made one -attempt—not perhaps a very sincere one—to remove it. He had won over -Gaius Curio, tribune in B.C. 50, by helping him to discharge his immense -debts. Curio therefore, instead of opposing Cæsar, as had been expected, -vetoed every proposal for his recall. His tribuneship ended on the 9th of -December, B.C. 50, and he immediately started to visit Cæsar at Ravenna. -He told him of the inveteracy of his opponents, and urged him to march -at once upon Rome. But Cæsar determined to justify himself by offering a -peaceful solution—“he was willing to hand over his province and army to -a successor, if Pompey would also give up Spain and dismiss his armies.” -Curio returned to Rome in time for the meeting of the Senate on the 1st -of January, B.C. 49, bringing this despatch from Cæsar. - -The majority of the Senate affected to regard it as an act of rebellion. -After a debate, lasting five days, a decree was passed on January -the 7th, ordering Cæsar to give up his province and army on a fixed -day, on pain of being declared guilty of treason. This was vetoed by -two tribunes, M. Antonius and Q. Cassius. Refusing, after the usual -“remonstrance,” to withdraw their veto, they were finally expelled and -fled to Ariminum, on their way to join Cæsar at Ravenna. The Senate -then passed the _Senatus-consultum ultimum_, ordering the magistrates -and pro-magistrates “to see that the state took no harm,” and a levy of -soldiers—already begun by Pompey—was ordered to be held in all parts of -Italy. - -[Sidenote: Cæsar crosses the Rubicon.] - -Cæsar, informed of this, addressed the single legion which was with him -at Ravenna, urging it to support the violated tribunes. Satisfied with -the response to his appeal, he took the final step of passing the Rubicon -and marching to Ariminum, outside his province. - -Both sides were now in the wrong, the Senate by forcibly interfering -with the action of the tribunes, Cæsar by entering Italy. An attempt, -therefore, was made to effect a compromise. Lucius Cæsar—a distant -connection of Iulius—visited him at Ariminum, bringing some general -professions of moderation from Pompey, though it seems without any -definite suggestion. Cæsar, however, so far modified his former offer -as to propose a conference, with the understanding that the levy of -troops in Italy was to be stopped and Pompey was to go to his Spanish -province. On receiving this communication at Capua Pompey and the consuls -declined all terms until Cæsar had withdrawn from Ariminum into Gaul; -though they intimated, without mentioning any date, that Pompey would -in that case go to Spain. But the levy of troops was not interrupted; -and Cæsar’s answer to this was the triumphant march through Picenum and -to Brundisium. Town after town surrendered, and the garrisons placed in -them by Pompey generally joined the advancing army, till finally a large -force, embracing many men of high rank, surrendered at Corfinium. Cæsar -had entered Italy with only one legion, but others were summoned from -winter quarters in Cisalpine Gaul, and by the time he reached Brundisium -Pompey had given up all idea of resisting him in Italy, and within -the walls of that town was preparing to cross to Epirus, whither the -consuls with the main body of his troops had already gone. Cæsar had no -ships with which to follow him. He was content to hasten his flight by -threatening to block up the harbour. Pompey safely out of Italy, he went -to Rome to arrange for his regular election into the consulship. Meeting -with opposition there[11]—one of the tribunes, L. Cæcilius Metellus, -vetoing all proposals in the Senate—he hastened to Spain to attack the -legates of Pompey, stopping on his way to arrange the siege of Marseilles -(which had admitted Ahenobarbus, named successor of Cæsar in Gaul), -and sending legati to secure Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa. Of these the -only failure was in Africa, where Curio was defeated and killed. This -province therefore remained in the hands of the Pompeians; but Cæsar’s -own successes in Spain, the fall of Marseilles, and the hold gained upon -the corn supplies of Sicily and Sardinia placed him in a strong position. -The constitutional difficulty was surmounted; he was named Dictator to -hold the elections, returned himself as consul, and, after eleven days in -Rome for the Latin games, embarked at Brundisium on January 3, B.C. 48, -to attack Pompey in Epirus. - -[Sidenote: Iulius Cæsar master of the Roman world, B.C. 47.] - -It is not necessary to follow the events of the next six months. Cæsar -had to struggle with great difficulties, for Pompey as master of the -sea had a secure base of supplies; and therefore, though Cæsar drew -vast lines round his camp, he could not starve him out. Pompey, in -fact, actually pierced Cæsar’s lines and defeated him in more than one -engagement. Eventually, however, Cæsar drew him into Thessaly; and the -great victory of Pharsalia (August 9th) made up for everything. Pompey -fled to Egypt, to meet his death on the beach by order of the treacherous -young king; and though Cæsar still had weary work to do before Egypt -was reduced to obedience, and then had to traverse Asia Minor to crush -Pharnaces of Pontus at Zela, when he set foot once more in Italy in -September, B.C. 47, he had already been created Dictator, and was -practically master of the Roman world. - -[Sidenote: Octavius takes the _toga virilis_ and is made a pontifex, B.C. -48.] - -In these momentous events the young Octavius had taken no part. At the -beginning of B.C. 49 he had been sent away to one of his ancestral -estates in the country. But we cannot suppose him incapable of -understanding their importance or being an uninterested spectator. His -stepfather Philippus was Pompeian in sympathy, but his close connection -with Cæsar kept him from taking an active part in the war, and he was -allowed to remain in Italy, probably for the most part in his Campanian -villa. From time to time, however, he came to Rome; and Octavius, who now -lived entirely with him, began to be treated with a distinction natural -to the near relative of the victorious dictator. Soon after the news of -Pharsalia he took the _toga virilis_, and about the same time was elected -into the college of pontifices in the place of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, -who had fallen in the battle. This was an office desired by the highest -in the land, and the election of so young a boy, just entering upon his -sixteenth year, put him in a position something like that of a prince of -the blood; just as afterwards Augustus caused his two grandsons to be -designated to the consulship, and declared capable of official employment -as soon as they had taken the _toga virilis_.[12] - -[Sidenote: Octavius’s relations with his parents and his great-uncle.] - -The boy, who three years before had made a great impression by his -delivery of the _laudatio_ at his grandmother Iulia’s funeral, again -attracted much attention by his good looks and modesty. He became the -fashion; and when (as was customary for the pontifices) he presided -in a prætorian court during the _feriæ Latinæ_, it was observed to be -more crowded by suitors and their friends than any of the others. It -seems that the rarity of his appearance at Rome added to the interest -roused by his great-uncle’s successes. For his mother did not relax -her watchfulness. Though legally a man he was still carefully guarded. -He was required to sleep in the same simple chamber, to visit the same -houses, and to follow the same way of life as before. Even his religious -duties were performed before daylight, to escape the languishing looks of -intriguing beauties. These precautions were seconded by his own cool and -cautious temperament, and the result seems to have been that he passed -through the dangerous stage of adolescence—doubly dangerous to one now -practically a prince—uncontaminated by the grosser vices of Rome. Stories -to the contrary, afterwards spread abroad by his enemies, are of the most -unsubstantial and untrustworthy kind. - -[Illustration: THE YOUNG OCTAVIUS. - -_Photographed from the Bust in the Vatican by Edne. Alinari._ - -_To face page 10._] - -[Sidenote: Wishes to go to Africa with Cæsar.] - -But though he seems to have quietly submitted to this tutelage, he soon -conceived an ardent desire to share in the activities of his great-uncle. -Cæsar had been very little at Rome since the beginning of the civil war. -A few days in March, B.C. 49, thirteen days in December of the same -year, were all that he had spent in the city. He was absent during the -whole of his consulship (B.C. 48) till September, B.C. 47. On his return -from Alexandria in that month, he stayed barely three months at Rome. On -the 19th of December he was at Lilybæum, on his way to Africa to attack -the surviving Pompeians. Octavius longed to go with him, and Cæsar was -willing to take him. But his health was not good, and his mother set -herself against it. The Dictator might no doubt have insisted, but he saw -that the boy was not fit to face the fatigues of a campaign. Octavius -submitted, quietly biding his time. He was rewarded by finding himself -high in his great-uncle’s favour when he returned in B.C. 46 after -the victory of Thapsus. He was admitted to share his triple triumph, -riding in a chariot immediately behind that of the imperator, dressed -in military uniform as though he had actually been engaged. He found, -moreover, that he had sufficient interest with Cæsar to obtain pardon for -the brother of his friend Agrippa, taken prisoner in the Pompeian army in -Africa. This first use of his influence made a good impression, without -weakening his great-uncle’s affection for him. Though Cæsar did not -formally adopt him,[13] he treated him openly as his nearest relation -and heir. Octavius rode near him in his triumph, stood by his side at the -sacrifice, took precedence of all the staff or court that surrounded him, -and accompanied him to theatres and banquets. He was soon besieged by -petitions to be laid before Cæsar, and shewed both tact and good nature -in dealing with them. This close connection with the wise and magnanimous -Dictator, inspired him with warm admiration and affection, which help -to explain and excuse the severity with which he afterwards pursued his -murderers. - -[Sidenote: Octavius employed in civil duties, B.C. 46.] - -In order to give him experience of civic duties, one of the theatres was -now put under his charge. But his assiduous attention to this duty in -the hot season brought on a dangerous illness, one of the many which he -encountered during his long life. There was a general feeling of regret -at the prospect of a career of such promise being cut short. Cæsar -visited him daily or sent friends to him, insisted on the physicians -remaining constantly at his side, and being informed while at dinner -that the boy had fainted and was in imminent danger, he sprang up from -his couch, and without waiting to change his dining slippers, hurried to -his chamber, besought the physicians in moving terms to do their utmost, -and sitting down by the bed shewed the liveliest joy when the patient -recovered from his swoon. - -[Sidenote: Octavius follows Cæsar to Spain, B.C. 45.] - -Octavius was too weak to accompany the Dictator when starting for -Spain against Pompey’s sons in December B.C. 46. But as soon as he was -sufficiently recovered he determined to follow him. He refused all -company except that of a few select friends and the most active of his -slaves. He would not admit his mother’s wish to go with him. He had -yielded to her before, but he was now resolved to take part in a man’s -work alone. His voyage, early in B.C. 45, proved long and dangerous; -and when at length he landed at Tarraco he found his uncle already at -the extreme south of Spain, somewhere between Cadiz and Gibraltar. The -roads were rendered dangerous by scattered parties of hostile natives, or -outposts of the enemy, and his escort was small. Still, he pushed on with -energy and reached Cæsar’s quarters near Calpe, to which he had advanced -after the victory at Munda (March 17th). Gnæus Pompeius had fled on board -a ship, but was killed when landing for water on the 11th of April, and -it was apparently just about that time that Octavius reached the camp. -Warmly received and highly praised for his energy by the Dictator, he -was at once admitted to his table and close intimacy, during which Cæsar -learned still more to appreciate the quickness of his intelligence and -the careful control which he kept over his tongue. - -[Sidenote: Octavius accompanies his great-uncle to Carthage.] - -Affairs in Southern Spain having been apparently settled (though as it -proved the danger was by no means over), Octavius accompanied Cæsar to -Carthage, to settle questions which had arisen as to the assignment of -land in his new colony. The Dictator was visited there by deputations -from various Greek states, alleging grievances or asking favours. -Octavius was applied to by more than one of them to plead their cause, -and had therefore again an opportunity of acquiring practical experience -in the business of imperial government, and in the very best school. - -He preceded Cæsar on his return to Rome, and on his arrival had once more -occasion to shew his caution and prudence. Among those who met him in the -usual complimentary procession was a young man who had somehow managed to -make himself a popular hero by pretending to be a grandson of the great -Marius. His real name was Amatius or Herophilus, a veterinary surgeon -according to some, but certainly of humble origin. As Marius had married -Cæsar’s aunt Iulia, this man was anxious to be recognised as a cousin by -the Dictator. He had in vain applied to Cicero to undertake his cause, -and to Atia and her half-sister to recognise him. The difficulty for -Octavius was that the man was a favourite of the populace, of whose cause -Cæsar was the professed champion; yet his recognition would be offensive -to the nobles and a mere concession to clamour. Octavius avoided the -snare by referring the case to Cæsar as head of the state and family, and -refusing to receive the would-be Marius till he had decided.[14] - -[Sidenote: Octavius at Apollonia, B.C. 45-44.] - -He did not remain long at Rome however. Cæsar returned in September, -and was assassinated in the following March. And during that interval, -though he found time for many schemes of legislation, and of restoration -or improvement in the city, he was much employed in preparing for two -expeditions—calculated to last three years—first against the Daci or Getæ -on the Danube, and secondly against the Parthians in Mesopotamia. These -were the two points of active danger in the Empire, and Cæsar desired -to crown his public services by securing their peace and safety. For -this purpose six legions were quartered in Macedonia for the winter, in -readiness to march along the Via Egnatia to the eastern coast of Greece. -Returning from Spain Dictator for life, Cæsar was to have two “Masters -of the Horse.” One was to be Octavius, who had meanwhile been created -a patrician by the Senate.[15] But for the present he was sent to pass -the winter at Apollonia, the Greek colony at the beginning of the Via -Egnatia, where he might continue his studies in quiet with the rhetors -and other teachers whom he took with him or found there,[16] and at the -same time might get some military training with the legions that were -not far off. He was accompanied by some of the young men with whom he -habitually associated. Among them were Agrippa and Mæcenas, who remained -his friends and ministers to the end of their lives, and Salvidienus -Rufus, who almost alone of his early friends proved unfaithful.[17] - -He seems to have led a quiet life at Apollonia, winning golden opinions -in the town and from his teachers for his studious and regular habits. -The admiration and loyalty of his friends were confirmed; and many of the -officers of the legions seem to have made up their minds to regard him as -the best possible successor to the Dictator. - -[Sidenote: News of Cæsar’s assassination brought to Apollonia.] - -In the sixth month of his residence at Apollonia, in the afternoon of -a March day, a freedman of his mother arrived with every sign of rapid -travel and agitation. He delivered a letter from Atia, dated the 15th of -March. It briefly stated that the Dictator had just been assassinated -in the Senate House. She added that she “did not know what would happen -next; but it was time now for him to play the man, and to think and act -for the best at this terrible crisis.”[18] The bearer of the letter could -tell him nothing else, for he had been despatched immediately after -the murder, and had loitered nowhere on the way; only he felt sure that -as the conspirators were numerous and powerful, all the kinsfolk of the -Dictator would be in danger. - -This was the last day of Octavius’s youth. From that hour he had to play -a dangerous game with desperate players. He did not yet know that by -the Dictator’s will he had been adopted as his son, and was heir to the -greater part of his vast wealth; but a passionate desire to avenge him -sprang up in his breast, a desire strengthened with increasing knowledge, -and of which he never lost sight in all the political complications of -the next ten years. - -[Illustration: Obv.: M. Brutus. Rev.: Two daggers and cap of liberty. - -Obv.: Head of Augustus bearded as sign of mourning. Rev.: Divus Julius. - -Obv.: Head of Agrippa. Cos III., _i.e._, B.C. 27. Rev.: Emblematical -figure and S. C. (_Senatus Consulto_). - -Obv.: Head of Augustus with official titles. Rev.: Head of same with -radiated crown and the Julian star. - -Obv.: Head of Sext. Pompeius. Rev.: The same with titles, Præfectus -classis et oræ maritime. - -_To face page 16._] - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT THE DEATH OF IULIUS CÆSAR - - _Vicinæ ruptis inter se legibus_ - _urbes Arma ferunt; sævit toto_ - _Mars impius orbe._ - - -[Sidenote: Natural boundaries of the Roman Empire.] - -At the death of Cæsar the Roman Empire had been for the most part won. -Egypt was indeed annexed by Augustus, though on a peculiar tenure, but -subsequent additions were in a manner consequential, the inevitable -rectifications of a long frontier. Such were the provinces of the Rhine, -the Alps, and the Danube as far east as Mœsia; and to a certain extent -the province of Galatia and Lycaonia (B.C. 25). The Rhine, the Danube, -and the Euphrates seemed already the natural boundaries of the Empire -on the north and east, the Atlantic Ocean on the west, and the African -and Arabian deserts on the south. And these boundaries, with occasional -modifications, and for the most part temporary extensions, continued to -the end. - -[Sidenote: Its dangers.] - -But though the greater part of this wide Empire was already won, it was -not all equally well organised and secured. Thus, in Northern Gaul, -there were still Germans and other enemies to be conquered or repelled; -in Southern Spain a son of the great Pompey was in arms; Macedonia was -continually subject to invasion by Getæ, Bessi, and other barbarians; the -Dalmatians and neighbouring tribes made Illyricum an uncertain member of -the Empire; in Syria, Cæcilius Bassus—an old officer of Pompey’s—was -defying Roman armies, and inviting the aid of the Parthians always ready -to cross the Euphrates into the Roman province. - -[Sidenote: Cæsar’s precautions and preparations.] - -To confront two of these dangers Cæsar had collected a large army in -Macedonia in the autumn of B.C. 45 to crush the Getæ, and then crossing -to Syria to force the Parthian to respect the frontier of the Euphrates, -or even to attack them in Mesopotamia. The former of these projects -was no doubt important for the safety of the Empire, and was in after -years successfully secured by Augustus and his legates. The latter was -more visionary and theatrical, meant perhaps to strike the imagination -of the Romans rather than to secure great practical advantage. After -Cæsar’s death Antony lost more than he gained by similar enterprises, and -Augustus always avoided coming into actual contact with the Parthians, -or attempting to extend his rule beyond the Euphrates. But there were -dangers within the Empire no less formidable than from without. Its -integrity had rested, and generally securely rested, on the loyalty -of its provincial governors to the central authority as represented -by the Senate, or, in the last resort, by the order of the people -expressed in a _lex_ or _plebiscitum_. It was the beginning of the -end when these governors used the forces under their command, or the -wealth and influence secured abroad, to defy or coerce the authorities -at home. Sertorius, Sulla, and Cæsar himself, had shewn that this was -not an impossible contingency. It was against this danger that, among -other reforms in the government of the Provinces, Cæsar’s own law had -provided that the tenure of a proprætor should be confined to one, and -of a proconsul to two years. But now that he was going on a distant -expedition, calculated as likely to occupy three years, he took other -precautions. Having provided for the chief offices at home,[19] he was -careful to see that the provinces should be held by men whom he believed -to be loyal to himself, and likely from their character and ability to -maintain their peace and security. Being Consul and Dictator, and his -_acta_ being confirmed beforehand by Senate and people, he could make -what nominations he pleased. A decree of the Senate was still taken -as a matter of form, but the old practice (often a farce) of drawing -lots for the provinces was abandoned;[20] Pompey’s law ordaining a five -years’ interval between curule office and a province was neglected, and -Cæsar practically nominated the governors. But it raises a doubt as to -the unfettered power or the insight of the Dictator that five of those -thus nominated were among the assassins on the Ides of March.[21] Nor -in other respects did his choice prove happy. The state of open war or -dangerous unrest which shewed itself in almost all parts of the Empire -after his death must be learnt by a review of the provinces, if we are to -understand the problem presented to Augustus and his colleagues in the -triumvirate, and the relief felt by the Roman world when Augustus finally -took the administration into his own hands, and shewed himself capable of -restoring law and order. - -[Sidenote: (1) THE GAULS.] - -The GAULS now included three districts, the status of which was somewhat -unsettled. (1) _Cisalpine Gaul_, that is, Italy between Etruria and the -Alps, was still nominally a province, though Cæsar’s law of B.C. 48 -had granted full _civitas_ to the transpadane, as that of B.C. 89 had -to the cispadane, towns. It had formed part of Cæsar’s province from -B.C. 58 to B.C. 48, and he seems to have retained it until after the -battle of Pharsalia, when he appointed first Marcus Brutus and then C. -Vibius Pansa to it. Though part of Italy, and generally peaceful, it had -great military importance in case of an invasion from the north. After -March B.C. 44 it was to be in the hands of Decimus Brutus, who had long -served under Cæsar, and was regarded by him with special confidence and -affection. Antony’s attempt to wrest it from Decimus Brutus brought on -the first civil war after Cæsar’s death. - -[Sidenote: (2) TRANSALPINE GAUL.] - -(2) _Transalpine Gaul_ technically consisted of “the Province,” that is, -South-eastern France, from the Cevennes on the west to Italy, and from -the Lake of Geneva on the north to the sea. But since Cæsar’s conquests -there had to be added to this the rest of France, Belgium, and Holland -as far as the Rhine. No formal division into distinct provinces had yet -been made. In B.C. 49 Decimus Brutus, after driving out Ahenobarbus, -the governor named by the Senate, remained in command of the whole -till B.C. 45, when he returned in Cæsar’s train to Italy. But in the -course of these four years, or on his return, (3) Belgica was separated -from the rest and assigned to Hirtius, who, however, governed it by a -legate named Aurelius, without going there himself.[22] In the course of -the next year a farther division was made: Aurelius retained Belgica; -Lepidus, with four legions, was appointed to “the Province” (afterwards -called Gallia Narbonensis) together with Hispania Citerior; while L. -Munatius Plancus governed the rest, consisting of what was afterwards -two provinces—Aquitania and Lugdunensis. Plancus and Decimus Brutus were -named consuls for B.C. 42, and therefore their governorships necessarily -terminated at the end of B.C. 43, and might do so earlier. In the course -of B.C. 43 Plancus founded Lugdunum[23] (Lyon), which was afterwards -the capital of the central province of the four organised by Augustus. -But though the organisation of this country was not complete, Cæsar’s -conquest had been so decisive that no advantage was taken of the civil -war by the natives to attempt a rising.[24] There seem to have been some -insignificant movements in B.C. 42, but it was not for some years later -that any danger of importance arose there. The Belgæ had been expected -to rise on Cæsar’s assassination, but their chiefs hastened to assure -Hirtius’s legate of their adhesion to the Roman government.[25] - -[Sidenote: (3) ILLYRICUM.] - -The province of ILLYRICUM had been formed about the same time as that -of Macedonia (B.C. 146), but its limits had fluctuated, and it had -not received much continuous attention. It included places, such as -Dyrrachium, Corcyra, Issa, Pharus, which had been declared free after -the contest with Queen Teuta in B.C. 228, but were practically under -Roman control. Yet some of the most powerful tribes not only did not -acknowledge Roman authority, but made frequent incursions upon Roman -Illyricum. The most dangerous of these were the Dalmatians, with whom -several wars are recorded. In B.C. 117 L. Cælius Metellus occupied -Salonæ;[26] in B.C. 87-5 Sulla won a victory over them;[27] in B.C. 78-77 -C. Cosconius, after a two years’ campaign, took Salonæ by storm.[28] But -little was really effected in securing the province against its enemies. -It was let much alone so long as its tribute was paid, and was put under -the governor sometimes of Macedonia, sometimes of Cisalpine Gaul. In -Cæsar’s case (B.C. 58) it was specially assigned, like the rest of his -province, and he seems at first to have intended to go there in force -and subdue the hostile barbarians. But the Gallic campaigns drew him -away, and he only once actually entered Illyricum (B.C. 54) to overawe -the invading Pirustæ. In the last year of his proconsulship (B.C. 50) -some troops which he sent against the Dalmatians were cut to pieces. -The result of this was that the barbarians, fearing his vengeance, -adhered to Pompey in the civil war, whose legate, M. Octavius, with a -considerable fleet, maintained himself there,[29] and in B.C. 49 defeated -and captured Gaius Antonius, whom Cæsar sent against him.[30] At the -beginning of the next year Aulus Gabinius, while trying to lead a force -round the head of the Adriatic to join Cæsar, lost nearly all his men -in a battle with the Dalmatians.[31] After Pharsalia Gabinius was sent -back to assist Cornificius, who had been despatched to Illyricum as -proprætor after the mishap of Gaius Antonius; but he was again defeated -and shut up in Salonæ, where he died suddenly.[32] In B.C. 47, however, -P. Vatinius, having joined Cornificius, defeated and drove Octavius out -of the country.[33] After serving also in the African campaign of B.C. -46, Vatinius was sent back to Illyricum with three legions (B.C. 45) -expressly to reduce the still independent tribes. At first he gained -sufficient success to be honoured by a _supplicatio_,[34] but after -Cæsar’s death he was defeated by the Dalmatians with the loss of five -cohorts, and was driven to take refuge in Dyrrachium.[35] Early in B.C. -43 he was forced to surrender his legions to M. Brutus, who, however, in -the year and a half which preceded his death at Philippi, was too busy -elsewhere to attend to Illyricum.[36] Hence the expeditions of Pollio in -B.C. 39,[37] and of Augustus in B.C. 35 were rendered necessary, and they -for a time secured the pacification of the country and the extension of -Roman provinces to the Danube. - -[Sidenote: (4) SPAIN.] - -At the death of Iulius SPAIN was also a source of great danger -and difficulty. Since B.C. 197 it had been divided into two -provinces—Citerior and Ulterior—separated by the Saltus Castulonensis -(_Sierra Morena_), each governed by a prætor or proprætor. In B.C. 54 -Pompey introduced a triple division. Of his three legates Afranius held -Hispania Citerior; but the farther province was divided between Petreius, -who held the district as far west as the Anas (_Guadiana_), afterwards -called Bætica, while Terentius Varro governed the country west of that -river with Lusitania. Having forced Pompey’s legates to surrender the -country (B.C. 49), Cæsar seems not to have continued the triple division. -Q. Cassius was sent to Hispania Ulterior, M. Lepidus to Hispania -Citerior. But Cassius offended his own soldiers as well as the natives, -and had to escape by sea, being drowned on his way home. Nor did his -successor Trebonius do much better in B.C. 47; for many of his soldiers -deserted to Gnæus Pompeius when he came to Spain after the defeat at -Thapsus in the spring of B.C. 46.[38] And though Gnæus Pompeius perished -soon after the battle of Munda (B.C. 45) his younger brother Sextus -survived. At Cæsar’s death he was already at the head of a considerable -fleet which enabled him to control Sicily and re-occupy Bætica, when -its last Cæsarean governor—the famous C. Asinius Pollio—left it to join -Antony in Gallia Narbonensis in the summer of B.C. 43. The upper province -had meanwhile been governed by the legates of Metellus, who was about to -return to it and Gallia Narbonensis with four legions when Cæsar’s death -introduced new complications.[39] - -[Sidenote: (5) SICILY.] - -SICILY for eight years after Cæsar’s death was practically separated from -the Empire. In B.C. 49 it had been easily won over to Cæsar’s authority -by C. Curio, and after his success in Spain against Pompey’s legates -Cæsar had nominated Aulus Allienus[40] as its proprætor. In B.C. 46 -Allienus was succeeded by M. Acilius[41] (afterwards sent to Achaia), who -in his turn was succeeded by T. Furfanius Postumus (B.C. 45). Finally, -among Cæsar’s arrangements for B.C. 44 was the appointment of Pompeius -Bithynicus to Sicily. His father had served under Pompey and had perished -with him in Egypt; and Bithynicus seems to have feared retaliation from -the Pompeians if they returned to power; for on the death of Cæsar we -find him writing to Cicero in evident anxiety as to his position.[42] -He failed to hold the island against Sext. Pompeius, who landed in B.C. -43, and after sustaining a slight reverse at Messene forced Bithynicus -to yield him a share in the government, and shortly afterwards put him -to death because he believed him to be plotting against him.[43] Sicily -therefore had to be restored to the Empire by the triumvirs, a task which -fell chiefly to Augustus. - -[Sidenote: (6) SARDINIA.] - -SARDINIA was important for its supply of corn. In B.C. 49 Cæsar’s -legate Q. Valerius Orca occupied it without difficulty, its governor, -M. Aurelius Cotta, escaping to Africa. In B.C. 48 Orca was succeeded by -Sext. Peducæus.[44] But the arrangements made between that date and B.C. -44 are not known, for Peducæus appears to have been in Rome from the end -of B.C. 45.[45] In the first division of the provinces by the triumvirs -(November, B.C. 43) it fell to Octavian’s share,[46] though Suetonius -remarks that Africa and Sardinia were the only two provinces never -visited by him.[47] Meanwhile Sext. Pompeius occupied it,[48] and it was -not recovered till B.C. 38. - -[Sidenote: (7) AFRICA. NUMIDIA.] - -The province of AFRICA—the ancient territory of Carthage—may be taken -with this western part of the Empire. It had long been a peaceful -province, but in B.C. 46 it was the scene of the great rally of the -Pompeians after the disaster at Pharsalia. Since their final defeat at -Thapsus it had been farther secured by Cæsar’s colony at Carthage (B.C. -46-5), and had been governed by a fervent Cæsarean, C. Calvisius Sabinus. -At the end of B.C. 45 Sabinus returned to Rome, and Q. Cornificius (once -Cæsar’s quæstor) was named to succeed him. But affairs in Africa had -been complicated by the formation of a new province from the dominions -of Iuba, called sometimes New Africa, sometimes Numidia (B.C. 46). -Of this new province the first proprætor was the historian Sallust, -succeeded in B.C. 45 by T. Sextius with three legions. On Cæsar’s -death, therefore, there were two men in Africa who might possibly -take different views of the situation. Cornificius indeed—friend and -correspondent of Cicero—shewed at once that he meant to stand by the -Senate. A few months later he was confirmed in this resolution by the -fact of his continuance in office depending on the senatorial decree -of the 20th of December,[49] whereas Antony had commissioned Calvisius -Sabinus (who had never withdrawn his legates from Africa) to go back to -the province.[50] Accordingly, after Antony’s defeat at Mutina (April, -B.C. 43), the Senate felt strong enough to order Sextius to transfer -his three legions to Cornificius, who was himself under orders to send -two of them to Rome.[51] This was done, and with the remaining legion -Cornificius maintained his position in Old Africa, when the Triumvirate -was formed in November, and was able to offer protection to many of the -proscribed. But Sextius now claimed both provinces, as having fallen to -Octavian’s share. He enrolled troops in his own province and obtained the -help of Arabion, of the royal family of Numidia and chief of the robber -tribe of Sittians; and though Cornificius had the stronger force, he was -presently defeated and killed. Octavian, however, looked upon Sextius -as a partisan of Antony rather than of himself, and presently sent C. -Fuficius Fango to supersede him. Sextius seems to have foreseen that -differences would occur between Antony and Octavian likely to give him a -chance of recovering his province. Therefore under pretence of wishing to -winter in a genial climate he stayed on in Africa. His opportunity came -with the new distribution of provinces after Philippi (October-November, -B.C. 42). Old or “Prætorian” Africa fell to Antony, New Africa or Numidia -to Octavian. But upon the quarrel between Octavian and Fulvia (supported -by Lucius Antonius) in B.C. 41, Sextius was urged by Fulvia to demand -the prætorian province from Fango as properly belonging to Antony. After -several battles, in which he met with various fortunes, Fango was at last -driven to take refuge in the mountains, and there killed himself. Sextius -then held both provinces till, in B.C. 40, the triumvir Lepidus took -possession of them as his share of the Empire.[52] - -Thus the Western Provinces, in spite of Cæsar’s precautions, were all in -a condition to cause difficulty to his successors in the government. The -Eastern Provinces were for the most part in a state of similar disorder. -Illyricum has already been discussed, as most conveniently taken with -the Gauls. For those farther east Cæsar’s arrangements were no more -successful in securing peace than in the West. - -[Sidenote: (8) MACEDONIA.] - -The victory at Pharsalia put MACEDONIA under Cæsar’s control, and he -apparently continued to govern it till B.C. 45 by his legates. While in -Egypt (B.C. 48-7), fearing, it seems, that it might be made a centre of -resistance,[53] he directed Gabinius to go there with his legions, if the -state of Illyricum allowed of it.[54] We have no farther information -as to its government till the autumn of B.C. 45, when a large military -force was stationed there; and in that, or the following year, Q. -Hortensius—son of the famous orator—was made governor. Marcus Brutus was -named by Cæsar to succeed him in B.C. 43, and Hortensius did, in fact, -hand over the province to him at Thessalonica at the beginning of that -year. But meanwhile Antony had induced the Senate to nominate himself -(June, B.C. 44). He withdrew five of the legions and then managed to get -the province transferred to his brother Gaius. When Antony was declared -a _hostis_, the Senate revoked the nomination of Gaius and restored the -province, along with Illyricum, to M. Brutus, who was in fact already in -possession, having defeated and captured Gaius Antonius. - -[Sidenote: (9) GREECE.] - -Closely connected with Macedonia was GREECE, which had been left, since -B.C. 146, in a somewhat anomalous position. Thessaly indeed, was, to -a great extent, incorporated with Macedonia; but the towns in Bœotia, -as well as Athens and Sparta, were nominally free, though connected -with Rome in such a way as to be sometimes spoken of separately as -“provinces.” So with the towns in the Peloponnese once forming the Achæan -League. The League was dissolved and each town had a separate _fœdus_ -or charter.[55] But with all this local autonomy Greece was practically -governed by Rome, and in certain cases the proprætor of Macedonia -exercised jurisdiction in it. But as yet there was no “province” of -Greece or even of Achaia, with a separate proconsul or proprætor. Cæsar, -as in other cases, made temporary arrangements which afterwards became -permanent under Augustus. In B.C. 48, Q. Fufius Calenus, one of his -legates, was sent to take possession of Greek cities in Cæsar’s interest, -and remained at Patræ with troops till B.C. 47, exercising authority -over the whole of the Peloponnese.[56] In the autumn he went home and -was rewarded by the consulship for the rest of the year. But in B.C. -46, Cæsar appointed Serv. Sulpicius Rufus governor of Greece, and his -authority seems to have extended throughout the Peloponnese and as far -north as Thessaly.[57] Sulpicius returned to Rome at the end of B.C. -45, or beginning of B.C. 44, and does not seem to have had a successor. -Greece appears to have been tacitly allowed to revert to its old position -of nominal freedom and real attachment to Macedonia. M. Brutus at any -rate, as governor of Macedonia, assumed that he had authority in Greece. -After the re-arrangement at Philippi (B.C. 42), it fell to Antony’s -share, who, for a time at least, yielded Achaia to Sext. Pompeius.[58] - -[Sidenote: The Asiatic Provinces.] - -[Sidenote: (10) BITHYNIA AND PONTUS.] - -As Cæsar was meditating a settlement of Syria, it was important that the -Asiatic provinces should be in safe hands. To BITHYNIA and PONTUS—among -the newest of Roman provinces—L. Tillius Cimber had been nominated. -We know nothing of his antecedents except that we find him among the -influential friends of Cæsar in B.C. 46; but his provincial appointment -was readily confirmed by the Senate after his share in Cæsar’s death.[59] -He devoted himself to the collection of a fleet, with which he aided the -pursuit of Dolabella, and afterwards assisted Brutus and Cassius. - -[Sidenote: (11) ASIA.] - -The province of ASIA was quiet and wealthy. For financial and strategic -reasons it was specially necessary at this time to have it in safe hands. -Cæsar had nominated C. Trebonius, who had been his legate in Gaul and -Britain, and had often been intrusted with important commands. He had -stuck to his old general in the civil war and had been rewarded by the -prætorship of B.C. 48, and the province of Farther Spain in the next -year. Though he was not successful in Spain Cæsar continued to trust -him sufficiently to send him to Asia. He did not actually strike a blow -in the assassination, but he aided it by withdrawing Antony from the -Senate on a treacherous pretence of business. His appointment was readily -confirmed by the Senate, and he went to Asia purposing to fortify towns -and collect troops to aid the party of the assassins. It was this—not -alone his participation in the murder—which caused Dolabella, probably at -the instigation and certainly with the approval of Antony,[60] to put him -to death when refused admittance by him into Smyrna or Pergamus. At the -end of the year the Senate had arranged that he was to be succeeded by -one of the Consuls, Hirtius or Pansa. But after his murder the province -remained in the hands of his quæstor,[61] and on the death of Hirtius and -Pansa at Mutina it was transferred by the Senate to M. Brutus (to be held -with Macedonia), who in the course of B.C. 42 made a progress through it -to hold the _conventus_, to collect men and money, and to meet Cassius. -It was, no doubt, heavily taxed; and after the battle of Philippi Antony -took possession of it and again unmercifully drained its resources. - -[Sidenote: (12) CILICIA.] - -On quitting the province of CILICIA in July, B.C. 50, Cicero left it in -charge of his quæstor, C. Cælius Caldus. Whether, in the confusion of the -first years of civil war, any successor was appointed we do not know. -The province needed some resettlement, for in B.C. 47 Cæsar stopped at -Tarsus, on his way to Pontus, for some days, to meet the chief men and -make certain regulations, of which he does not tell us the nature.[62] -But it seems that then, or shortly afterwards, it was considerably -reduced in extent. The Phrygian “dioceses”—Laodicea, Apamea, and -Synnada—were assigned to Asia, as well as most of Pisidia and Pamphylia. -The remainder—Cilicia Aspera, and Campestris, with Cyprus—seem to have -been held somewhat irregularly by Cæsar’s own legates. It was afterwards -treated by Antony as though at his own disposal, Cyprus and Cilicia -Aspera being presented to Cleopatra, part of Phrygia with Lycaonia, -Isaurica, and Pisidia to Amyntas, king of Galatia. The province, in -fact, as known to Cicero, was almost separated from the Empire until -reorganised by Augustus. - -[Sidenote: (13) SYRIA.] - -The province of SYRIA was extremely important in view of the danger from -the Parthians. Bounded on the north by Mount Amanus it included Phœnicia -and Cœle-Syria as far south as the head of the Red Sea and the eastern -mouth of the Nile. On the east it was bounded by the Euphrates and the -deserts of Arabia. After the organisation of Pompey in B.C. 63 it had -been administered by proconsuls and the usual staff. In B.C. 57-6 it was -held by Gabinius, who employed his forces for the restoration of Ptolemy -Auletes to the throne of Egypt. In B.C. 54-3 it was held by Crassus; and -after his fall at Carrhæ it was successfully defended and administered -by C. Cassius as _quæstor_ and _proquæstor_. In B.C. 51-50, while Cicero -was in Cilicia, it was ruled by Bibulus; and in B.C. 49 Pompey secured -it for his father-in-law, Q. Cæcilius Metellus Scipio, who collected -troops and went to the aid of Pompey in Thessaly, and after Pharsalia -escaped to Africa. It was then put in the hands of the quæstor, Sextus -Iulius, a connection of the Dictator, with some legions, one of which -had been left there by Cæsar in anticipation of the coming Parthian war. -But a new complication had been introduced by Q. Cæcilius Bassus. This -man had been with Pompey at Pharsalia and had escaped to Syria, where -for a time he lived obscurely. But after a while, by tampering with -the soldiers of Sextus Iulius, who was both incompetent and vicious, -he induced them to assassinate their commander and transfer their -allegiance to himself.[63] Professing to be lawful proconsul of Syria -he fortified himself in Apamea, and there repulsed forces sent by Cæsar -under Antistius Vetus and L. Statius Murcus successively. He made some -agreement with the Parthians which secured their aid;[64] and though -Murcus was reinforced by Crispus governor of Bithynia, Bassus was still -unsubdued at the time of Cæsar’s death. There had been, therefore, -a double need for a strong man in Syria, and Cæsar had nominated C. -Cassius, the former defender of it against the Parthians. After Cæsar’s -death, however, Dolabella secured the passing of a law transferring Syria -to himself with the command against the Parthians. But some irregularity -in the auguries taken at the comitia gave Cassius a plausible excuse -for ignoring this law. Consequently when Dolabella entered the province -from the north, Cassius did so from the south. After some successful -movements in Palestine, Cassius induced Murcus and Crispus, and finally -Bassus himself, to hand over their legions to him, as well as Trebonius’s -legate, Allienus, who was bringing some legions from Egypt.[65] Thus -reinforced he shut up Dolabella in Laodicea and frightened him into -committing suicide. Syria therefore remained in the hands of Cassius; and -when he fell at Philippi it was vacant. In accordance with the agreement -made with Octavian after that battle it fell to the lot of Antony, who -retained it personally, or by his legates, till his death. - -[Sidenote: (14) EGYPT.] - -EGYPT was still an independent kingdom, ruled since B.C. 47 by Cleopatra. -Nevertheless, there was a considerable Roman force stationed in it, -partly left by Gabinius, when he restored Ptolemy Auletes in B.C. 57-6, -partly stationed there by Cæsar himself. They must have been somewhat -in the position of the English troops supporting the authority of the -Khedive, but prepared to resist all outside interference. So in this case -the Romans retained a preponderating influence, though with no legal -authority or right of raising revenue. These troops appear to have been -in a very disorderly state, and in B.C. 50 murdered two of the sons of -Bibulus who were among their officers.[66] - -[Sidenote: (15) CYRENE AND CRETE.] - -The district between Egypt and Roman Africa, called CYRENE, was once -joined to Egypt and then governed by a king of its own (B.C. 117). This -king (Ptolemy Apion), dying in B.C. 96 without issue, left his dominions -to the Romans. The Roman government took over the royal estates, and -placed a tax on the principal product of the country—silphium (valuable -for its medicinal qualities)—but did not organise it as a province. -The five principal cities[67] were allowed to retain a pretty complete -autonomy. But upon disagreements between these states breaking out, the -whole country in B.C. 74 was reduced to the form of a province governed -by a _quæstor pro prætore_.[68] Six years later (B.C. 68-7) complaints -as to the harbouring of pirates caused Q. Cæcilius Metellus to reduce -CRETE also.[69] When Pompey superseded Metellus in B.C. 67, he introduced -certain changes in the administration of both provinces, though there -is no proof that he combined them as was done at a later date. In B.C. -44 indeed, they were assigned separately—Crete to Brutus and Cyrene to -Cassius[70]—while Antony produced a memorandum of Cæsar’s directing that -Crete should be restored to liberty,[71] that is, should cease to pay -_tributum_. At the division of the provinces after Philippi both were -assigned to Antony, and he assumed the right some years later of forming -out of them a kingdom for his daughter by Cleopatra. - -[Sidenote: The general disorders in the Empire.] - -It will be seen therefore that at Cæsar’s death there was hardly any -part of the Empire in which there were not elements of mischief more or -less active. The most peaceful district was perhaps Greece, though it -managed to put itself under the frown of the triumvirs by sympathising -with Brutus, and later on under that of Octavian by sympathising with -Antony. The disturbances which most affected the actual residents in Rome -and Italy were those in Sicily and Sardinia, Gaul and Illyricum. The -man who should put an end to these would seem a saviour of society. The -struggles in the far East, though from a financial point of view they -were of considerable importance, would not loom so large in the eyes of -the Italians. We have now to trace the steps by which Augustus was able -to satisfy the needs of the state; to restore peace and plenty to Italy; -to organise and safeguard the provinces; and thus to be almost worshipped -as the visible guarantee of order and tranquillity. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE INHERITANCE - - _Cui dabit partes scelus_ - _expiandi Iuppiter?_ - - -[Sidenote: News of Cæsar’s murder brought to Apollonia, March, B.C. 44.] - -The news of his great-uncle’s death reached Octavius at Apollonia in the -afternoon, just as he and his suite were going to dinner. A vague rumour -of some great misfortune quickly spread through the town, and many of -the leading inhabitants hastened to the house with zealous friendliness -to ascertain its truth. After a hasty consultation with his friends, -Octavius decided to get rid of most of them while inviting a few of the -highest rank to discuss with him what should be done. This being effected -with some difficulty, an anxious debate was carried on into the night. -Opinions were divided. One party urged Octavius to go to the army in -Macedonia, appeal to its attachment to Cæsar, and call on the legions -to follow him to Rome to avenge the murdered Dictator.[72] Those who -thus advised trusted to the impression likely to be made by Octavius’s -personal charm and the pity which his position would excite. Others -thought this too great an undertaking for so young a man. They argued -that the many friends whom Cæsar had raised to positions of honour and -profit might be trusted to avenge his murder. They did not yet know that -theirs were the very hands which had struck him down. After listening to -the various opinions Octavius resolved to take no decisive step until -he had reached Italy, had consulted his friends there, and had seen the -state of affairs with his own eyes. - -[Sidenote: Octavius prepares to go to Italy, April, B.C. 44.] - -Preparations for crossing were begun at once, and in the few days before -the start farther details of the assassination reached Apollonia. The -citizens begged Octavius to stay, putting all the resources of the town -at his disposal; and a number of officers and soldiers came from the -army with tenders of service, whether to guard his person or to avenge -the Dictator. But for the present he declined all offers. He thanked the -Apolloniates and promised the town immunities and privileges—a promise -which in after years he did not forget. He told the officers and soldiers -that he would claim their services at some future time. For the present -he did not need them: “only let them be ready when the time came.” The -conduct of the Martia and Quarta a few months later shewed that these -feelings were genuine and lasting. - -Octavius had a poor vessel and a stormy crossing, but landed in safety, -probably at Hydruntum (_Otranto_), the nearest point in Calabria, and in -fair weather only a five hours’ voyage.[73] That fact and the state of -the wind may have influenced the choice of the port. But he was also too -much in the dark as to affairs in Italy to venture upon such a frequented -landing-place as Brundisium, where he might have found himself in the -midst of political enemies or hostile troops. From Hydruntum he went by -land to Lupiæ, rather more than half way to Brundisium. There he first -met some who had witnessed Cæsar’s funeral, had heard the recitation of -his will, and could tell him that he was adopted as Cæsar’s son, and -(with a deduction of a liberal legacy to the citizens) was heir to -three-quarters of his property,[74] the remaining fourth being divided -between Cæsar’s two other grand-nephews Q. Pedius and Lucius Pinarius. -He learnt also that the Dictator’s funeral, which by his will was to be -conducted by Atia, had been performed in the Forum amidst great popular -excitement, caused partly by the sight of his wounded body,[75] partly by -Antony’s speech, and had been followed by attacks on the houses of the -chief assassins, who, after barricading themselves for three days on the -Capitol, had found it necessary to retire from Rome, first to the villa -of Brutus at Lanuvium, and then to Antium,[76] in spite of the amnesty -voted in the Senate on the 17th of March. - -[Sidenote: Octavian accepts the inheritance and name, May, B.C. 44.] - -Though deeply moved by this story Octavian did not allow his feelings -to betray him into taking any false or hasty step. _Satis celeriter -quod satis bene_ was his motto now as in after life.[77] He went on to -Brundisium, having ascertained that it was not occupied by enemies, and -there received letters from his mother and stepfather confirming what he -had already heard. His mother begged him to join her at once, to avoid -the jealousies roused by his adoption. Philippus advised him to accept -neither inheritance nor name, and to hold aloof from public business. -The advice was, no doubt, prompted by affection, and was natural in -the circumstances. But though Octavian never blustered, neither did he -easily turn aside: he wrote back declaring his determination to accept. -His own friends henceforth addressed him as “Cæsar,” his full name now -being Gaius Iulius Cæsar Octavianus.[78] The adoption indeed was not -complete without the formal passing of a _lex curiata_; but though that -was delayed for more than a year, the new name was assumed at once. He -complied with his mother’s wish that he should visit her first, and he -soon had the satisfaction of feeling that though Philippus was still -opposed, her heart was with him in the manly resolve to sustain the great -part which Cæsar’s affection had assigned to him. Cicero mentions in a -letter of April 11th that Octavius had arrived in Italy, and on the 18th -that he had reached Naples. On the 19th Balbus—the Dictator’s friend and -agent—called on him and learned from his own lips his resolve to accept -the inheritance. On the 22nd Cicero met him at his stepfather’s villa -near Puteoli, and anxiously watched for any indication of his political -aims. He was only partly satisfied. - - “Octavius here treats me with great respect and friendliness. - His own people addressed him as ‘Cæsar,’ but as Philippus did - not do so, I did not do it either. I declare it is impossible - for him to be a good citizen! He is surrounded by such a number - of people who actually threaten our friends with death. He says - the present state of things is intolerable.”[79] - -It was not Octavian’s cue as yet to break openly with the aristocrats. -The first struggles for his rights were likely to be with Antony, in -which the aid of Cicero and his party would be useful. At the same time -he was too cautious and self-controlled to commit himself or betray his -real intentions, which remained an enigma to the emotional orator, who -hardly ever spoke without doing so. Cicero consoled himself by the -reflection that at any rate Octavian’s claims must cause a quarrel with -Antony. Yet he was indignant that this stripling could go to Rome without -risk, while Brutus and Cassius and the other “heroes” of the dagger could -not. Octavian’s journey to Rome was for the twofold purpose of giving -formal notice to the prætor urbanus that he accepted the inheritance, and -of making a statement of his intentions as administrator of the will at a -public assembly. For the latter he needed to be introduced to the meeting -by a tribune. For this service he relied on Lucius Antonius. All three -brothers were in office this year—Marcus consul, Gaius prætor, Lucius -tribune; and as supporters of the late Cæsar they could not in decency -refuse him this opportunity of declaring his sentiments. - -[Sidenote: Octavian and M. Antonius.] - -Octavian reached Rome in the first week of May, duly accepted the -inheritance, and was introduced to a _contio_ by Lucius Antonius about -the 10th of that month.[80] The speech was not satisfactory to the -Ciceronian party. He declared his intention to carry out his “father’s” -will as to the legacy to the people, and to celebrate the games at the -dedication of the temple of Venus promised by Cæsar. Preparations for -them were begun at once, two of the Dictator’s friends, Matius and -Postumius, being selected to superintend them.[81] But though confining -himself to expressions of veneration for his “father’s” memory, and -uttering no threats against any one, Octavian had not given up for a -moment his resolve to punish the murderers. The amnesty voted in the -Senate he regarded as a temporary expedient. All that was needed was an -accuser, and he did not mean that such a person should be long wanting. -But meanwhile his first business was to secure his own position and the -possession of Cæsar’s property. This at once brought him into collision -with Antony. - -[Sidenote: The money at the temple of Ops.] - -The financial arrangements of the late Dictator were to a great degree to -blame for this. He seems to have introduced the system of the _fiscus_, -though without the name known in later times: that is, large sums of -money were deposited in the temple of Ops to his order, separate from the -public _ærarium_ of the temple of Saturnus, and not clearly distinguished -from his own private property. It was as though a Chancellor of the -Exchequer paid portions of the revenue to his private banking account, -and were to die suddenly without leaving any means of distinguishing -between public and private property.[82] Cicero says that this money -(700,000,000 sesterces, or about five and a half millions sterling) was -the proceeds of the sale of confiscated properties,[83] and there was, it -seems, much other property in lands and houses from the same source. The -claim by an heir of Cæsar would be met by a double opposition—from the -government, which would regard the whole as public; and from the owners -or their representatives, who might have hopes of recovering parts of it. -For at Rome confiscation did not bar claims under marriage settlements, -or for debts secured on properties. The large sum at the temple of Ops -had been taken over entirely by Antony the Consul, nominally as being -public money, really—as Cicero affirms—to liquidate his own enormous -debts. It is very likely that Antony shared the spoil with others, -perhaps with his colleague Dolabella, and they may have satisfied their -consciences with some partial use of it for public purposes.[84] At -any rate it was not forthcoming when Octavian put in his claim. Even -in regard to such property as was handed over to him he was constantly -harassed by lawsuits. Claimants were instigated, as he believed, by one -or other of the Antonies; while Gaius Antonius, acting _prætor urbanus_ -for Brutus, would often preside in the court. He was resolved, however, -to carry out Cæsar’s will, even if he had to sell his own paternal estate -and draw upon his mother’s resources. But it seems, after all, that the -property of Cæsar which he did manage to get, or his own wealth, was so -ample, that he was able to do this without crippling himself. Pinarius -and Pedius got their shares, but handed them over to him, perhaps as -being too heavily weighted with legacies to be of much value to them, or -thinking that his great future made it a good investment. At any rate -the legacies were paid, the games given, and when some months later he -proceeded to enroll two legions of veterans he was able to pay each man -a bounty amounting to something like £20 of our money.[85] At no time in -his career does he seem to have had serious money difficulties. No doubt -his resources were always large, but he must also have had the valuable -faculty of husbanding them in small matters, while always having enough -for large outlays. - -[Sidenote: Difficulties about Octavian’s adoption.] - -But it was not only in regard to money that Octavian found himself -thwarted by Antony and his brothers. A tribune, probably Lucius Antonius -himself, prevented the formal passing of the _lex curiata_ for his -adoption, with a view of weakening his claims upon the inheritance. When -he wished to be elected tribune in the place of Cinna, who had fallen -a victim to the mob in mistake for L. Cinna, a prætor who had spoken -against Cæsar, he was prevented by the partisans of Antony.[86] There -was indeed a legal obstacle in the fact that he was now a patrician,[87] -was under age, and had not held the quæstorship, though this last was -a breach of custom rather than of law. Lastly, Antony treated him with -studied disrespect, keeping him waiting in his ante-room; while Lucius -Antonius and the other tribunes forbade him to place Cæsar’s gilded chair -in the Circus at his games.[88] - -[Sidenote: Octavian and the Optimates. After the meeting of the Senate in -June.] - -It was clear that a breach between the two was imminent. The younger man -was not abashed by the years or high office of the other; and though some -formal reconciliation was brought about by common friends or by military -officers, Octavian seems to have allowed the Ciceronians to believe that -he intended to join them in opposing Antony. His attentions to them -became more marked after the meeting of the Senate of the 1st of June. To -this meeting the Constitutionalists had been looking forward as likely -to bring the uncertainty to an end. At it the question of the provinces -was to be settled; the two consuls, with the aid of a committee, were to -report on what were the genuine _acta_ of Cæsar; and some means were to -be found to enable Brutus and Cassius to carry on their duties as prætors -in Rome with safety. - -[Sidenote: Antony and Cæsar’s _acta_ and veterans.] - -Meanwhile Antony had been availing himself of the papers of Cæsar as -though the committee had already reported. He had also been securing -himself—as he thought—by visiting the colonies of Cæsar’s veterans in -Campania[89] and by gradually collecting a bodyguard. This had now -assumed sufficiently formidable proportions to overawe the Senate.[90] It -is true that he had experienced difficulties at Capua, where the existing -coloni resented his attempt to plant others in the same territory; but, -on the whole, he seems to have improved his position by his tour in April -and May. Then again Lepidus had visited Sext. Pompeius in Spain, and was -reported to have induced him, on condition of recovering his father’s -property, to return to Rome and place his naval and military forces -(amounting to more than six legions) at the disposal of the consuls.[91] -This, thinks Cicero, would make Antony irresistible; and so no doubt -thought Octavian also. - -[Sidenote: The position of Brutus and Cassius. The change of provinces.] - -Nor did the meetings of the Senate in June effect anything to dissipate -these fears. What was done for Brutus and Cassius satisfied neither -party. They were offered the _cura annonæ_, superintendence of the -corn supply—Cassius in Sicily, Brutus in Asia—which would give them a -decent pretext for being absent from Rome for the rest of the year. -They, however, regarded this offer as an insult.[92] So also in regard -to the provinces: Brutus and Cassius were deprived of Macedonia and -Syria, which Cæsar had assigned to them respectively, and were offered -the unimportant governorships of Crete and Cyrene. But Antony in the -same meetings secured still greater military strength for himself by an -arrangement with Dolabella. The latter was appointed to Syria and the -command against the Parthians by a _lex_; and he then induced the Senate -to give Macedonia to himself, with the command of the legions stationed -there, one of which he had bargained with Dolabella to hand over to him. -These decrees having been passed,[93] he sent his brother Gaius over at -once to announce the fact to the legions in Macedonia and to give them -notice that they might at any time be summoned to Italy. For Antony -himself had no intention of going to Macedonia. His private resolve was -to hold Gallia Cisalpina with the largest force possible, as giving him -most hold on Italy. He had only accepted Macedonia in order to get these -legions into his hands. At the same time he carried a repeal of Cæsar’s -law confining the tenure of a province for a proprætor to one, and for a -proconsul to two, years. - -[Sidenote: Antony gets himself nominated to Cisalpina Gaul.] - -Though this increasing power of Antony was naturally calculated to alarm -Octavius, he was, on the other hand, opposed to Decimus Brutus—one of -the assassins—retaining Gallia Cisalpina. He therefore supported Antony -in carrying a law conferring that province on him at the end of his -consulship.[94] The Senators now saw that they had been tricked. They had -given Antony the Macedonian legions without conditions, and he would now -use them in another province given him by a _lex_—over which they had no -control. Suggestions were made to remove Gallia Cisalpina from the list -of provinces, and incorporate it (as was afterwards done by Augustus) in -Italy, thus doing away with any pretext for a proconsul residing there -with legions. But for the present the law stood which assigned it to -Antony for B.C. 43. It appears to have been passed by the beginning of -July, and he at once sent word to his brother to bring the legions over. -They were expected in July,[95] but did not actually arrive till nearly -three months later. Meanwhile a war of recriminations was maintained -between Antony the consul and Brutus and Cassius the prætors by letters -or edicts. Antony accused the prætors of collecting forces hostile to -the government, the prætors accused Antony of making it impossible for -them to come to Rome by denouncing them in speeches and edicts, in breach -of his promise. On the 1st of August L. Calpurnius Piso—father-in-law -of the late Cæsar—inveighed against Antony in the Senate, ending with -a hostile motion, of the exact nature of which we are not informed. -But he could get no one to speak or vote with him, so completely cowed -were the Senators by Antony’s military forces.[96] On the other hand, -Antony was uneasy at the growing popularity of Octavian, especially -among the veterans. He had himself made a bid for their favour by two -commissions for assigning land to them both in Italy and the provinces. -But the veterans were suspicious; they had expected some signal act of -vengeance for the murder of Cæsar; and at the same time Antony’s lavish -grants of public land to unworthy favourites impoverished the exchequer -and diminished the amount available for distribution. They lowered his -popularity with the veterans as much as they annoyed the Senators, who -yet did not venture to oppose him. - -[Sidenote: Attempted assassination of Antony.] - -The friction between the two men—varied by occasional -reconciliations—became more and more acute, until about the end of -September it was rumoured that Octavian had suborned men to assassinate -Antony. Of course Octavian disclaimed it, and upon Antony giving out that -certain men had been found in his house with daggers, he went openly -with an offer to serve along with his friends among his bodyguards. The -popular belief was that Antony had invented the whole story to discredit -him; but Cicero and others of his party both believed and approved, and -subsequent writers are divided in opinion. Nicolas of Damascus probably -gives Octavian’s own version, according to which Antony was unable to -produce the pretended assassins to a council of his friends, or to -induce them to advise active retaliation upon Octavian. Appian points -out that it was not to Octavian’s interest just then that Antony should -disappear, for it would have been a great encouragement to the party of -the Assassins, of whose real sentiments towards himself he was no doubt -aware.[97] - -For with this party his alliance was a matter of great doubt. In June -Cicero had said of him: - -[Sidenote: Octavian and the Optimates.] - - “In Octavian, as I have perceived, there is no little ability - and spirit; and he seems likely to be as well disposed to our - heroes as I could wish. But what confidence one can feel in a - man of his age, name, inheritance, and upbringing may well give - us pause. His stepfather, whom I saw at Antium, thinks none at - all. However, we must foster him, and, if nothing else, keep - him estranged from Antony. Marcellus will be doing admirable - service if he gives him good advice. Octavian seems devoted to - him, but has no great confidence in Pansa and Hirtius.”[98] - -Philippus was not a man for whom Cicero had a great respect.[99] But -Marcellus, the husband of Octavia (Cos. B.C. 50), was a sound aristocrat -and a trustworthy man. Still Octavian had done nothing since to identify -himself with the conservative party, in spite of his differences with -Antony. With Cicero himself he kept up friendly communications; yet at -the final breach between Cicero and Antony in September, it does not seem -to have occurred to Cicero to put forward Octavian as Antony’s opponent; -nor does he mention him in the first two Philippics. It was Octavian’s -own independent action which first shewed that he was ready and able to -assume that position, and Cicero viewed this at first with anxiety and -almost dismay. - -[Sidenote: Octavian enrolls veterans.] - -Antony left Rome on the 9th of October to meet the Macedonian legions -at Brundisium. Octavian no longer hesitated. Sending agents to tamper -with the loyalty of the newly arrived legions, he himself went a round -of the veterans in Campania, offering them a bounty of 500 denarii -(about £20), if they would enlist again. In doing this he acted wholly -on his own initiative and without authority from Senate or people, and -without holding any office giving him military command.[100] In after -years Augustus regarded this as the first step in his public career, -the first service rendered to the State: “When nineteen years old I -raised an army on my own initiative and at my own expense, with which -I restored to liberty the republic which had been crushed under the -tyranny of a faction.” And not only did he reckon this his first public -service; the wording of this statement is a declaration that he thereby -adopted the policy and was continuing the work of his “father,” for he -uses the very phrase which Cæsar had used in justifying himself.[101] -This phrase illustrates another point also. Ostensibly the enrolment of -veterans was to protect himself against Antony. Perhaps he did not yet -see how it was to be done, but at the bottom of his heart was the purpose -of checkmating, if not destroying, the clique which had caused Cæsar’s -murder, though for the moment he was with them in opposition to Antony, -and was eager to have Cicero’s support and approval. Yet how doubtful and -uneasy the orator felt is shewn by two letters in which he tells what -Octavian was doing. - - “Puteoli, 2 November. On the evening of the 1st I got a letter - from Octavian. He is entering upon a serious undertaking. - He has won over to his views all the veterans at Casilinum - and Calatia. And no wonder: he gives a bounty of 500 denarii - apiece. Clearly his view is a war with Antony under his own - leadership. So I perceive that before many days are over we - shall be in arms. But whom are we to follow? Consider his name, - consider his age! Again, he demands to begin with a secret - interview with me at Capua of all places! It is really quite - childish to suppose that it can be kept quiet. I have written - to explain to him that it is neither necessary nor practicable. - He sent a certain Cæcina of Volaterræ to me, an intimate friend - of his own, who brought me news that Antony was on his way to - the city with the _Alaudæ_, was imposing money contribution - on the municipal towns, and was marching at the head of the - legion with colours flying. He wanted my opinion, whether he - should start for Rome with his legion of 3,000 veterans, or - should hold Capua, and so intercept Antony’s advance, or should - join the three Macedonian legions now sailing by the Mare - Superum, which he hopes are devoted to himself. They refused - to accept a bounty offered them by Antony, as my informant at - least asserts. They even used grossly insulting language to - him and moved off when he attempted to address them. In short, - Octavian offers himself as our military leader, and thinks - that our right policy is to stand by him. On my part I advised - his making for Rome. For I think he will have, not only the - city mob, but, if he can impress them with confidence, the - loyalists also on his side. Oh, Brutus! Where are you! What an - opportunity you are losing! I did not actually foresee this, - but I thought that something of the sort would happen.” - - “Puteoli [3] November. Two letters on the same day from - Octavian! His present view is that I should come to Rome at - once, and that he wishes to act through the Senate. I told him - that a meeting of the Senate was impossible before the 1st of - January, and I believe it is so. But he adds also, ‘and by your - advice.’ In short he insists, while I suspend judgment. I don’t - trust his youth, I am in the dark as to his disposition, I am - not able to do anything without your friend Pansa. I am afraid - of Antony succeeding, and I don’t like moving far from the sea. - At the same time I fear some great _coup_ being struck without - my being there. Varro for his part dislikes the youth’s plan. - I don’t agree with him. He has forces on which he can depend. - He can count on Decimus Brutus, and is making no secret of his - intentions. He is organising his men in companies at Capua, he - is paying them their bounty money. War seems to be ever coming - nearer and nearer.”[102] - -[Sidenote: Antony’s breach with the Senate, November-December, B.C. 44.] - -In spite of these half-hearted and doubtful expressions of Cicero, the -Senate at his own suggestion was presently glad to approve Octavian’s -action, and to accept his aid. For events now followed quickly. -When Antony met the legions at Brundisium, sent over by his brother -Gaius,[103] he seems at first to have found them ready to obey him. But -difficulties were presently promoted by the agents of Octavian, who -offered the men liberal bounties, or scattered _libelli_ among them -denouncing Antony’s tyranny and neglect of Cæsar’s memory, and urging -Octavian’s claim on their allegiance. Signs of mutiny soon shewed -themselves, and after a stormy meeting at which some officers and men -used insubordinate language, Antony arrested and put to death several of -the officers as ringleaders, and about 300 men.[104] These severities, -followed by more liberal offers and some conciliatory language, seemed -for the time to put an end to the mutiny. Selecting therefore a -“prætorian cohort” from the legions, Antony started for Rome, ordering -the rest to march in detachments up the coast road to Ariminum, where the -_via Æmilia_ through the valley of the Po begins. In Cicero’s letters -of the 8th, 11th, and 12th of November are recorded the various rumours -of his approach, and the anxieties as to what he intended to do at -Rome.[105] He arrived about the 20th in full military array, and entered -the city with a strong bodyguard, the rest of his men being encamped -outside the walls. He did not stay long however. Having summoned the -Senate for the 25th, in an edict, in which he denounced the character and -aims of Octavian,[106] he went to Tibur, where he had ordered his new -levies to muster. Here he delivered a speech, which Cicero afterwards -described as “pestilent.”[107] On the 25th, however, he did not appear -in the Senate. A second edict postponed the meeting to the 29th. Cicero -insinuates that his non-appearance on the 25th was caused by some extra -debauch. But, in fact, the reason may have been the news about the _legio -Martia_, which, instead of going to Ariminum, had turned off from the -coast road and reached Alba Fucensis. It might be of course that the -legion was on its way to join Antony at Tibur, to which there was a good -road from Alba Fucensis (_via Valeria_). Antony therefore went to Alba, -but found the gates closed, and was greeted by a shower of arrows from -the walls. It was clear that this legion at least did not mean to serve -him. He came to Rome for the meeting of the Senate on the 29th, but was -informed just before it that the Quarta had followed the example of the -Martia, and was at Alba Fucensis. He understood that these legions meant -to join Octavian, and he no longer thought it possible to get Octavian -declared a _hostis_, though one of his partisans was ready to propose it. -Having therefore transacted some formal business—chiefly the allotment -of provinces, in which his brother Gaius obtained Macedonia, and a -supplicatio in honour of Lepidus, he hurriedly returned to Tibur. His -friends and supporters visited him in great numbers; but within a few -days he was on his march to Ariminum to join what remained of the five -Macedonian legions.[108] - -[Sidenote: Cicero’s doubts as to Octavian’s intentions.] - -Antony’s object was to attack Decimus Brutus, whose forces were -concentrated at Mutina. But at any rate, he was gone from Rome, and -Octavian had won the first trick in the game. Cicero attributes Antony’s -lowered tone in the Senate, and his hurried departure, to Octavian’s -promptness and success in raising the veterans, and inducing the Martia -and Quarta to desert him. At first, however, he had not felt easy as to -the young man’s intentions. Writing from Puteoli on the 5th of November -he tells Atticus that he gets a letter from Octavian every day, begging -him to come to Capua and once more to save the republic, or, if not, at -least to go to Rome. Cicero is “shamed to refuse and yet afraid to take”; -but owns that Octavian is acting with vigour, and will probably enter -Rome in great force. But he doubts whether the young man understands -the situation, or the terrorism established by Antony in the Senate. He -had better wait, he thinks, till the new consulate begins on January -1st.[109] About the 12th of November, he tells Atticus that if Octavian -wins now, the fear is that he will confirm Cæsar’s _acta_ more completely -than ever, which will be against the interests of Brutus, while, if he is -beaten, Antony will become more despotic still.[110] Early in December -(or the end of November), he mentions with alarm the possibility of -Octavian being elected for a chance vacancy in the Tribunate[111]; and -assents to a remark made by Atticus, that though Octavian had given -Antony a notable check, “they must wait to see the end.” Again he says to -Oppius, “I cannot be warmly on his side without having some security that -he will cordially embrace the friendship of Brutus and Cassius and the -other tyrannicides.”[112] - -[Sidenote: Octavian begins his march.] - -On the 9th of December, however, when he came to Rome after Antony’s -departure, Cicero made up his mind that for the present all distrust was -to be dismissed or at least concealed. Octavian had mustered his forces -at Alba Fucensis, and after some communications with the Senate—which -warmly welcomed his offer of aid—had started with his legions on the -track of Antony; who before the end of the year began the investment of -Mutina, upon the refusal of Decimus Brutus to quit the province. - -[Sidenote: Octavian is recognised by the Senate, and obtains imperium, -Jan. B.C. 43.] - -Accordingly, on the 20th of December, Cicero himself proposed a -resolution in the Senate authorising the Consuls-designate to provide for -the safe meeting of the Senate on the 1st of January; approving of an -edict of Decimus Brutus, just arrived, in which he forbade any one with -imperium entering his province to succeed him; directing all provincial -governors to retain their provinces till successors were named by the -Senate; and, lastly, approving the action of “Gaius Cæsar” in enrolling -the veterans, and of the Martia and Quarta in having joined him. These -resolutions were to be formally put to the Senate on the 1st of January -by the new consuls.[113] Accordingly on that and the following days, -after somewhat stormy debates, these decrees were passed, as well as one -which acknowledged the services of Octavian, and gave him the rank of -proprætor with imperium. It was also enacted that in regard to elections -to office he should be considered to have held the quæstorship. He -thus became a member of the Senate, with a right of speaking among the -_prætorii_, and consequently with a plausible claim to stand for the -consulship, in spite of his youth. A second decree—after the battles at -Mutina—gave him _consularia ornamenta_.[114] - -Octavian was now fully launched on his public career. He had shown both -Antony and the Senate that he was no negligible quantity. Though the -Senate neither liked nor trusted him, he had played his cards with such -skill that it was forced to treat him as its champion; while Antony had -contrived to put himself in such clear opposition to the constitutional -claims of the Senate, that Octavian could attack him without thereby -committing himself to the support of the Assassins, and had made himself -so strong that (if he proved successful against Antony) he would -hereafter be able to dictate his own terms. Cicero saw this clearly -enough, but he hoped that the defeat of Antony would secure to the side -of the Senate the governors of Gaul and Spain with their legions,[115] -and that thus supported they would be able to discard their youthful -champion. “He was,” he said later on, “to be complimented, distinguished, -and—extinguished.”[116] We shall now see how the hopes of the sanguine -orator were once more blasted, and how all these intrigues were baffled -by the wary policy and cool persistence of “the boy.” - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE CONSULSHIP AND TRIUMVIRATE - - _Gravesque_ - _principum amicitias._ - - -[Sidenote: Octavian’s position at the beginning of B.C. 43.] - -The campaign of Mutina, in which Octavian had now embarked, was ended by -two battles—one at Forum Gallorum on the 15th, and another at Antony’s -camp on the 21st of April. After the latter date there were military -movements of some interest and importance, but no actual conflict. Before -these battles Octavian’s position had been difficult and delicate; and -though it was much improved after them, it was not in the way expected -by the Senate. The change was due to his own prudence and energy. Since -his start from Alba to follow Antony the aspect of affairs at Rome had -been much modified, and he had had good reason to doubt the favour of -the party over whom Cicero was now exercising a predominant influence. -Cicero appears indeed to have kept up a constant correspondence with -Octavian, in which he did his best by flattery and argument to retain -his aid and lull his suspicions. But there were facts which it must -have been difficult for him to explain to Octavian’s satisfaction. It -is true that besides the honours voted to him in the Senate in the -first week of B.C. 43, he had been joined with the other magistrate -in the _Senatus-consultum ultimum_, empowering them to “see that -the state took no harm.”[117] But though the decrees also gave him a -constitutional right to command soldiers,[118] yet the despatch of the -two consuls to the seat of war deprived him of the chief command; while -the more moderate party had carried over Cicero’s head a resolution to -send three commissioners to negotiate with Antony. Cicero asserts that -they were only authorised to convey to Antony the Senate’s order that -he was to quit the Gallic province. That was not, however, the view of -the commissioners themselves. One of them—Serv. Sulpicius Rufus—died -on the journey; but the other two—L. Calpurnius Piso and L. Marcius -Philippus—brought back some proposals from Antony in February, which, had -they been accepted, might perhaps have secured the safety of Brutus and -Cassius, but would certainly have left Octavian out in the cold, without -any pretext for keeping up his military force. - -[Sidenote: Antony’s proposals.] - -Antony proposed to give up the Cisalpine province, on condition of -receiving Transalpine Gaul—exclusive of Narbonensis—with the six legions -already under him, supplemented by those at present commanded by Dec. -Brutus, for five years, or for such time as Brutus and Cassius should -be consuls or proconsuls. Secondly, on condition that the _acta_ of his -consulship—including the use of the money from the temple of Ops and -his grants of lands—should be left intact; and that those serving with -him should have complete indemnity.[119] The envoys were against the -extreme measure of declaring a state of war (rather than a _tumultus_) -and proclaiming Antony a _hostis_, and the majority of the Senate -agreed with them and voted for further negotiations. It was a strange -position. Octavian had been authorised by the Senate to drive Antony -from Cisalpine Gaul. One of the consuls—Aulus Hirtius—had left Rome with -two legions, and had, in fact, come into contact with the enemy in a -cavalry skirmish at Claterna; the other consul, Pansa, was also preparing -to follow. Yet the Senate was negotiating with Antony as though he were -not a _hostis_, but a citizen with a grievance. The time was soon to come -when Octavian, too, would find it convenient to make terms with Antony; -but nothing could have been more against his interests than the present -action of the Senate. It would seem to him a cynical disregard of their -mutual obligations. Nor was this the worst. Antony’s offer as to Brutus -and Cassius was only an offer to recognise an accomplished fact. These -two leaders in the assassination had been already nominated by the Senate -to Macedonia and Syria. Cicero was in constant correspondence with them, -addressing them as the chief hope of the constitution, and suggesting -that their armies might be used to maintain the hold of the party on -Italy. Trebonius, moreover, had been sent to Asia with the express -understanding that he was to fortify that province and collect money to -support Brutus and Cassius. When news came that Trebonius had been put to -death by Dolabella, the latter was declared a _hostis_ by the Senate, and -his punishment entrusted to Cassius. - -[Sidenote: Antony’s letter to Octavian.] - -These facts must have gradually made it quite clear to Octavian that -the complete triumph of the Ciceronian party would be no less damaging -to him than that of Antony. But though skilful use was made of them by -Antony himself in a letter addressed to Hirtius and Octavian,[120] the -young Cæsar was not to be induced to take any premature step. The Senate -might be dealt with hereafter: for the present the first necessity was to -prevent Antony from becoming strong enough to dictate terms to himself as -well as to the Senate. He therefore quietly continued to take his part in -the campaign. - -[Sidenote: The military situation in the spring of B.C. 43.] - -The Senatorial armies commanded the district round Mutina, except -Bononia, Regium Lepidi, and Parma. Of these towns, the first was -twenty-three miles east of Mutina along the Æmilian road; the other two -about the same distance west of it. They were in the hands of Antony, -affording him bases of operation on either side of Mutina. In the middle -of February Cicero was daily expecting to hear of Dec. Brutus ending -the war by a sally from Mutina. At that time Antony’s headquarters -were at Bononia, only a part of his troops actually investing Mutina. -Hirtius was at Claterna, eleven miles east of Bononia; Octavian at Forum -Cornelii (Imola), nine miles farther east. Bad weather had prevented -serious operations, but some time in March Antony evacuated Bononia to -push on the siege of Mutina with his full force. Hirtius and Octavian at -once occupied Bononia, and gradually pushed out fortified posts towards -Mutina;[121] for Dec. Brutus was hard pressed for food, and they feared -that he would have to surrender. But not being on an equality with -Antony, especially in cavalry, they were anxious to wait for the fresh -legions from Rome under Pansa. Some minor skirmishes took place from time -to time,[122] but as the days dragged on and Mutina was not relieved, the -anxiety at Rome grew greater and greater. “I am restlessly waiting for -news,” writes Cicero on the 11th of April; “the decisive hour is upon us; -for our whole hope depends on relieving Dec. Brutus.”[123] On the 15th -and 16th there was a panic in the city caused by the prætor Ventidius -Bassus. He had enrolled two legions of veterans, and was believed to be -about to enter Rome. He, however, marched off to Potentia to watch the -result of the struggle in Gallia Cisalpina; and a few days later came the -news of the victory of Forum Gallorum, which changed this unreasonable -panic into an exultation almost as unreasonable.[124] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Forum Gallorum, April 15th, B.C. 43.] - -Pansa was expected to reach the seat of war about the 16th of April. -A detachment, consisting of the Martia and two prætorian cohorts, was -sent out to conduct him and his four new legions into camp. In order to -intercept this force Antony concealed two legions in Forum Gallorum, -only allowing his cavalry and light armed to be seen. On the 14th Pansa -encamped near Bononia, and next morning started to join Hirtius in his -camp near Mutina, along with the troops sent out to meet him. The main -force marched over the open country; the two prætorian cohorts kept to -the _via Æmilia_. Near Forum Gallorum there was some marshy and difficult -ground. The Martia got through this first, and suddenly sighted Antony’s -cavalry. The men could not be held back: enraged at the recollection of -their comrades executed at Brundisium, they broke into a charge. Pansa, -unable to stop them, tried to bring up two new legions to their support. -But Antony was too quick for him. He suddenly led out his legions from -the village, and Pansa, in danger of being surrounded, had to retire upon -his camp of the previous night, having himself received two wounds, -while the prætorian cohorts on the Æmilian road were cut to pieces. -Antony seemed to have won the day. But he attempted too much. He pushed -on towards Bononia, hoping to storm the camp, but was beaten off and -forced to retire to his own quarters near Mutina. He was, however, many -hours’ march from them. His men were tired, and when they reached Forum -Gallorum again they were met by Hirtius, who, having heard of Pansa’s -disaster, had come out with twenty veteran cohorts. Antony’s wearied men -were utterly routed almost on the ground of their morning’s victory, and -he had to escape with his cavalry to his camp near Mutina, which he did -not reach till long after sunset. Hirtius had no cavalry to pursue him, -and accordingly went on to visit the wounded Pansa. - -Though the prætorian cohorts which had suffered so severely on the road -were Octavian’s, he was not leading them, nor does he seem to have been -engaged in either of the battles. But it appears that some of Antony’s -men had threatened the camp in charge of which he had been left, and that -his success in repelling this attack was sufficiently marked for his -soldiers to greet him with the title of Imperator as well as Hirtius and -Pansa.[125] - -[Sidenote: Antony’s second defeat at Mutina, 21 April.] - -The news of this victory reached Rome on the 20th, and the extravagant -exultation of the Ciceronians may be gathered from the Fourteenth -Philippic. But Antony was still investing Mutina, and though he had lost -heavily, so also had his opponents, especially the Martia and Octavian’s -prætorian cohorts. Pansa, disabled by his wounds, had been carried to -Bononia, and for some days nothing of importance was attempted. But on -the 21st Hirtius and Octavian moved to the west of Mutina, where the -lines of investment were less complete, with the hope of relieving the -town on that side. Antony sent out his cavalry to intercept them, and, -after some skirmishing, two legions to support it. Octavian attacked -and drove them back to their camp, into which Hirtius forced his way, -but was killed within the vallum. Octavian got possession of the body, -but had presently to evacuate the camp. Still Antony’s losses in these -two battles had been so severe that he feared being himself invested by -Octavian, who would in that case, he felt sure, be joined by Lepidus and -Plancus. Whatever might then be the fate of Decimus Brutus, he at any -rate would be paralysed. He resolved to make a dash for the Transalpine -province, hoping there to be joined not only by Pollio, Lepidus, and -Plancus, but by Ventidius also. He accordingly raised the siege, and with -a strong body of cavalry marched along the _via Æmilia_. At Dertona he -left the road, and made the difficult pass of Aquæ Statiellæ, leading -to the coast at Vada Sabatia. There he was joined by Ventidius, and -proceeded along the Riviera into the province. Decimus Brutus did not -start in pursuit till the third day, partly owing to the exhausted state -of his men after their long investment, partly because he wished to -induce Octavian to join him. - -[Sidenote: The exultant Ciceronians slight Octavian.] - -The news of Antony’s retirement reached Rome on the 26th. The exultant -Ciceronians regarded the war as at an end, and next day, under Cicero’s -influence, Antony and his adherents were declared _hostes_ in the -Senate.[126] He was believed to be utterly ruined, and the Senate was -regarded as once more supreme. Decimus Brutus would of course cut to -pieces the poor remains of Antony’s troops; Lepidus and Plancus would -hold their provinces in obedience to the Senate. Octavian was no longer -necessary, and was immediately made to feel it. Not only were scandalous -rumours spread abroad, charging him with causing the death of Hirtius, -and suborning his physician to poison the wounds of Pansa,[127] but -in the vote of thanks to the army no mention was made of him. The vote -also was so framed as to introduce divisions in the army itself by -naming certain cohorts for honour and passing over others; while the -legates conveying these thanks and honours were instructed to communicate -directly with the men, not through Octavian as their commander. The -legions of Pansa were transferred to Decimus Brutus, even the Martia and -Quarta, formerly commended for joining Octavian. At the same time, all -those most likely to be hostile to him were promoted. Sext. Pompeius was -declared head of the naval forces of the republic; Brutus and Cassius -were confirmed in their provinces and given special powers in all other -provinces east of the Adriatic; a commission of ten was appointed to -revise the _acta_ of Antony’s consulship, in which Octavian had no -place.[128] Lastly, his claim to a triumph and to be a candidate for one -of the vacant consulships was rejected, though as a kind of sop he was -granted _consularia ornamenta_,[129] and Cicero appears to have proposed -his having an ovation.[130] But it was about the same time that Cicero’s -unlucky epigram as to “distinguishing and extinguishing” him was reported -to Octavian.[131] If Cicero, who was in constant correspondence with -him, and was even discussing the possibilities of their holding the -consulship as colleagues,[132] could thus speak, what was he to think of -the rest? No doubt all these circumstances contributed to fix Octavian’s -resolve. He at once declined to co-operate with Decimus Brutus, or to -surrender his legions to him. Although those under Hirtius and Pansa -had been assigned bodily by the Senate to Brutus, the Martia and Quarta -refused to obey the order, and declared their loyalty to Octavian. Their -example was followed by the other veterans, who refused to serve under -an assassin of their old imperator. Thus fortified, Octavian adopted -a line of conduct which partly alarmed and partly puzzled the other -commanders of troops. He established secret communications with Antony, -releasing prisoners taken from his army, and allowing certain officers -to rejoin him; while he himself, remaining inactive for some months, was -privately preparing to enforce his claim on the consulship. The departure -of Decimus Brutus left him in undisturbed command of the greater part of -Cisalpine Gaul, and there were no military forces between him and Rome, -now that Ventidius had accomplished his rapid march from Potentia to the -western coast at Vada. - -[Sidenote: Revulsion of feeling at Rome.] - -The gradual disillusionment of the Ciceronians as to the victory over -Antony; the perplexity caused by the inactivity of Octavian; the delays -and helplessness of Decimus Brutus—all these are faithfully reflected -in the Cicero correspondence of this period. At first everything is -_couleur-de-rose_. On the 21st of April, on the receipt of the news of -the battle of Forum Gallorum, he writes:— - - “In the youthful Cæsar there is a wonderful natural strain of - virtue. Pray heaven we may govern him in the flush of honours - and popularity as easily as we have held him up to this time! - This is certainly a more difficult thing, but nevertheless I - have no mistrust. For the young man has been convinced, and - chiefly by my arguments, that our safety is his work, and that, - at any rate, if he had not diverted Antony from the city, all - would have been lost.”[133] - -On the 27th (after hearing of the fight at the camp) he thinks Octavian -is with Decimus Brutus in pursuit of Antony or, as he says, “of the -remnant of the enemy.”[134] - -But presently he is informed that Octavian is not thus acting, or serving -the interests of the Senate. Decimus Brutus writes from Dertona on the -5th of May:— - - “If Cæsar had hearkened to me and crossed the Apennines, I - should have reduced Antony to such straits that he would have - been ruined by failure of provisions rather than the sword. But - neither can any one control Cæsar, nor can Cæsar control his - own army—both most disastrous facts.”[135] - -Decimus Brutus was inaccurately informed as to the relations between -Octavian and his troops,[136] but was quite right in concluding that -he had no help to expect from him. He wrote again on the 12th of May, -attributing his delay in beginning the pursuit to the fact that “he could -not put any confidence in Cæsar without visiting and conversing with -him.”[137] He had, however, gained nothing by the interview, and had -been specially dismayed to find that the Martia and Quarta refused to -join him.[138] On the 24th of May he writes again, warning Cicero that -Octavian has heard of his epigram; that the veterans are indignant at -the proceedings in Rome; and that Octavian had secured all the troops -lately commanded by Pansa.[139] Later in the same month he appears to -have suggested the recall of M. Brutus, and that meanwhile the defence of -Italy should be intrusted to Octavian.[140] - -This last suggestion shows how far he had failed to penetrate the policy -of Octavian. The mistake was shared by L. Munatius Plancus, governor -of Celtic Gaul, who was moving down towards the province expecting to -be joined by Octavian in opposing Antony, or, at any rate, supposing -that Octavian’s army was at the disposal of the Senate. “Let Cæsar,” -he says, on the 6th of June, “come with the best troops he has, or, if -anything prevents him from coming in person, let his army be sent.”[141] -Some weeks later he too had learnt that Cæsar’s real purpose had been -misunderstood. He writes on the 28th of July:— - - “I have never ceased importuning him by letter, and he has - uniformly replied that he is coming without delay, while all - the time I perceive that he has given up that idea, and has - taken up some other scheme. Nevertheless, I have sent our - friend Furnius to him with a message and a letter, in case he - may be able to do some good.”[142] - -While the generals in Gaul were thus being gradually brought to see that -Octavian had an independent policy of his own, the hopes of support -entertained by Cicero at home were one by one disappearing. By the middle -of May he knew that Antony’s retreat was not the disorganised flight -supposed, nor the end of the war. - - “The news which reached Rome,” he says, about the 15th of May, - “and what everybody believed, was that Antony had fled with - a small body of men, who were without arms, panic stricken, - and utterly demoralised. But if he is in such a position (as - Græceius tells us) that he cannot be offered battle without - risk, he appears to me not to have fled from Mutina, but merely - to have changed the seat of war. Accordingly there is a general - revulsion of feeling.”[143] - -In these circumstances Cicero could do nothing but try to keep Decimus -Brutus, Lepidus, and Plancus loyal to the Senate, and urge them to act -with vigour. - - “Be your own Senate,” he writes to Plancus about the 27th of - May, “and follow wherever the interests of the public service - shall lead you. Let it be your object that we hear of some - brilliant operation by you before we thought that it was going - to happen. I pledge you my word that whatever you achieve the - Senate will accept as having been done not only with loyal - intention, but with wisdom also.”[144] - -But on the 29th of May Lepidus joined Antony.[145] On the 3rd of June -Decimus Brutus writes for the last time in despairing tones to Cicero -from near Grenoble,[146] and though a subsequent junction with Plancus -kept him from destruction for a few weeks longer, he was never able to -do anything of any account again. The only hope remaining to Cicero was -to induce M. Brutus or C. Cassius, or both, to come to Italy with their -armies. He had not, indeed, quite given up hope of Octavian’s loyalty, -but his old doubts were recurring, and though he still used flattering -words to him, he must have been conscious that Octavian had gauged their -value. Late in June, writing to urge M. Brutus to come to Italy, he says: -“The protecting force of the young Cæsar I regard as trustworthy; but so -many are trying to sap his loyalty that at times I am mortally afraid of -his giving in.”[147] - -[Sidenote: Octavian, after some vain negotiations, at length moves on -Rome. Aug., B.C. 43.] - -It does not seem true that Octavian yielded to the influence of others in -the steps which he now took. As at other times in his life he may have -listened to advice, but the final decision was always his own, adopted -from passing sentiment or passion, but with the cool determination of -settled policy. He had decided that to be able to treat with Antony on -equal terms he must obtain one of the vacant consulships. This would -make him legally head of the State, and add to his military strength -the prestige and authority of that position. If possible he would be -elected without any show of force, and therefore began negotiations -with the Senate soon after the battles of Mutina through Cicero. But -the Senate suspected Cicero of wishing for the consulship himself, and -would not listen to the suggestion. The constitutional difficulty -about the election gave the Senate a decent excuse for postponement. -Both consuls were dead, and the prætor was unable to “create” a higher -imperium than his own. There was no one to name a dictator, and as -magistrates with imperium still existed the _auspicia_ had not reverted -to the _patres_, therefore they could not name _interreges_. On the 1st -of January, when the curule offices would all be vacant, the _auspicia_ -would revert to the Senate. Accordingly, after some discussion, Cicero -tells a correspondent at the end of June, it had been held to be best, -“in the interests of the constitution, to put off the elections till -January.”[148] But Octavian had no intention of being thwarted by this -technical difficulty. He had no wish for the present to farther weaken -Antony, and bring the whole weight of the Ciceronians upon himself, but -he was resolved that the consulship was necessary in order to be on -an equal footing with him.[149] He therefore allowed a deputation of -four hundred of his soldiers to go to Rome to demand the payment of the -bounties voted to them, with the understanding that they were also to -ask for the consulship for Octavian. There would be some show of reason -in combining these two demands, for they needed his protection against -the decemvirs, who were likely to interfere in the allotment of lands -made both by Iulius and Antony. But the deputation, though admitted to -the curia, received an unfavourable answer. We are told that the Senate -insisted on their appearing unarmed, but that one of them left the Senate -house and returned with a sword and the remark, “If you do not give Cæsar -the consulship this will do so.” Whereupon Cicero exclaimed, “If that is -your way of pressing his suit, he will get it.” The same story is told -of Iulius, and one is always suspicious of such dramatic scenes.[150] At -any rate, Octavian regarded the attitude of the Senate as hostile, and -determined to march on Rome with his eight legions,[151] a corresponding -force of cavalry, and some auxiliary troops. - -[Sidenote: Octavian enters Rome and obtains the consulship. August, B.C. -43.] - -He moved in two columns, the first consisting of his swiftest and most -active men, led by himself; for among other causes of anxiety was a -fear that his mother and sister might meet with ill-treatment in Rome. -The Senate had no troops to oppose to this formidable army, and in its -terror sent legates with the money promised to the men, but lately -refused to the deputation. Octavian however refused them entrance into -the camp, and pushed on without stopping. The panic in the city grew -daily more acute, and Cicero, who had pledged his credit for Octavian’s -loyalty,[152] found himself an object of suspicion and retired from Rome. -Then every concession was made in the Senate: the bounty promised to some -of the troops was doubled, and extended to all the troops alike, though -the exchequer was exhausted by the payment of only two legions.[153] -Octavian was to have the distribution of lands and rewards instead of the -decemvirs, and was allowed to be a candidate for the consulship in his -absence. Messengers were sent to announce these concessions to him; but -he had scarcely heard them when he was informed of a change of sentiment -in Rome. The legions, summoned by the Senate from Africa, had arrived; -Cicero had reappeared; the decrees were rescinded; and measures were -being taken to defend the city. The two legions from Africa were to be -supported by a levy _en masse_ and by a legion enrolled by Pansa but not -taken with him. The city prætor M. Cornutus was to be commander-in-chief. -At the same time boats and other means of transport were being prepared -in the Tiber for the escape of the chief citizens, their families and -property, in case of defeat; while a vigorous search was being made for -Octavian’s mother and sister as hostages. Octavian felt that no time -was to be lost. Sending forward messengers to assure the people that -they would not be harmed,[154] he continued his advance on Rome. A day’s -march from the city he was met by a large number of real or pretended -sympathisers; and felt it safe to leave his troops and enter Rome with -a strong bodyguard. Enthusiastic crowds greeted his entrance, and as he -approached the temple of Vesta he had the happiness of seeing his mother -and sister, who had taken sanctuary with the Vestals, and now came out to -embrace him. The three legions in Rome, in spite of some opposition from -their officers, declared for him; and the prætor Cornutus killed himself -in despair. It was all over, and Octavian was master of the situation. -For a moment indeed there seemed a gleam of hope. A rumour reached the -city that the Martia and Quarta had refused to follow Octavian to Rome. -Cicero hastily gathered some partisans into the Senate house in the -evening to discuss the possibility of further resistance. But while they -were in conference they learnt that the rumour was false. There was -nothing for it but to disperse, and Cicero was fain to seek out Octavian -and offer a tardy congratulation—received with ironical courtesy. - -[Sidenote: The consulship and other honours.] - -The constitutional difficulty as to the election was at once surmounted -by the investment of two men with proconsular powers to hold it. The rest -was a mere form, and on the 19th of August Octavian, with his cousin -Q. Pedius, entered upon their consulship. The now obsequious Senate -proceeded to heap honours upon him. He was to have money to pay the -promised bounties; to enjoy an imperium, when with an army, superior to -the consuls; to do whatever he thought necessary for the protection of -the city; and to take over the army lately assigned to Decimus Brutus. -The _lex curiata_ for his adoption under Cæsar’s will was at once -passed, and he was now by right as well as by courtesy a Cæsar. His -colleague, Q. Pedius, at the same time carried a law for the trial of all -concerned in the murder of Iulius, and the _quæstio_ seems at once to -have been instituted. All were condemned in their absence and lost their -citizenship and the protection of the laws.[155] Brutus and Cassius, with -the rest of the assassins, were thus put at a great disadvantage. It was -an act of war on their part, as condemned men, to hold their provinces or -command troops. That the Senate, in which the majority were doubtless in -favour of Brutus and Cassius, should have practically sanctioned these -measures,[156] shews how completely it was cowed. Octavian’s position -was, in fact, a very strong one. It was not possible for M. Brutus to -transport a sufficient force from Macedonia to crush him, much less for -Cassius from Syria. The two combined would no doubt hope some day to be -able to attack him; but meanwhile he had time to fortify himself by new -coalitions. - -[Sidenote: Octavian goes to meet Antony.] - -Cæsar—as we should now call him—only stayed in Rome to see these measures -secured. He then left the city under the care of Pedius, and marched -once more into Cisalpine Gaul. His nominal object was to destroy Decimus -Brutus—now a condemned man—but his real purpose was to come to an -understanding with Antony and Lepidus. Letters had already passed between -them, and some plan of action had been agreed upon. Antony was to crush -Decimus Brutus and Plancus, while the Senate was persuaded by Pedius to -rescind the decrees declaring Antony and Lepidus _hostes_. This news -was sent to Cæsar while on his leisurely march, and passed on by him to -Antony; who thereupon proceeded to fulfil his part of the bargain. He was -by this time, or shortly afterwards, reinforced by Asinius Pollio[157] -with two legions from Spain, who at once succeeded in securing the -cohesion of Plancus. The greater part of the troops under Decimus Brutus -also insisted on following Plancus; and Brutus was obliged to fly with a -small force. - -[Sidenote: Death of Decimus Brutus.] - -[Sidenote: The triumvirate arranged, Nov., B.C. 43.] - -This settled the fate of Decimus Brutus, and left Northern Italy open to -Antony, unless Cæsar still chose to oppose him. After various fruitless -attempts to escape, Brutus was put to death by a Sequanian Gaul, under -orders from Antony,[158] who then with Pollio and Lepidus[159] marched -into Cispadane Gaul with a large part of their forces, the rest being -left to guard the province. The invading army marched along the Æmilian -road as though to attack Cæsar. But the real intention on both sides -was to come to terms. On an islet in a tributary of the Po, between -Mutina and Bononia, the three leaders, Antony, Lepidus, and Cæsar met -for conference, though not till elaborate precautions had been taken -against treachery. For two days they sat from morning till night in -earnest debate, in full view of their respective armies. On the third the -soldiers of both sides were summoned to a _contio_, and informed of the -articles which had been agreed upon, though the last and most terrible -of them—the proscription—was not communicated. The terms announced were: -(1) Cæsar agreed to abdicate the consulship, which was to be held for -the remainder of the year by Ventidius Bassus; (2) Lepidus and Plancus -were to be consuls for B.C. 42; (3) Lepidus, Cæsar, and Antony were to be -appointed by a _lex_ for the remainder of the year, and for five years -from the next 1st of January, _triumviri reipublicæ constituendæ_—a board -of three for settling the constitution. - -[Sidenote: Powers of the Triumvirate.] - -The Triumvirate was practically a dictatorship in commission. The word -was avoided owing to its prohibition in Antony’s law. But the triumvirs -were to exercise all the powers of a dictator; their _acta_ were to be -authoritative; they were to be independent of the Senate; superior to -all magistrates; to have the right of proposing laws to the _Comitia_; -to regulate the appointment of magistrates and provincial governors. The -colleagueship was an apparent concession to the fundamental principle of -the constitution; but from the first it was practically a duumvirate -rather than a triumvirate, Lepidus being treated almost at once as -inferior. The Empire east of the Adriatic was for the moment separated -from this home government, being held by Brutus and Cassius; but the -western part was to be divided among the three—Cæsar taking Africa, -Sardinia, and Sicily; Antony, Cisalpine Gaul and Transalpina, with the -exception of Narbonensis; Lepidus, Gallia Narbonensis and Upper Spain. In -these districts each would be supreme and govern personally or by their -legates. But the greater part of Cæsar’s share was still in the hands -of Sextus Pompeius, and would have to be won back. It was accordingly -arranged that in the following year Lepidus, as consul, should be -responsible for the order of Italy, while Cæsar undertook to put down -Sextus, and Antony to confront M. Brutus and Cassius. - -The soldiers of both armies, having no desire to fight each other, -received the announcement with enthusiasm. Their devotion to Iulius -Cæsar’s memory was warmed by the belief that the anti-Cæsarean clique at -Rome meant to deprive them of the money and lands assigned to them. The -Triumvirs, on the other hand, promised them allotments in the choicest -parts of Italy—Capua, Rhegium, Venusia, Vibo, Beneventum, Ariminum, -Nuceria. There was land at most of these places which from one cause or -another had become _ager publicus_; and when that failed there would -always be owners, whose part in the war just over, and that about to -take place, would give opportunity for confiscation. This combination of -military chiefs therefore suited the views and wishes of the soldiers, -and some of them urged that the bond should be drawn still closer by -Cæsar’s marriage with Antony’s stepdaughter Clodia.[160] Cæsar assented -to the betrothal, but as Clodia was still quite young, he prudently -deferred the marriage. He doubtless foresaw possible inconveniences in -being too closely allied with Antony. - -[Sidenote: The Proscription.] - -The next step was for the three to enter Rome and obtain a legal -confirmation of their appointment. But they did not wait till their -arrival in the city to begin the vengeance. They had agreed to follow the -precedent of Sulla by publishing lists of men declared to be out of the -pale of the law. The larger list was reserved for further consideration; -but a preliminary list of seventeen names was drawn up at once, and -soldiers were sent with orders to put the men to death wherever found. -Among these were Cicero, his brother, and nephew. Plutarch tells us that -Cicero’s name was put upon the list as a compromise. Octavian bargained -for Lucius Cæsar, Antony’s uncle, and in return conceded to Antony the -inclusion of Cicero, while Lepidus consented to his brother, L. Paulus, -being entered.[161] Four of the seventeen were found at once and put to -death. Cicero escaped till the arrival of the triumvirs in Rome, but was -killed near Formiæ on the 7th of December, his brother and nephew having -already been put to death in Rome. Cæsar was the first to arrive in the -city, and was quickly followed by Antony and Lepidus, each with a strong -prætorian guard. Their appointment was duly confirmed in the _Comitia_ -on the proposal of the tribune Titus Titius, and on the 27th of November -they entered upon their office.[162] - -Naturally the sudden execution of three of the seventeen who were -found in Rome had created great alarm in the city, where no one knew -whose turn was to come next. The panic was somewhat lessened by Pedius -publishing the list of the seventeen, with the assurance that no more -executions were intended. He appears to have honestly believed this, but -the agitation of the night of horror was too much for him, and he died -within the next twenty-four hours. On the day after the installation -of the triumvirs (November 28th) the citizens were horrified to see an -edict fixed up in the Forum, detailing the causes of the executions -which were to follow, and offering a reward for the head of any one of -those named below—25,000 sesterces to a freeman, 10,000 and freedom to a -slave. All who aided or concealed a proscribed man were to suffer death -themselves. Below were two tablets, one for Senators and one for equites. -They contained 130 names, besides the original seventeen, to which were -shortly added 150 more. Additions were continually being made during the -following days, either from private malice or covetousness. In some cases -men were first killed and then their names inserted in the lists. The -edict made it the interest of slaves to betray their masters, against -whom perhaps in many cases these unfortunate men had a long list of -injuries to avenge. They had now the fierce gratification of seeing their -oppressors grovelling at their feet. But it also placed a severe strain -on the affection of the nearest kinsmen whose lives were forfeited if -they concealed or aided the proscribed. The sale of confiscated property -at low rates gave opportunities for the covetous, and many a man perished -because he possessed house or land desired by Fulvia or some friend of -Antony. But though the terror revealed much meanness and treachery, it -also brought to light many instances of courage and devotion. Wives and -sons risked death for husbands and fathers; and there were slaves who -assumed the dress of their masters and died for them. - -The massacre began with Salvius, though holding the sacrosanct office -of tribune. Two prætors—Minucius and L. Velleius—were cut down while -engaged in their courts. To shew how no connections, however high, were -to save any man, at the head of the list was a brother of Lepidus, an -uncle of Antony, a brother of Plancus, and the father-in-law of Asinius -Pollio. But as usual in times of such horror, many perished who from -their humble position or their youth could have had no share in politics. -The total number eventually proscribed, according to Appian, was “three -hundred Senators and about two thousand equites.” Livy says that there -were 130 names of Senators on the lists, and a large number (_plurimi_) -of equites. Livy is probably giving the number of Senators who actually -perished.[163] In Rome itself the terror was probably brief. It would not -take long to find those who stayed in the city; the gates and roads were -strictly guarded, and it was difficult to evade military vigilance. But -many were hiding in the country, and the search for them went on into -the first months of the next year, and all through Italy soldiers were -scouring towns, villages, woods, and marshes in search of the proscribed. -Probably the exact number of those executed was never known. But it seems -likely that about half escaped, some of whom in happier times rose to -high office. There were three possible places of refuge, the camp of M. -Brutus in Macedonia, of Cassius in Syria, and the fleet of Sext. Pompeius -in Sicily. Pompeius sent vessels to cruise round the southern coasts of -Italy and pick up refugees; and tried to counteract the edict by offering -those who saved any one of them double the sum set upon their heads by -the triumvirs. He was liberal in relieving their necessities, and found -commands or other employments for those of high rank.[164] At length, -early in B.C. 42 Lepidus informed the Senate that the proscriptions were -at an end. He seems to have meant by this that no new list was to be -issued, not that those already proscribed were to be pardoned; and Cæsar, -who was present, entered a protest against being bound even by this -declaration.[165] - -[Sidenote: Protest of Ladies.] - -In fact another list was published, but this time it was of properties to -be confiscated, not of lives to be taken. In spite of the already large -confiscations the triumviral government was in financial difficulties. -Confiscated properties were liable to reductions for the dowries of -widows, 10 per cent. to sons, and 5 per cent. to daughters.[166] These -claims were not always paid perhaps, but they sometimes were. Again, -besides the natural fall of prices caused by so much property coming -into the market at once, much of it was sold to friends and partisans at -great reductions, few venturing to bid against men in power or soldiers. -The treasury, therefore, was not enriched as much as might have been -expected; and as the triumvirs had two wars in the immediate future to -face, they were in great need of money. The tributum and tax on slaves -were reimposed, but failed to produce a surplus. A device therefore was -hit upon something like the fines on “Malignants” in England, under the -Commonwealth. Lists of persons more or less suspect were put up, who were -ordered to contribute a tenth of their property. Each man had to value -his own estate, and this gave rise to frequent accusations of fraud, -generally resulting in the confiscation of the whole. Others found it -impossible to raise the money without selling property, which could only -be done just then at a ruinous sacrifice. An alternative was offered to -such men which proved equally ruinous. They might surrender their whole -estate and apply for the restoration of a third. The treasury was not -likely to be prompt in completing the transaction, for it had first to -sell and satisfy charges on the estate, nor to take a liberal view of -the amount due to the owner. It was an encumbered estates act, under -which the margin of salvage was always small, and tended to disappear -altogether.[167] Among those thus proscribed were about fourteen hundred -ladies. They did not silently submit, but applied to Octavia, as well -as to Antony’s mother Iulia, and his wife Fulvia. By Octavia and Iulia -they were kindly received, but were driven from Fulvia’s door. Undismayed -they appeared before the tribunal of the triumvirs, where Hortensia, -daughter of the orator Hortensius, pleaded their cause with something -of her father’s eloquence. “If they were guilty,” she argued, “they -ought to have shared the fate of their relations. If not it was as -unjust to injure their property as their persons. They had no share in -political rights, and therefore were not liable to taxation. Women had -of old voluntarily contributed their personal ornaments to the defences -of the country; but they had never contributed, and, she hoped, never -would contribute to a civil war, or shew sympathy on either side.” The -triumvirs received the protest with anger, and ordered their lictors to -drive the ladies away. But they were struck by marks of disapproval among -the crowd; and next day a new edict was substituted, which contained -only four hundred names of women, and, instead of naming individual -men, imposed on all properties above 100,000 sesterces (about £800) an -immediate tax of 2 per cent. of the capital, and one year’s income for -the expenses of the war.[168] - -[Sidenote: Responsibility of Augustus for the proscriptions.] - -For a just view of the character of Augustus, it is important to decide -how far he acquiesced in the cruelties of the proscription. With the -general policy he seems to have been in full accord; and as far as a -complete vengeance on those implicated in the murder of Iulius was -concerned, he was no doubt inexorable. But his administration as sole -head of the state was so equitable and clement, that many found it -difficult to believe that he did more than tacitly acquiesce in the rest -of the proscriptions. Augustus himself, in the memoir left to be engraved -after his death, omits all mention of them, and conveniently passes -from the legal condemnation of the assassins to the assertion that he -spared the survivors of Philippi. Paterculus only alludes to them in a -sentence, which contains a skilful insinuation that Augustus only joined -in them under compulsion. Appian makes no distinction between the three. -He tells us, indeed, some stories of mercy shown by Augustus, and of his -expressing approbation of acts of fidelity on the part of friends or -slaves. But he also credits Antony with at least one act of a similar -kind. Plutarch says that most blame was thought to attach to Antony, as -being older than Cæsar and more influential than Lepidus. Dio goes more -fully into the question. He affirms that Antony and Lepidus were chiefly -responsible for the proscriptions, pointing out that Octavian by his own -nature, as well as his association with Iulius, was inclined to clemency; -and moreover, that he had not been long enough engaged in politics to -have conceived many enmities, while his chief wish was to be esteemed and -popular; and lastly, that when he got rid of these associates, and was in -sole power, he was never guilty of such crimes. The strongest of these -arguments is that which claims for Cæsar’s youth immunity from widespread -animosities; and it does seem probable that outside the actual assassins -and their immediate supporters, Augustus would not personally have cared -to extend the use of the executioner’s sword. But he cannot be acquitted -of a somewhat cynical indifference to the cruelties perpetrated under -the joint name and authority of the triumvirs. None of them have been -directly attributed to him, except perhaps in the case of his (apparently -unfaithful) guardian Toranius; but neither is there any record of his -having interfered to prevent them. Suetonius seems to give the truer -account, that he resisted the proscription at first, but, when it was -once decided upon, insisted that it should be carried out relentlessly. -The proscription was an odious crime; but a proscription that did not -fulfil its purpose would have been a monstrous blunder also. I do not, -however, admit Seneca’s criticism that his subsequent clemency was merely -“cruelty worn out.”[169] The change was one of time and circumstance. -Youth is apt to be hard-hearted. With happier surroundings and lengthened -experience his character and judgment ripened and mellowed. - -[Sidenote: Death of Atia.] - -While these horrors were just beginning Cæsar lost his mother Atia, -the tender and careful guide of his childhood and youth, the first of -his near kin to recognise and approve his high destiny. She died while -he was still consul, that is, between the 19th of August and the 27th -of November, B.C. 43. Devoted to her in her life Cæsar now obtained for -her the honours of a public funeral. During the campaign of Mutina she -was, it seems, at Rome; and when his estrangement from the Senate made -her position unpleasant or dangerous, she had taken sanctuary with the -Vestal Virgins accompanied by Octavia, and was ready to greet him when -he returned to Rome. Nicolas of Damascus gives an attractive picture -of Octavian’s relations with his mother; and even the uncomplimentary -Suetonius owns that his dutiful conduct to her had been exemplary. -She had brought up her son with strictness, and the author of the -_de oratoribus_ classes her with the mother of the Gracchi. But her -strictness had not forfeited her son’s affection, nor failed to impress -upon him a high sense of duty. Her second husband Philippus survived her -several years.[170] - - - - -CHAPTER V - -PHILIPPI - - _Cum fracta virtus, et minaces_ - _turpe solum tetigere mento._ - - -[Sidenote: M. Brutus and C. Cassius in the East.] - -The first task of the Triumvirs, after securing their power at Rome, was -the restoration of unity and peace to the Empire, which was threatened -at two points: Brutus and Cassius were in arms in the East, Sext. -Pompeius in the West. The opposition of Brutus and Cassius seemed the -more formidable of the two. Brutus, indeed, after holding Macedonia -throughout B.C. 43, after capturing and eventually putting to death Gaius -Antonius, and after winning some laurels in contests with surrounding -barbarians, had towards the end of the year practically abandoned the -province and removed to Asia, in which a decree of the Senate had given -him proprætorial authority along with Cassius. But at Cyzicus and on -the coast of Bithynia he had collected a considerable fleet, and having -thus strengthened himself and levied large sums of money, he sent urgent -messages to Cassius to join him in the defence of the republic. - -Meanwhile Cassius had done much towards securing the rest of the East to -their cause. At the end of B.C. 44 he had entered Palestine, and been -joined successively by the forces of L. Statius Murcus, proconsul of -Syria; of M. Crispus, proconsul of Bithynia; of Cæcilius Bassus, the old -Pompeian officer who had seduced the troops of Sextius Iulius from their -allegiance; and by four legions from Egypt under Aulus Allienus, whom -Dolabella had sent to bring them to himself. With twelve legions he had -shut up Dolabella at Laodicea-ad-Mare, aided by a fleet raised in part by -Lentulus, the proquæstor of Asia, and had eventually terrified him into -suicide. He had himself also, or by his legates, collected a fleet strong -enough to prevent Cleopatra sending aid to Antony and Octavian, while -part of it, under Statius Murcus and Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, was to -watch the harbour of Brundisium and prevent the despatch of troops from -Italy. - -In the spring of B.C. 42, therefore, when Brutus and Cassius met at -Smyrna they were both in possession of formidable forces, naval and -military, and Cassius at any rate was also well supplied with money. They -did not, however, at once push on to Macedonia, for they believed that -the danger threatened by Sext. Pompeius would delay the advance of the -Triumvirs. They therefore spent some months in farther securing the East. -Brutus proceeded to reduce the cities in Lycia, Cassius sailed against -Rhodes, while one of his legates invaded Cappadocia, and defeated and -killed King Ariobarzanes. Both encountered some resistance, but when they -met again in the summer at Sardis they had successfully carried out their -objects; and Cassius had refilled his exchequer by the taxes of Asia, the -towns in which had been compelled to pay nearly ten years’ revenue in -advance. - -Having told off a portion of his fleet to keep up the watch over -Cleopatra and at Brundisium, the two proconsuls set out together for -Abydos, and thence crossed to Europe. They marched along the coast road, -formerly traversed by Persian invaders, their fleet also, like that of -the Persian king of old, coasting along parallel with their march, till -they came to the part of the Pangæan range which covers the ten miles -between Philippi and its harbour Neapolis (Datum). There they found the -road blocked by Gaius Norbanus and Decidius Saxa, with eight legions, -sent in advance by Antony. When they left the main road and attempted -to pass nearer Philippi they found the heights immediately south of the -town also guarded. They drove off the enemy and encamped on two hills -which they connected by a trench and stockade; and eventually farther -secured their position by occupying a line of hills commanding the road -to the sea. They thus kept up communication with the fleet at Thasos as a -base of supplies. Norbanus and Saxa did not venture to attack them, but -retired upon Amphipolis, and thence sent intelligence to Rome, meanwhile -keeping the enemy in check by skirmishing parties of cavalry. Brutus and -Cassius were in no hurry to advance, for they had an excellent position, -and were sure of supplies while in touch with their fleet; whereas their -opponents depended on the country, which was neither rich nor well -stocked. The fleet of Murcus and Domitius might also delay, and perhaps -prevent Antony and Cæsar from bringing reinforcements, while the fleet at -Thasos could stop supplies being conveyed by sea. - -[Sidenote: The difficulties of Antony and Cæsar with Sextus Pompeius.] - -Nor were these the only difficulties in the way of the Triumvirs. Ever -since the battle of Munda (B.C. 45) Sextus Pompeius had been leading -a piratical life in the Western Mediterranean. His forces had been -continually increased by fugitive Pompeians and by natives from Africa, -until he had become possessed of a formidable power against which the -successive governors of Southern Spain had been able to effect little. -After the death of Iulius Cæsar an attempt was made through Lepidus to -come to terms with him, and he had agreed to submit to the government on -condition of a _restitutio in integrum_, including the restoration of -his father’s property. But though Antony obtained a confirmation from -the Senate the arrangement was never carried out. Probably the immense -sum named as the value of the property—about five millions sterling—made -it impossible, especially when the money in the temple of Ops had been -squandered. Moreover Pompeius seems to have demanded the actual house -and estates of his father, and these were in Antony’s hands, who would -not easily surrender them. Sextus therefore stayed in Spain or with his -fleet. When the Senate broke with Antony it renewed negotiations with -Sextus, promised him the satisfaction of his claims, passed a vote of -thanks to him for services, and confirmed him in his command of all -Roman ships on active service.[171] The Triumvirs deposed him from this -command, and put his name on the proscription list. His answer was to -sail to Sicily, force Pompeius Bithynicus to surrender Messana, and take -possession of the island. Here he was joined by numerous refugees of the -proscribed and many skilful seamen from Africa and elsewhere. By thus -holding Sicily and Sardinia he could do much towards starving out Italy, -upon the southern shores of which he also made frequent descents. He -acted as an independent ruler, and presently put Bithynicus to death on a -charge of plotting against him.[172] - -[Sidenote: The campaign of Philippi.] - -Cæsar and Antony suspected Lepidus of keeping up communication with -Pompeius, and consequently he was practically shelved. He was to remain -at Rome to keep order and carry out formal duties, while Antony was to -transport his legions from Brundisium to attack Brutus and Cassius, and -Cæsar was to conduct the war against Sextus Pompeius. But the strength -of Pompeius seems not to have been fully realised. Cæsar despatched a -fleet under Q. Salvidienus to Sicily, while he himself went by land -to Rhegium. But Salvidienus was badly defeated by Pompeius and had to -retire to the Italian shore to refit,[173] and before Cæsar had time -to do anything more he was called to the aid of Antony, who was in -difficulties at Brundisium, the exit of the harbour being blocked by the -ships of Statius Murcus, presently reinforced by those of Ahenobarbus. -The arrival of Cæsar and his fleet enabled the transports to cross, -and Antony marched along the Egnatian Way to join his advanced army at -Amphipolis. Cæsar was once more attacked by illness and obliged to stay -at Dyrrachium; but hearing that Antony, on his arrival, had suffered -some reverses in cavalry skirmishes, he resolved to join him at all -hazards. It was indeed a crisis of the utmost importance to him. He was -leaving Italy exposed to a double danger, on the east from Murcus and -Ahenobarbus, on the south from Sextus Pompeius. If Antony were defeated -Cæsar would be in a most alarming position; if Antony won without him, -his own prestige would be damaged and he might have to take a second -place in the joint government. As before in the Spanish journey his -resolution conquered physical weakness, and he reached the seat of war -before any general engagement had taken place. He found the army somewhat -discouraged. Antony had left his heavy baggage at Amphipolis, which had -been secured by Decidius and Norbanus, and had advanced over the wide -plain (about sixty miles) to within a mile of the high ground on which -Brutus and Cassius were entrenched. But they were too strongly posted to -be attacked, and he had suffered some losses in his attempts to draw them -down. His men were getting demoralised by the evidently superior position -of the enemy, who were protected on the right by mountains, and on their -left by a marsh stretching between them and the sea, so that it was -impossible to turn their position on either side. Delay was all in favour -of Brutus and Cassius, whose fleet afforded abundant provisions, while -Antony would have great difficulty in feeding his army during the winter, -and the season was already advanced. In mere numbers there was not much -difference. Both had nineteen legions; and, though those of Brutus were -not at their full strength, he and Cassius had 20,000 cavalry, as against -13,000 of Antony and Cæsar. - -[Sidenote: First battle at Philippi.] - -The first battle (late in October) was brought on by an attempt of -Antony’s to get across the marsh by a causeway which he had himself -constructed, and storm an earthwork which Cassius had thrown up to -prevent him. Repulsing a flank attack made by the division of Brutus, he -carried the earthwork and even took the camp of Cassius, who with his -main body retired to the heights nearer Philippi with heavy loss. But -Antony had also suffered severely, and the fate of the day could not be -considered decided until it was known how Brutus had fared, who after -the unsuccessful attack on Antony’s flank, had attacked Cæsar’s division -which was opposite him. In this last movement he had been entirely -successful. Cæsar’s camp had been stormed and his men driven into flight, -he himself being absent through illness. The result of this cross victory -was that both armies returned to their original positions. Antony, -finding that the left wing was defeated, did not venture to remain in the -camp of Cassius. Cassius might have returned to it, but for a mistake -which cost him his life. He was wrongly informed that Brutus had been -defeated, and being short-sighted he mistook a squadron of cavalry that -was riding up to announce Brutus’s success for enemies, and anticipated -what he supposed to be inevitable capture by suicide. Brutus, informed -of this, withdrew his men from the attack on Cæsar’s camp, and retired -behind their lines, occupying again Cassius’s abandoned quarters. - -[Sidenote: Second battle at Philippi, November.] - -Nearly at the same time as this indecisive battle the cause of the -triumvirs had suffered a disaster nearer home. A fleet of transports -conveying the Martia, another legion, and some cavalry was destroyed by -Murcus and Ahenobarbus, and the greater part of the men had been lost at -sea or forced to surrender. Though Brutus did not yet know this he held -his position for about a fortnight longer. But the tidings when they -came made it more than ever necessary for Antony and Cæsar to strike a -blow; for they were still more isolated than before and more entirely -cut off from supplies. On the other hand, the officers and men in the -army of Brutus were inspired by it with an eager desire to follow up -the good news by fighting a decisive battle. Brutus yielded against his -better judgment and drew out his men. Antony and Cæsar did the same. But -it was not until the afternoon was well advanced that the real fighting -began. After spending more time than usual in hurling volleys of pila -and stones, they drew their swords and grappled in a furious struggle at -close quarters. Both Antony and Cæsar were active in bringing up fresh -companies to fill up gaps made by the fallen. At last the part of the -line against which Cæsar was engaged began to give way, retiring step by -step, and fighting desperately all the while. But the order grew looser -and looser, until at length it broke into downright flight. The camp -of Brutus was stormed and his whole army scattered. Cæsar was left to -guard the captured camp, while Antony (as at Pharsalia) led the cavalry -in pursuit. He ordered his men to single out officers for slaughter or -capture, lest they should rally their men and make a farther stand. He -was particularly anxious to capture Brutus, perhaps as hoping to avenge -his brother. But in this his men were foiled by a certain Lucilius, who -threw himself in their way professing to be Brutus, and the mistake -was not discovered till he was brought to Antony. Brutus had, in fact, -escaped to high ground with four legions. He hoped with this force to -recapture his camp and continue the policy of wearing out the enemy by -delay. But a good look-out was maintained by Antony during the night, and -the next morning his officers told Brutus that they would fight no more, -but were resolved to try to save their lives by making terms with the -victors. Exclaiming that he was then of no farther use to his country, -Brutus called on his freedman Strato to kill him, which he immediately -did. - -[Sidenote: Conduct of Cæsar after the victory.] - -There is some conflict of testimony as to the severitie inflicted after -the victory. The bulk of the survivors with their officers submitted -and were divided between the armies of the two triumvirs. A certain -number who had been connected with the assassination and included in -the proscription lists felt that they had no mercy to expect, and saved -farther trouble by putting an end to their own lives. But some also, as -Favonius the Stoic, imitator of Cato, were executed. Suetonius attributes -to Cæsar not only special severity, but cruel and heartless insults to -those whom he condemned. To one man begging for burial he answered that -“that would be business of the birds.” A father and son begging their -lives he bade play at _morra_ for the privilege of surviving. And he -ordered the head of Brutus to be sent home that it might be placed at -the foot of Iulius Cæsar’s statue. As usual there remain some doubts as -to these stories. That of the father and son, for instance, is related -by Dio, but placed after Actium.[174] And the story as to the head of -Brutus is somewhat inconsistent with the honourable treatment of the -body attributed to Antony.[175] The refusal of funeral rites is contrary -to his own assertion in his autobiography; and, in the _Monumentum -Ancyranum_, he declares that he “spared all citizens.”[176] But it must -be conceded that until the assassins and their supporters were finally -disposed of he shewed himself relentless. The milder sentiments are those -of a later time. The plea of a duty to avenge his “father’s” murder may -mitigate, but cannot annul, his condemnation. - -[Sidenote: Second division of the Empire, B.C. 42.] - -The victory of Philippi reunited the eastern and western parts of the -Empire, and therefore necessitated a fresh distribution of spheres of -influence among the triumvirs. The new agreement was reduced to writing -and properly attested, partly that Cæsar might silence opposition at -Rome, but partly also because the two men had already begun to feel some -of their old distrust of each other. During the late campaign, when there -seemed some chance of defeat, Antony had expressed regret at having -embarrassed himself with Cæsar instead of making terms with Brutus and -Cassius, and such words, however hasty or petulant, would be sure to -reach Cæsar’s ears. The respect also shewn by Antony to the remains of -Brutus, and the evident tendency of the defeated party to prefer union -with him rather than with Cæsar, as well as the more generous terms which -he was willing to grant, must all have suggested to Cæsar the precarious -nature of the tie between them. It was necessary therefore to put the -arrangement now made beyond dispute. - -The division did not, as two years later, distinguish between East and -West. It was still only the western half of the Empire which was to be -divided. Italy was to be treated as the centre of government, open to all -the triumvirs alike for recruiting and other purposes. The provinces were -to be administered in the usual way by governors approved of by them, -except that Antony was to have Gaul and Africa, Cæsar Spain and Numidia, -thus securing to each a government in the west and south roughly equal -in extent and in importance, now that Sicily and Sardinia were in the -hands of Sextus Pompeius and thus actually hostile to Italy. But the last -article in the agreement, though intended to provide only for a passing -state of affairs, did in fact foreshadow the division of the Empire into -East and West. By it Antony undertook to go at once to Asia to crush -the fragments of the republican party still in arms in the East, and to -collect money sufficient for the payment of the promised rewards to the -veterans. Cæsar, on the other hand, was to return to Italy to carry on -the war against Sextus Pompeius and arrange the assignation of lands. -Lepidus was still consul as well as triumvir, but if the suspicion of his -being in correspondence with Pompeius was confirmed he was to have no -province and was to be suppressed by Cæsar. If it did not turn out to -be true Antony undertook to hand over Africa to him. He was throughout -treated as subordinate— - - “a slight, unmeritable man, - Meet to be sent on errands.” - -The real governors of the Empire were to be Antony and Cæsar. The force -of circumstances ordained that for the next ten years Antony was to -govern the East and Cæsar the West. And as yet the heart and life of -the Empire was in the west. It was this, as much as the difference of -his character, which eventually secured to Cæsar the advantage over his -colleague and made him master of the whole. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -PERUSIA AND SICILY - - _actus cum freto Neptunius_ - _dux fugit ustis navibus._ - - -[Sidenote: Augustus returns to Rome after Philippi, early in B.C. 41.] - -The campaign which ended with the second battle at Philippi and the -death of Brutus had been won at the cost of much physical suffering to -Cæsar, who only completed his twenty-first year some days after it. He -had been in bad health throughout, barely able to endure the journey -across Macedonia, and only performing his military duties with the utmost -difficulty and with frequent interruptions. On his return journey he had -to halt so often from the same cause that reports of his death reached -Rome. The slowness with which he travelled also gave time for all kinds -of rumours to spread abroad as to farther severities to be exercised upon -the republican party on his return, and many of those who felt that they -were open to suspicion sought places of concealment for themselves or -their property. - -[Sidenote: B.C. 41 Consuls L. Antonius Pietas, Serv. Vatia Isauricus II. -Allotting lands for the veterans.] - -Cæsar sent reassuring messages to Rome, but he did not arrive in the city -till the beginning of the next year (B.C. 41). He found Lucius Antonius -consul, who had celebrated a triumph on the first day of the year for -some trifling successes in Gaul. The real control of affairs, however, -was being exercised by Fulvia, the masculine wife of Marcus Antonius, -widow successively of Clodius and Curio, against whom Lepidus had been -afraid or unable to act. Fulvia and Lucius professed to be safeguarding -the interests of Marcus and fulfilling his wishes, and Lucius adopted the -cognomen _Pietas_ as a sign of his fraternal devotion. But the moving -spirit throughout was Fulvia. Cæsar’s first business in Rome was the -allotment of land to the veterans. This had been begun a year before in -Transpadane Gaul, on the establishment of the Triumvirate, by Asinius -Pollio, left in command of that district; and Vergil has given us some -insight into the bitterness of feeling which it often roused: - - “Shall some rude soldier hold these new ploughed lands? - Some alien reap the labours of our hands? - Ah, civil strife, what fruit your jangling yields! - Poor toilsome souls—for these we sowed our fields!” - -When there was public land available for the purpose, the allotment could -generally be made without much friction; but as there was not enough of -it, the old precedent of “colonisation” was followed. A number of Italian -towns (nineteen in all) were selected, in the territories of which the -veterans of a particular legion were to be settled as _coloni_, with a -third of the land assigned for their support. No doubt in each case the -lands held by men who had served in the opposite camp were first taken as -being lawfully confiscated; but it must often have happened that there -was not enough of such lands, and that those of persons not implicated -in the civil wars were seized wholly or in part. In such cases it was -understood that the owners were to be compensated by money arising from -the sale of other confiscations. But this money was either insufficient -or long in coming. Petitions and deputations remonstrating against the -injustice poured in upon Cæsar, who, on the other hand, had to listen to -many complaints from the veterans of inadequate provision made for them -and of promises still unfulfilled. - -[Sidenote: L. Antonius and Fulvia take advantage of the discontent.] - -This was a sufficiently thorny task in itself. But it was made still -more irksome by L. Antonius and Fulvia. Their pretext was that the -veterans in Antony’s legions were less liberally treated than those -in Cæsar’s own; and Lucius claimed, as consul and as representing his -brother, the right of settling the allotments of Antony’s veterans. Cæsar -retorted by complaining that the two legions to which he was entitled -by his written agreement with Antony had not been handed over to him. -Starting from these counter charges they were soon at open enmity, -embittered by the frequent collision between the constitutional authority -of the consul and the extra-constitutional _imperium_ of the triumvir. -Lucius and Fulvia made capital out of this, maintaining that Marcus was -ready to lay down his extraordinary powers as triumvir, and to return to -Rome as consul. Fulvia was credited with a more personal motive. Antony’s -infatuation for Cleopatra was becoming known in Rome, and it was believed -that Fulvia designedly promoted civil troubles in the hope of inducing -her husband to return.[177] At any rate she and Lucius took advantage -of the ill-feeling against Cæsar caused by the confiscation of land. -They feigned to plead for the dispossessed owners, maintaining that the -confiscations had already produced enough for the payment of all claims, -and that, if it were found that this was not so, Marcus would bring home -from Asia what would cover the balance. They thus made Cæsar unpopular -with both sides—with the veterans who thought that he might have -satisfied their claims in full; with the dispossessed owners, who, over -and above the natural irritation at their loss, thought that his measure -had not been even necessary, and that he might have paid the veterans -without mulcting them, or might have waited for the money from Asia. -Specially formidable was the anger of landowners who were in the Senate. -The discontent was increased by the hardness of the times; for corn -was at famine price owing to Sextus Pompeius and Domitius Ahenobarbus -infesting the Sicilian and Ionian seas. Cæsar was therefore in a serious -difficulty. Unable to satisfy veterans and Senators at the same time, he -found how powerless is mere military force against widespread and just -resentment. His one answer to senatorial remonstrance had been, “But how -am I to pay the veterans?” Now, however, he found it necessary to let -alone the properties of Senators, the dowries of women, and all holdings -less than the share of a single veteran. This again led to mutinies -among the troops, who murdered some of their tribunes, and were within -a little of assassinating Cæsar himself. They were only quieted by the -promise that all their relations, and all fathers and sons of those who -had fallen in the war, should retain lands assigned to them. This again -enraged a number of the losers, and fatal encounters between owners and -intruding “colonists” became frequent. The soldiers had the advantage of -training, but the inhabitants were more numerous, and attacked them with -stones and tiles from the housetops, both in Rome and the country towns. -The burning of houses became so common that it was found necessary to -remit a whole year’s rent of houses let for 500 denarii (£20) and under -in the city, and a fourth part in the rest of Italy. - -[Sidenote: Other provocations offered to Augustus. He takes steps to -protect himself.] - -Cæsar was also made to feel that attachment to Antony meant hostility to -himself; for two legions despatched by him to Spain were refused passage -through the province by Q. Fufius Calenus and Ventidius Bassus, Antony’s -legates in Gallia Transalpina.[178] Alarmed by the aspect of affairs, -he tried to come to some understanding with Lucius and Fulvia, but -found them resolutely hostile. The mediation of officers in the army, -of private friends and Senators proved of no avail; though he produced -the agreement drawn up between Marcus and himself, and offered to allow -the Senate to arbitrate on their disputes. Satisfied that by the refusal -of this offer Lucius and Fulvia had put themselves in the wrong, he -determined to rely upon his army. For Lucius had been collecting men -among those offended by Cæsar, and Fulvia, accompanied by many Senators -and equites, had occupied Præneste with a body of troops, to which she -regularly gave the watchword as their commander, appeared among them -wearing a sword, and frequently harangued the men. - -The men of Cæsar’s army, no doubt acting on a hint from himself, now -took the matter into their own hands. They suddenly entered Rome, -affirming that they wished to consult the Senate and people. Assembling -on the Capitol, with such citizens as ventured to come, they ordered the -agreement between Cæsar and Antony to be read, voted its confirmation, -constituted themselves judges between the disputants, and named a day -on which Fulvia, Lucius, and Cæsar were to appear before them at Gabii. -Having ordered these resolutions to be written out and deposited with -the Vestals, they peaceably dispersed. Cæsar was present and of course -consented to appear; but Lucius and Fulvia, though at first promising -to attend at Gabii, did not do so. They scoffed at the idea of a mob -of soldiers, a _senatus caligatus_[179] (a “Tommy-Atkins-parliament”), -presuming to speak for Senate and people. They were therefore voted in -their absence to be in the wrong, and Cæsar’s _acta_ were confirmed. -The show of legality thus gained for him was used by his officers to -justify the collection of money in all directions. Temples were stripped -of silver ornaments to be coined into money, and troops were summoned -from Cisalpine Gaul, which in spite of the claims of Marcus Antonius, -was now made a part of Italy without a provincial governor having a -right to maintain troops.[180] Lucius also, as consul, enrolled men -wherever his authority was acknowledged, and once more there was civil -war in Italy. It was in many respects a recrudescence of the republican -opposition lately headed by Brutus and Cassius. For Sextus Pompeius had -been joined by Murcus with vessels carrying two legions and 500 archers, -and was reinforced with the remains of the armies of Brutus and Cassius, -which had taken refuge in Cephallenia. In Africa Antony’s legate, Titus -Sextius, though he had surrendered the province to Cæsar’s legate -Lurco, had resumed possession and put Lurco to death. Lastly, Domitius -Ahenobarbus was threatening Brundisium with seventy ships. It was not -clear how far these movements were known or approved by Antony; but the -old republican party hoped that their upshot would be the dissolution of -the triumvirate, the downfall of Cæsar, and the restoration of the old -constitution. - -[Sidenote: Open war between Augustus and L. Antonius B.C. 41-40.] - -For the present Cæsar left Sextus Pompeius alone. But he sent a legion -to Brundisium and summoned Salvidienus with his six legions from his -march into Spain. Salvidienus had been opposed by Antony’s legates -Pollio and Ventidius, and was now harassed in his rear by them when he -turned homeward along the _via Cassia_. Open hostilities, however, began -elsewhere. Some legions at Alba Fucensis showed signs of mutiny, and both -Cæsar and Antonius started for Alba, hoping to secure their adhesion. -But Antonius got there first, and by lavish promises won them to his -side. Cæsar only came in time to skirmish with Antonius’s rearguard under -C. Furnius, and then moved northward to renew his attack on Furnius, -who had retreated to Sentinum in Umbria. On his way he unsuccessfully -attacked Nursia, where Antonius had a garrison, and while he was thus -engaged Antonius himself led his main army to Rome. Such troops as Cæsar -had left in or near the city surrendered to him; while Lepidus, without -attempting resistance, fled to Cæsar,[181] and the other consul made no -opposition. Lucius summoned a _contio_, declared that he meant to depose -Cæsar and Lepidus from their unconstitutional office, and to re-establish -the just authority of the consulship, with which his brother Marcus would -be fully satisfied. His speech was received with applause; he was hailed -_imperator_; and the command in a war was voted to him, though without -the enemy being named. Reinforced by veterans of his brother’s army he -started along the _via Cassia_ to intercept the returning Salvidienus. - -Informed of these transactions Cæsar hurried to Rome, leaving Sentinum -still besieged. But it was Agrippa who struck the decisive blow. With -such forces as he could collect he, too, marched on the heels of Antonius -along the _via Cassia_, and occupied Sutrium, about thirty miles from -the city. This cut off L. Antonius’s communications with Rome, who, -with Salvidienus in front of him and Agrippa in his rear, could neither -advance or retire along the _Cassia_ without fighting. With an enemy -on both sides of him he did not venture to give battle, but turned off -the road to Perusia. At first he encamped outside the town expecting to -be soon relieved by Pollio and Ventidius. But finding that they were -moving slowly, and that three hostile armies—under Cæsar, Agrippa, and -Salvidienus—were threatening him, he retired within the walls; where he -thought he might safely winter. Cæsar at once began throwing up lines of -circumvallation, and cut him off from all chance of supply. Perusia is on -a hill overlooking the Tiber and the Trasimene lake. But its position, -almost impregnable to assault, made it also somewhat easy to blockade. -Fulvia was active in urging the legates of Antony in Gaul and North -Italy to come to the relief of Lucius. But Pollio and Ventidius hesitated -and doubted, not feeling certain of the wishes of Marcus; and though -Plancus cut up one legion on its march to join Cæsar, neither he nor any -of the others ventured to engage him when he and Agrippa threw themselves -in their way. Pollio retired to Ravenna, Ventidius to Ariminum, Plancus -to Spoletium, leaving Lucius to his fate; while Fufius Calenus remained -in the Alpine region without stirring. Meanwhile Salvidienus proceeded to -Sentinum, which he took, and shortly afterwards received the surrender of -Nursia. - -[Sidenote: B.C. 40 Cos, C. Asinius Pollio, Cn. Domitius Calvinus. Fall of -Perusia.] - -[Sidenote: Livia.] - -Cæsar was thus able to use his whole force against Perusia. The blockade -lasted till March, B.C. 40, when L. Antonius was compelled to surrender -by hunger. Cæsar had taken an active share in the siege throughout, and -had run serious risks, at one time being nearly captured in a sally of -gladiators while engaged in sacrifice; at another being in danger from -a mutiny in his own army. On the fall of Perusia the townsmen suffered -severely from the victorious soldiery, apparently without the order, and -perhaps against the wish, of Cæsar; and in the course of the sack the -town itself was accidentally set on fire and in great part destroyed. -There is again a conflict of testimony as to Cæsar’s severities. -Suetonius says that he executed a great number, answering all appeals -with a stern “Death!” (_moriendum est_): and his enemies asserted that -he deliberately enticed L. Antonius into the war to have an excuse for -thus ridding himself of his opponents. Some also reported that he caused -300 to be put to death on the Ides of March, at an altar dedicated to -Iulius. On the other hand, it is certain that L. Antonius was allowed to -go away in safety; and Livy says that Cæsar pardoned him and “all his -soldiers.” Appian attributes the death of such leading men as fell to the -vindictiveness of the soldiers. Velleius, of course, takes the same view; -while Dio, equally of course, agrees rather with Suetonius. The first -writer to mention the _Perusinæ aræ_ is Seneca; but as his object was to -contrast the clemency of Nero with the cruelty of Augustus, it is fair -to suspect that he was not very particular as to the historical basis -for his allegations. If there were some executions and also some altar -dedicated to Iulius—both of which are more than probable—it would be easy -for popular imagination to connect the two. No doubt all in Perusia who -were implicated in the assassination, or had been on the proscription -lists, would have short shrift.[182] The altar story is unlike the usual -good sense of Augustus; but it seems that in this siege he desired to -emphasise the fact that he was the avenger of his “father,” some at least -of the leaden bullets used by the slingers bearing the words _Divom -Iulium_.[183] At any rate, whether during the siege or by executions -after it, there seems no doubt that at Perusia a blow was struck at the -old republican party—already decimated by civil war and proscription—from -which it never recovered. The victory, moreover, left Cæsar supreme in -Italy. The legates of M. Antonius for the most part abandoned their -legions and went to join him, or to Sicily to join Sextus Pompeius, who -was already negotiating with Antony. Fufius Calenus, indeed, refused to -surrender his eleven legions; but he died shortly afterwards, and his -son handed them over to Cæsar. Plancus, abandoned by his two legions, -escaped to Antony. Ventidius seems to have done the same; while Pollio, -though not leaving Italy, hung about the east coast in expectation of -Antony’s arrival. Among others, Tiberius Nero abandoned a garrison which -he was commanding, and, with his wife Livia (soon to be the wife of -Augustus) and his infant son (afterwards the Emperor Tiberius), fled to -Sextus Pompeius. Thither also went Antony’s mother Iulia, whom Pompeius -received with respect and employed as envoy to her son; while Fulvia -embarked at Brundisium and sailed to Athens to meet her husband. In Italy -there was no one to rival Cæsar, who by these surrenders and desertions -had now a formidable army. What he had still to fear was a combination of -Antony and Sextus Pompeius and an invasion of Italy by their joint forces. - -[Sidenote: Fresh terms with M. Antonius.] - -[Sidenote: Marriage with Scribonia, B.C. 40.] - -Such an invasion was, in fact, contemplated. Antony was in Asia when -he heard of the fall of Perusia. Crossing to Athens he met Fulvia and -his mother Iulia, the latter bringing an offer from Sextus Pompeius of -support against Cæsar. Antony was in no good humour with his wife or -his agents, whom he must have regarded as having blundered. Nor was he -prepared to begin hostilities at once. But he promised that if Sextus did -so he would accept his aid; and that, even if he did not, he would do -his best to include him in any terms made with Cæsar. Meanwhile, though -the veterans were shy of enlisting against Antony, Cæsar found himself -at the head of more than forty legions, and with such an army had no -fear of not holding his own on land. But his opponents were strong at -sea, and, if they joined with Sextus Pompeius, would have the coasts -of Italy at their mercy. He therefore tried on his own account to come -to an understanding with Pompeius. With this view he caused Mæcenas to -negotiate his marriage with Scribonia, sister of Scribonius Libo, and -aunt to the wife of Pompeius. He had been betrothed in early life to a -daughter of his great-uncle’s colleague, P. Servilius Isauricus, and in -B.C. 43 to Antony’s stepdaughter, Clodia. But neither marriage had been -completed, and at the beginning of Fulvia’s opposition, in B.C. 41, he -had repudiated Clodia. The present union was one of political convenience -only. Scribonia had been twice married, and by her second husband had a -son only a few years younger than Cæsar himself. She was therefore much -the older, and seems also to have been of difficult temper. That at -least was the reason he gave for the divorce which followed a year later, -on the day on which she gave birth to her daughter Iulia. But a truer -reason (besides his passion for Livia) was the fact that by that time -circumstances were changed, and it was not necessary, or even convenient, -to have such a connection with Sextus Pompeius any longer. - -[Sidenote: First reconciliation of Brundisium, and new division of the -Empire.] - -Antony arrived off Brundisium in the summer of B.C. 40, and was joined -by Sextus and Domitius Ahenobarbus. The three made some descents upon -the coast and threatened Brundisium with a blockade. But before much -damage had been done the interference of common friends brought about -a reconciliation. Antony consented to order Sextus Pompeius to return -to Sicily, and to send away Ahenobarbus as proprætor of Bithynia. A -conference was held at Brundisium, at which Pollio represented Antony, -Mæcenas Cæsar, while M. Cocceius Nerva (great-grandfather of the Emperor) -attended as a common friend of both. The reconciliation here effected -was to be confirmed by the marriage of Antony (whose wife Fulvia had -just died at Sicyon) to Cæsar’s sister Octavia, widow of C. Claudius -Marcellus, the consul of B.C. 50. The two triumvirs accordingly embraced, -and agreed to a new division of the Empire. An imaginary line was to be -drawn through Scodra (_Scutari_) on the Illyrian coast. All west of this -line, up to the Ocean, was to be under the care of Cæsar, except Africa, -which was already in the hands of Lepidus; all east of it, up to the -Euphrates, was to go to Antony. The war against Sextus Pompeius (unless -he came to terms) was to be the common care of both, in spite of Antony’s -recent negotiations with him. Cæsar, on his part, agreed to amnesty all -who had joined Antony from the armies of Brutus and Cassius, in some -cases even though they had been among the assassins.[184] Lastly, both -were to have the right to enlist an equal number of soldiers in Italy. -This agreement was followed by an interchange of hospitalities, in which -Antony displayed the luxury and splendour learnt at the Egyptian court, -while Cæsar affected the simplicity of a Roman and a soldier.[185] - -[Sidenote: A new agreement with Sext. Pompeius, B.C. 39.] - -But Sextus did not tamely submit to be thus thrown over. He resumed -his old plan of starving out Italy. His freedman, Menodorus, wrested -Sardinia from the governor sent by Cæsar, and his ships, cruising off -Sicily, intercepted the corn-ships from Africa. The people of Rome -were threatened with famine, and on the arrival of Cæsar and Antony to -celebrate the marriage, though an ovation was decreed to both, there -were serious riots in which Cæsar’s life was in danger, and which had to -be suppressed by Antony’s soldiers. They were forced by the outcry to -renew negotiations with Sextus, whose brother-in-law Libo—in spite of the -advice of Menodorus—arranged a meeting between him and the triumvirs at -Misenum, early in B.C. 39. Every precaution was taken against treachery -at the hands of Pompeius. And not without reason. The execution of -Bithynicus three years before had been followed and surpassed by the -treacherous murder of Statius Murcus, followed by the cruel crucifixion -of his slaves on the pretence that the crime had been theirs. The -conference was therefore held on temporary platforms erected at the -end of the mole at Puteoli, with a space of water between them. But an -agreement having been reached, Antony and Cæsar accepted a banquet on -board his ship; and when Menodorus suggested to Pompeius that he should -cut the cables and sail away with them as prisoners, he answered that -Menodorus should have done it without asking, but that he himself was -bound by his oath. The terms made between them were that Sextus Pompeius -was to remain governor of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, with his -fleet, as well as in Peloponnesus, but was to remove all garrisons from -Italian towns and undertake not to hinder commerce or receive runaway -slaves,[186] and should at once allow the corn which he had impounded to -reach Italy. On the other hand, all men of rank who had taken refuge with -him were to have restitution of civil rights and property. If they had -been on the proscription lists, they were to recover only a fourth; and -if they had been condemned for the assassination, they were to be allowed -a safe place of exile. Those—not coming under these three classes—who had -served in his army or navy, were to have the same claim to pensions as -those in the armies of the triumvirs. - -Pompeius then returned to Sicily, the triumvirs to Rome. Thence they went -different ways: Antony and Octavia to Athens; Cæsar to Gaul, where the -disturbed state of the country required his presence. Now, therefore, -begins the separate administration of East and West, and the different -principles on which it was carried on contributed largely to the final -rupture between the two men. Antony’s was the otiose policy of setting -up client kings who would take the trouble of government off his hands -and yet be ready to pay him court and do him service, because their -dignity and power depended upon his supremacy. Thus Darius, grandson -of Mithradates, was appointed to Pontus; Herod to Idumæa and Samaria; -Amyntas to Pisidia; Polemon to a part of Cilicia. To Cæsar, on the other -hand, fell the task of preserving order and establishing Roman rule in -countries nearer home, peace and good government in which were essential -to the comfort of the city. Above all, he was bound to prevent Sextus -Pompeius from again interrupting the commerce and corn supply of Italy. -The only service of any of Antony’s partisans near enough to be of active -interest to Rome was the victory of Pollio over the Parthini, for which -he was awarded a triumph.[187] - -[Sidenote: B.C. 38, renewed war with Sextus Pompeius.] - -But the war with Sextus Pompeius soon became Cæsar’s chief task, and -its renewal was with some justice laid at Antony’s door. For being as -he thought unfairly treated by Antony as to the Peloponnese, which the -latter had declined to hand over till he had collected the year’s taxes, -Pompeius once more began harassing the Italian shores and intercepting -corn-ships. Cæsar answered this by bringing troops from Gaul and building -ships. He established two depôts—at Brundisium and Puteoli—and invited -Antony’s presence at Brundisium to discuss the question of war. Antony -doubtless found it inconvenient to be closely pressed on this matter, -for he was greatly responsible for the difficulty. Though he came to -Brundisium, therefore, he left again immediately, without waiting for -Cæsar, who had been delayed. He gave out that he was opposed to any -breach of the treaty with Pompeius, ignoring the fact that Pompeius -had already broken it. He even threatened to reclaim Menodorus as his -slave, on the ground that he had been the slave of Cn. Pompeius, and had -therefore passed to him as the purchaser of Pompey’s confiscated estate. -Unable, therefore, to reckon on help from Antony, Cæsar undertook the -business himself. He strengthened assailable points on the Italian -coasts; collected ships at Rome and Ravenna; and took over Corsica and -Sardinia from Menodorus, who deserted to him and was made joint admiral -with Calvisius. He set sail himself from Tarentum, Calvisius from Cosa -in Etruria; while a large army was stationed at Rhegium. Pompeius was -almost taken by surprise, but yet managed to reach Cumæ and all but -defeat his enemy’s fleet. This was followed by a violent storm in which -Cæsar’s fleet suffered severely, off the Skyllæan promontory, and by a -second battle in which it only escaped destruction by nightfall. A second -terrible storm, which Pompeius’s more experienced mariners managed to -avoid, still further reduced Cæsar’s sea forces. Pompeius, elated by -these successes, assumed the title of son of Neptune, and wore sea-green -robes as a sign of his origin.[188] - -[Sidenote: Activity of Agrippa, B.C. 37-6. Second reconciliation with -Antony.] - -Cæsar did not give in, but he changed his generals. Agrippa was summoned -from Gaul, where he had been very successful, and for the first time -since the expedition of Iulius Cæsar, had led an army across the Rhine. -The construction and command of a new fleet were entrusted to him. -With characteristic energy he not only built and manned a large number -of ships, but began the formation of a new harbour (_portus Iulius_) -for their safety and convenience, by piercing the causeway between the -sea and the Lucrine Lake, deepening the lake itself, and connecting it -with the lake Avernus. Here he practised his ships and men during the -winter, and by the summer of B.C. 36 was ready for action. Meanwhile -fresh negotiations with Antony were conducted by Mæcenas, and in the -spring of B.C. 37 a reconciliation was arranged at Tarentum, with the -help of Octavia. The two triumvirs met on the river Taras, and after an -interchange of hospitalities they agreed: First, that the triumvirate -should be renewed for a second period of five years, that is, to the last -day of B.C. 33.[189] Secondly, that Antony should supply Cæsar with 120 -ships for the war against Sextus, and Cæsar give Antony 20,000 men for -the Parthian war, which was now becoming serious. Some farther mutual -presents were made through Octavia, and Antony started for Syria leaving -her and their child with her brother. - -[Sidenote: Continued war with Sextus Pompeius, B.C. 37-36.] - -Cæsar’s plan of campaign for B.C. 37 was that on the 1st of July a -combined attack should be made on Sicily, from three points—from Africa -by Lepidus, from Tarentum by Statilius Taurus, and from Puteoli by -himself. Another violent storm baffled this plan; Cæsar had to take -refuge at Elea; Taurus had to put back to Tarentum; while, though -he reached Sicily, Lepidus returned without effecting anything of -importance. Another winter and spring had to be spent on preparations, -and it was not till the autumn of B.C. 36 that the final engagements -took place. At that time Pompeius’s fleet was stationed along the -Sicilian coast from Messana to Tyndaris, with headquarters at Mylæ. -After reconnoitring the position from the Æolian islands, Cæsar left the -main attack to Agrippa, while he himself joined Taurus at Leucopetra. -Agrippa repulsed the enemy’s ships, but not decisively enough to enable -him to pursue them to their moorings. It was sufficient, however, to -enable Cæsar to cross to Tauromenium, leaving his main body of men on -the Italian shore under the command of Valerius Messalla. Here he soon -found himself in the greatest danger. Pompeius’s fleet was not held up -by Agrippa, as Cæsar thought, but appeared off Tauromenium in force. -Messalla was unable to cross to his relief, and a body of Pompeian -cavalry attacked him while his men were making their camp. Cæsar himself -managed to get back to Italy, but he left three legions, 500 cavalry, and -2,000 veterans, under Cornificius, encamped near Tauromenium, surrounded -by enemies, and without means of supply. He himself landed in a forlorn -condition, with only one attendant, and with great difficulty found his -way to the camp of Messalla. Thence he sent urgent orders to Agrippa to -despatch a force to the relief of Cornificius; commanded Messalla to send -for reinforcements from Puteoli; while Mæcenas was sent to Rome with full -powers to suppress the disorders likely to occur when the ill-success -against Pompeius was known. - -The force despatched by Agrippa found Cornificius and his men in a -state of desperate suffering in the difficult district of Mount Ætna, -and conveyed them to the fleet off Mylæ. So far, though Pompeius had -maintained his reputation at sea, he had not shown himself able to follow -up a success on land. And now the tide turned against him. Agrippa seized -Tyndaris, in which Pompeius had large stores, and Cæsar landed twenty-one -legions there, with 2,000 cavalry and 5,000 light-armed troops. His plan -was to assault Messana while Agrippa engaged the fleet. There was a good -road from Tyndaris to Messana (_via Valeria_), but Pompeius still held -Mylæ and other places along the coast with the defiles leading to them. -He was misled, however, by a report of an immediate attack by Agrippa, -and, withdrawing his men from these defiles and strong posts, allowed -Cæsar to occupy them. Finding the report to be false, he again attempted -to intercept Cæsar as he was marching with some difficulty over the -district of Mount Myconium. But his general (Tisienus) failed to take -advantage of Cæsar’s unfavourable position, who, having meanwhile been -joined by Lepidus, encamped under the walls of Messana. He was now strong -enough on land to send detachments to occupy the various towns from which -Pompeius drew supplies; and therefore it was necessary for the latter -to abandon Sicily, or to scatter the fleet of Agrippa and so open the -sea to his transports. In a second battle off Mylæ, however, the fleet -of Pompeius was nearly annihilated, and though he escaped himself into -Messana, his land forces under Tisienus surrendered to Cæsar. When he -discovered this Pompeius, without waiting for the eight legions which -he still had at Lilybæum, collected seventeen ships which had survived -the battle and fled to Asia, hoping that Antony in gratitude for former -services would save and possibly employ him. - -[Sidenote: Deposition of Lepidus.] - -The danger which for so many years had hung like a cloud about the shores -of Italy was thus at an end. But there was one more danger still to be -surmounted before Cæsar’s authority was fully established in Sicily. The -eight Pompeian legions from Lilybæum under Plennius presently arrived at -Messana. Finding Pompeius fled, as Cæsar happened to be absent, Plennius -handed them over to Lepidus, who was on the spot. Lepidus added them -to his own forces, and being thus strengthened, conceived the idea of -adding Sicily to his province of Africa. It had not been definitely -included in any of the triumviral agreements; he had been the first to -land there, and had in the course of his march forced or persuaded many -cities to submit,—why should he have less authority to deal with it than -Cæsar, whose office was the same as his own? He had originally bargained -for Narbonensis and Spain: he had been shifted to Africa without being -consulted, and his provinces had been taken over by Cæsar. He was now -at the head of twenty-two legions, and would no longer be treated as a -subordinate. His arguments were sound; but they needed to be backed by -a determination as fixed as that of his rival, and, above all, by the -loyalty of his army. Neither of these advantages were his. In a stormy -interview with Cæsar he shewed that he could scold as loudly as another. -But when they had parted, he failed from indolence or blindness to detect -that Cæsar’s agents were undermining the fidelity of his men, especially -in the Pompeian legions, by informing them that without Cæsar’s assent -the promises made them by Lepidus would not be held valid. On his next -visit to the camp of Lepidus with a small bodyguard, Cæsar was mobbed by -the soldiers, and even had some of his guard killed, but when in revenge -for this he invested Lepidus with his main army, the forces of the latter -began quickly to melt away, and before many days he was compelled to -throw himself at Cæsar’s feet. He was forced to abdicate the triumvirate, -and sent to reside in Italy, where he remained till his death (B.C. 13), -in a private capacity and subject to constant mortifications. He retained -indeed the office of Pontifex Maximus, because of certain religious -difficulties as to its abdication, but he was never allowed to exercise -any but the most formal functions. This treatment of a colleague was not -generous; but the whole career of Lepidus since the beginning of the -civil war had been weak and shifty. He was “the greatest weathercock in -the world” (_ventosissimus_),[190] as Decimus Brutus told Cicero, and he -certainly presents the most pitiful figure of all the leading men of the -day. - -[Sidenote: The fate of Sextus Pompeius, B.C. 35.] - -The old policy of Philippi and Perusia was followed as regards the -forces of Pompeius. Senators and equites were, it is to be feared, in -many cases put to the sword; while the rank and file were admitted into -Cæsar’s army, and an amnesty was granted to those Sicilian towns which -had submitted either to Pompeius or Lepidus. Africa and Sicily Cæsar -took over as his part of the Empire and appointed proprætors to each. -He did not attempt to pursue Sextus Pompeius; he preferred that Antony -should have the responsibility and perhaps the odium of dealing with him. -In fact, he did some years afterwards make his execution a ground of -complaint against Antony. Yet Antony seems to have had little choice in -the matter. For Pompeius acted in Asia much as he had acted in Sicily -and Italy, capturing towns and plundering ships, while sending peaceful -embassies to Antony, offering to serve him against Cæsar. Being at last -compelled to surrender to Amyntas (made king of Pisidia by Antony), and -being by him delivered to Antony’s legate Titius, he was taken to Miletus -and there put to death. But it was, and still remains, uncertain whether -this was done by Antony’s order. - -He was just forty, and had led a strange life since he witnessed his -father’s death from the ship off the coast of Egypt. He seems to have -had some generous qualities which attached men to him. But the times -were out of joint, and he was compelled to live the life of a pirate -and freebooter, having a grievance against every successive party that -gained power at Rome, trusting none, and feeling no obligation to treat -them as fellow citizens or even as noble enemies. He seems to have missed -more than one chance of crushing Cæsar; but his troops, though numerous, -were fitted neither by spirit nor by discipline to encounter regularly -trained legions in open fight. We cannot withhold a certain admiration -for the courage and energy which maintained him as virtual ruler of no -inconsiderable portion of the Roman Empire for nearly twelve years. - -[Illustration: AUGUSTUS ADDRESSING TROOPS. - -_Photographed from the Statue in the Vatican by Edne. Alinari._ - -_To face page 108._] - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -ACTIUM - - _Altera iam teritur bellis civilibus aetas._ - _Sævis Liburnis, scilicet invidens,_ - _privata deduci superbo_ - _non humilis mulier triumpho._ - - -[Sidenote: The early manhood of Augustus and its fruits.] - -When Sextus fled from Sicily Cæsar was about to complete his 27th year. -It was nearly nine years since, while little more than a boy, he had -first boldly asserted himself in opposition to men more than twice his -own age, and had forced those who had been statesmen before he was born -to regard him as their champion or respect him as their master. Since -that time he had had little rest from grave anxieties or war. At Mutina, -Philippi, Perusia, and in Sicily, he had tasted danger and disaster as -well as victory; and had more than once been in imminent hazard. These -fatigues had been made more trying by frequent illness, apparently -arising from a sluggish liver, to which he had been subject from boyhood. -Through all he had been supported by an indomitable persistence and a -passionate resolve to avenge his adoptive father, all the more formidable -perhaps in a character naturally cold and self-contained. As he went on -there gradually awoke in him a nobler ambition, that of restoring and -directing the distracted state. Neither now nor afterwards do the more -vulgar attributes of supreme power—wealth, luxury, and adulation—seem to -have had charms for him. He felt the governing power in him, he believed -in his “genius,” what we might call his “mission,” and the difficulties -of a divided rule became more and more clear to him. From this time, -therefore, he used every means which wise statesmanship or crafty policy -could suggest to rid himself of the remaining partner in the Triumvirate, -and to gain a free hand in the work of restoration which he had already -begun. - -[Sidenote: Marriage with Livia, B.C. 38.] - -In private life he had taken a step which was the source of a lifelong -happiness to him. The political marriage with Scribonia in B.C. 40, -contracted with the idea of conciliating Sextus Pompeius, had been ended -by divorce on the very day of the birth of his only daughter Iulia. -The reason alleged was her disagreeable disposition; but, besides the -change in the political situation, there was another reason of a more -personal nature. The peace of Misenum had permitted many partisans of -Brutus, Cassius, or Lucius Antonius, who had fled to Sextus Pompeius, -to return to Rome. Among others came Tiberius Nero,[191] with his young -wife, Livia Drusilla. Unless statues and coins are more than usually -false, she was possessed of rare beauty. In B.C. 38 she was twenty years -old, and had one son (the future Emperor Tiberius) now in his fourth -year, and was within three months of the birth of her second son Drusus. -Even to the lax notions of divorce and re-marriage then current this -seemed somewhat scandalous. A year was held to be the necessary interval -for a woman between one marriage and another. But the object of this -convention was to prevent ambiguity as to the paternity of children; and -when Cæsar consulted the pontifices, they told him that, if there was no -doubt as to the paternity of the child with which Livia was pregnant, -the marriage might lawfully take place at once. No opposition seems to -have been made by Livia’s husband, who was at least twenty years her -senior.[192] He acted as a father in giving her to her new husband, and -entertained the bridal pair at a banquet. The marriage was so prompt -that a favourite page of Livia’s, seeing her take her place on the same -dinner couch as Cæsar, whispered to his mistress that she had made a -mistake, for her husband was on the other couch. On the birth of Drusus, -Cæsar sent the infant to its father, thus complying with the conditions -of the pontifices. That the two men should have been on good terms -is not incredible in view of the prevailing sentiment as to divorce. -We find Cicero, for instance, writing effusively to Dolabella almost -directly after he had compelled his daughter to divorce him for gross -misconduct, and there are other instances. At any rate Tiberius Nero, on -his death-bed in B.C. 33, left the guardianship of his sons to Cæsar; and -in spite of such a beginning the marriage proved permanently happy. Cæsar -was devoted to Livia to the day of his death; his last conscious act was -to kiss her lips.[193] - -[Sidenote: Honours voted to Cæsar.] - -The victory in Sicily left him supreme in the West, and he at once -devoted himself to the re-establishment of order and prosperity. The -relief to Italy and Rome was immense; for with Pompeius master of the -sea the city was always in danger of famine, and the Italian coast of -devastation. This feeling of relief found expression in the proceedings -of the Senate, which now began those votes of special honours and powers -to Cæsar, which in the course of the next ten or twelve years gradually -clothed him with every attribute of supremacy in the state. On his return -from Sicily he was decreed an ovation, as after Philippi,[194] as well -as statues and a triumphal arch. On the day of the victory over Pompeius -(2nd of September), there were to be _feriæ_ and _supplicationes_ for -ever; he and his wife and family were to be feasted on the Capitol; -and he was to have the perpetual right of wearing the laurel wreath of -victory. He refused the office of Pontifex Maximus, as long as Lepidus -lived, but he accepted the privileges of the tribuneship—the personal -sanctity which put any one injuring or molesting him under a curse, and -the right of sitting with the tribunes in the Senate. This it seems -gave him practically the full _tribunicia potestas_ within the city. -But it was a novel measure, and its full consequences were not perhaps -foreseen.[195] He had twice before wished to be elected tribune, but his -“patriciate” stood in his way. This was meant as a kind of compromise, -and it furnishes the keynote to his later plans for absorbing the powers -of the republican offices. - -[Sidenote: Measures of conciliation and restoration.] - -[Sidenote: The wars for security of frontiers.] - -Cæsar’s chief difficulties now came from the large military forces of -which he found himself possessed, either by his own enlistment or from -that of the various defeated leaders. To disband them was neither safe in -view of possible complications with Antony, nor possible without finding -large sums of money or great tracts of unoccupied land with which to -reward the men; whereas his object now was to put an end to confiscation, -fines, and unusual imposts, and to bring back confidence and security. -After suppressing more than one incipient mutiny, he contrived to secure -enough land for those who had served their full time, partly by purchases -from Capua, where there was still a good deal of unassigned land. He -repaid the colony by granting it revenues from lands at Cnossus in -Crete, which had become _ager publicus_ on the defeat of the pirates, and -on some of which a Roman colony was not long afterwards established.[196] -Some of the men, again, who had been most clamorous and mutinous he sent -to Gaul as a _supplementum_ to colonies already existing, or to found -new colonies.[197] He was thus able to make remission of taxation, as -well as of arrears due from the lists of forfeiture published by the -triumvirs. His enemies said that his object was to throw the odium of -their original imposition upon Antony and Lepidus; or to make a merit of -necessity, since in most cases it would have been impossible to collect -the money. These motives may have had a share in his policy, but he -doubtless also wished to restore confidence and cause an oblivion of -the miseries of the civil wars. For the soldiers who remained various -other employments were found. The weakness of the central government had -long been shewn by the existence of marauding bands in various parts -of Italy. The civil wars had aggravated the evil, till travelling had -become dangerous almost everywhere, and even the streets of Rome were -unsafe. Cæsar now organised a police force of soldiers under Sabinus -Cotta to patrol the city and Italy, and within a few months the evil -was much mitigated.[198] Besides this, Statilius Taurus was sent with -an army to restore order in the two African provinces—Proconsularis and -Numidia.[199] Another expedition was sent against the Salassi, inhabiting -the modern Val d’Aosta, who had for two years been holding out against -Antistius Vetus. He had driven them into their mountain fastnesses; but -when he left the district they once more descended and expelled the Roman -garrisons. The war was entrusted to Valerius Messalla, who reduced them -at least to temporary submission (B.C. 35-34).[200] Another similar war -was that against the Iapydes, living in what is now Croatia, who in their -marauding expeditions had come as far as Aquileia and plundered Roman -colonies. To this Cæsar went in person. He destroyed their capital, -Metulum, on the Colapis (mod. _Kolpa_), after a desperate resistance, in -the course of which he was somewhat severely injured by the fall of a -bridge. The rest of the country then submitted.[201] The Iapydes had no -doubt provoked the attack. But that does not seem to be the case with the -Pannonians, whom Cæsar proceeded to invade. They were a mixed Illyrian -and Celtic tribe, dwelling in forests and detached villages without great -towns, and appear to have lived peaceably. But Cæsar resolved to take -their one important town, Siscia, at the junction of the Kolpa and Save, -partly as a convenient magazine in wars against the Daci, and partly for -the mere object of keeping his army employed and paid at the expense -of a conquered country. The siege of the town lasted thirty days, and -after its fall he returned to Rome, leaving Fufius Geminus to continue -the campaign. So again in the spring of B.C. 34 Agrippa was sent against -the Dalmatians, and when later in the season he was joined by Cæsar -in person, their chief towns were taken and burnt; and this people, -who since their defeat of Gabinius in B.C. 44-43, had been practically -independent, had again to submit and pay tribute, with ten years’ -arrears, and restore the standards taken from Gabinius. Their submission -was followed by that of other tribes, and by the middle of B.C. 33, the -whole of Illyricum was restored to obedience. - -These were the sort of successes to make a man popular at Rome; for they -were not costly in blood or treasure, and they affected the interests -of a large number of merchants and men of business. Nor was this all. -One of his legates, Statilius Taurus, was so successful in Africa, and -another, C. Norbanus, in Spain, that both were decreed triumphs in B.C. -34, and in the same year Mauretania was made a Roman province. Cæsar had -declined a triumph after the Pannonian war, but accepted honours for -Octavia and Livia, who were exempted from the _tutela_, to which all -women were subject; and during these two years his name was becoming -associated with success and with the expansion of the Empire and of trade. - -[Sidenote: Improvements in the city.] - -This was accompanied by restorations and improvements in the city -calculated to appeal still more strongly to popular imagination. In B.C. -33 Agrippa as ædile reformed the water supply of Rome, constructing 700 -basins, 500 fountains, and repairing the aqueducts.[202] He also cleansed -the cloacæ, adorned the circus, distributed oil and salt free, and opened -the baths gratis throughout his year of office, besides throwing among -the spectators at the theatre _tesseræ_ (tickets) entitling the holders -to valuable presents. Cæsar himself, who was consul for a few months at -the beginning of B.C. 33, erected the Porticus Octaviæ, named in honour -of his sister, with the spoils of the Illyrian and Pannonian wars,[203] -and began the building of the temple of Apollo and the two libraries, on -the site bought for a house on the Palatine before B.C. 36, when that of -Hortensius had been granted to him by the Senate,[204] and while he was -still living in the house of Calvus near the Forum. - -[Sidenote: The contrast of Antony’s career.] - -[Sidenote: The Parthians.] - -These successes in the Western provinces, combined with such costly -improvements in the city, impressed (as it was intended that they should) -the minds of the people in Rome with the feeling that Cæsar’s name was -the best guarantee for the era of peace and prosperity which seemed -at last to be succeeding the ruin and horror of civil war. In strong -contrast—carefully emphasized by Cæsar and his friends—were the military -expeditions in the East, and the extravagance of Antony’s infatuation for -Cleopatra in Egypt. In B.C. 40 he had been roused from the intoxication -of love and revelry in Alexandria to find Syria in the hands of the -Parthian Pacorus, son of Orodes, and of Labienus, son of the old legate -of Iulius, who had joined the enemy after the battle of Philippi. They -had defeated and killed his legate, Decidius Saxa, and taken possession -of the province. It is true that next year, B.C. 39, P. Ventidius drove -away Labienus, and in B.C. 38 defeated the Parthians and killed Pacorus. -But Antony was jealous of Ventidius, deposed him from his command, and -went in person to besiege the remains of the Parthian army in Samosata, -where they had been received by Antiochus, king of Commagene. He failed -to take the town, and though in his despatch he took all the credit of -previous successes, the truth was well known in Rome. After his failure -at Samosata he made somewhat inglorious terms with Antiochus, and going -off to meet Cæsar at Tarentum left C. Sosius in charge of Syria. Sosius -put down an insurrection in Judæa and established Herod as king (B.C. -38-7). But in B.C. 36 Antony suffered severe reverses in an expedition -against Phraates, who had just succeeded his father Orodes as king of -Parthia. One success, however, in the course of an inglorious campaign -enabled him to send home laurelled despatches, the real value of which -Cæsar and his friends took care should be known. In B.C. 35 he began -carving out a kingdom for his elder son by Cleopatra, and making -preparations for an expedition against the king of Armenia, whom he -accused of failing in his duty of supporting him in the previous year. -Having first made a treaty of friendship with the king of Media, in B.C. -34 he invaded Armenia, and getting possession of the person of the king -by an act of treachery which shocked Roman sentiment—not very scrupulous -in such matters—he brought him in silver chains to Alexandria. - -[Sidenote: Cleopatra.] - -Thus Antony’s career as an administrator and defender of the Empire -was rightly or wrongly looked upon as comparing unfavourably with that -of Cæsar. But still more shocking to Roman feeling was his position in -Cleopatra’s court. Though the moral standard at Rome was far from high, -it was rigid in regard to certain details. Just as a valid marriage -could only be contracted with a woman who was a _civis_, so for a man -in high position to live openly with a foreign mistress, however high -her rank, was peculiarly scandalous. The beloved Emperor Titus, a -hundred years later, had to give way to this sentiment and dismiss his -Idumæan mistress. But that a Roman imperator should not only have such a -connection with a “barbarous” queen, but should act as her officer and -courtier; that she should have a bodyguard of Roman soldiers; should give -the watchword to them as their sovereign; and should even employ them to -deal with what in one sense or another was Roman territory—this seemed an -outrage of the worst kind. In a poem written it seems while the campaign -at Actium was still undecided, but when rumours of Antony’s defeat were -reaching Rome, Horace well expresses the disgust with which the position -conceded to Cleopatra by Antony’s fondness was regarded: - - False, false the tale our grandsons will declare— - That Romans to a woman fealty sware; - Shouldered their pikes; presented arms; and did - Whate’er her wrinkled eunuchs deigned to bid: - Or that among our Roman flags were seen - The gauzy curtains of her palanquin.”[205] - -Antony himself made no concealment as to the queen’s connection with -the army. After his disastrous expedition of B.C. 36-5, Cleopatra -supplied him with money, and he told his men when paying them that -they were receiving it from her. The connection also involved a breach -with Cæsar. Their friendship—always doubtful—had been patched up from -time to time by formal reconciliations; in B.C. 43 after Mutina; in -B.C. 40 at Brundisium; and in B.C. 37 at Tarentum. For a time Antony -had found great pleasure in the society of Octavia, with whom he lived -for a time at Athens. But after the meeting at Tarentum he left Octavia -with her brother on his return to the East, and soon fell again under -Cleopatra’s spell, who, though not beautiful, fascinated him by her art -and infinite variety. When in B.C. 35 Octavia, trying to effect another -reconciliation, went to Athens, taking money and soldiers for him from -her brother, Antony accepted the gifts, but sent her word that she was -to return to Rome. Cæsar would have had her repudiate him at once, but -she seems to have been sincerely attached to him, and to have shrunk -from the idea of an insult to herself being made an occasion of civil -war. She persisted in living in his town house, and in bringing up with -liberality, not only her own children by him, but also Antony’s children -by Fulvia. - -[Sidenote: Final breach between Cæsar and Antony.] - -But after his return from the Armenian expedition (B.C. 34) Antony became -still more infatuated with Cleopatra. He publicly gave her the title of -“Queen of Queens,” and her eldest son the name of Cæsarion and “King -of Kings”; while to his two sons and daughter by Cleopatra he assigned -kingdoms in Syria, Armenia, Libya, and Cyrene. He had the assurance to -write to the Senate asking for the confirmation of these _acta_. When -his two friends, C. Sosius and Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus entered on their -consulship (1st of January, B.C. 32), they resolved to suppress this -despatch, in spite of Cæsar’s wishes; but they communicated to the Senate -his message that the second period of the Triumvirate having expired -(on the last day of B.C. 33), he had no desire for its renewal. He did -not, however, lay down his imperium, and the object of this declaration -was to embroil Cæsar with the Senate, should he wish to retain his -extraordinary powers. Ahenobarbus, indeed, had had enough of civil war -and wished to take no step likely to bring it about. But Sosius made -an elaborate speech in praise of Antony, and attacking, or at least -depreciating, Cæsar; and was only prevented from bringing in a motion -in Antony’s favour by the intervention of a tribune. A few days after -this Cæsar (who had not been present on the 1st of January) summoned the -Senate, and delivered a speech from the consular bench, which though -studiously moderate as regards himself, was very outspoken as regards -Sosius and Antony. No one ventured to reply, and the Senate was dismissed -with the assurance that Cæsar would produce proofs of what he had said -about Antony. The two consuls, without taking any farther step, left -Rome privately and joined Antony in Alexandria. They were followed by a -considerable number of Senators, Cæsar giving out that they went with his -full consent, and declaring that others might go if they chose. - -[Sidenote: The grievances of either side.] - -[Sidenote: War proclaimed against Cleopatra, B.C. 32.] - -This was a division of the governing body similar to that of B.C. 49-8, -and it was evident that a civil war was imminent. Sentiment was by no -means all on one side at Rome, as is proved by the numbers of the Senate -who crossed to Antony. Party feeling, in fact, was so keen that the very -boys in the streets divided themselves into Cæsarians and Antonians;[206] -and both leaders shewed great eagerness by arguments and declarations to -put themselves in the right. Antony’s grievances against Cæsar were: -(1) that he deprived Lepidus of Africa without consulting him; (2) that -he had not shared with him the countries formerly controlled by Sextus -Pompeius; (3) that he enrolled soldiers in Italy without sending him -the contingents due by their agreement. Cæsar’s against Antony were -that he was occupying Egypt (not a Roman province) without authority; -had executed Sextus Pompeius, whom he (Cæsar) had wished to spare; had -disgraced the Roman name by his conduct to the king of Armenia, by his -connection with Cleopatra, and by bestowing kingdoms on his children by -her; and, lastly, had wronged him by acknowledging Cæsarion as a son of -Iulius Cæsar. Letters and messages were interchanged for some months on -these and other points, both trying to justify themselves. Antony, in -one letter at least, preserved by Suetonius, ridicules in the coarsest -terms what he regards as Cæsar’s hypocritical or prudish objection to his -connection with the queen. But at length Cæsar found means to discredit -Antony in the eyes of the Senators, and to convince them that they must -prevent an invasion of Italy by a proclamation of war against Cleopatra, -which would be understood to be against Antony. He did this by using two -of Antony’s officers who had quarrelled with him and returned to Rome—M. -Titius and L. Munatius Plancus. The latter, Cicero’s correspondent, -the governor of Celtic Gaul in B.C. 44, and consul in B.C. 42, had -joined Antony in Alexandria as his _legatus_, and had been much in his -confidence. He is held up to scorn by contemporary writers as a monster -of fickleness and an ingrained traitor, and his thus turning upon Antony -was regarded with much contempt even by the Cæsarians. The story he and -his companion had to tell, however, served Cæsar’s turn. They brought -word that, on hearing of his speech in the Senate, Antony had publicly -divorced Octavia in the presence of the Senators, and had announced that -he intended to undertake a war against him. They also told how Antony -styled Cleopatra his queen and sovereign, gave her a bodyguard of Roman -soldiers, with her name on their shields; how he escorted her to the -forum and sat by her side on the seat of justice; how, when she rode -in her chair he walked on foot by her side among the eunuchs; how he -called the general’s quarters or prætorium “the Palace,” wore an Egyptian -scimitar and a robe embroidered with gold, and sat on a gilded chair; -and how some religious mummeries had been played, in which he took the -part of Osiris, she of the Moon and Isis. The Roman world believed that -Antony was bewitched by Cleopatra; and the serious consequences likely to -ensue were made more manifest by his will, of which Augustus got either -a copy or an account of its contents from Plancus, and read it publicly -from the Rostra. In it Antony affirmed the legitimacy of Cæsarion, gave -enormous legacies to his children by Cleopatra, and ordered his body to -be buried with that of the queen’s in the royal mausoleum. Altogether -people began to believe the report that he meant to hand over the Empire, -even Rome itself, to Cleopatra, and to transfer the seat of government to -Alexandria. There was one of those outbursts of feeling which carries all -before it. Even those who had been neutral, or inclined to be suspicious -of Cæsar, turned violently against Antony. He was deposed from the -consulship for B.C. 31, to which he had been elected, and declared to be -divested of imperium. It seems probable that he was not at first declared -a _hostis_,[207] but war was voted against Cleopatra. It was enough -for his enemies that he should be found fighting with the Egyptians -against Rome; and the vote was well understood to include him. Cæsar was -appointed to proclaim the war with all the _Fetial_ ceremonies, and the -Senate assumed the _sagum_.[208] - -Both sides were now making preparations in earnest. Cæsar could draw -forces from Italy, Gaul, Spain, Illyricum, Sardinia, Sicily, and other -islands. Antony relied on Asia, the parts about Thrace, Greece and -Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrene, and the islands of the Ægean, besides a large -number of client kings who had owed their position to him.[209] He -silenced their scruples, when gathered at Samos, by pointing out that -they would not be formally at war with Rome, and promising that within -two months of the victory he would lay down his imperium and remit all -power to the Senate and people. Nor did he confine his exertions to -the East. Agents were sent to cities in Italy carrying money, though -Cæsar—who kept himself well informed—frustrated this attempt for the most -part. - -[Sidenote: Antony approaches Italy.] - -From Samos Antony removed his headquarters to Athens, whence in the -winter of B.C. 32 he started to invade Italy. But at Corcyra he -got intelligence of an advanced squadron of Cæsar’s fleet near the -Acroceraunian promontory, and thinking that Cæsar was there in full -force, he decided to put off hostilities till the spring, by which time -he expected to be joined by the forces of the client kings. He himself -wintered at Patræ, distributing his forces so as to guard various points -in Greece. He scornfully rejected Cæsar’s proposal for an interview, on -the ground that there was no one to decide between them, if either broke -the terms upon which they might agree. The proposal was probably not -seriously meant. It was only another means of putting Antony in the wrong. - -[Sidenote: B.C. 31, Con., C. Octavius Cæsar, Val. Messala. The beginning -of hostilities.] - -Nothing, however, was done before the end of the year, a storm having -frustrated an attempt of Cæsar’s to surprise some of the enemy’s ships -at Corcyra. In the early spring the first move was made by Agrippa, -who swooped down upon Methone in Messenia, killed Bogovas, late king -of Mauretania, and harassed the shores of Greece by other descents, in -order to divert Antony’s attention; who was now with his main fleet in -the Ambracian gulf, having secured the narrow entrance to it by towers -on either side, and with ships stationed between. His camp was close to -the temple of Apollo, on the south side of the strait. The successes of -Agrippa encouraged Cæsar to move. He landed troops in Ceraunia, making -his own headquarters at the “Sweet Haven,” at the mouth of the Cocytus, -and sent a detachment by land round the Ambracian sea to threaten -Antony’s camp. Having failed to entice the fleet from the Ambracian -gulf, or to tempt the men to abandon Antony, he seized the high ground -overlooking the strait, and opposite Actium, where he entrenched himself, -on the ground on which he afterwards built Nicopolis. The summer months, -however, were wearing away without any decisive blow being struck by -either side, and the delay was irksome to both. Rome was in a state of -simmering revolt owing to distress and heavy taxes, a discontent which -found expression in the conspiracy of Lepidus, son of the ex-triumvir. -It was promptly suppressed, indeed, and Lepidus was sent over to Cæsar -to receive his condemnation; but, nevertheless, Mæcenas, who was in -charge of Rome, found that he had no sinecure. To Antony, again, delay -meant discontent among his Eastern followers, tottering loyalty, and -probable abandonment. Above all, Cleopatra was in a highly nervous state, -and was urging a return to Egypt. At last on the 31st of August, a -cavalry engagement going against Antony, she became clamorous; and after -long deliberation, Antony determined to follow her advice. He ordered -his ships to be prepared for battle, but with the secret intention of -avoiding a fight and sailing away to Alexandria.[210] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Actium, Sept. 3, B.C. 31.] - -Cæsar was kept informed of this, and resolved to prevent it. His idea -was to allow the Antonian fleet to issue out and begin their course, -and then to fall upon their rear. But Agrippa thought that the superior -sailing powers of the Antonian fleet would render this impossible, and -urged an attack as soon as the ships cleared the straits. There had -been rough weather for four days, but on the 3rd of September there was -a calm,[211] or only some surf from the preceding storms; and when the -trumpet rang out for the start Antony’s huge vessels, furnished with -towers and filled with armed men, began streaming out of the straits. -They did not at first show any signs of standing out to sea. The ships -took up a close order and waited to be attacked. There was a brief pause -on Cæsar’s side. He or Agrippa hesitated to attack these great galleons -with their smaller craft. But before long an order was issued to the -vessels on the extremities of Cæsar’s fleet to exert their utmost powers -in rowing in order to get round Antony’s two wings. To avoid this danger -Antony was forced against his will to order an attack. - -The battle raged all the afternoon without decisive result; though the -smallness of Cæsar’s vessels proved in many points a decided advantage. -They could be rowed close up to bigger ships and be rowed away again -when a shower of javelins had been poured in upon the enemy. Antony’s -men returned the volleys and used grappling irons of great weight. If -these irons caught one of the smaller ships they were doubtless very -effective; but if the cast missed they either seriously damaged their own -ship, or caused so much confusion and delay that an opportunity was given -to the enemy to pour in fresh volleys of darts. At length Cleopatra, -whose ships were on the southern fringe of the fleet, could bear the -suspense no longer. She gave the signal for retreat, and a favourable -breeze springing up, the Egyptian ships were soon fading out of sight. -Antony thinking that this was the result of a panic, and that the day -was lost, hastened after the retiring squadron. The example of their -leader was followed by many of the crews, who lightening their ships by -throwing overboard the wooden towers and war tackle, fled with sails full -spread. But others still maintained the struggle, and it was not until -Cæsar’s men began throwing lighted brands upon the enemy’s ships that the -rout became general. Even then the work was not over, for Cæsar spent -the whole night on board endeavouring to rescue men from the burning -ships.[212] - -[Sidenote: The finale of the civil war in Egypt, B.C. 31-30.] - -Antony got clear off from pursuit, but his camp on land was easily taken, -and his army was intercepted while trying to retreat into Macedonia. For -the most part the men took service in Cæsar’s legions, the veterans being -disbanded without pensions. Antony, however, was followed to Egypt by -many of his adherents of rank, and still thought himself strong enough -to make terms with Cæsar. But he could no longer hope for aid from the -client kings. They all hastened to make their peace with Cæsar, or were -captured and punished. Even Cleopatra was secretly prepared to betray him. - -With the exception of one visit to Brundisium of seven days, to suppress -the mutiny of some discontented veterans, Cæsar spent the winter at -Samos and Athens, collecting an army and navy destined to deprive Egypt -permanently of its independence. Cleopatra had indeed tried to brave it -out. She returned to Alexandria with her prows decked with flowers and -her pipers playing a triumphant tune. The people are not likely to have -been deceived, but there was no sign of revolt. She was able to seize -the property of those whose fidelity she suspected, and even put to -death the captive king of Armenia to gratify her ally the king of Media. -Messages were sent to the kings who had been allied with Antony, and for -some gladiators whom he had in training at Trapezus. The gladiators -started but were intercepted, and no help came from the client kings. -A still worse disappointment awaited him in Cyrene, over which he had -placed L. Pinarius Scarpus with four legions. When, leaving Cleopatra -at Parætonium, he went to take over these legions, Pinarius refused to -receive him and even put his messengers to death, and shortly afterwards -handed over his province and army to Cæsar’s legate, Cornelius Gallus. -This was an unmistakable sign that Antony’s day of influence was over. -Cleopatra returned to Alexandria and made secret preparations for -retiring into Asia, as far as Iberia (_Georgia_) if necessary, though -still keeping up appearances and sending in every direction for aid. -Cleopatra’s son Cæsarion and Antony’s son by Fulvia (Antyllus) were -declared of man’s estate and capable of governing, and messages were -despatched to Cæsar proposing that Antony should retire to Athens as a -_privatus_, and that Cleopatra should abdicate in favour of Cæsarion. -The queen also, without Antony’s knowledge, sent Cæsar a gold sceptre -and crown. He made no reply to Antony, but answered in threatening terms -to Cleopatra, while sending his freedman Thyrsus to give her privately a -reassuring message. Antony suspected the purport of Thyrsus’s mission, -and with a last ebullition of his old swaggering humour had him flogged, -and sent back with the message, that if Cæsar felt aggrieved he might -put his freedman Hipparchus (who had joined Cæsar) to the torture in -revenge. But things went from bad to worse with him. News came that -the gladiators had been impounded, that his own legatus in Syria (Q. -Didius) had bidden the Arabs burn the ships which he had prepared for his -flight in the Red Sea, and that the only two client kings who had seemed -inclined to stand by him—those of Cilicia and Galatia—had fallen off. He -therefore tried once more to open communications with Cæsar. He sent him -as a prisoner one of the assassins of Iulius, whom he had protected and -employed, P. Turullius, and a considerable sum of money by the hands -of his son Antyllus. Cæsar put Turullius to death and took the money, -but returned no answer to Antony, though he again sent a private message -to Cleopatra. Presently Antony was informed that Gallus had arrived at -Parætonium with the four legions taken over from Pinarius; and believing -that even now his personal influence was sufficient to win back the men, -he hurried thither, accompanied by the remains of his fleet coasting -along to guard him. But this only led to farther disaster. The soldiers -refused to listen to him; and when his ships entered the harbour the -chains were made fast across the mouth and they were trapped. On land he -now found himself between two hostile forces; for Cæsar with Cleopatra’s -connivance had landed at Pelusium and was marching on Alexandria, and -Gallus was attacking him from Parætonium. He once more executed one -of those rapid movements for which he was famous. Hastening back to -Alexandria he flung his cavalry upon Cæsar’s vanguard when tired with its -march. But the success of this movement encouraged him to make a general -attack, in which he was decisively beaten. His last resource, the ships -still remaining in the harbour of Alexandria, failed him. Acting under -Cleopatra’s orders the captains refused to receive him. The queen, it is -said, had shut herself up in the Tomb-house or Ptolemæum, hoping to drive -Antony to despair and suicide, as the only solution of the difficulty. If -that was indeed her motive, she was both successful and repentant. Antony -stabbed himself, and begged to be carried to the Tomb-house, where he -died in her arms. - -[Sidenote: Death of Cleopatra.] - -Cæsar was now eager to secure Cleopatra’s person. He sent Gallus to her -with soothing messages, which he delivered to her at the porch. But while -he was speaking with her C. Proculeius entered by a window, seized the -queen, and conveyed her to the Palace, where she was allowed her usual -attendants and all the paraphernalia of royalty. Of the two accounts of -Cæsar’s interview with her the more picturesque one is given by the -usually prosaic Dio. He found her looking charming in her mourning, -surrounded by likenesses of various kinds of the great Iulius, and in -the bosom of her dress a packet of letters received from him. On his -entrance she rose with a blush and greeted him as her lord and master. -She pleaded that Iulius had always honoured her and acknowledged her as -queen. She read affectionate passages from his letters, which she kissed -passionately with tears streaming from her eyes, being at the same time -careful to put respectful admiration and affection for Cæsar himself into -her looks and the tone of her voice. Cæsar quite appreciated the drama -thus played for his behoof, but feigned unconsciousness, keeping his -eyes fixed on the ground and saying nothing but: “Courage, madam! Do not -be alarmed, for no harm will happen to you.” He said no word, however, -as to her retention of royal power, nor did his voice betray the least -tenderness. In an agony of disappointment she flung herself at his feet -and besought him by the memory of his father to allow her to die and -share Antony’s tomb. Cæsar made no reply except once more to bid her not -be alarmed; but he gave orders that though allowed her usual attendants -she was to be closely watched. Cleopatra understood only too well that -the intention was to take her to Rome that she might adorn the victor’s -triumph. But in order to secure greater freedom she feigned submission -and to be busied in collecting presents to take to Livia. Having thus -diminished the vigilance of Epaphroditus and her other guards, she some -days afterwards made a parade of writing a letter to Cæsar, which she -induced Epaphroditus to convey. When he returned, however, he found -the queen, decked in royal robes, lying dead with two of her waiting -women dead or dying by her side. “No one knows for certain,” says Dio, -“how she died. Some say that a venomous snake was conveyed to her in a -water-vessel or in some flowers. Others that the long pin with which -she fastened her hair had a poisoned point, with which she pricked her -arm.” Plutarch, with a like expression of doubt, says that the snake was -conveyed in a basket of figs; and that on receiving the letter brought -by Epaphroditus Cæsar understood her purpose and hurried to the Palace -to prevent it, and even summoned some of the mysterious Psylli—snake -charmers and curers—to suck out the poison.[213] But in spite of his -disappointment, he admired her spirit and gave her a royal funeral. -Perhaps after all he felt relieved of a difficulty. According to Plutarch -she had shown him that she was not to be easily managed. At the end of -her conversation with Cæsar, he says, she handed him a schedule of the -royal treasures. But when one of her stewards or treasurers remarked -that she was keeping back certain sums, the enraged queen sprang up, -clutched his hair, and beat his face with her fists. When Cæsar smiled -and tried to pacify her, she exclaimed: “A pretty thing, Cæsar, that you -should visit and address me with honour in my fallen state, and that one -of my own slaves should malign me! If I have set apart certain women’s -ornaments, it was not for myself, but for Octavia and Livia, that they -might soften your heart to me.” - -It would be pleasanter if the death of Cleopatra and the confiscation of -her treasury were the end of the story. But the executions of the two -poor boys, Cæsarion and Antyllus, were acts of cold-blooded cruelty. -The former, who could not have been more than sixteen, had been sent by -his mother with a large supply of money to Æthiopia, but was betrayed -by his _pædagogus_, overtaken by Cæsar’s soldiers, and put to death. -The young Antonius (or Antyllus) begged hard for his life, and fled for -safety to the _heroum_ of the divine Iulius, constructed by Cleopatra, -but was dragged away and killed. He could at most have been no more -than fourteen, and had in childhood been betrothed to Cæsar’s infant -daughter, Iulia. Perhaps the pretensions of Cæsarion to the paternity of -Cæsar, and his acknowledgment as heir to the throne of Egypt, made his -death inevitable; but the extreme youth of Antyllus and his helplessness -might have pleaded for him. The rest of Antony’s children were protected -by Octavia, and brought up as became their rank. - -It is impossible not to feel some sympathy for Antony, who had thus flung -away fame and life for a woman’s love. But it was doubtless a happy thing -for the world that the direction of affairs fell to the cautious Augustus -rather than to him. He had some attractive qualities, but no virtues. -Boundless self-indulgence in a ruler more than outweighs good-nature or -liberality. It brings more suffering to subjects than the occasional -gratification caused by the latter qualities can compensate. His scheme -for erecting a series of semi-independent kingdoms in the East would -almost certainly have been the cause of endless troubles. He was not more -than fifty-three at his death, but there were signs of a great decay of -energy and activity. The people thought of him— - - “As of a Prince whose manhood was all gone, - And molten down in mere uxoriousness.” - -And undoubtedly, if instead of spending a winter in Samos in luxury and -riot and part of another at Athens in much the same way, he had begun his -attack on Cæsar a year earlier, the result might have been different. But -he let the occasion slip and found, as others have done, that the head of -Time is bald at the back. - -[Illustration: Obv.: Head of Augustus. Rev.: The Sphinx. - -Obv.: Heads of Augustus and Agrippa. Rev.: Crocodile and Palm. _Colonia -Nemausi_ (Nismes). - -Obv.: Head of Augustus. Rev.: Triumphal Arch, celebrating the -reconstruction of the roads. - -Obv.: Head of Drusus. Rev.: The Trophy of Arms taken from the Germans. - -Obv.: Head of Livia. Rev.: Head of Julia. - -_To face page 130._] - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE NEW CONSTITUTION, B.C. 30-23 - - _Hic ames dici pater atque princeps._ - - -[Sidenote: The new constitution.] - -The seven years which followed the death of Antony and Cleopatra -witnessed the settlement of the new constitution in its most important -points. It has been called a _dyarchy_, the two parties to it being the -Emperor and the Senate. They were not, however, at any time of equal -power. As far as it was possible Augustus rested his various functions on -the same foundation as those of the Republican magistrates, and treated -the Senate with studious respect. But in spite of all professions, -in spite even of himself, he became a monarch, whose will was only -limited by those forces of circumstance and sentiment to which the most -autocratic of sovereigns have at times been forced to bow. The important -epochs in this reconstruction are the years B.C. 29, 27, 23; but it will -be necessary sometimes to anticipate the course of events and to speak at -once of what often took many years to develop. - -[Sidenote: Reduction of the army.] - -The reduction of the vast armaments which the various phases of the civil -war had called into existence was made possible by the wealth which the -possession of Egypt put into Cæsar’s hands. Though Egypt became a Roman -province it was from the first in a peculiar position, governed by a -“prefect” appointed by the Emperor, who took as his private property -both the treasures and domain lands of the Ptolemaic kings and the -balance of the revenues over the expenses. This formed the nucleus of -what was afterwards called the _fiscus_,[214] the imperial revenue as -distinguished from the _ærarium_ or public treasury. He was thus enabled -to disband many legions at once, without the dangerous discontent of the -veterans, or the irritation of fresh confiscations. It was imperatively -necessary to do this if he wished to avoid the dangers which had so often -threatened the State from leaders of overgrown military forces. The -number of legions under arms during the preceding ten years was indeed -formidable. In B.C. 36, when Cæsar took over those of Lepidus and Sextus -Pompeius, he had forty-four or forty-five legions under his command.[215] -Between that time and the war with Antony he had reduced the number to -eighteen. But after the victory at Actium and the death of Antony, the -legions taken over from him, along with those newly raised for the war, -again amounted to fifty. Therefore Cæsar had twice to deal with a body of -about 250,000 men. He says himself that in the course of his wars half a -million citizens had taken the military oath to him. The wealth of Egypt -served to purchase lands or compensate towns for such as were taken for -the veterans. From first to last more than 300,000 men were provided for -in this way.[216] An important purpose also served by this measure was -the repeopling of Italy and the renovation of many towns which during -the civil wars, or from other causes, had fallen into decay. Republican -precedent was followed by recalling the ancient practice of settling -“colonies” in the Italian towns, but with this difference, that the new -colonists were usually treated as a _supplementum_ of an already existing -colonia, lands being purchased for them from private owners or from the -communities. Augustus claims twenty-eight of such Italian colonies, of -which thirteen are known to have been in past times “Roman” or “Latin” -colonies. Other towns, besides a money compensation, were rewarded by -being raised to the status of a colony, generally with the addition of -“Iulia” or “Augusta” to their name. This system was presently extended -beyond Italy—to Africa, Spain, Sicily, Illyricum, Macedonia, Achaia, -Gallia Narbonensis, Asia, Syria, and Pisidia. Settlements in these -countries were all colonies of veterans, except Dyrrachium, which was -filled with dispossessed Italians. This was not altogether a novelty: -for extra-Italian colonies had been already established in Cisalpine and -Transalpine Gaul, at Carthage, and at Corinth. Iulius Cæsar is said to -have settled 80,000 citizens in this way outside Italy. The extra-Italic -colonies of Augustus, however, differed from these last in regard to -status. They had what was called _Latinitas_, that is, citizenship -without the right of voting or holding office at Rome. In virtue of this -citizenship they came under the Roman law and belonged to the assize -(_conventus_) of the provincial governors. Some of them, again, had the -special privileges which were summed up in the general term “Italic -right” (_ius Italicum_), and included freedom from the jurisdiction -of the provincial governor (_libertas_), and exemption from tribute -(_immunitas_). The general aim seems to have been to put the extra-Italic -colonies as far as possible in the same position as those in Italy. As -a rule also the veterans settled in a colony had been enlisted in the -province, and had, therefore, already local connections. Augustus took -trouble in fostering and adorning these towns, whether in Italy or the -provinces, and records with pride that many had become populous cities -during his lifetime. In many cases their subsequent importance shewed -that they had been well selected. Thus Carthage had a great mediæval -history; Durazzo and Philippi were long places of consequence; Saragossa, -Merida, Cordova, Aix, Patras, Beyroot, all trace their prosperity to the -colonisation of Augustus.[217] - -[Sidenote: Improvements at Rome.] - -Nor did he meanwhile forget to encourage restoration at Rome, to which -he had already given a strong impulse. Nothing had damaged Antony in the -eyes of the Romans more than the report of his intention to transfer the -seat of Empire to Alexandria. A similar report as to the establishment -of an imperial city for the East at Ilium caused a like uneasiness a few -years later, which found expression in one of Horace’s most spirited -odes.[218] Cæsar prudently shewed not only that he held firmly by the -Imperial position of Rome, but that he also wished to make it externally -worthy to be the capital of the world. As in all his projects, no one -co-operated more loyally than Agrippa. But others also were pressed -into the service; and those especially who had earned triumphs were -encouraged to use a portion at least of their spoils in public works. In -the next few years there was a great outburst of temple restoration,[219] -and it became the fashion among the immediate friends and followers of -Augustus to signalise their tenure of office or a military success by -undertaking some important building. Horace again has reflected the view -of such matters which the official classes were expected to take, and -perhaps to a certain extent did take. The sufferings of the Romans in the -revolutionary period had undoubtedly been great. The ruinous state of the -temples was doubtless connected with the unsettled times—whether as cause -or consequence, who could exactly say? It was not unnatural to suppose -that among the other _delicta maiorum_ this too had moved the wrath of -the gods. At any rate moral laxity went side by side with scepticism -and neglect of religious observances. Nor need we regard either poet or -emperor as a monster of hypocrisy in supporting such a doctrine. Habit -and tradition are stronger than philosophy. There always remains the -Incalculable after all our reasoning; and many to-day regret the decay -of religious sentiment as a public misfortune, who are yet profoundly -uncertain as to what they in truth believe themselves. - -[Sidenote: Honours bestowed on Cæsar, B.C. 30-27.] - -On his return from Asia and Greece, where he had spent the winter and -spring of B.C. 30-29, Cæsar was received with enthusiasm by all classes. -Solemn sacrifice was offered by the consul in the name of the people, and -every honour which the Senate could bestow was awaiting his acceptance. -Those voted after Actium were lavishly increased in September B.C. -30, on the news of Antony’s death and the occupation of Alexandria. -Two triumphal arches were to be erected, one at Rome and another at -Brundisium;[220] the temple of the divine Iulius was to be adorned with -the prows of captured ships; his own birthday, the day of the victory at -Actium, and that of the entry into Alexandria were to be for ever sacred; -the Vestal Virgins and the whole people were to meet him on his return in -solemn procession; he was to have the foremost seat at all festivals; and -was to celebrate three triumphs—one for the victory over the Dalmatian -and neighbouring tribes, a second for Actium, and a third for Egypt. -The _tribunicia potestas_ for life had again been voted to him with -the right of exercising it within a mile radius beyond the walls. He -was to have the right to hear all cases on appeal and to have a casting -vote in all courts. His name was to be mentioned in public prayers for -the state. On the 1st of January, B.C. 29, all his _acta_ had been -confirmed; and when it became known that the Parthians had referred a -disputed succession to the throne to his arbitration, some fresh honours -were devised. The disasters under Crassus and Antony had made the Romans -particularly sensitive in regard to the Parthians; and this apparent -acknowledgment by them of a superiority attaching to Augustus, however -indefinite, was represented by the court party and the court poets, not -only as a veritable triumph over the Parthians, but as a step in a career -of Eastern conquest of almost unlimited extent.[221] Accordingly his -name was now to be coupled with those of the gods in hymns; a tribe was -named _Iulia_ in his honour; he was to wear the chaplet of victory in -all assemblies; and to nominate as many members as he chose to all the -sacred colleges. Cæsar accepted most of these honours, but begged to be -excused the procession on his return. This was an honour which he always -avoided if he could, preferring to enter the city quietly by night. It -was no doubt a trying ordeal at the end of a long journey, and he may -have felt like Cromwell that a larger crowd still would have come out to -see him hanged. The three triumphs, however, were now celebrated with the -greatest splendour, especially the third over Egypt, in which a figure of -the dead queen lying upon a couch, with son and daughter beside her, was -a prominent feature. - -[Sidenote: The increase of the Patriciate and the Census.] - -Cæsar now had ample powers for every purpose of government. The -_tribunicia potestas_ in itself gave him legislative initiative and -control over other departments. It was afterwards regarded as the most -important of his powers. But in his first measures of reform he availed -himself rather of his powers as consul. The consulship was to be really, -as it always remained nominally, the chief state office, combining all -the prerogatives once centred in the _rex_. Thus in holding the Census of -B.C. 28 he acted as Consul with his colleague Agrippa, exercising indeed -a _censoria potestas_, though not one formally bestowed, but as inherent -in the consulship.[222] He concluded it with the solemn _lustrum_, which -had not been performed for forty-two years, the last Censors (B.C. 50) -having apparently been prevented from performing this solemnity by the -outbreak of civil war. The Census was made the occasion of a reform -in the _ordines_ and especially of the Senate. In the first place, he -recruited the dwindling number of patrician _gentes_ by raising certain -plebeian families to the patriciate, as his own family had been raised -by Iulius in B.C. 45 in virtue of a _lex Cassia_. The same power was now -accorded to him by a law proposed by L. Sænius, who was consul during the -last two months of B.C. 30. The object seems to have been to preserve a -kind of nobility, which at the same time should have certain political -disabilities. The patricians, indeed, still had the exclusive right of -being appointed to certain religious offices, but, on the other hand, -they were debarred from the tribuneship and the plebeian ædileship,[223] -the two offices in which a man by legislative proposals or lavish -expenditure might make himself politically conspicuous. - -[Sidenote: The lectiones Senatus.] - -A similar desire to restore the ancient order of the State prompted his -reformation of the Senate. The powers of this body had always been great -precisely because they were not defined by law; and by associating it -with himself he would gain all the advantages of this indefiniteness and -prestige, while really keeping full control of it. Iulius Cæsar had made -the mistake of treating it with studied disrespect, and his chief enemies -were within its walls. The Triumvirs, though in reality despotic, had -looked to it to give their _acta_ an outward show of legality. Thus on -Octavian’s demand it had condemned Q. Gallius in B.C. 43, and Salvidienus -in B.C. 40, for treason. It had confirmed the triumviral _acta_ en bloc, -giving Antony charge of the Parthian war and ratifying his arrangements -in the East in advance. It had voted triumphs and other honours to the -triumvirs and their agents. It was the Senate that in B.C. 41 voted L. -Antonius an _hostis_, that in B.C. 32 decreed war against Cleopatra, -deposed Antony from consulship and imperium, and in B.C. 31-30 voted the -various honours and powers to the victorious Cæsar. The late civil war -had in a way made the importance of the Senate more prominent. So many -Senators had joined Antony at Alexandria that, like Sertorius in Spain -and Pompey in Epirus, he had professed to have the Senate with him. -The victory of Actium had pricked that bubble, and the Senate at Rome -remained the only Senate of the Empire. Cæsar was wise to put himself -under the ægis of this ancient and still respected body. But it was -necessary to secure its dignity and effectiveness, which had suffered -in various ways during the revolutionary period. Among other things its -numbers had been swollen and often with men of inferior social standing. -Iulius Cesar had filled it with his creatures—provincials from Gaul -and Spain, sons of freedmen, centurions, soldiers, and peregrini—so -that a pasquinade was put up by some wit that “no one was to show a new -Senator the way to the Senate House.”[224] Another batch of Senators was -introduced after Cæsar’s death, chiefly by Antony, in virtue of real or -fictitious entries found in Cæsar’s papers, whom the populace nicknamed -“post-mortem Senators” (_Senatores orcini_),[225] or sometimes even -on their own initiative without any other formality than assuming the -laticlave and senatorial shoe.[226] Many Senators no doubt perished in -the proscriptions, in the subsequent battles of Philippi and Perusia, and -in the contests with Sextus Pompeius, but the Triumvirs appear to have -been lavish in enrolling new members without regard to fortune, origin, -or official position; and so careless were they in this matter that cases -are recorded of unenfranchised slaves having obtained office and seats in -the Senate and being then recognised and claimed by their masters.[227] -The result was that at the time of the battle of Actium there were more -than a thousand Senators.[228] This was too large a number for practical -work, without taking into consideration inferiority of character. No -doubt a good many who had sided with Antony disappeared in various ways; -but in now making a formal _lectio_ Cæsar resolved to reduce the number -still more. Sixty voluntarily resigned and were allowed to retain the -purple and certain social distinctions, but a hundred and forty were -simply omitted from the new list. By this means the roll was reduced -to about six hundred, which continued to be the number in subsequent -lectiones. - -To secure their attendance and to prevent interference in the provinces -the regulation was enforced which prohibited any Senator from leaving -Italy (except for Sicily or Gallia Narbonensis) unless he had imperium -or was on a legatio,[229] that is, practically, unless he was serving -the state in some way on Cæsar’s nomination. In the next _lectio_ (B.C. -19) Augustus tried an elaborate system of co-option, by nominating -thirty on the existing roll, each of whom were to name five who were -to draw lots for admission, and so on till the number was made up. -But finding that it was not worked fairly he stopped this and made up -the roll himself. This continued to be the system, but as time went on -the difficulty was not so much to exclude unworthy men as to induce -enough of the right sort to serve. Membership became less attractive -as the imperial power developed, and the holding of profitable offices -depended on the will of the Emperor, who was not bound to select from -the Senate. Moreover, a property qualification was now required. None -had existed under the republic by definite law, though a certain -fortune was regarded as practically necessary; and as the Senate was -recruited from the _ordo equester_, a minimum was in the last century -of the republic automatically secured. Cæsar fixed 800,000 sesterces, -and later on a million sesterces as the Senatorial fortune, though in -cases of special fitness he gave grants to enable men to maintain their -position. Still the honour of membership was not found to make up for -its disabilities—the difficulty of going abroad and the prohibition as -to engaging in commerce. In B.C. 13 Augustus was obliged to compel men -who had the property qualification to serve. Even then the attendance -was so slack that in B.C. 11 the old quorum of four hundred was reduced. -In B.C. 9 various regulations were introduced to facilitate business, -such as the publication of an order of the day (λεύκωμα), fixed days -of meeting, a variation as to the quorum required for different kinds -of business, a scale of fines for non-attendance, the selection by lot -of thirty-five Senators to attend during September and October, and an -extension to the prætors of the power of bringing business before the -house. Towards the end of the life of Augustus, when his age made it -too much of an exertion to meet the full Senate, a committee of sixteen -Senators was selected by lot to confer with him at his own house. The -inevitable consequence was that this small committee practically settled -most questions, which only came formally before the whole body, whose -administrative function was farther lessened by the diminished importance -of the _ærarium_ as compared with the imperial treasury or _fiscus_. -Finally, it lost the right of coining silver, retaining only the bronze. -On the whole, then, the tendency was towards restricting the functions -of the Senate and making membership less attractive. But this does not -appear to have been the original design of Augustus. He habitually -addressed it with respect, referred all his powers to its confirmation, -and took it into his confidence on imperial affairs. He revived the -ancient dignity of _princeps Senatus_—in abeyance since the death of -Cicero—and held that rank himself all his life. Certain of the provinces -were still left to its management, and cases of _majestas_ were referred -to its decision. The publication of the Senate’s _acta_ had originated -with Iulius Cæsar (B.C. 59), who was not likely to have done anything to -enhance its prestige. The prohibition of this publication by Augustus -was perhaps intended partly to protect the proceedings from criticism, -partly to emphasise the fact that the Senate shared with him the intimate -secrets of government which it was not for the public advantage to have -generally known. The effect, however, was not good; what could not be -ascertained with exactness from official sources was often misrepresented -by irresponsible rumour, and one of the early measures of Tiberius was to -reverse this order.[230] - -[Sidenote: The end of the anarchy.] - -With a Senate purified by his first _lectio_ Cæsar felt that the -constitution might in form, at any rate, be restored. But first the -end of the revolutionary period had to be marked. On January 11, B.C. -29, the temple of Ianus was closed, for the first time since B.C. 235, -for the third time in all Roman history. It was still shut when Cæsar -returned from Asia, and on the 1st of January, B.C. 28, the _augurium -salutis_ was taken. This ceremony—ascertaining by augury whether prayers -for the people should be offered to Salus—could only be performed in -time of complete peace. At the same time a single edict annulled all -the _acta_ of the triumvirs, which were to have no force from his sixth -consulship (B.C. 28).[231] The constitutional significance of this will -be best seen by recalling some facts as to the triumvirs. Whether its -_acta_ were good or bad, the triumvirate was in itself a suspension of -the constitution. Established by a _lex_ on the 27th of November, B.C. -43, to hold office till the 31st of December, B.C. 38, its authority -had been renewed in the course of B.C. 37 to the 31st of December, B.C. -33, whether by another _lex_ or by the will of the triumvirs themselves -is a moot point.[232] But, however appointed, the triumvirs were like -dictators in superseding all other magistrates, and more powerful -than dictators from the length of their tenure of office, and because -the terms of their appointment (_reipublicæ constituendæ causa_) gave -them absolute legislative powers. They could abolish, modify, or grant -dispensation from existing laws. Their edicts had the force of laws, and -such laws as were passed in the regular way during their office either -confirmed their powers, or were passed at their desire to give formal -permanence to their edicts. They had complete control of elections, and -agreed between themselves as to the nomination of magistrates, often -for several years in advance. They controlled the treasury, the domain -lands, the raising or removal of taxation in Rome and Italy. They divided -among themselves the command of the military forces and the government -of the provinces. Each of them, personally or by a legatus, exercised -imperial powers in the provinces assigned to him; set up or put down -client kings; granted immunities or freedom to cities, or abolished -them; bestowed or withdrew the citizenship of individuals; waged war -with surrounding nations; raised or remitted taxation. At Rome also they -had exercised the right of summoning, consulting, and presiding over -the Senate, of vetoing the motion of other Senators, but without being -subject to the tribunician veto themselves. To abolish the _acta_ of -such a despotic body might with reason be regarded a considerable step -towards a restoration of the constitution. Even if some of his own _acta_ -were thereby abolished, Cæsar would have no difficulty in re-enacting -them if desirable. The point was to abolish the memory of a period of -unconstitutional government, to prevent its enactments remaining as -precedents or grounds of claim by citizen or subject, and to leave the -field open for the new arrangement which Cæsar wished men to regard as -a restoration of the republic. For he had already conceived a plan, in -virtue of which the people, magistrates, and Senate should resume their -old functions, while he himself should be practically the colleague of -the higher magistrates—endowed with their powers, though not necessarily -with their office—and thereby practically direct the policy of the state. -The key to the policy—as he wished it to be regarded—is contained in -his own comment: “After that time (January 1, 27) I was superior to all -in rank, but of power I had no more than my colleagues in the several -offices.”[233] There were some of his powers difficult to reconcile with -this theory of a restored constitution; but he was careful to rest these -on votes of the people or Senate, to accept them only for fixed periods, -or to profess to share them with his colleagues.[234] - -[Sidenote: Inauguration of the new constitution, 1 January, B.C. 27.] - -The new constitution was now introduced in a characteristic scene, -apparently designed to make it clear that Cæsar did not seek power, -but undertook it under pressure. In a meeting of the Senate, at the -beginning of his seventh consulship, he delivered from a written copy -a carefully prepared speech, in which he surrendered to the Senate -all the powers which it had bestowed upon him, as well as those which -he had acquired in any other way—the command of troops, the powers of -legislation, the government of the provinces. He based his resolution -on justice, the inherent right of the people to manage its own affairs, -and on his own right to consult for his personal safety, health, and -ease. At the same time, he dwelt on his public services and those of his -adoptive father, the labours they had both endured, the dangers to which -both had been exposed, and justified the exercise up to this time of his -various powers. Finally, he urged them to refrain from innovations, to -give a hearty obedience to the laws, to elect the best men for civil and -military offices without prejudice or favouritism, to deal honestly with -public money, to treat allies and subjects equitably, to seek no wars but -to be prepared for any, and to see that he had no cause to regret his -renunciation of power. The speech was received with loud remonstrances, -some sincere and some perhaps cautious and time-serving, but so general -that he had to consent with real or feigned reluctance to receive back -his autocratic powers. Was he merely playing a part, or had he any real -wish to retire from public life? As in most cases there was probably a -division of feeling in his heart. He was in weak health, and had had -another illness a few months before. For eighteen years—just half his -life—he had been ceaselessly engaged in fatiguing duties, in wars for -which he had no genius, and in civil administration which, though much -better suited to his taste and abilities, had been carried out amidst -constant opposition and difficulty. One side of his mind may well have -been eager for rest. But, on the other hand, no man who has tasted power -and feels that he can wield it quits it without pain. At no time did -he find pleasure in the outward trappings of state, or in the personal -indulgences for which it gives opportunity, but he was ambitious in the -best sense. He loved his country and desired to be remembered as the -restorer of its prosperity and happiness, as the benefactor of the Empire -and the guarantee of its peace and good government. Twenty-four years -later when Valerius Messalla, speaking in the name of people and Senate, -greeted him with the affectionate title of “Father of his country,” he -burst into tears and could only murmur that he had nothing more to pray -for except to retain their affection to the end of his life. But whatever -secret wish he may have had for rest he must have known that it was -impossible. The elements of disorder and oppression were not destroyed. -If the restraining hand were removed they would break out into new -activity. Nor would it be safe for himself after years of steady working -for this end, in the course of which he must have offended countless -interests, to trust himself to a new generation of statesmen without the -experience in the working of a free state possessed by their ancestors, -and yet with the same passions and ambitions. A scheme had, in fact, -been elaborated in conjunction with his faithful friends and ministers, -Agrippa and Mæcenas. Dio represents the former as urging Cæsar to -withdraw from power and frankly to restore the republic. He grounded his -advice on the financial and political difficulties which he would have -to face, on the uncertainty of his own health, on the impossibility of -drawing back hereafter and the evil destiny of all those who in previous -ages had attempted to gain absolute power. Mæcenas, on the other hand, -not only urged him to retain his power, but went into most elaborate -details as to the arrangements which it would be necessary to make. He -did not deny the risks, but maintained that the glory was worth them, -and that a withdrawal was neither safe for himself nor for the people. -It is not clear how far we may regard these two speeches, as well as -that of Augustus in the Senate, as representing what was really said. It -is possible that as they were all written documents they may have been -preserved, and that Dio is translating from them; but at any rate they -represent fairly well the two sides of the question which Augustus must -have considered with care and anxiety.[235] - -[Sidenote: Division of the Provinces, B.C. 27.] - -The arrangement actually made was of the nature of a compromise. The -provinces were divided, as formerly between Antony and Cæsar, so now -between Cæsar and the Senate. Those that required considerable military -forces were to be under Cæsar, governed by his deputies with the rank -of prætor (_legati pro prætore_), appointed by his sole authority, and -holding office during his pleasure. The rest were to be still governed -by proconsuls, selected as of old by ballot under the superintendence of -the Senate from the ex-prætors or ex-consuls, subject to the existing -laws as to length of tenure and the obligation of furnishing accounts, -and liable with their staff to prosecution _de rebus repetundis_ in the -ordinary courts. The “primacy” of the Emperor, however, was apparent in -this partnership with the Senate, no less than in that with colleagues -in office. In the allotment of Senatorial provinces he retained the -right of nominating the exact number required, so that no one of whom -he disapproved could obtain a province. In both classes of province he -appointed a procurator, with authority over the finances independent -of the proconsul or legatus.[236] In both also the governor received a -salary fixed by himself, and had to conform to certain general principles -laid down by him. In all alike he possessed a _majus imperium_, soon -afterwards, if not at first, defined as a _proconsulare imperium_.[237] - -For the rest he retained his right of being yearly elected consul, his -tribunician power, his membership of the sacred colleges, his command of -the army. But freedom of election was ostensibly restored to the people, -and the Senate was still the fountain of honour, and had the control -of the _ærarium_. But this last was no longer managed by two elected -quæstors, but by two men of prætorian rank, nominated by the Emperor. -It was, moreover, now of minor importance, as the _fiscus_ (to use the -later term) was entirely in the hands of Cæsar, and into it went the -revenues of the imperial provinces, and, above all, of Egypt. The key -of the position was that though the old republican magistrates still -existed, Cæsar in various ways was their colleague, and of course the -predominant partner. The Senate, however, accepted his view of the case, -as afterwards expressed in the _Monumentum_, that he had “transferred -the republic from his power to the authority of the Senate and people -of Rome.” To show their confidence in him the Senators voted him a -bodyguard (the men drawing double pay), and confirmed his authority in -the provinces. The latter, which made him _princeps_ throughout the -Empire, as he already was in Rome, he refused to accept for more than -ten years. But it was always renewed subsequently for periods of five or -ten years; and when in B.C. 23, the _proconsulare imperium_ was declared -to be operative within, as well as beyond, the pomærium, he had, in fact, -supreme control, military and financial, in all parts of the Empire. To -mark his exceptional position without offending the prejudice against -royalty, it was desired to give him a special title of honour. His own -wish was for “Romulus,” as second founder of the state. But objection was -raised to it as recalling the odious position of _rex_, and he eventually -accepted the title of AUGUSTUS, a word connected with religion and the -science of augury, and thereby suggesting the kind of sentiment which -he desired to be attached to his person and genius. This was voted by -the Senate on the Ides (13th) of January, B.C. 27, and confirmed by a -plebiscitum on the 16th. He was now “first” or _princeps_ everywhere, -whether in the Senate, or among his colleagues in the offices, or among -the proconsuls in the provinces.[238] He was, therefore, spoken of as -_princeps_ in ordinary language, and the word gradually hardened into a -title. It exactly suited the view which he himself wished to be taken -of his political position, as giving a primacy of rank among colleagues -of equal _legal_ powers; though, of course, a primacy, supported by the -power of the purse and the sword, made him a master while masquerading -as a colleague. He, however, adopted the word as rightly expressing his -position without giving needless offence, and his successors took it as a -matter of course, though it less frequently occurs in inscriptions than -their other titles.[239] - -Closely connected with the bestowal of the title Augustus was another -vote of the Senate, that the front of his house should not only be -adorned with the laurels that told of victory over his enemies, but also -with the oaken or “civic” crown which told of the lives of citizens -preserved. This appears again and again on his coins with the legend—_ob -cives servatos_: and it is mentioned by Augustus himself at the end of -his record of achievements, as though—with the later title of Pater -Patriæ—it indicated the chief glory of his career. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE FIRST PRINCIPATUS, B.C. 27-23 - - _Serves iturum Cæsarem in ultimos_ - _orbis Britannos et invenum recens_ - _examen Eois timendum_ - _partibus Oceanoque rubro._ - - -[Sidenote: Gaul and Britain.] - -The settlement of his official status at Rome left Augustus free to turn -to other parts of the Empire. He had spent the greater part of two years -after the victory at Actium in organising the East. His face was now -turned northward and westward. In the spring of B.C. 27, he set out for -Gaul to reorganise the provinces won by Iulius in B.C. 58-49, and farther -secured by the operations of Agrippa in B.C. 37 and Messalla in B.C. -29. It was understood that he meant also to cross to Britain, and the -court poets are dutifully anxious as to the dangers he will incur, and -prophetically certain of the victories he will win. A British expedition -had been for some years floating in Roman minds. It is true that Iulius -Cæsar had invaded the island and imposed a tribute on some of the tribes. -But the tribute does not seem to have been paid. The Briton was still -_intactus_, and was classed with the Parthian as a danger to the frontier -of the Empire.[240] He was chiefly known at Rome by the presence of -certain stalwart slaves, and by the determination he displayed not to -admit adventurous Roman merchants.[241] But, after all, Augustus found -enough to do in Gaul, and saw good reason for abstaining from such a -dangerous adventure. The Britons, though they neglected the _tributum_, -yet paid a duty on exports and imports to and from Gaul, principally -ivory ornaments, and the better sorts of glass and pottery; and it was -pointed out that the danger of a British invasion of Gallia was small, -that a military occupation of the island would cost more than the tribute -would bring in, and that the _portoria_ would be rather diminished than -increased by it.[242] Augustus, at any rate, professed to be satisfied by -certain envoys sent to him from Britain. They dedicated some offerings on -the Capitol, and received for their countrymen the title of “Friends of -Rome!”[243] - -[Sidenote: Augustus in Gaul, B.C. 27-6.] - -Augustus spent the summer and winter of B.C. 27-6 in Narbo, finding -enough to do in holding a census of the rest of Gaul for purposes of -taxation, and regularly organising the country annexed by Iulius to -that ancient province, which had been Roman long before his time. Four -provinces were created with separate legati. The original “province” was -now called Gallia Narbonensis; the south-western district, extending -from the Pyrennees to the Loire, retained its old name of Aquitania; -the central or “Celtic” Gaul was called Lugdunensis, from its capital -Lugdunum, made a _colonia_ in B.C. 43; the northern country up to the -Rhine was Belgica, including the districts on the left bank of the Rhine, -in which Agrippa had settled certain German tribes who had crossed the -river. Augustus was not content with a merely political organisation. -He established schools to spread the use of the Latin language, and -everywhere introduced the principles of Roman law. He took especial -pains to adorn and promote the towns in Narbonensis, where traces of his -buildings are still to be seen. The effect of his work now and ten years -later was that Gaul became rapidly Romanised both in speech and manners, -and that in learning and civilisation it soon rivalled Italy itself. - -This was a work thoroughly congenial to Augustus, and in which his -ability was conspicuous. But he now had to engage again in war, for which -his genius was by no means so well suited. Ianus Quirinus was again open. -The surrounding barbarians were again threatening Macedonia; the Salassi -of the _Val d’Aosta_ were again making raids, and there was imminent -danger in Northern Spain. The governor of Macedonia, M. Crassus (grandson -of the triumvir) had been so successful over the Thracians and Getæ, that -he was allowed a triumph in July, B.C. 27, but it appears that their -incursions did not cease in spite of these victories.[244] The war with -the Salassi was entrusted to Terentius Varro Muræna, who, after winning -some victories in the field, sold many thousands of their men of military -age into slavery, and established a colony of 3,000 veterans to overawe -them, called Augusta Prætoria, the modern Aosta.[245] - -[Sidenote: Augustus in Spain, B.C. 26-25.] - -[Sidenote: The Arabian Expedition.] - -From Narbo, Augustus next proceeded to Spain in the early part of B.C. -26, and spent the rest of the year in peaceful reforms and in the -organisation of the province. But in B.C. 25 he was forced to enter -upon a campaign against the Cantabri and Astures, those warlike tribes -in the north-west, who, nominally included in the upper province, -were continually harassing the more obedient peoples, and showing -their dislike of Roman supremacy.[246] The war was tantalising and -difficult. The hardy highlanders knew every forest, mountain, and -valley, and the Roman soldiers could neither provide against sudden -attacks, not get at the enemy in their fastnesses. From fatigue and -anxiety Augustus fell ill and was obliged to retire to Tarraco, leaving -the conduct of the campaign to Gaius Antistius Vetus, who was able to -win several engagements, because after the retirement of Augustus the -natives ventured more frequently to appear in the open. Another of his -legates, Titus Carisius, took Lance (_Sallanco_); and finally Augustus -founded a colony of veterans among the Lusitani, called Augusta Emerita -(_Merida_), and another called Cæsar-Augusta (_Zaragossa_) among the -Editani, on the site of the ancient Salduba, from which all the great -roads to the Pyrennees branch off. The Cantabri were not crushed, but -they were quiet for a time. Ianus was closed, and Augustus returned at -the beginning of B.C. 24; and the courtier Horace is again called on -to celebrate a success, and to welcome the Emperor’s home-coming as of -a victor.[247] The Senate voted him a triumph, partly for the Spanish -campaign and partly for some successes of his legate, M. Vinicius, in -Gaul, who had caused his soldiers to proclaim Augustus imperator for the -eighth time. Augustus refused the triumph, but accepted the acclamation -of imperator—thus assuming as head of the army that what was everywhere -done was, to use the technical expression, done “under his auspices,” -and was to be reckoned to his credit. He also accepted honours for his -young nephew Marcellus, and his stepson Tiberius. The former was admitted -to the Senate with prætorian rank, and with ten years seniority for -office, in virtue of which he was at once elected ædile, though only in -his twentieth year; the latter was allowed five years’ seniority, and -at once elected quæstor in his nineteenth year. A triumphal arch was -also erected in honour of Augustus in the Alpine region.[248] The temple -of Ianus did not remain long closed, however. Soon after Augustus left -Spain the Cantabri and Astures again rose; and in B.C. 24 took place -the ill-judged and unfortunate expedition of Ælius Gallus into Arabia. -A march of six months’ duration, in which large numbers perished from -heat and disease and only seven men in actual fighting, was followed -by a retreat lasting sixty days. Gallus had been misled and duped -by the satrap of the Nabatæans, and all the hopes of splendid booty -were baffled. The expedition had been approved, if not suggested, by -Augustus, partly on the pretext of preventing incursions into Egypt; -but more, it would seem, because Arabia was regarded as an El Dorado, -where vast treasures of gold and jewels were to be found, accumulated -from the export of the rich spices of the country, which the inhabitants -were believed to keep jealously in a country as yet never pillaged by -an invader. As usual, the court poets echo the popular delusions, and -eulogise the certain success of the Emperor; Horace harps on the rich -“treasures of the Arabians,” their “well-stocked houses,” their “virgin -stores.” The Roman arms are to strike terror in the East and the Red Sea, -and are at length being employed on what is their proper and natural -foe.[249] Augustus, says another poet, is now a terror to the “homestead -of the yet unplundered Arabia.”[250] Happily this was an almost solitary -instance of such wild schemes, prompted by greed, and promoted by -ignorance and delusion. Augustus came to see that the frontiers of his -great empire afforded sufficient work for its military resources; but it -was not till near the end of his long life that a great military disaster -gave him a sharp reminder of the impolicy of pushing beyond them. - -[Sidenote: New buildings at Rome.] - -During these years the process of adorning Rome with splendid buildings -or restorations of old ones had been steadily going on. For the largest -number of these Augustus himself was responsible. In B.C. 28 the temple -of Apollo on the Palatine, with its colonnades and libraries, had been -dedicated. In the same year the restoration of 82 temples was begun on -his initiative, and apparently at his expense. The new temple of Mars -Ultor, vowed at Philippi, with its surrounding forum Augustum, was in -process of erection, as well as another to Iupiter Tonans on the Capitol, -vowed in the course of the Cantabrian expedition to commemorate a narrow -escape from being struck by lightning. He also completed the forum and -basilica partly erected by Iulius, had begun or projected the _porticus -Liviæ et Octaviæ_, and had erected the imposing rotunda intended as the -mortuary of the Iulian _gens_: while Statilius Taurus had built the first -amphitheatre, Plancus a great temple of Saturn, and Cornelius Balbus -was about to begin a new theatre. But most splendid of all were the -benefactions of Agrippa. Baths, bridges, colonnades, gardens, aqueducts, -were all dedicated by him to the use of the public. Above all, by B.C. -25 he had completed the magnificent Pantheon, still in its decline one -of the most striking buildings in the world. It was dedicated to Mars -and Venus, mythical ancestors of the Iulian _gens_, but its name may -be derived either from its numerous statues of the gods, or from the -supposed likeness of its dome to the sky. Its purpose—beyond being a -compliment to Augustus—is still a subject of dispute. Nor have we any -record of its use except as the meeting-place of the Arval brothers.[251] - -[Sidenote: The illness and recovery of Augustus, B.C. 23.] - -Great way, therefore, was already made towards justifying the boast of -Augustus that he found Rome brick and left it marble. For these buildings -were lined or paved with every kind of precious marble and stone. But -the year following his return from Spain witnessed a crisis in his -life as well as in his political position. He seems to have been in a -feeble state of health all through B.C. 24, the effect probably of his -fatigues and anxieties in Spain. But soon after entering on his eleventh -consulship in B.C. 23, he became so much worse that he believed himself -to be dying. It became necessary, therefore, to make provision for the -continuance of the government. Augustus had no hereditary office, and no -power of transmitting his authority. Still it was supposed that he was -training his nephew and son-in-law Marcellus, or his stepson Tiberius, -to be his successor. The former was curule-ædile, and seems to have -conceived the ambition of succeeding his uncle. But when he thought death -approaching, Augustus did not designate either of these young men. He -handed his seal to Agrippa, and the official records of the army and -revenue to Cn. Calpurnius Piso, his colleague in the consulship. He would -play his part as constitutional magistrate to the last. To speculate -on what might have been is not very profitable. Agrippa had advised a -restoration of the republic in B.C. 30. But every year since then had -made it more difficult; and, if he had wished to do it, he would probably -have found it as impossible as his master had done, and would have had -to choose between supporting Marcellus and taking the direction of -affairs into his own hands. The difficulty, however, did not arise; for -owing either to the goodness of his constitution, or the skill of his -physician, Antonius Musa, Augustus recovered. - -[Sidenote: The new constitutional settlement, B.C. 23.] - -When he met the Senate once more he offered to read his will to prove -that he had been true to his constitutional obligations, and had named -no successor, but had left the decision in the hands of the Senate and -people. The Senators, however, declined to hear it, but insisted that the -powers which he had been exercising should be more clearly defined and -placed on a better legal footing. Accordingly a _Senatus-consultum_ was -drawn up, to be afterwards submitted to the centuriate assembly, giving -him a variety of powers, and forming a precedent which was followed in -the case of subsequent emperors. It began with a confirmation of the -_tribunicia potestas_, for life and unlimited as to place, with the right -of bringing business of any kind before the Senate (_ius relationis_). -It next gave him the _ius proconsulare_, both within and without the -pomærium, involving a _maius imperium_ in all provinces. Further, it gave -him the right of making treaties; the right of summoning, consulting, -and dismissing the Senate (_ius consulare_); the confirmation of all his -_acta_, “Whatever he shall think to be for the benefit and honour of the -republic in things divine and human, whether public or private”; finally, -exemption from the provisions of certain laws and _plebiscita_. Some -legal difficulty was apparently discovered afterwards as to the right of -proposing laws to the centuriate assembly, which was remedied in B.C. -19 by his receiving the full consular power for life, with the right -of having _lictors_, and sitting on the consular bench. This seems to -have been a concession to legal purists. He doubtless exercised the full -consular powers before; but a distinction was drawn by some between the -_ius consulare_ and the _imperium consulare_, and whatever doubt there -might be was now set at rest. - -[Sidenote: The imperial powers.] - -As the imperial powers may now be considered as fully developed, future -extensions being merely logical deductions from the constitution as now -established, it will be convenient here once for all to point out their -nature and extent. They may be classed under two headings—(1) _imperium_; -(2) _potestas tribunicia_. - -The first—_imperium_—embraces all those powers which Augustus obtained as -representing the curule magistrates, or from special law and senatorial -decrees. As imperator, then, he had supreme command of all forces by -land or sea. The military oath was now taken in his name, no longer to -individual officers raising legions. He alone had the right to enrol -soldiers; he nominated the officers; his procurators paid the men in his -name; from him proceeded all rewards. The Senate, indeed, still awarded -triumphs and _triumphalia ornamenta_, but it was at his suggestion, and -the tendency was to confine the right of triumph to the Emperor himself. - -By the same _imperium_ he decided on questions of peace or war; on the -distribution of the _ager publicus_, and the assignation of lands to -veterans and _coloni_ generally. - -Finally, the right of conferring the citizenship, complete or partial, -and settling the status of all colonies and _municipia_, and of -interpreting the laws by a _constitutio principis_, expressed in an edict -or decree, which amounted, in fact, to legislative power. - -The second—_potestas tribunicia_—was superior to the ordinary powers -of the tribunes, because by it he could veto their proceedings, while -they could not veto his. “It gave him”—to use Dio’s words—“the means of -absolutely putting a stop to any proceeding of which he disapproved; -it rendered his person inviolable, so that the least violence offered -him by word or deed made a man liable to death without trial as being -under a curse.” From the ancient constitution of the office also it -made him president of the _comitia tributa_ (representing the old -_consilia plebis_), gave him the right of interposing in all decisions of -magistrates or Senate affecting the persons or civil status of citizens -(_auxilii latio_), and that of compelling obedience by imprisonment or -other means, as in the republic the tribunes had done even to the consuls -in extreme cases (_coercitio_). Though this power was given the Emperor -for life, it was also in a sense annual; and it was in effect so much -the most important of all his powers, while at the same time in origin -and professed object so much the most popular, that it became the custom -from henceforth to date all documents, inscriptions, and the like, by the -year of the tribunician power from 27th of June this year (B.C. 23). The -_imperium_ was renewed at intervals of ten or five years, the tribunician -power of Augustus went on from year to year without break. It was now -unnecessary any longer to hold the consulship, for the _imperium_ given -him in other ways covered all, and more than all, which the consulship -could give. It was convenient to use it for rewarding others, as it -retained all its outward signs of dignity, and still in theory made -its holder head of the state, though in reality its duties had become -almost wholly ceremonial. He therefore abdicated the consulship, which he -did not hold again till B.C. 5, when he desired to give _éclat_ to his -grandson’s _deductio in forum_. - -The clause in the _lex_, quoted above, also gave Augustus supreme control -of all religious matters, and made him able, among other things, to -nominate most of the members of the sacred colleges. He did not become -Pontifex Maximus till the death of Lepidus (B.C. 13). When that took -place he became official, as well as real, head of the Roman religion. - -Certain other arrangements in regard to the city of Rome itself followed, -all in the direction of centralisation. Thus Augustus presided at the -review of the equites, which used to be held by the censors. Public -works were mostly entrusted to _curatores_ appointed by him; for the -supply of corn he named a _præfectus annonæ_; and for police a _præfectus -urbi_, under whom were the _cohortes urbanæ_, the night-watch and fire -brigade (_nocturni vigiles_). Each of these bodies had their own -officers or _præfecti_; but Augustus from time to time appointed some -one as _præfectus urbi_, to whom all alike would be subject. Such an -officer, however, did not always assume the name, and really as well as -theoretically the ultimate authority was Augustus himself, who later on, -by dividing Rome into _regiones_ and _vici_, made elaborate arrangements -for the effective policing of the city. - -[Sidenote: The succession.] - -Augustus might pose as a constitutional magistrate enjoying a life-tenure -of his office, without the right of transmitting it to an heir. This view -was strictly legal, but it was evident that such a power could not safely -be left by its holder without any understanding as to a successor. The -matter was indeed in the hands of Senate and people; but in the minds of -possible heirs, as well as of the Senate and people themselves, it began -to be thought natural and necessary that some arrangement of the sort -should be made. The cases are numerous in all history of rulers, whether -new or hereditary, who have wished to found or continue a dynasty, or -who have thought to prevent confusion and danger after their own death -by naming a successor, or by taking him into present partnership. Such a -scheme was not as yet fully developed, even if it was contemplated. But -Marcellus, who had been adopted by Augustus on his marriage to Iulia, -betrayed his hopes by protesting against the preference shewn by the -apparently dying Emperor to Agrippa; and Augustus yielded so far as to -send Agrippa from Rome as governor of Syria. - -[Sidenote: Death of Marcellus.] - -A sudden disaster, however, put an end to any intention that may have -been formed in regard to Marcellus. In the summer of B.C. 23, he was -attacked by fever, and Antonius Musa, who had successfully treated -Augustus by a _régime_ of cold baths, tried a similar treatment on the -young man with fatal effect. His death was a great grief to Augustus -and so severe a blow to Octavia, that she lived afterwards in complete -retirement. It produced a sensation in Rome such as has been witnessed -more than once among us at the death of an heir to the throne; and has -been immortalised by a celebrated passage inserted by Vergil in the sixth -book of the _Æneid_, a work in which Augustus was specially interested -as a consecration of the greatness of Rome and the hereditary dignity of -the Iulian _gens_. It is skilfully placed at the end of the catalogue of -Roman heroes whose souls are being reviewed by Anchises in the Elysian -realms, where they are waiting their time for entering the bodies of men -destined to make Roman history. The Marcellus of the Punic war naturally -introduces the younger shade, whose brief tenure of life is even now -foreshadowed by the cloud that hangs about his brow. When Vergil recited -the lines to the Emperor and his sorrowing sister, Octavia fainted from -emotion, and Augustus bestowed a splendid reward upon the poet. It may -help us to realise the scene if we once more read the familiar lines. -Æneas notices the mysterious and melancholy shade and eagerly questions -his father:— - - “‘What youth is this of glorious mien - The noblest and the best between, - Cheered to the echo? See, a cloud - (The darkening shadow of the shroud) - Hovers about him even now, - And black night broods upon his brow. - Is he some scion of the race, - Destined our mighty line to grace?’ - - Thus spake the son, the father sighed, - And thus with rising tears replied: - ‘Seek not, my son, to learn the woe, - Your progeny is doomed to know. - The fates will show and then withdraw - The gift men loved but hardly saw. - Too mighty, gods! for so you deemed, - With such a prince Rome’s race had seemed! - What sobs shall thrill the Martian plain! - Ah, Tiber, what dark funeral train - Your waves shall see, as past the Mound - New-built you sweep your waters round! - No scion of the Ilian stock - Shall raise such hopes, such hopes shall mock. - Ah, Romulus, thy land shall see - No son to fire thy pride as he. - Oh loyalty! Oh faith unstained! - Oh strong right hand to yield untrained! - Whether on foot he grasped the sword, - Or charger’s flank with rowel scored, - No foe would e’er have faced his steel - Nor learnt what ’tis the vanquished feel. - Oh child of many tears, if fate - Shall not prevent your living date, - Thou art Marcellus! Lilies fair - Scatter in handfuls on his bier! - Oh let me but his herse bestrew - With flowers bright with purple hue. - Vain gift! but let it still be paid - To grace my far-off grandson’s shade.’” - -The death of Marcellus had occurred in an unhealthy season when many -shared the same fate. Yet there were found people who attributed it to -Livia’s jealousy on behalf of her son Tiberius, and her anger at the -preference shown to the Emperor’s nephew. Scarcely any death occurred -in the imperial family that did not give rise to some such idle and -malevolent gossip. But the Emperor soon had cause to regret the absence -of Agrippa, who was living in Lesbos and administering Syria by his -legate. The next year was a year of sickness and scarcity at Rome, and -was also disturbed by more than one outbreak of political unrest, one -of the few conspiracies against the life of Augustus being detected and -punished. We do not know why Muræna and Fannius Cæpio plotted to kill -Augustus, if they really did so. It may be that the change made in the -principate in B.C. 23 seemed to them to be too much in the direction -of autocracy, or that the consulship without Augustus as colleague -suggested some idea that its old supremacy might be recovered. The -violent party strife which occurred later at the election for B.C. 21, -may have had some connection with the same feeling. Muræna had had a -successful career, had been rewarded by an augurship and a consulship -in B.C. 23, and there is nothing known which explains his conduct. It -may be that his offence was chiefly intemperance of language. Dio says -that he had a sharp tongue which spared no one, and Horace perhaps -meant to give him a hint in the ode addressed to him. Velleius tells -us that, unlike his fellow conspirator Fannius Cæpio, he was a man of -high character.[252] At any rate their execution—for both are said -to have been put to death—is one of the few instances of severity on -the part of Augustus since the civil war. This trouble was followed -by others—a renewed outbreak in Spain, riots at the elections, and a -coldness between himself and his devoted friend and minister Mæcenas, -caused, it is said, by his being supposed to have communicated to his -wife Terentia, the sister of Muræna, some secret as to the detection of -the plot. All these things must have caused Augustus much uneasiness. He -had left Rome in the summer of B.C. 22 for Sicily, intending to start -thence on another progress through the Eastern Provinces. There urgent -messages came to him to return and put a stop to the disturbances. He -did not wish to give up his Eastern journey and yet did not venture to -leave the city without some control. His thoughts turned naturally to -the support that had never failed him—to Agrippa. He was summoned home -primarily to take charge of Rome; but he came back to what seemed the -highest possible position next to that of the Emperor, and one that -promised a still greater one in the future. Augustus insisted on his -divorcing Marcella (daughter of Octavia) and marrying his own daughter -Iulia, left a widow by Marcellus. As usual Agrippa did all that was -imposed upon him well and thoroughly (B.C. 21-20). Having restored order -in the city, he next went to Gallia Narbonensis, where he not only put -a stop to some dangerous disturbances, but initiated great public works -in the way of roads and aqueducts. Passing to Spain he finally crushed -the Cantabri and Astures, who were again in arms. He seems indeed to -have suffered reverses in this war, as his master had done before, but -in the end he reduced them to submission. All this good work was done -while Augustus was in the East (B.C. 21-19), and for it he refused the -triumph offered him by the Senate at the instigation of the Emperor. -But his succession, should he survive the Emperor, was now secured by -his being associated with him in the _tribunicia potestas_ and other -prerogatives for five years at the first renewal of his powers in B.C. -17. Agrippa had now two sons by Iulia, Gaius born in B.C. 20, Lucius in -B.C. 17; and Augustus adopted both of them by the ancient process of a -fictitious purchase. He had now legitimate heirs and nothing farther was -done about the succession for some years. Agrippa died in March, B.C. -12, just as his period of tribunician power was expiring. But during -these years the two sons of Livia, Tiberius and Drusus, had begun those -services on the German frontier and among the Rhæti and other powerful -tribes which proved their vigour and ability. These services were -renewed, after a few months’ interval of quiet, in B.C. 13 and following -years. Accordingly Augustus seems to have meditated putting Tiberius in -much the same position as Agrippa had held. In B.C. 11 he compelled him -to divorce his wife Vipsania (a daughter of Agrippa) and marry Agrippa’s -widow Iulia, the Emperor’s only daughter. He thought still farther to -secure a line of descendants to succeed if necessary to his power. But he -made the mistake of neglecting sentiment. Tiberius was devotedly attached -to Vipsania, by whom he had a son, and could feel neither affection nor -respect for Iulia, who fancied that she lowered herself in marrying him. -The only thing that could compensate him for such a marriage was the -chance of succession, and that was barred by the existence of Gaius and -Lucius Cæsar. His only son by Iulia died, and before long her frivolity -and debaucheries disgusted him, and therefore, though associated in -the tribunician power for five years in B.C. 7, he sought and obtained -permission in the next year to retire to Rhodes, where he stayed seven -years in seclusion. - -[Sidenote: Gaius and Lucius Cæsar.] - -Meanwhile the boys were being brought up with a view to their splendid -future under the eye of Augustus, when he was at home, and often under -his personal instruction, accompanied him as they grew older on his -journeys, in a carriage preceding his own or riding by his side, and in -fact were treated in every way as real and much beloved sons. In the year -in which they assumed the _toga virilis_ (B.C. 5 and B.C. 2) Augustus -again entered upon the consulship, that the _deductio in forum_ should be -as brilliant and dignified as possible. The Senate was not behindhand; -from the day of taking the _toga virilis_ it voted that they should be -capable of taking part in public business, and each of them in turn was -designated consul, Gaius to enter upon his office that time five years. -A new dignity moreover was invented, each in turn being named by the -equites _princeps inventutis_. As Augustus was _princeps senatus_ as well -as _princeps civitatis_, each of these young men was to be the head of -the next _ordo_, the original condition for belonging to which was that -a man must be _iuvenis_. Both were members of the College of Augurs. -They were, in fact, treated as we expect to see princes of the blood and -heirs-apparent treated.[253] But whatever was the intention of Augustus -or the expectation of the people, fate interposed ruthlessly. The -younger—Lucius—died first, on the 20th of August, A.D. 2, at Marseilles, -before he could enter on the consulship to which he had been designated; -the elder Gaius was sent into Asia in B.C. 1, where he entered upon his -consulship of A.D. 1. The object of his mission was to force Phraates -IV., king of the Parthians, to evacuate Armenia which he had invaded. -This was accomplished without fighting and by personal negotiation with -the Parthian king; but when he entered Armenia to take possession and -arrange for its restoration to its recognised king, he was wounded by -an act of treason under the walls of Artagera. Weakened by this wound, -and being in other respects in a feeble state of health and spirits, he -obtained leave from Augustus to lay down his command. He started on his -homeward journey, but died on the way at Limyra in Lycia the 23rd of -February, A.D. 4. - -[Sidenote: Tiberius finally fixed upon as successor.] - -The succession was once more uncertain. The members of the imperial -family at this time were few. Of the children of Agrippa and Iulia -Agrippa Postumus was barely sixteen, and his two sisters, the younger -Iulia and Agrippina a few years older. Drusus, the younger brother of -Tiberius, had married Antonia, daughter of Marcus Antonius and Octavia, -and had left three children, Germanicus, b. B.C. 15, Livia b. B.C. 12, -and Claudius (afterwards Emperor) b. B.C. 10. Augustus meant to provide -a new line of descendants by marrying Agrippina to Germanicus, but that -did not take place till about A.D. 5. Meanwhile, probably on Livia’s -suggestion, he turned his thoughts to his stepson Tiberius, who had -divorced Iulia and had a son (Drusus) by his former wife Vipsania, who -was married to his cousin Livia. There is no good evidence that Augustus -entertained any but warm feelings for Tiberius, and he certainly had -had good reason to respect his military abilities and energy. He seems -to have been hurt at his prolonged stay at Rhodes and to have regarded -it as a sign that Tiberius cared nothing for him and his family. He -had therefore discouraged his return two years before, though he had -given him the position of legatus as a colourable pretext for staying -abroad without loss of dignity. Upon the death of Lucius, however, he -seems to have wished him to return to Rome. Tiberius did so, partly -on the instigation of his mother, and partly, perhaps, because he had -reason to expect the hostility of Gaius, and yet had judged from the -latter’s visit to him on his way to Syria that he was not likely to be a -formidable rival; for he was at once somewhat arrogant and weak, and was -surrounded by injudicious and dishonest advisers. On his return he for -some time lived in retirement and refrained from all public business. -But when the death of Gaius was announced (A.D. 4) Augustus adopted -Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus, having first arranged that Tiberius -should adopt his nephew Germanicus. The adoption of Agrippa Postumus -was shortly afterwards annulled, and he was banished to an island under -surveillance.[254] - -There was now therefore a regular line of succession. Tiberius indeed had -no drop of Iulian blood in his veins, but adoption according to Roman -law and sentiment placed him exactly in the same position as that of a -naturally born son, and by his son’s marriage to Antonia, his adoption of -Germanicus, and the marriage of the latter to Agrippina, it seemed that -there was security that after him must come some one who was collaterally -or directly descended from Augustus. In the same year (A.D. 4) Tiberius -was once more associated with Augustus in the tribunician power for ten -years.[255] There could be no longer any doubt who would succeed. At the -death of Augustus there would be, if Tiberius survived, a man already -possessed of the most important of his functions; and his position -was still farther strengthened in the last year of the Emperor’s life -by being associated also in his _imperium proconsulare_. This gave him -authority in the provinces and the command of all military forces; and -we find him, in fact, upon the death of Augustus giving the watchword at -once to the prætorian guard. - -Augustus therefore is responsible for the principate of Tiberius, though -some of its powers had to be formally bestowed by a decree of the -Senate. Did he do ill or well in this? Hardly any emperor left behind -him such an evil reputation as Tiberius. His funeral procession was -greeted with shouts of “Tiberius to the Tiber,” the Senate did not vote -him the usual divine honours, and Tacitus has exerted all his skill to -make his name infamous. A gallant attempt has been made by Mr. Tarver to -plead for a rehearing of the case, and to shew that Tiberius was pure -in private life and admirable as a ruler. I for one agree with him in -rejecting as unproved slander and often as physically impossible the -charges of monstrous immoralities raked up both by Tacitus and Suetonius, -often, no doubt, from the prurient gossip of Rome, which has never been -surpassed for foulness. The same summary rejection cannot, I think, be -applied to the formidable list of his cruelties. But these mainly fell -upon members of the imperial family and their adherents; they did not -affect the Empire at large. Augustus could not foresee these family and -dynastic tragedies; but he judged, and apparently judged rightly, that -he was leaving a successor whose prudence and sagacity, in spite of -what seemed a sullen reserve, would secure the peace and prosperity of -the Empire as a whole. There is nothing to prove that Augustus regarded -him otherwise than affectionately. If he turned out to be the monster -represented by his enemies, Augustus no doubt made a grave mistake. It is -a ridiculous suggestion that he deliberately designated him his successor -in order that people might regret himself. Such recondite snares for -posthumous fame are more like the cunning of a madman than the motives -influencing a reasonable being. Suetonius, who reports the suggestion, -says that after mature reflection he is convinced that a man so careful -and prudent as Augustus must have acted on better motives; must have -weighed the virtues and faults of Tiberius and decided that the former -predominated. As a matter of fact Augustus had little choice. Agrippa -Postumus was impossible; Germanicus might have served, but he could never -have displaced his uncle without a struggle. At the time of Tiberius’ -adoption he was only nineteen, and Augustus could not reckon on the ten -more years of life which in fact remained for him. No doubt in these last -years of his life Augustus had come to see that some sort of hereditary -principle was necessary to prevent civil war at every vacancy. In B.C. 23 -he had ignored that principle altogether, and as far as he could without -naming an heir had put Agrippa in the way of the succession. But Agrippa -had now been dead nearly sixteen years, and Augustus had had no minister -since either so able or so faithful. Like Cromwell in his last hours, he -was driven to recognise the conveniency of the hereditary principle; and -though the practical designation of Tiberius was apparently a breach of -it, yet by means of the adoptions and marriages which he had arranged, -it best prepared for its continuance hereafter. It was one of those -politic compromises which had characterised his whole policy. It moreover -best secured the position and safety of the beloved Livia; and it set -a precedent which was often followed with advantage in after-times, -when military arrogance and violence did not overpower every other -consideration, that an Emperor’s natural heir should be his successor, -or at any rate some one closely allied to him; and that in case of the -failure or complete unworthiness of such an heir a prudent emperor should -provide for the succession by adoption. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE IMPERIAL AND MILITARY POLICY OF AUGUSTUS - - _Tu regere imperio populos,_ - _Romane, memento._ - - -[Sidenote: The extension of the Empire under Augustus.] - -At the end of his life Augustus left, among other memoirs, a roll -containing certain maxims of state which he thought important for his -successors to observe. Among them was an injunction not to seek to -increase the Empire, for it would be difficult to guard an extended -frontier. His own policy had been directed generally on this principle. -Such additions as were made in his time were mainly those rendered -inevitable by the necessity of securing the already existing frontiers. -When his generals went beyond that they met with difficulties and -sometimes with disaster.[256] The additions actually made were (1) in -Africa: Egypt was made a province in B.C. 30, at first almost as a -private possession of the Emperor, though in B.C. 10 it was, nominally -at any rate, put on the same footing as the other provinces. Mauretania, -on the other hand, though made a province in B.C. 33, was restored to -independence under King Iuba in B.C. 25. (2) In Asia a new province of -Galatia was formed in B.C. 25, with a capital at Ancyra, and embracing -several districts, such as Lycaonia, Isauria, Pamphylia, and parts of -Phrygia. (3) In the West, sometime before A.D. 6, Mœsia, answering to -the modern Servia and Bulgaria, was made a province as a barrier of -the Empire on the Danube. So also Illyricum, in B.C. 9-8, was extended -to the Danube by the addition of Pannonia; Noricum, also on the Danube, -was held in subjection, if not fully organised as a province, after B.C. -16; and Rhætia (modern Bavaria) was put under a Roman procurator after -B.C. 15. All these additions were clearly rendered necessary in order to -protect the line of the Danube as the frontier of the Empire. Lastly, on -the reorganisation of Gaul in four provinces (B.C. 16-14), two districts -along the left bank of the Lower Rhine, called Germania Superior and -Germania Inferior, were also occupied and partly organised, while some -minor Alpine districts, Alpes Maritimæ (Savoy and Nice), Alpes Cottiæ -(Susa and district), Alpes Penninæ (Canton du Valois) were taken over -and administered sometimes independently and sometimes as part of other -provinces. In these cases again the extension was merely consequential, -the inevitable result of having a long frontier to defend against -invading tribes.[257] The Rhine and the Danube then became the limits -of the Empire. We shall have occasion to see immediately what dangers -awaited an attempt to go beyond them. - -[Sidenote: The East.] - -Augustus twice spent periods of between two and three years in the East, -engaged in resettling frontiers and re-organising the Roman provinces. - -After the victory at Actium (B.C. 31) he remained in the East till B.C. -29. The changes then made chiefly consisted in upsetting most of the -arrangements which had been made by Antony with various client kings, -and in favour of the children of Cleopatra. Thus Cyprus, which had been -restored to Cleopatra, was now separated from Egypt and made a province; -the coast towns of Syria and Palestine were reunited to the province of -Syria; certain cities of Crete and Cyrene, Iudæa and Ituræa, and of -Cilicia, which Antony had assigned to Cleopatra’s son, Cæsarion, were -either reunited to the provinces or declared free, as was also the case -with other districts and towns assigned by Antony to his own son by -Cleopatra. Certain client kings, however, were allowed to retain their -territory and dignity, such as Herod in Iudæa, Amyntas in Galatia, -Archelaus in Cappadocia. But the eternal question in the East was that -of the Parthians. They not only were resolved to maintain the Euphrates -as the limit beyond which Roman power was not to pass, but they had -frequently made raids upon Syria, and were always attempting to occupy -Armenia, which was a Roman protectorate, and the intervening kingdom -of Media. The disaster of Crassus in Mesopotamia, and the chequered -operations of Antony, had all sprung from these facts. When Augustus -arrived in Asia the state of things which had finally resulted from -the operations of Antony was that Artaxes (whose father, Artavasdes, -had been treacherously captured by Antony and afterwards put to death -by Cleopatra) was king of Armenia, and had attacked Media and captured -its king Artavasdes; and that Phraates had recovered his kingdom of -Parthia. Augustus had two or three advantages in dealing with these -complications. He found the brothers of the Armenian Artaxes still -prisoners at Alexandria, and sent them to Rome as hostages. Again the -captured king of Media managed to escape and appealed to him for help; -and, lastly, Phraates of Parthia had only just recovered his throne, -from which he had been expelled by a rebellion headed by Tiridates, and -the latter escaped to Syria and sent to implore the help of Augustus, -while legates from Phraates also arrived soliciting his support. Augustus -availed himself skilfully of these complications to assume the position -of a lord paramount and arbiter. He allowed Tiridates to remain in -safety in Syria; but he treated the legates of Phraates in a friendly -manner, and cordially invited a son of that king to accompany him to -Rome, where, however, he was kept as a hostage. Artavasdes was set up in -Lesser Armenia to form a check upon Artaxes. These diplomatic successes -were regarded in Rome, as we have seen, as veritable triumphs over the -dangerous Parthians—the only name much known there. The abolition of the -arrangements of Antony, which had involved the curtailment of the Roman -Empire, was recorded on coins struck in B.C. 29, with a head of Augustus -on the obverse, and on the reverse a figure of victory standing on the -mystic cista, with the legend _Asia recepta_. But it is with his second -Eastern progress (B.C. 22-19) that the useful public works, such as roads -and buildings, of which traces are still found, probably began. - -[Sidenote: Movements in the East between B.C. 24 and B.C. 22.] - -Between these two visits there had been only two movements of serious -importance—the useless and almost disastrous expedition of Ælius -Gallus into Arabia (B.C. 24-3), and the invasion of Southern Egypt at -Elephantine by Candace, queen of Æthiopia, encouraged by the diminution -of the Roman forces in Egypt during the Arabian expedition. The -Æthiopians gained some minor successes over three Roman cohorts stationed -near the frontier, but were eventually repulsed by the præfect Gaius -Petronius, who pursued them to their capital town Nabata, which he took -and plundered.[258] - -[Sidenote: Second Eastern progress, B.C. 22-19.] - -The second eastward progress of Augustus began with some months’ -residence in Sicily. There he was busied in founding colonies, of which -seven are named. The chief town of Sicily was still Syracuse, but it -seems to have suffered in the time of Sextus Pompeius, and Augustus -placed in it two thousand settlers, probably veterans. It was the object -of such colonies to provide for veterans and poor Italians, but also -to Romanise countries more completely, and to introduce an industrial -class. Sicily needed above all things free cultivators. Its corn trade -had suffered from the competition of Africa, Sardinia, and Egypt, and -its pastoral farms were largely owned by Roman capitalists, who did not -reside, but employed slave-labour directed by bailiffs or _villici_.[259] -One object at least, therefore, of these measures of Augustus was to -bring into the country a class of small landowners residing on their -property. Land was found for them by purchase, where there was no _ager -publicus_ available. - -[Sidenote: Augustus in Greece B.C. 21.] - -From Sicily Augustus passed to Greece and wintered at Samos. Achaia -was a senatorial province, but the Emperor, we may notice, exercised -complete authority there. He had already established two colonies—at -Actium and Patræ, and he seems to have devoted most of his attention -to promoting their interests. He compelled the inhabitants of several -townships in the neighbourhood of both towns to migrate to the new -colonies, and he insisted on the colony at Actium being admitted to the -Amphictyonic League. The places were well chosen for naval purposes, but -the element of compulsion in his policy towards them was unfortunate. -He does not appear to have done much for Greece generally. It was in -a lamentably decaying state, the population declining, and old towns -disappearing. Nearly the only exception was the Iulian colony at Corinth. -Such changes as Augustus made on this visit rather tended to emphasise -this state of things, and certainly did nothing to relieve it. Athens, -which retained nothing of its greatness except its past and the still -surviving reputation as a university town (though Marseilles was running -it hard even in that), had disgraced itself in his eyes by the display of -sympathy, first for the Pompeians against Iulius, again for Brutus and -Cassius against the triumvirs, and lastly for Antony against himself. A -town always on the losing side can expect little favour. It was deprived -of its few remaining extra-Attic dependencies, Ægina and Eretria, and -was forbidden to avail itself of almost the only source of revenue -left—the fees which certain persons were still willing to pay for the -honour of being enrolled as its citizens. Sparta, indeed, was rewarded -by the restoration of Cythera, in return, it is said, for hospitality -to Livia when in exile with her former husband; but, on the other hand, -it was deprived of the control over its harbour town of Gythium. But -though both Iulius and Augustus favoured Sparta, as against Athens—a fact -commemorated by a temple to Iulius and an altar to Augustus—it remained -completely insignificant. - -Very different was his policy in Asia. There Augustus set himself to -restore the prosperity of the towns by grants of money, by relief from -or readjustment of tribute, and by the promotion of useful public works. -Nor were details of local administration and internal reforms neglected. -Edicts are preserved which touch on such matters as the age of local -magistrates, or the succession to the property of intestates in Bithynia, -shewing with what minute care he studied local interests and problems. -It was now probably that schemes were set on foot for opening up the -country by roads, afterwards carried out by his legates. Milestones are -being now discovered along the _via Sebaste_ connecting the six Pisidian -colonies dated in the eighteenth year of his tribunician power (B.C. 6) -and a marble temple to Augustus still stands at Ancyra (_Angora_), to -witness the gratitude of these Asiatic cities. At the same time disorder -or illegal conduct was sternly punished. Cyzicus was deprived of its -_libertas_ for having flogged and put to death some Roman citizens, and -the same punishment was awarded for their internal disorders to Tyre and -Sidon, whose ancient liberties had been secured to them by Antony when he -handed over the country to Cleopatra. - -[Sidenote: Return of the standards by the Parthians.] - -But of all his achievements during this progress nothing made such a -sensation in the Roman world, or was so much celebrated by the poets of -the day, as the fact that he received back from the Parthian king the -Roman eagles and standards lost by Crassus in B.C. 53, by Antony’s legate -Decidius Saxa in B.C. 40, and by Antony himself in B.C. 36 in a battle -with Parthians and Medes. Those taken by the Medes had been returned to -him, but not those taken by the Parthians. In B.C. 23 Tiridates, who -had been allowed to take refuge in Syria in B.C. 30, came to Rome, and -Phraates, to counteract his appeal, sent ambassadors thither also. After -consulting the Senate Augustus declined to give up Tiridates, but he -sent back to Phraates the son whom he had kept at Rome for the last six -years on condition that the king should restore the standards. Pressed -though he was by the disaffection of his subjects, Phraates had not -yet fulfilled his bargain. But perhaps this disaffection had by B.C. -20 become more acute, or he was alarmed by the promptness with which -Augustus asserted Roman supremacy in Armenia. Artaxes had ruled ill and -had been insubordinate. Augustus appears to have meditated an expedition -against him, but his subjects anticipated the difficulty by assassinating -him. Augustus says that he might have made Armenia a province, but -preferred to allow the ancient kingdom to remain. Accordingly on his -order Tiberius went to Armenia and with his own hand placed the diadem -on the head of Tigranes, brother of the late king, who had been living -in exile at Rome. Thus the supremacy of Augustus was acknowledged in -Armenia and its king ruled by his permission. A coin struck in B.C. -19 represents it as a real capture of Armenia, having on its reverse -_Cæsar Div. F. Armen. capt. Imp. viiii._ The Parthian king thought it -well now to fulfil his bargain, and again Tiberius was commissioned to -receive the captured standards in Syria. With the standards were also -some prisoners; though there were others who had in the thirty-three -years that had elapsed since the fall of Crassus settled peaceably in -Parthian territory, married wives, and now refused to return.[260] Such -a contented abandonment of their native land seemed shocking to the -orthodox Roman, unable to suppose life worth living among barbarians -for one who had once been a citizen of the Eternal City. Prisoners of -war were never much valued at Rome. It was the traditional maxim that -the state never paid ransom, though private friends might and did, and -Horace’s ode may be meant to support the Emperor’s refusal of some -demand of Phraates for ransom of prisoners to accompany the standards. -This transaction, however, was the crown of the Emperor’s work in the -East. It is commemorated on coins of B.C. 19 bearing a triumphal arch, -with Augustus receiving the standards, on the obverse, and the legend -_civibus et signis militaribus a Parthis receptis_ on the reverse. The -poets were not behind with their compliments. Vergil, who was in Greece -in this the last year of his life, seems to have inserted three lines in -his description of opening the doors of Bellona to bring in an allusion -to it.[261] Horace, who had for the time given up lyric poetry, yet -contrives a compliment in one of his epistles;[262] and, on returning -to lyric poetry in B.C. 13-12, is careful to include it among the great -services of Augustus; and Propertius, after prophetic suggestions as to -what will be done, at last burst out into a triumphant hymn of praise -over the achievements of these years, and, above all, on the Nemesis that -has come for the slaughtered Crassus.[263] Many years afterwards Ovid -takes the opportunity in describing the temple of Mars Ultor, in which -Augustus deposited the recovered standards, to glorify him for having -wiped out an old and shameful stain upon the Roman arms.[264] There -were many other arrangements made with the client kings of Asia, all of -which were accompanied by the strict condition that they were henceforth -to confine themselves to the territories now assigned to them and were -to make no wars of aggression. The _pax augusta_ was to be strictly -maintained everywhere. - -[Sidenote: Augustus returns from the East, B.C. 19.] - -All this had been done without any drop of blood shed in war, and -Augustus was able to devote the winter of B.C. 20-19 at Samos to rest and -enjoyment, receiving numerous embassies from all parts, as far as from -India. The Indian envoys brought him a present of tigers, a beast never -before seen in Greece or Italy, and a wonderful armless dwarf who could -draw a bow and throw javelins with his feet. He returned next year by way -of Athens, where he was initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries and where -he met with Vergil. The poet joined the Emperor’s train, visited Megara -with him, and returned with him to Italy, only to fall ill at Brundisium -and die (September 22). - -[Sidenote: Troubles in the West. Defeat of Lollius, B.C. 16.] - -Though Augustus returned to Rome amidst loud congratulations, the Western -part of the Empire was not yet at peace, and in fact there were many -threatening signs of future trouble. Agrippa, indeed, in the very year -of the Emperor’s return from the East, crushed the rebellious Cantabri -and Astures, not without severe fighting; but though Augustus was able -now to remain at home, passing laws, holding the secular games, and -strengthening his family by adopting Agrippa’s children, the Empire was -not at peace, the Ianus Quirinus still stood open. There were, in fact, -a number of “little wars,” mostly frontier raids. Thus in B.C. 17-16, P. -Silius Nerva was engaged with various Alpine tribes, and in repelling an -inroad of Pannonians. There were also about the same time brief outbursts -in Spain and Dalmatia, and inroads of barbarous tribes (Dentheletæ and -Scordisci) into Macedonia. In Thrace the guardian of the sons of Cotys -had to be assisted against the Bessi, and the Sauromatæ had to be driven -back across the Danube. These were comparatively unimportant affairs, But -a more serious danger was caused by some warlike German tribes—Sugambri, -Usipetes, and Tencteri—crossing the Rhine and invading Gallia Belgica. -They defeated some Roman cavalry, and while pursuing them came up with -Lollius and his main army, which they again defeated, capturing the -eagle of the Fifth Legion. Suetonius says that the affair was rather -disgraceful than really disastrous. But it seemed sufficiently serious -to Augustus. Agrippa was away in the East looking after Syria and Asia, -and did not return till B.C. 13; and he resolved to go to Gaul himself, -taking with him Tiberius, and leaving Drusus to carry on the latter’s -prætorship. The Germans, however, had no wish to fight a regular imperial -army, they therefore retired beyond the Rhine, and made terms and gave -hostages. - -[Sidenote: Administration of Gaul, B.C. 16-14.] - -Augustus nevertheless found enough to do without positive fighting in -introducing improvements and reforms. At Nemausus the old gate of the -town walls still stands, inscribed with his name, and dated in the -seventh year of his tribunician power (B.C. 16); he had, moreover, to -listen to long tales of grievances caused by the extortions of Licinius, -the procurator at Lugdunum. This man’s career was an early example of -that of the rich freedmen of later times. Brought as prisoner from Gaul -by Iulius Cæsar, and apparently emancipated by Octavian in accordance -with his uncle’s will, he had by some means amassed an immense fortune, -and retained the favour of Augustus by large contributions to the -public works from time to time promoted by the Emperor. A millionaire -disposed to such liberality is always welcome to a sovereign with a -taste for expensive reforms. As a Gaul by birth, Augustus seems to have -supposed that he would be a sympathetic officer. But he proved more -Roman than the Romans in exacting the last farthing. We are reminded -of “Morton’s fork” and of Empson and Dudley, when we are told that he -insisted on certain monthly payments being made fourteen times in the -year, on the ground that November and December meaning the ninth and -tenth months, there must be two more to be accounted for! The complaints -were so serious, however, that Licinius thought it necessary to offer to -surrender his whole property to Augustus, as though he had only amassed -it for the public service, with the deliberate purpose of weakening the -disloyal natives. We are not told whether he was left in power, but -at any rate he escaped punishment and survived Augustus. He probably -was recalled to Rome, where he tried to pacify public indignation by -large contributions to the restoration of the Curia Iulia, which was -re-dedicated in honour of the Emperor’s grandsons about A.D. 12. - -[Sidenote: Campaigns of Tiberius and Drusus, B.C. 15.] - -But another and more serious trouble had now to be faced. The Rhæti, -inhabiting the modern Grisons, Tyrol, and parts of Lombardy, were making -raids upon Gaul and Italy, burning and slaying and plundering. With them -were allied the Vindelici (inhabiting parts of modern Baden, Wurtenburg, -and S. Bavaria), with other Alpine tribes.[265] The campaign against -these tribes was intrusted to Tiberius, who conceived a masterly plan -which was crowned with brilliant success. Drusus was summoned from Rome -to guard the passes into Lombardy, and in the valleys of the Tridentine -Alps at the entrance of the Brenner pass, near the Lacus Benacus (Lago -di Garda), he won a brilliant victory over them, and forced many of -their mountain strongholds. Shut off thus from Italy they turned their -armies towards Helvetic Gaul, but were met by Tiberius and again -defeated between Bâle and the Lake of Constance. These two defeats seem -practically to have annihilated these tribes, and they gave no further -trouble. It was after this that Noricum was annexed, and Rhætia and -Vindelicia conquered, and presently formed into the province Rhætia. - -[Sidenote: At the end of B.C. 14 Augustus returns to Rome.] - -[Sidenote: B.C. 13.] - -Still Augustus had to stay on another year in Gaul. Risings had to be -suppressed among the Ligurians of the Maritime Alps, and in Pannonia; -while Agrippa, who had returned from Palestine accompanied or followed by -Herod, went to Sinope, on the Pontus, to put down a disturbance that had -arisen owing to a disputed claim to the crown of the Cimmerian Bosporus, -which an usurper named Scribonius had seized. At the end of B.C. 14, or -the beginning of B.C. 13, Augustus returned to Rome with Tiberius, who -entered then upon his first consulship, and there they were also joined -by Agrippa. Whether the temple of Ianus was now closed for the third time -is not certain. But there are some good reasons for supposing that it -was. In two passages, Horace, writing in B.C. 13, speaks of it as though -it were a recent occurrence; Dio, in speaking of the return of Augustus, -says that he came back after “having settled all the affairs of the -Gauls, Germanies and Spains”; there was certainly a lull in the German -trouble, where Drusus had been left in command; and lastly an inscription -recording the extension of the great road to Gades in Southern Spain, -has the date of this year, and records the closing of Ianus in honour -of Augustus. None of these are in themselves absolute proofs, but taken -together they form a strong presumption.[266] At any rate, Augustus -returned to Rome with the feeling that he had secured peace. Though he, -as usual, avoided meeting a complimentary procession by entering the city -after nightfall, yet he came with laurelled fasces. The next morning, -after greeting a crowd of people on the Capitol, he caused the laurels to -be taken off and solemnly laid on the knees of Jupiter, and the first -business he transacted in the Senate was the settlement of the claims of -his soldiers. But the peace did not last long. Augustus himself spent the -next three years in Italy busied with the census, the lectio senatus, -legislation, and various ceremonies. Lepidus died in the early part of -this year, and he was at once declared Pontifex Maximus, though the -_inauguratio_ did not take place till the following February. - -[Sidenote: Death of Agrippa, B.C. 12.] - -However, before the year was ended, news came of disturbances in -Pannonia, and Agrippa—once more associated in the tribunician power—was -sent thither. He had no fighting, for the rising was abandoned at his -approach. It was his last journey. Next spring he was taken ill in one -of his Campanian villas. Augustus threw all business aside and hastened -to his house, but arrived too late. Never had ruler a more faithful or -abler friend and servant. At every crisis of his life Agrippa had been by -his side, and wherever danger was most threatening he had taken the post -of difficulty and honour. If he gained wealth in his master’s service, -he was always ready to spend it in support of his master’s aims. In the -interests of the dynasty he had sunk all private wishes and ambitions. -About Agrippa the passion for prurient scandal, characteristic of the -age and people, for once is silent, and not a single line or innuendo -survives to impeach his private or public life. Augustus shewed both his -respect and deep feeling. He accompanied the body to Rome, pronounced the -funeral oration himself, and deposited the ashes in the new mausoleum -which he had erected for his own family. - -[Sidenote: Tiberius in Pannonia.] - -The news of Agrippa’s death seems to have encouraged the Pannonians -once more to strike for freedom. Tiberius accordingly was appointed to -succeed him in the command. He laid waste wide portions of their country, -inflicted much slaughter upon the inhabitants, and seems quickly to have -reduced them to obedience, though only for a time. - -[Sidenote: Drusus in Germania B.C. 12-9.] - -Meanwhile Drusus was not idle. The Sugambri and their allies crossed the -Rhine into the district called Lower Germany, a part of Belgium (now -North Brabant), where they would find tribes nearly allied to themselves, -and willing to shake off the Roman yoke. Drusus had been engaged in the -consecration of an altar to Augustus at Lugdunum, where he had invited -the attendance of leading Gauls from all these provinces. He hurried back -to the Rhine and drove the invaders over the river, and then throwing a -bridge across it (somewhere below Cologne), he attacked the Usipites on -the right bank of the Lupia, and then marched up the Rhine to attack the -Sugambri. But there was a fleet of ships supporting him in the Rhine. He -cut a canal from the River to Lake Flevo (Zuyder Zee), so that this fleet -might sail up the coast to the mouths of the three rivers—the Amisia, -Visurgis, and Albis (_Ems_, _Weser_, _Elbe_). He proposed to make the -Elbe the limit of the Roman Empire, instead of the Rhine; but in this -first year only reduced the coast as far as the Visurgis. The next year -(B.C. 11), he advanced by land to the same river, only farther inland, -and occupied the country of the Cherusci (Westphalia), and though on -their way home his men were nearly caught in an ambush, they got back -safely to the banks of the Lupia, and several forts were established in -various parts of the country. The next year (B.C. 10) he was engaged -with the Chatti (Hessen), who endeavoured to regain the territories from -which he had driven them in the previous year.[267] In B.C. 9, being -now consul, he pushed as far as the Elbe, where he erected a trophy to -mark the extreme limit of the Roman advance, through the land of the -Chatti and Trevi. But on his return march he fell and broke his leg, and -there being no skilled physician with the army, he died after thirty -days’ suffering. Besides these marches into Germany, he had, during his -command, established a line of fortresses on the Lower Rhine, to the -number of fifty, as far up the stream as Argentoratum (Strassburg). - -[Sidenote: Tiberius in Germany B.C. 8-7.] - -On hearing of his brother’s accident, Tiberius, who was at Ticinum, -hurried to his side, was with him when he died, and accompanied the -corpse on foot back to Rome, where he delivered a funeral oration, and -Augustus, who returned from Lugdunum at this time, another. The ashes -were placed in the Mausoleum of Augustus. Tiberius was appointed to -succeed him on the Rhine, and in B.C. 8 crossed the river to attack the -Sugambri. But as the other tribes made their submission, the Sugambri -were induced to send some of their leading men to negotiate also. -Augustus then took a step which requires, at any rate, some explanation. -He seized these legates and kept them in confinement in various towns as -hostages. It had the immediate effect, however, of keeping the Sugambri -quiet, large numbers of them were settled on the left bank of the Rhine, -and Tiberius was able to come home for his triumph in B.C. 7, with which -the name of Drusus was also associated. - -No wars of any consequence disturbed the peace of the Empire for nearly -nine years. Tiberius retired to Rhodes in B.C. 6, and his successors in -the command of the army of the Rhine had the task of maintaining and -strengthening the conquests of Drusus. The two districts on the left bank -of the river, Germania Inferior and Superior, though for some purposes -they belonged to Gallia Belgica, yet as military districts were distinct, -and they included some fortresses on the right bank of the Rhine. The -country between the Rhine and the Elbe was in an ambiguous position. It -was not a province, and yet the commanders on the Rhine occupied as much -of it as they could from time to time maintain. - -[Sidenote: Tiberius again in Germany and Illyricum, A.D. 4-7.] - -But in A.D. 4 Tiberius, now returned from Rhodes, and adopted son of -Augustus, took over the command on the Rhine, and immediately began a -great forward movement like that of his brother Drusus. He too advanced -to the Weser and reduced the Cherusci who were in revolt; and after -marching to the Lippe again, advanced to the Elbe (A.D. 5), reducing -the Chauci and Longobardi, this time with the support of a fleet that -entered the mouth of the Elbe. Some others thought it safer to send -envoys and make terms of friendship with Rome. Next year (A.D. 6) he was -to attack the Marcomanni under a powerful leader named Marobudus. The -attack was to be made from two sides. C. Sextius Saturninus, an able -and experienced officer, was to lead one army from the Rhine, through -the territory of the Chatti (near Cologne), while Tiberius himself led -another from Noricum across the Danube. The two were to converge upon -the district now occupied by the Marcomanni answering to the modern -Bohemia. Tiberius was accompanied by the governor of Pannonia (Valerius -Messalinus), and a large part of the troops stationed there. But the -expedition was prevented by a sudden rising in Pannonia and Dalmatia. The -inhabitants of these countries had not become reconciled to Roman rule; -they felt the burden of the tribute, and the opportunity afforded by the -withdrawal of so many troops was eagerly seized. Tiberius was forced to -offer terms to Marobudus, which he accepted, and hurry back to Pannonia, -while Saturninus returned to the Rhine for fear of an outbreak there. -The rising in Pannonia and Dalmatia was with difficulty suppressed after -a weary struggle lasting between three and four years. Many legions had -to be drafted into the country from other provinces as well as large -auxiliary forces. Germanicus was summoned to assist with a new army, and -Augustus himself came to Ariminum to be near at hand. Suetonius affirms -that it was the most serious struggle in which the Romans had been -engaged since the Punic wars. In B.C. 9 Tiberius indeed returned to Rome -to claim his triumph, but had to go back to put a last touch to the war. - -[Sidenote: The fall of Varus, A.D. 9.] - -Meanwhile the army of the Rhine had been under the command of P. -Quintilius Varus. Velleius gives an unfavourable account of him. He -was more a courtier than a soldier, and in his government of Syria had -shown himself greedy of money. “He entered a rich province a poor man, -and left a poor province a rich one.” From the time of his accession to -the command in B.C. 7 he seems to have regarded the country between the -Rhine and Elbe as completely reduced to the form of a Roman province, -and proceeded to levy tribute with the same strictness as he had been -used to do in Syria. But the German tribes did not regard themselves as -Roman subjects. The Romans were only masters of so much as their camps -could control. While Varus was living in fancied security in his summer -camp on the Weser, busied only with the usual legal administration of a -provincial governor, four great German peoples, the Cherusci, Chatti, -Marsi, and Bructeri, were secretly combining under the lead of the -Cheruscan chief, Arminius, to strike a blow for liberty. As the autumn of -A.D. 9 approached Varus prepared to return to the regular winter quarters -on the Rhine (Castra Vetera). Arminius, who had served in the Roman -army, and had been rewarded by the citizenship and the rank of eques, -had ingratiated himself with Varus, and was fully acquainted with his -plans, and though Varus had been warned of his treachery he seems to have -taken no heed. In order to bring him through the difficult country where -the ambush was to await him, a rising of a tribe off his direct road to -the Lower Rhine was planned. He fell into the trap, and turning aside to -chastise the rebellious tribe, was caught in a difficult pass, somewhere -between the sources of the Lippe and Ems, and he and nearly the whole -of his army perished. For three days the army struggled through a thick -and almost pathless forest, encumbered by a heavy baggage train, and a -number of women and children, attacked and slaughtered at nearly every -step by the Germans who were concealed in the woods, and continually made -descents upon them. A miserable remnant was saved by the exertions of L. -Asprenas, a legate of Varus, who had come to the rescue. Varus and some -of his chief officers appear to have committed suicide. The loss of three -legions and a large body of auxiliaries greatly affected the Emperor, -now a man of over seventy. For many months he wore signs of mourning, -and we are told that at times in his restless anxiety he beat his head -upon the door, crying, “Varus, give me back my legions!” Perhaps this is -the picturesque imagination of anecdote mongers. Though alarmed for the -possible consequences both at home and in the provinces, he acted with -spirit and energy. He ordered the urban pickets to be carefully posted, -suspended all changes in provincial governments, and held a levy of -citizen soldiers, enforcing by threats and punishment the duty of giving -in the names. For some time past service in the army had been regarded as -a profession sufficiently attractive to draw volunteers, without having -recourse to the legal right of conscription. But a sudden emergency -like this seems to have found men apathetic or disinclined, and he had -to resort to the old methods. He thought it necessary also to get rid -for a time of Gauls or Germans who were serving in the city cohorts or -residing in Rome. Tiberius, on the news of the disaster, hurried from -his Pannonian quarters to Rome, and was appointed to the Rhine command, -to which he went early in A.D. 10. The danger most to be feared was -that the victorious Germans would at once cross the Rhine. But this had -been averted partly because the Marcomanni had declined to join the -insurrection, even when Arminius sent the head of Varus to their chief, -Marobudus, and partly by the fact that the rebellious Germans themselves -wasted time in blockading Aliso, the fort erected by Drusus on the Lippe, -which was obstinately defended by its garrison under Lucius Cædicius. It -proved to be the Ladysmith of the German war, for the Germans, fearing to -leave it on their rear, missed the opportunity of attacking the camps on -the Rhine before they could be reinforced. The brave garrison, when their -provisions were exhausted, escaped on a dark night and reached Castra -Vetera in safety. Still, the result of the rising was to free Germany -beyond the Rhine. When Tiberius arrived to take the command in A.D. 10, -he spent the first year in strengthening the forts along that river; and -though in A.D. 11 he moved his summer camp beyond it, he never went far, -or apparently engaged in any warlike operations then or in A.D. 12. In -the next year he returned to Rome and was succeeded in the command by his -nephew, Germanicus. The forward movements of this young prince belong to -the next reign, but Tiberius no doubt learnt now what a few years later -induced him to recall Germanicus and be content with the frontier of the -Rhine. - -[Sidenote: Administrative reforms. The post.] - -The life of Augustus was now near its close, and there are no more -military enterprises to record. He had never commanded in the field -since the Cantabrian war of B.C. 25; but he had taken part in the most -important wars by moving to within such a distance of the seat of war as -to hear news quickly and to superintend the despatch of provisions and -reinforcements. He was probably more usefully employed in this way, and -was enabled to see, by personal observation, the needs of the provinces -and the best methods of remedying abuses and promoting prosperity. In -the course of his reign he is said to have visited every province except -Sardinia and Africa, and hardly any is without some trace of his activity -and liberality in the way of roads, bridges, or public buildings. He -was anxious that all, however distant, should feel in touch with the -central authority at Rome. Among other means to promote this was the -establishment or improvement of an imperial post which should reach the -most distant dependencies. - -We must not think of this as being like the modern postal service—meant -for the general use of the public. It was purely official. Just as the -main purpose of the great roads was to facilitate the rapid movement -of armies and officials, so the post was a contrivance to expedite -official despatches, to convey the Emperor’s orders to remotest parts -of the Empire, and to carry back news and warnings to the government -at home. Along the great roads in Italy and the provinces there had -long been posting houses where relays of horses, mules, or carriages -could be obtained, but there was never what we should call a postal -service for the transmission of private letters. Rich men kept slaves -for this purpose (_tabellarii_), the magistrates had official messengers -(_statores_), and the companies of _publicani_ had their regular service -of carriers. Private people could, as a favour, get their letters -occasionally conveyed by some of these; and it was considered a proper -act of politeness at Rome when despatching a slave with letters to -distant places, to send round to one’s friends to know whether they -wished to send any by him. Again, governors of provinces under the -republic had arranged with certain scribes in Rome to copy out the -_diurna acta_ and transmit them by slaves or paid messengers. But for -official purposes Augustus arranged a number of stations along the great -roads with men, horses, and carriages, to convey to and from Rome all the -news that it was needful for the government to know or all orders that -emanated from the Emperor.[268] Private persons would have no right to -use these public servants or conveyances; but no doubt the organisation -for the public service facilitated the transmission of private -correspondence also. - -This actual and material tightening of the bond which united distant -parts of the Empire with the central government went side by side with -the moral effect of the change in the position of the governors. No -longer permitted to make what profit they could from excessive exactions, -or percentages allowed by usage though not by law, they all received a -fixed salary, as did the lesser officials; and though extortion was still -occasionally heard of, the provinces knew that they had a rapid means of -appealing to the Emperor and a fair certainty of redress. - -[Sidenote: The army under one commander-in-chief.] - -Another change that made at first for unity, though it afterwards had -the contrary effect, concerned the army. In the time of the republic -there was in theory no one standing army. There were many armies, all -of which took the military oath to their respective commanders. Now the -military oath was taken by all to one man—the Emperor. The commanders of -legions were his _legati_. He regulated the pay, the years of service, -the retiring allowance for all alike. Each of the republican imperators -had a prætorian guard, generally consisting of auxiliary troops. Now -there was one prætorian guard, naturally stationed at Rome, and though -distinguished from the rest by increased pay and easier years of service, -it, as well as the _cohortes vigilum_, was under the same command. This -applies also to the fleet which was organised under Augustus chiefly -to protect the coast and clear the sea of pirates: the two principal -stations being at Misenum on the west, and Ravenna on the east coast, -with a third maintained for a time at Forum Iulii (Fréjus). The men -serving in these ships occupied the same position as citizen soldiers -or auxiliaries, and like them took the oath to one man—the Emperor. -But the very completeness of the organisation, it is right to notice -here, eventually made for disruption. Certain legions became constantly -attached to certain provinces, the auxiliaries serving with them being -as a rule recruited from the same provinces. The several branches of the -army thus came to feel an _esprit de corps_, and to regard themselves -as a separate entity with separate interests and claims. Consequently, -when in after-times the central authority was in dispute or in process -of change, the legions in the different provinces spoke and thought -of themselves as separate “armies,” capable of taking an independent -line and having a determining voice in deciding who should be their -Imperator. In those troublous times the provinces which had no military -establishment, or only a weak one, ceased to count for much, and had -to follow the strongest army near them.[269] For the present such -difficulties were not foreseen. Augustus was a strict disciplinarian, -and little was heard as yet of any serious insubordination. When it -did occur it was promptly punished. He disbanded the 10th legion for -misconduct, and exercised at times the full vigour of military punishment -for desertion of posts or lesser offences, and was careful in addressing -his troops not to lower his dignity by affectation of equality. He called -them “Soldiers!” not “Fellow-soldiers!” At the same time he kept up the -traditional exclusiveness of the legions, and seldom employed freedmen, -except as a kind of special constable in the city, and twice in times -of great distress, the Illyrian and German wars: even then they were -formed in separate cohorts, and armed in some way less complete than the -legionaries. - -The same conservative attachment to the ancient superiority of Rome -made him chary of granting the citizenship either to individuals, or to -masses of soldiers, or to states. This was one of the points in which -his policy was opposite to that of Iulius. The latter by his large -grants of citizenship to soldiers, professional men and communities, -had helped to raise the number of citizens from about 450,000 in B.C. -70 to 4,063,000 (the number in the Census of B.C. 28). During the -forty-five years that remained to Augustus the number had only gone up -to 4,937,000 (the Census of A.D. 13). This is probably little more than -can be accounted for by the growth of population; so that extensions of -the franchise must have been insignificant. His idea was an empire, one -in its military obligations and in its subjection to one supreme head, -and yet not divorced from the original city state. Rome was to be the -imperial city, the seat of government; the Populus Romanus was to be the -inhabitants of Rome extended to the limits of Italy. There was to be a -sharp line of division between the ruling and the ruled. It was one of -those compromises that are without the elements of permanence. And yet -it established a sentiment that has lasted, and is a reason that even to -this day the centre of spiritual life to a large part of Europe is on the -banks of the Tiber. In material matters the extension of the citizenship -meant the gradual shifting of the centre of power, and when early in -the third century Caracalla, for purposes of taxation, extended the -citizenship to the whole Empire, though the Roman name and its historical -prestige remained, Rome itself became only one of a number of cities in -a widely spread empire, and politically by no means the most important. -Such a conception was far from the mind of Augustus. It would have seemed -to him to be more worthy of his rival Antony, who was for setting up a -new Rome in Alexandria. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -AUGUSTUS AND HIS WORSHIPPERS - - _O tutela præsens_ - _Italiæ dominæque Romæ._ - - -[Sidenote: Popular feeling towards Augustus.] - -After the settlement of the constitution in B.C. 23 Augustus was only -absent from Italy three times, from B.C. 22 to B.C. 19 in Sicily and the -East, from B.C. 16 to B.C. 13 in Gaul and Spain, and B.C. 9-10 in Gaul. -At the outbreak of the Pannonian and Dalmatian wars A.D. 6-9 he stayed -for some time at Ariminum. For the rest of the time he lived at Rome, -with the usual visits to his country houses, made by land or yacht. -His return to the city after any prolonged absence was celebrated with -every sign of rejoicing, with sacrifices, music, and a general holiday. -On his return from Gaul in B.C. 13 an altar was dedicated to _Fortuna -redux_.[270] Nor was this mere adulation. The people had come to look -upon him as the best guarantee of peace and security. The troubles of -the days preceding the civil wars, the street fighting and massacres, -the horrors of the civil war itself, were not forgotten: but his own -part in them was ignored or forgiven; it was only remembered that he had -put an end to them; that he had restored the ruinous city in unexampled -splendour; that it was owing to his liberality, or that of his friends -acting under his influence, that at Rome there were luxurious baths, -plentiful water, abundant food, streets free from robbers, help ready in -case of fire, and cheerful festivals nearly always in progress. It was -thanks to him that the roads in Italy were not beset by brigands, that -the corn-ships from Egypt crowded the harbour of Puteoli unmolested by -pirates on their course,[271] that not only the dreaded Parthian, but -princes from the ends of the earth were sending embassies desiring the -friendship of Rome. At the least sign of the old disorders they clamoured -for his return and besought him to become Dictator, director of the corn -trade, perpetual guardian of morals, anything, convinced that under his -absolute rule there would be peace, plenty, and security. Horace exactly -represents this feeling when he addresses Augustus in his absence in -Gaul: “Oh scion of the gracious gods, oh best guardian of the race of -Romulus ... return! Your country calls for you with vows and prayer ... -for when you are here the ox plods up and down the fields in safety; -Ceres and bounteous blessing cheer our farms; our sailors speed o’er seas -that know no fear of pirates; credit is unimpaired; no foul adulteries -stain the home; punishment follows hard on crime.... Who fears Parthian, -Scythian, German, or Spaniard with Cæsar safe? Each man closes a day of -peace on his native hills, trains his vines to the widowed trees, and -home returning, light of heart, quaffs his wine and ends the feast with -blessings on thee as a god indeed.”[272] - -[Sidenote: The worship of Augustus.] - -These feelings found expression in a form which in our day is apt -to appear, according to our temperament, ridiculous or profane. In -plain terms this was to treat Augustus as divine, a god on earth. The -various expressions of Horace[273] may perhaps be put down to poetical -exaggeration or conventional compliment, though there is a real meaning -at their back; but though Augustus refused to allow temples and altars -to himself in Rome and Italy,[274] and even ordered certain silver -statuettes to be melted down, the evidence of inscriptions makes it -certain that the cult began in his lifetime in several places, as at -Pompeii, Puteoli, Cumæ in Campania, and in other parts of Italy.[275] -In Rome itself, when Augustus reorganised the _vici_, the old worship -of the _Lares Compitales_ at some consecrated spot in each _vicus_ -or “parish” was restored, but they were commonly spoken of as _Lares -Augusti_, and the _Genius Augusti_ was associated with them. It is this -fact that, to a certain extent, explains and renders less irrational an -attitude of mind which we are apt to dismiss as merely absurd. Each man -had a _Genius_—a deity to whom he was a particular care. We speak of a -man’s “mission,” implying by the word itself some external and directing -power, probably divine. The step is not a long one which identifies the -man and his genius, especially when his mission seems to be to bring -us peace and prosperity. “Oh Melibæus, ’twas a god that wrought this -ease for us!” exclaims the countryman in Vergil, who had got back his -lands. This confusion between the inspirer and the inspired, between the -mission and the man, was everywhere apparent. Among the statues in the -temples, and in the sacred hymns and other acts of worship, the figure -or the name of Augustus was associated with those of the gods in a way -that admitted, indeed, of a distinction being drawn between a memorial -to an almost divine man and an act of devotion to a god, but often -obscured that distinction for ordinary folk. When we dedicate a church -to a saint, or “to the glory of God and in memory of So-and-so,” the -distinction is of course clear, but the confusion which has from time to -time resulted is also notorious. Thus in the Cuman Calendar of a sacred -year, in which the anniversaries of striking events in the career of -Augustus are marked for some act of worship, sometimes the _supplicatio_ -is bluntly stated as _Augusto_; sometimes in honour of some abstract idea -as _imperio Augusti_, _Fortunæ reduci_, _Victoriæ Augustæ_; at others to -a god—_Iovi sempiterno_, _Vestæ_, _Marti Ultori_, _Veneri_. In fact, the -_supplicatio_ always had a double reference, it was an act of prayer or -thanksgiving to a god, but it was also an honour to a successful man. The -two ideas properly distinct easily coalesced. A _supplicatio_ in honour -of Augustus, without much violence, became a _supplicatio_ to him. - -[Illustration: ALTAR DEDICATED TO THE LARES OF AUGUSTUS IN B.C. 2 BY A -MAGISTER VICI. - -_Photographed from the Original in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence._ - -_To face page 196._] - -Of the still more formal cult which arose after his death with a temple -regularly dedicated to him by Livia on the Palatine, and a new college -of Augustales to keep up the worship in all parts of the Empire, an -explanation somewhat analogous may be given. He was declared _divus_ by -the Senate, he was the late Emperor of blessed memory, a sainted soul, -the very spirit or genius of eternal Rome. The traditions in early -Roman history of the god-born and deified founder, the hero-worship of -Greece, the veil which concealed (as it still conceals) the state of the -departed, combined with the tolerant spirit of polytheism to make it -almost as easy for the men of that time to admit a new deity into the -Olympian hierarchy, as for mediæval Europe to admit a new saint into the -Calendar. - -Augustus, as we said, had the good sense and modesty to put difficulties -in the way of this worship in Rome and Italy. It was another matter -in the provinces. The divine, or semi-divine, honours paid him there -were closely bound up with loyalty to Rome and a belief in her eternal -mission. He therefore allowed temples and altars to be built, but always -on the understanding that the name of Rome should be associated with -his own. Such a method of expressing devotion to Rome and reverence for -her magistrates had not been unknown in earlier times. In the second -century B.C. a colossal statue of Rome had been set up by the Rhodians in -a temple of Athena; the people of Chalcis had erected a temple in honour -of Flamininus; and Cicero implies that in his time it was not an uncommon -thing to do in the Asiatic provinces. At Smyrna a temple to Rome had -been erected in B.C. 195;[276] and even before these the communities in -Asia and Greece had been accustomed to honour the Ptolemies in a similar -manner. The new cult therefore had nothing strange to the feelings and -habits of the time. It began early in his career of success—not later at -most than B.C. 36, after the defeat of Sextus Pompeius[277]—and it spread -rapidly. We hear of temples “to Rome and Augustus,” or altars, at Cyme, -Ancyra, Pergamus, Nicomedia, Alexandria, Paneas, Sparta, and elsewhere -in the East. Connected with them were yearly festivals and games, as at -Athens, Ancyra, and in Cilicia.[278] Nor was it in the East only that -this worship began in the lifetime of Augustus. We hear of temples or -altars in Spain, Mœsia, Pannonia, Narbonne; and the altar at Lugdunum -(Lyon), consecrated by Drusus in B.C. 12, was deliberately intended to -supersede the Druidical religion which was national and separatist. - -[Sidenote: The attitude of Augustus to this worship.] - -For forming an estimate of Augustus himself it is of great interest to -decide, if possible, how far he was deluded, how far he was acting from -deliberate policy in countenancing these things. When some people of -Tarraco reported to him, as an omen of his victorious career, that a -palm had grown on the mound of his altar in that city, he replied with -half-grave, half-playful irony, “That shews how often you use it!”[279] -But there is no note of disapproval or abnegation in the answer. He -accepts it as a natural fact that there should be such an altar, as a -modern sovereign might accept the compliment of a statue. Can we explain -it, except as a case of conscious fraud or blinding vanity? I believe -we may. We must notice first that Augustus had been zealous in the -apotheosis of Iulius, had urged Antony to become his flamen, had built -a temple to him in Rome, and encouraged the building of temples and -altars elsewhere. Now this apotheosis and worship of Iulius had begun -before his death,[280] as Augustus knew perfectly well. But in spite of -the manifestly party spirit of the packed Senate that voted the divine -honours to Iulius, he gave no sign of revulsion or incredulity. On the -contrary, he professed himself the heir not only of his wealth and -honours, but also of his religious obligations and political purposes. -It is clear, again, that Augustus believed in the gods, that is, in some -immortal being or beings who governed and controlled the world. The -restorer of a hundred temples, of sacred writings and ancient religious -rites, the pious fulfiller of vows made in the hour of danger or escape, -may have had crude or uncertain beliefs, have held views philosophical or -superstitious, wise or foolish, but he could hardly have been an atheist. - -He was too busy a man to be much troubled with philosophic doubts, -and perhaps—obvious as it may be—the answer of Napoleon would have -represented his view: who after listening for a time to certain -atheistic arguments, said, pointing to the starry heavens, “All very -well, gentlemen, but who made all that?” Given a belief in oneself and -in Providence, the next step is to believe that Providence is on our -side, as Cromwell saw the hand of God even in his most questionable -achievements. If we can translate this into the language of an age -accustomed to hear at any rate with acquiescence of heroic men, sons of -the gods and destined to be enrolled among their peaceful ranks, of the -genius which attended each man from the cradle to the grave, of the care -of the gods for the welfare of the state in its darkest hours, manifested -by omens, warnings, and even material appearances: if again we consider -how much it adds to the strength of a belief to find it shared by others -and to see that it makes for the moral good of the world, we may come -faintly to conceive a frame of mind in Augustus on this subject which -need not—in view of his age and its sentiments—be set down either as -wholly irrational or wholly hypocritical. “The Roman Empire,” he might -say to himself, “is all that really matters in the world. I am divinely -appointed to restore and defend it. I have in fact secured its peace -and prosperity. If the people call me god, it is their way of honouring -the Genius that directs me, the Providence that has selected me to be -their benefactor and saviour. If they believe in that, they must also -believe in the sanctity and eternal authority of Rome and the Empire. -Religion and loyalty are but different words for the same virtue.” In -his eyes the state was divinely appointed, even in itself divine, and in -so far as he represented the state he was a divinity to its subjects. -Stability was its first requisite. “My highest ambition,” he said in an -edict, “is to be called the author of an ideally good constitution, and -to carry with me to the grave a hope that the foundations I have laid -will remain unmoved.” Goodness, and loyalty to the state, had become -convertible terms to him. Once as he was looking at a villa formerly -belonging to Cato, one of his companions, thinking to please him by -denouncing an anti-Cæsarean, spoke of the “obstinate wrong-headedness of -Cato.” But he answered gravely “any one who is opposed to revolution is -a good man as well as a good citizen.” At another time he came upon one -of his grandsons reading a book of Cicero. The boy, thinking he was on -forbidden ground, tried to conceal the book; but Augustus took it into -his hand, read in it a short time, and handed it back with the remark, -“A true scholar, my boy, and a patriot.” Perhaps he thought with remorse -of his own part in the great man’s death, perhaps of the time when he -believed him to have been false to himself, but “patriot”—“a lover of his -country”—made up for all.[281] - -[Sidenote: The civilitas of Augustus.] - -It is clear, again, that it was not personal vanity or a desire for -adulation that actuated Augustus. He disliked fulsome compliments or -overstrained titles of respect, and laughed at cringing attitudes, -as when he said of some obsequious petitioner that “he held out his -billet and then snatched it away again like a man giving a penny to an -elephant.” He specially objected to be called _dominus_, a word properly -applying to a master of slaves, and forbade the word to be used even -in jest in his own family. He wished to be regarded as a citizen among -citizens. He took care to shew interest (unlike Iulius) in the games -and shows that were liked by the people, and disapproved of special -marks of respect being paid to his young grandsons by the people rising -and cheering when they entered the circus. He went through the streets -on foot even when Consul, or rode with the curtains of his sedan drawn -back, that he might not seem to avoid the looks or approach of the -crowd; he admitted all kinds of people without distinction of rank -to his morning levees; forbade the Senators to rise when he entered -or left the house; visited friends without state, and was careful to -attend family festivities such as betrothal parties. At elections he -went round with his candidates and canvassed for votes, and appeared -for his clients in the courts (though anxious not to allow his presence -to exercise an unfair influence) and shewed no annoyance at being -cross-questioned and refuted. In the Senate he allowed great freedom of -speech without resentment. He was interrupted while speaking by cries of -“We don’t understand,” “I would contradict you if it were of any use.” -On one occasion, when he was leaving the house with some signs of anger -after a tiresome debate, he was followed by cries, “Senators should be -allowed to speak freely on public affairs,” something like the shouts -of “Privilege” that greeted Charles I. on a famous occasion. When he -mildly remonstrated with Antistius Labeo for nominating Lepidus (whom he -particularly disliked and treated with great contumely) to the Senate, -Antistius retorted rudely, “Every one is entitled to his own opinion.” He -was tolerant of such language and wrote a soothing note to Tiberius, who -expressed himself vehemently about some occurrence of the sort: “My dear -Tiberius, don’t give way to youthful excitement, or be so very indignant -at some one being found to speak harm of me. It is quite enough if we can -prevent their _doing_ us any harm.” In matters more personal or private -he could stand a telling or rough retort. When holding a review of the -equites he brought up a number of charges against a certain eques, who -rebutted them one after the other and ended with the contemptuous remark: -“Next time, sir, you cause inquiries to be made about a respectable -man, you had better intrust the business to respectable people.” Seeing -another eques eating in the circus he sent a message to him, “When I want -to lunch, I go home.” “Yes,” was the answer, “but you are not afraid of -losing your place.” Another eques was rebuked by him for squandering his -patrimony, and deigned no further remark than, “Oh well, I was under the -impression that it was my own property.” He once paid a Senator’s debts, -and got no more thanks than a note with the words, “Not a farthing for -myself!” A young man was once noticed at Court with an extraordinary -likeness to himself. Augustus ordered him to be introduced and said: -“Young gentleman, was your mother ever at Rome?” “No,” he replied, “but -my father was.” In this case it must be acknowledged that the Emperor -richly deserved the retort. The point, however, in all these stories -is that he was content to give and take and be a man among men. There -would be no longer any ground for Pollio’s remark, when Augustus wrote -some satirical epigrams upon that incarnation of all the talents: “I -say nothing. It is not easy to write against a man who can write one’s -name in a proscription list.” There are other anecdotes which still -farther illustrate this human side of Augustus. A veteran begged him -to appear for him in court, and Augustus named one of his friends to -undertake the case. The veteran cried out, “But when you were in danger -at Actium, Cæsar, I did not get a substitute; I fought for you myself!” -With a blush Augustus consented to appear. The troubles and tragedies -of life interested him. On hearing of one of Herod’s family executions, -he remarked, “I had rather be Herod’s pig than his son!” And when a man -supposed to be rich was found on his death to be overwhelmed with debt, -he sent to purchase his pillow at the auction, which had enabled him to -sleep when he owed such enormous sums. He could bear to have the laugh -turned against himself. The story of the man with the two ravens, one -taught to greet himself and the other Antony, has been already referred -to (p. 119). Another is of a similar kind. A poor Greek poet was in -the habit of waylaying him as he left his house for the forum with -complimentary epigrams to thrust into his hand. Augustus took no notice -for some time, but one day seeing the inevitable tablet held out he took -it and hastily scribbled a Greek epigram of his own upon it. The poet by -voice and look affected to be overpowered with admiration, and running up -to the Emperor’s sedan handed him a few pence, crying, “By heaven above -you, Augustus, if I had had more I would have given it you!” Everybody -laughed and Augustus ordered his steward to give him a substantial sum of -money. - -It is curious that though Augustus was unmoved by rough retorts or -offensive speeches he shewed considerable sensitiveness to attacks -which took the form of lampoons and epigrams. He went so far on some -occasions as to refute them in an edict. But he used the “edict” as a -means of communication with the citizens and provinces on all sorts of -subjects, such as for explaining his purpose in putting up the bust -of distinguished men, or to draw attention to what he thought useful -in ancient writers. But he shrank not only from offensive poems, but -from being the subject of any poetry or history composed by incompetent -people. Before all things he was not to be made to look ridiculous by -witty attacks or clumsy praise. The prize poem or declamation was an -abomination to him, and the prætors were charged to prevent the public -use of his name in such compositions. Connected with this sensitive -refinement of taste may be mentioned the simplicity of his manners and -way of life. - -[Sidenote: The residences of Augustus.] - -The Palace of Augustus, though in a group of great splendour, was not in -itself on a scale approaching the huge constructions of later Emperors. -He appears at first to have occupied a modest house close to the forum, -which had once belonged to the orator Licinius Calvus, who died B.C. 47. -He then purchased a site on the Palatine on which to erect a new house; -but in B.C. 36, after the final defeat of Sextus Pompeius, the Senate -voted him the house of Hortensius. In a chamber of this house he slept -summer and winter for the rest of his life, though occasionally when -unwell he would pass the night in the house of Mæcenas on the Esquiline -which was regarded as a healthier situation. On receiving this house -from the Senate, he devoted the site already purchased to the temple of -Apollo and its libraries, which with its peristyle was filled with the -most precious specimens of Greek art, and in which under the statue of -Apollo by Scopas the Sibylline books were preserved in gilded caskets. -In B.C. 12, upon becoming Pontifex Maximus, he built a small temple of -Vesta between these buildings and his house, to keep up the tradition -of the Pontiff residing near the shrine of Vesta in the forum, while he -handed over the official residence of the Pontiff to the Vestal Virgins -themselves. The house of Hortensius was afterwards partly destroyed by -fire and rebuilt with greater magnificence, the neighbouring house once -owned by Catiline being taken in; but even then it was on a moderate -scale compared with the later palaces. Its entrance, however, was -conspicuously marked by the laurels, the civic crown, and gilded shields -which were placed there by vote of the Senate since B.C. 27. Besides this -town-house, which has furnished the name for a royal residence to this -day, he had of course various villas in different parts of Italy. But -they were not numerous in comparison with the number we know to have been -owned by nobles at the end of the republic. There was one at the ninth -milestone on the Flaminian Way called _ad gallinas_, in the gardens of -which was the bay tree, from the leaves of which Augustus had his garland -made when celebrating his triumphs; as it became the traditional habit -of succeeding Emperors to do also. The others near Rome were selected -for their coolness and healthy position—Lanuvium twenty miles from the -city on a lofty spur of the Alban Mountains, “cold Præneste” twenty-five -miles, and “sloping Tibur” about twenty miles away. These, however, were -suburban residences and gave no escape from society or business. They -were full of Roman villas,[282] and in the temple of Hercules at Tibur he -frequently sat to administer justice. When he could get a real holiday he -preferred a yachting voyage among the islands on the Campanian coast. -For one of them (Ænaria) he took in exchange from the municipality -of Naples the beautiful Capreæ, destined for greater notoriety under -his successor. He used to call it or some small island in the bay his -“Castle of Idleness.”[283] His villas were on a modest scale. He greatly -disapproved of the vast country palaces which were becoming the fashion, -and forced his granddaughter to demolish one which she was building.[284] -Earlier in life he was accused of extravagance in the matter of rich -furniture and antique bronzes. But he seems to have shaken off this -weakness later on. The furniture of his villas was extremely simple, and -there were no costly pictures and statues in them, but the gardens were -carefully laid out with terraces and shrubberies, and generally adorned -with various curiosities, as at Capreæ with the huge bones of a whale. - -His table was simple and the dinners never long. He was careful in -selecting his company, but knew how to make graceful concessions as to -the rank of his guests when occasion required it. He drank little wine, -and generally not of the best vintages; but he exerted himself to promote -conversation and to draw out the silent and shy. He would sometimes come -late and retire early without breaking up the party; sometimes talked -instead of eating, taking his own simple food before or after the meal. -Before all he does not appear to have adopted the unsociable habit, often -mentioned by Cicero and especially characteristic of Iulius, of reading -and answering his letters at table. The dinner was generally a family -function and his young grandsons were always present at it. Sometimes -conversation was varied by reciters, readers, actors or professors of -philosophy. But at the Saturnalia and other festivals the quiet and -decorum of these meals gave way to the spirit of the hour. The table was -better furnished and the Emperor presented his guests with all kinds of -gifts, or amused himself by holding a kind of blind auction, putting -together lots of widely different value which the guests bid for without -knowing what they were purchasing. On such occasions gambling with dice -was permitted, though in family parties the Emperor took care to lose or -to surrender his winnings, and sometimes he supplied each member of the -party with a sum of money beforehand with which to make their stakes. But -games of chance had a fascination for him at all times of his life, and -his real gambling was not confined to festival days. He made no secret -of it, and we hear nothing of any great loss or gain. Social life at -Rome began early in the day, visitors at a levee would arrive soon after -daybreak, and a magistrate would sometimes have to be up immediately -after midnight, to take omens or perform some other religious rite. But -as Augustus worked late at night, and was not a good sleeper, early -rising was painful to him, and resulted in his falling fast asleep in -his sedan. If any of these night duties became imperative he took the -precaution of sleeping in some lodging near the place. But his normal -habit was to work up to noon, then after the light luncheon or prandium, -often consisting of bread and a few grapes, to sleep for a short time -fully dressed. Having finished the morning’s work and bath, dinner (cena) -would come between 3 and 4, though busy men like the Emperor often pushed -it on to 6 or 7; after dinner he went to his study, and there finished -off what was left of the day’s work, his memoranda and accounts, sitting -or reclining on his couch far into the night. The amount of work which -he must have bestowed upon his official business is shewn by the state -of readiness and completeness in which the various schedules of the -finances of the Empire and the army, and the book of political maxims -were found at his death. In early youth he had dabbled in literature, -and composed a tragedy in the Greek fashion called “Ajax”; but coming -in later years to estimate its value more truly he destroyed it, and -when some friend or flatterer inquired for it, he said, “Ajax has fallen -on his own sponge.”[285] He composed also memoirs of his own life, but -they were interrupted by his serious illness after the Spanish War (B.C. -25-3), and never resumed. They were used by Suetonius and other writers, -as well as collections of his letters, edicts, and speeches, but have not -been preserved. Only one of his epigrams has survived, of which I shall -speak hereafter. These excursions into literature, never very serious, -seem to have ceased as he got on in life. In the third book of his _Odes_ -(written between B.C. 30-25), Horace tells the Muses that “they afford a -recreation to high Cæsar when he has put his troops into winter quarters -and seeks a rest from toil,”[286] but in the fourth book (B.C. 13-12) -it is the statesman, the conqueror, and reformer that he addresses, not -the man of letters. The Epistle addressed to Augustus in B.C. 12, though -it deals with literary criticism and explicitly supports the Emperor’s -well-known dislike of being the theme of inferior writers, while it -dwells upon his numerous employments and warmly compliments him on his -successful achievements, contains no word or hint of his authorship.[287] -The principate was a most laborious profession, absorbing all his -energies and occupying all his time, and though he might enjoy the -company of literary men, despatches, edicts, and state papers would now -be the limit of his literary ambition. - -The heavy work of his lofty position was performed under painful -conditions of health. Besides at least four serious illnesses[288] -of which we hear, he was subject to periodical complaints, generally -recurring at the beginning of spring and autumn. Soon after B.C. 30 he -gave up the martial exercises of the Campus, then the less fatiguing -ball games, and finally confined himself to getting out of his sedan to -take short runs or walks. As he grew old his only outdoor amusements -(except yachting) seem to have been fishing and playing games with little -children. - -In the last years of his life he gave up going into Roman society. -In the earlier part of his principate he dined out freely, and not -always in select company. He seems to have been rather inclined to the -vulgar millionaire, perhaps because he could reckon on contributions to -the public objects which he had at heart. He did not expect splendid -entertainments, and was content with the wine of the district, still he -did not like being treated with too little ceremony. To one man who gave -him a dinner ostentatiously plain and common, he remarked on leaving—“I -did not know that I was such an intimate friend of yours.” At times, -too, he had occasion to assume the Emperor with some of these _nouveaux -riches_, as in the celebrated case of Vedius Pollio. This man had a -stewpond of lampreys, which he fed with flesh. When he was entertaining -Augustus on one occasion the cup-bearer dropped a valuable crystal -cup, and his master ordered him at once to be thrown to the lampreys. -Augustus tried to beg him off, but when Pollio refused, he ceased to -entreat; assuming imperial airs he ordered all the cups of the same -sort in the house, and all others of value, to be brought into the room -and broken. Licinius, the grasping procurator of Gaul, was another of -these rich vulgar people, with whom Augustus was somewhat too intimate, -and expected in return for that honour large contributions to his -works. On one occasion he even took the liberty of altering the figure -in the promissory note sent by him so as to double the sum. Licinius -said nothing, but on the next occasion he sent a note thus expressed: -“I promise towards the expense of the new work—whatever your Highness -pleases.” - -Wit is seldom kind, and some of the retorts attributed to him are not -always exceptions to the rule. To a humpbacked advocate pleading before -him, and often repeating the expression, “If you think I am wrong in -any way, pray set me straight,” he said, “I can give you some advice, -but I can’t set you _straight_.” To an officer who made rather too -much fuss about his services, and kept pointing to an ugly scar on his -forehead, he said, “When you run away you shouldn’t look behind you.” -More good-natured are the following. To a young prefect who was being -sent home from camp for misbehaviour, and who exclaimed, “How can I go -home? What am I to say to my father?” he replied, “Tell him that you did -not like me.” To another who was being cashiered, and pleaded to have -the usual good-service pension, that people might think he had left the -service in the usual way, he said, “Well, give out that you have received -the money; I won’t say that I haven’t paid it.” - -Though affable to all, and neither an unkind nor unreasonable master to -his slaves, or patron to his freedmen, he was enough a man of his age not -to hesitate to inflict cruel punishment for certain offences. A secretary -who had taken a bribe to disclose some confidential paper, he ordered to -have his legs broken. A favourite freedman was forced to commit suicide -when detected in intrigues with Roman married ladies. He ordered the -personal servants of his grandson Caius, who had taken advantage of his -illness and death to enrich themselves in the province of Syria, to be -thrown into the sea with weights attached to their feet. - -To those who had been his friends there is hardly any instance of extreme -severity after the end of the civil wars. It is possible that Muræna -died before trial, though his fellow-conspirator was put to death. -Cornelius Gallus, the first prefectus of Egypt, committed suicide rather -than confront the accusations brought against him and the evident animus -of the Senate; but Augustus did not wish it, and exclaimed with tears in -his eyes that it was hard that he should be the only man who might not be -angry with his friends without the matter going farther than he intended. -The coldness that arose between him and his ministers Agrippa and Mæcenas -was only temporary and never very grave. He deeply deplored their loss -at their death. We shall have to discuss his conduct to his daughter and -granddaughter and their paramours in another chapter. But neither in -regard to these persons nor the conspirators against his life did he ever -act in a way that his contemporaries would think cruel. - -These anecdotes of Augustus do not suggest a very heroic figure, very -quick wit, or great warmth of heart. They rather indicate what I conceive -to be the truer picture, a cool and cautious character, not unkindly -and not without a sense of humour; but at the same time as inevitable -and unmoved by pity or remorse as nature herself. No one accuses him of -having neglected or hurried any task that it was his duty to perform. -But neither friend, relation, nor minister ever really influenced him. -He issues orders, and they all obey instinctively, without remonstrance, -and generally with success. He is providence to them all. Everything -succeeds under his hands. He is no soldier, though he knows one when he -sees him, but all the nations of the earth seek his friendship. Till the -last decade of his life no serious reverse befel his armies; at home all -opposition melted away, as the difficulties in a road or course disappear -before a skilful driver or steerer. He is not godlike, but there is an -air of calm success about him which swayed men’s wills and awakened their -reverence. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE REFORMER AND LEGISLATOR - - _Quid leges sine moribus_ - _vanæ proficiunt?_ - - -[Sidenote: The earliest reforms in the Empire.] - -The activity of Augustus as reformer in the city and Italy, and to a -great extent in the provinces also, was subsequent to the settlement of -his constitutional position in B.C. 23, after which date changes in it -were generally consequential, and in matters of detail. But it began -long before. In B.C. 36 he had taken effective measures to suppress the -brigandage which had pushed its audacity nearly up to the very gates -of Rome. In B.C. 34-3 Agrippa, under his influence, had started the -improvement in the water supply of Rome by restoring the Aqua Marcia; -had cleansed and enlarged the cloacæ, repaired the streets, and begun -many important buildings. In B.C. 31 we have evidence that Augustus -was turning his attention to the details of administration in the -provinces,[289] and in the next year, in his resettlement of Asia, he -restored to Samos, Ephesus, Pergamus, and the Troad, works of art which -Antony had taken from them to bestow upon Cleopatra.[290] In B.C. 28, -measures of relief were adopted for state debtors, and a term fixed -beyond which those who were in actual possession of properties could not -be disturbed by legal proceedings. - -[Illustration: AUGUSTUS AS SENATOR. - -_Photographed from the Statue in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence._ - -_To face page 212._] - -[Sidenote: The roads and police patrols, B.C. 27.] - -The first need of the country was security. How difficult this had long -been to maintain, and how ill the senatorial government at the end of the -Republic had been able to cope with the evil is shewn by the fact that -remnants of the bands of Spartacus and Catiline were in B.C. 61 still -infesting the district of Thurii. In spite of the repressive measures -of B.C. 36, which seem to have been successful as far as the immediate -neighbourhood of Rome was concerned, at the end of the civil war armed -bands still openly appeared in various parts of Italy, seized and carried -off travellers, confined them in the slave-barracks, or _ergastula_, -or put them to ransom. These _ergastula_ were originally slave-prisons -used for keeping refractory slaves, who worked during the day in chains, -and were shut up in separate cells at night, often underground or only -lighted by windows high up and out of reach of the inmates. In some -parts of Italy—chiefly the north—they were not known, and chained slaves -were not employed; but in other parts they were numerous, and afforded -convenient hiding-places. The chief abuse connected with them was that -men properly free could be carried off and concealed in them as though -they were slaves, while they afforded a leader in rebellion convenient -sources from which to draw recruits; the miserable inmates being only -too ready to join any one who gave them a hope of freedom and release -from those horrible dens. Accordingly a review of the _ergastula_ is -constantly heard of, till they were finally abolished by Hadrian. Among -the measures for the suppression of brigandage now taken was a visitation -of these places. It was not done in mercy to the slaves. Augustus, though -he treated his own servants with kindness, took the sternest Roman view -of the absolute power of a master, and boasts that after the war with -Sextus Pompeius he handed over 30,000 slaves—who had been serving with -the enemy—to their masters “to be punished.”[291] When we remember what -the “punishment” of a Roman slave meant, it is difficult to think without -horror of the sum total of human misery which this implies. - -[Sidenote: The great roads of Italy secured.] - -A more effective and permanent measure, however, was to secure the -roads and make them fit for rapid military movements. A system of road -commissions (_curæ viarum_) was started in B.C. 27, commissioners -(_curatores_) being appointed to superintend each of the great roads -leading from Rome to various parts of Italy. The duty at first was -usually imposed upon men who had enjoyed triumphs, and Augustus himself, -after his triple triumph, undertook the _via Flaminia_, the great north -road from Rome to Ariminum on the Adriatic, from which place other roads -branched off through the valley of the Po, and to the Alpine passes. The -pavement of the road was relaid, the bridges repaired, and the completion -of the work was commemorated by the still existing arch at Rimini, with -its partially surviving inscription.[292] For greater safety, also, -military pickets were stationed at convenient points along the roads, -which put a stop to brigandage. - -In close connection with the roads were the twenty-eight military -colonies established by Augustus in Italy. Of these seven were along the -line of the Flaminia, or near it; one of them (Bononia) was the point -where the main roads to Rome converge. Others guarded the entrances to -the Alpine passes, or the road through Venetia to Istria—which Augustus -included in Italy—while another group protected the main roads through -Campania. Thus these colonies were not only centres of loyalty to the -Empire, but served to keep open the great routes. The object of the -division of Italy into eleven regions, the exact date of which is not -known, was probably for the purpose of the census, and the taxation -which was connected with it, but it was also for other administrative -purposes, as for the regulation of the military service of the young -men in each of them.[293] The regions followed the natural divisions of -the country and of nationalities, but the importance of the roads in -connection with them is shown by the fact that before long they became -known in many cases by the name of the chief road that traversed them, -as Æmilia, Flaminia, and others. What Augustus was doing for Italy his -legates under his authority were doing for the most important provinces. -Great roads—_viæ Augustæ_—were being laid everywhere. We have evidence of -them from inscribed tablets in Dalmatia, Pisidia, and Cilicia, Bætica, -Northern Spain, Gallia Narbonensis, and elsewhere.[294] These works -went on throughout his reign, but in B.C. 20 he commemorated his formal -appointment as head commissioner of all roads by placing a pillar covered -with gilded bronze in the forum near the temple of Saturn, with the -distances of all the chief places along the great roads from one of the -thirty-seven city gates from which these roads branch out. The base of -this _milliarium aureum_ is still in its place. - -[Sidenote: The collegia.] - -Another source of mischief were the _collegia_, or guilds. Under cover -of promoting the interests of certain trades and professions these -guilds were used, or were believed to be used, for all kinds of illegal -purposes. Some of them were of great antiquity, but they had come to -be so often misused for political terrorism (especially the _collegia -opificum_) that the Senate had suppressed many of them in B.C. 63. But -Clodius shortly afterwards got a law passed authorising their meetings, -and he employed them freely for promoting his own riotous proceedings. -Iulius Cæsar had dissolved all except the most ancient and respectable, -but during the civil wars they seem to have revived. Under a law passed -in B.C. 22 Augustus held a visitation of them. Some were dissolved and -some reformed, and a licence was henceforth required from Senate and -Emperor for their meetings. - -[Sidenote: Feeding the city.] - -In the city itself the first need was food. It depended very largely on -imported corn. Again and again we hear of dearth and famine prices at -Rome. The people, often, no doubt, rightly, believed that this dearness -of provisions arose from artificial causes. When Sextus Pompeius and -his confederates were scouring the seas and pouncing upon corn-ships -the cause was clear enough, and the gratitude to Augustus for crushing -him was very natural. But even when there was no such evident danger -great distress was often caused by sudden rise of prices. The idea -had always been in such times to appoint some powerful man _præfectus -annonæ_, with a naval force enabling him to secure that the corn fleets -should have free passage to Italy, should be able to unload their -cargoes without difficulty, and dispose of them at a moderate price. A -well-known instance of this was the appointment of Pompey in B.C. 57. -But in less troublous times a separate commissioner was appointed to -watch the several places of corn export, Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa. -These were not posts of very great dignity, and Brutus and Cassius in -B.C. 44 looked upon their nomination to them as a kind of insult. But -besides the dangers of the sea and of pirates certain merchants had hit -upon means—practised long before at Athens—of artificially raising the -price. They made what we should call “a corner” in corn. Either they -bought it up and kept it back from the market, or they contrived various -ways of delaying the ships and producing a panic among the dealers. As -in all difficulties, the people looked to Augustus for help, and in -B.C. 22 begged him to accept the office of _præfectus annonæ_, “chief -commissioner of the corn market.” While declining the dictatorship -offered him at the same time with passionate vehemence, he accepted this -commissionership; and the law which he caused to be passed now or some -time later on shews how necessary some State interference was. By this -law penalties were inflicted on any one “who did anything to hinder the -corn supply, or entered into any combination with the object of raising -its price; or who hindered the sailing of a corn-ship, or did anything of -_malice propense_ whereby its voyage was delayed.”[295] - -[Sidenote: Distribution of corn free or below market value.] - -But besides a free and unmolested corn market, the Roman populace had -long come to look for another means of support—a distribution of corn -either altogether free or considerably below the market price. Detached -instances of this practice occur in the earlier history of Rome, the corn -sometimes coming as a present from some foreign sovereign, sometimes -being distributed by private liberality. It had always been objected to -by the wiser part of the Senate, and had laid the donors open to the -charge of trying to establish a tyranny. It was reserved for the tribune -Gaius Gracchus to make it into a system (B.C. 122). Since his time it had -been submitted to as a matter of course by nearly all magistrates. Sulla, -indeed, seems to have suspended it for a time, but the first measure of -the counter revolution that followed his death was to re-establish it. -Iulius Cæsar had restricted it to citizens below a certain census, but -had not the courage to abolish it. It was, indeed, a kind of poor-law -relief, but of the worst possible sort. It not only induced a number of -idle and useless people to prefer the chances of city life to labour -in the country, but it unnaturally depressed the price of corn, and -therefore discouraged the Italian farmer, already nearly ruined by the -competition of foreign corn; it exhausted the treasury, and, after all, -did not relieve the poor. Livy regards it as one of the causes which -denuded Italy of free cultivators, and left all the work to slaves. -Cicero always denounced it on much the same grounds, and Appian points -out how it brought the indigent, careless, and idle flocking into the -city.[296] The system, moreover, was open to gross abuses, slaves being -manumitted that they might take their share, under contract to transfer -it to their late masters. Augustus saw that by these distributions -injustice was done both to farmers and merchants, and that agriculture -in Italy was being depressed by it. He says in his memoirs[297] that -he had at one time almost resolved to put a stop to the practice, but -refrained from doing so because he felt sure that the necessity of -courting the favour of the populace would induce his successors to -restore it. However unsound this reasoning may be, it would no doubt have -been an heroic measure for one in his position to have carried out the -half-formed resolution. As a matter of fact, his distributions were on a -large scale, and in times of distress were entirely gratis. _Tesseræ_, or -tickets, entitling the holders to a certain amount of corn or money, were -distributed again and again. The value of the corn tickets was generally -supplied from the _fiscus_ or his private revenue; but that after all was -only a question of accounts, it did not affect the economical or moral -results in any way. - -[Sidenote: State loans.] - -A better economical measure was a system of State loans. Immediately -after the end of the civil war the transference to the Roman treasury of -the enormous wealth in money and jewels of the Ptolemies at Alexandria -caused the price of money to go down and the money value of landed -property consequently to go up. For a time at least the common rate of -interest sank from 12 to 4 per cent. Augustus took advantage of this -state of things to relieve landowners who were in difficulties, by -lending them money free of interest, if they could show property of -double the value as security for repayment. - -[Sidenote: The Tiber.] - -There were other reforms equally beneficial. Among the many _curæ_ -(commissions) which he established was one for superintending public -works, which would thus not depend on private munificence; another of the -streets; of the water supply; and, above all, of the Tiber. Rome was, -as it still is, extremely subject to floods. Quite recently there were -five or six feet of water in the Pantheon, and in B.C. 27 the rise of -the Tiber was so serious that the lower parts of the city were covered, -and the augurs declared it to be an omen of the universal prevalence -of the power of the new _princeps_. In B.C. 23 it swept away the _pons -Sublicius_.[298] He could not of course prevent these floods, but he -gave some relief by dredging and widening the river-bed, which was -choked with rubbish and narrowed by encroachments. The commission thus -established remained an important one for many generations, but in B.C. 8 -he superintended the business himself. - -[Sidenote: Fire brigades.] - -A danger at Rome, more frequent and no less formidable than flood, was -fire. So frequent were fires that the most stringent laws had been passed -against arson, which it seems was even punishable by burning alive. In -B.C. 23 Augustus formed a kind of fire brigade of public slaves under -the control of the curule-ædiles. But the old magistracies were no -longer objects of desire, and it was difficult to get men of energy to -fill them, a state of things which was one of the chief blots in the new -imperial system. At any rate in this case they were not found efficient, -and in the later years of his reign (A.D. 6), a new brigade in four -divisions was formed of freedmen with an equestrian præfect, who turned -out to be so effective that they became regularly established. - -[Sidenote: The Sibylline Books and Sacred Colleges.] - -Another part in the scheme of Augustus for the reconstruction of society -was to revive the influence of the Sacred Colleges and brotherhoods, -and to renew the ceremonies with which they were connected. One method -of doing this was to become a member of them all himself, much as -the king of England is sovereign of all the Orders. Thus according -to the _Monumentum_ (ch. 7) he was pontifex, augur, quindecemvir for -religious rites, septemvir of the Epulones, an Arval brother, a fetial -and a sodalis Titius. Nor was he only an honorary or idle member. He -attended their meetings and joined in their business, and took part in -whatever rites they were intended to perform. Thus his membership of the -Arval brethren is recorded in the still existing _acta_; as a fetial -he proclaimed war against Cleopatra. The _sodales Titii_, a college -of priests of immemorial antiquity, had almost disappeared until the -entrance of Augustus into their college revived them and their ritual. -He not only joined these colleges, but revived and even increased their -endowments,[299] and, above all, those of the six Vestal Virgins, to whom -he presented the _regia_, once the official residence of the Pontifex -Maximus, and an estate at Lanuvium. The restoration of the College of -Luperci, which had celebrated on the 15th of February the old ceremony of -“beating the bounds” almost from the foundation of the city, was more or -less a political matter. It had gone out of fashion, and its ceremonies -had got to be looked upon as undignified. Iulius Cæsar had revived and -re-endowed them. The Senate for that very reason in the reaction after -his death had deprived them of these endowments, which Augustus now -restored. We have already noticed his renewal of the _augurium salutis_, -the old ceremonial prayer at the beginning of the year that could only be -offered in time of peace. He also induced some one to accept the office -of _flamen Dialis_ in B.C. 11, after it had been vacant since B.C. 87, -because the restrictions under which its holder laboured were so numerous -and tiresome that in spite of its dignity—its seat in the Senate and -curule chair and lictor—no one would accept it. He took pains again -to restore the Sibylline Books to their old place of importance. The -originals were lost in the fire of B.C. 82, and a commission had at once -been issued to collect others from towns in Greece and Greek Italy. But -some of them were getting illegible from age, and some were of doubtful -authenticity, and consequently all kinds of prophetic verses got into -circulation, giving rise at times to undesirable rumours and panics. -Augustus in B.C. 18 ordered them to be re-copied and edited, and the -authorised edition was then deposited in his new temple of Apollo on the -Palatine, and continued to be consulted till late in the third century. -After an attempt by Iulian to revive its authority it was finally burnt -by Stilicho about A.D. 400. - -[Sidenote: Pontifex Maximus.] - -As one of the quindecemvirs Augustus had charge of these books, but -he formally took the official headship of Roman religion by becoming -Pontifex Maximus. He was elected and ordained to that office in March -B.C. 12. The people had wished him to take it in B.C. 30, but he would -not violate what was a traditional and sacred rule that the office was -lifelong, and though Lepidus was degraded from the triumvirate in B.C. -36, he was still Pontifex Maximus. It is true that he was not allowed to -do any of the duties, or only those of the most formal kind, but still -he had the office. The ground for asking Augustus to take it was that -the election of Lepidus had been irregular; he had managed to get put in -during the confusion following the assassination of Cæsar, and therefore -might be deposed. Augustus however takes credit for his scrupulous -observance of a religious rule, and was particularly gratified by the -crowds of people who came up to vote for him, a sort of ecclesiastical -coronation.[300] - -[Sidenote: The _ludi sæculares_, May 31-June 2, B.C. 17.] - -In B.C. 17 he gave an emphasis to some of these religious revivals by -celebrating the _ludi sæculares_, the centenary of the city, in virtue -of some verses found in this Sibylline volume. We need not trouble -ourselves as to whether his calculation of the year was a right one -(the _sæculum_ was really 110 years), it is enough to note that they -were meant, like a centenary of a college or university, to call out -patriotic and loyal feelings which should embrace both the country and -the country’s religion. They are made interesting to us by the fact -that Horace—always ready to further his master’s purposes—was selected -to write the Anthem or Ode to be sung by a chorus of twenty-seven boys -and twenty-seven girls. An inscription, found in 1871 in the bed of the -Tiber, gives the official program of this festival, and ends with the -words _Carmen composuit Q. Horatius Flaccus_.[301] The poet probably -had before him, when he wrote it, the general scheme of the festival, -which included solemn sacrifices and prayer to Iuno, Diana, Iupiter, and -Ilithyia. Augustus and Agrippa took the leading part in the religious -functions—as members of quindicemviri—and both repeated the prayers, -which in the case of all these deities invoked a blessing on the “Populus -Romanus Quiritium.” In short, everything was done to mark it as a -national festival, to make the Romans recall their glorious inheritance -and unique position, and at the same time to show that the _princeps_ -represented that greatness before gods and men. Whatever else Augustus -may have thought of the national religion, he evidently regarded it as -the surest bond of national life, and the inclusion of a prayer to -Ilithyia, goddess of childbirth, joined with his contemporaneous attempt -to encourage marriage and the production of children (which the obedient -Horace echoes[302]), shews that he also connected that religion with -morality. The restoration of religion, in fact, in his mind, goes side -by side with the purification of morals. It is the practical statesman’s -view of religion as a necessary police force and perhaps something more. -Napoleon restored the Catholic Church in France with a similar sagacity, -and the people blessed him, as they did Augustus, for giving them back -_le bon Dieu_. - -[Sidenote: The reformation of morals.] - -But the state of things required in his judgment, not only a religious -revival, but more stringent laws. Horace again reflects his master’s -views in the making, before they find expression in act. The sixth ode -of the first book (written about B.C. 25) joins to the necessity of a -restoration of the temples and a return to religion a warning as to the -relaxation of morals, tracing the progress in vice of the young girl -and wife, with the shameful connivance of the interested husband, and -exclaims: “Not from such parents as these sprang the youth that dyed the -sea with Punic blood, and brake the might of Pyrrhus and great Antiochus -and Hannibal, scourge of God.” Again in the twenty-fourth ode of the -same book, also written about B.C. 25, he warmly urges a return to the -old morality, and promises immortality to the statesman who shall secure -it: “If there be one who would stay unnatural bloodshed and civic fury, -if there be one who seeks to have inscribed on his statue the title of -‘Father of the Cities,’ let him pluck up heart to curb licentiousness. -His shall be a name for the ages!” And when Augustus has acted on the -resolution, to the formation of which the poet was privy, he tells him -ten years later that by his presence family life is cleansed from its -foul stains, that he has curbed the licence of the age and recalled -the old morality.[303] This he would represent as the result of the -Emperor’s legislation, the _lex marita_ of the secular hymn. - -It was after his return from the East in B.C. 19 that Augustus first -received censorial powers for five years. Whether this amounted to a -definite office—a _præfectura moribus_ or _regimen morum_, as Dio and -Suetonius assert—does not much matter. The experiment of appointing -censors in the ordinary way had been tried in B.C. 22 for the last time -and had not been successful, and the _censoria potestas_ now given to -Augustus practically put into his hands that control over the conduct -of private citizens which the censors had exercised by their power of -inflicting “ignominy” upon them. The ancient censorial stigma had been -applied to irregularities in almost every department of life, but it -depended on the will of the censors themselves, not on laws. Feeling now -directly responsible for the morals and general habits of the citizens he -began a series of legislative measures designed to suppress extravagance -and debauchery, and to encourage marriage and family life, which would -have permanent validity. He believed in externals, even trivial ones, -as indicating a growing laxity; making, for instance, a point of men -appearing in the forum and on official occasions in the old Roman toga. -The lighter and more comfortable _lacerna_ or _pallium_ was as abominable -in his eyes as a suit of flannels would seem to a martinet of to-day -in the Park or on parade.[304] Before all things the Romans were to be -national, in dress no less than in other respects. - -[Sidenote: Sumptuary laws.] - -But the failure which always attends such regulations was no less -inevitable in regard to the first of his new reforming measures, his -sumptuary laws, regulating the exact amount that it was legal to spend -on a _cena_ in ordinary days, on festivals, and at wedding feasts, or -the _repotia_ which the bridegroom gave on the afternoon following his -marriage. This was no new thing. It had been tried at various times -throughout Roman history. Beginning with a very ancient law regulating -the amount of silver plate each man might legally possess, the rent he -might pay for his house, and the provisions of the Twelve Tables, we have -laws in the third and second centuries B.C., limiting the cost of dress -and jewels for women, the number of guests that might be entertained at -banquets, and the amount that might be spent upon them. Sulla had also a -sumptuary law, among his other acts, of the same kind. But Iulius Cæsar -had gone farther than any one in B.C. 46. He had not only regulated the -cost of furniture and jewels, according to the rank of the owners, and -the amounts to be spent upon the table, but he had sent agents into -the provision markets, who seized all dainties beyond the legal price, -and even entered private houses and removed dishes from the table. Of -course such measures were not only annoying, they were ineffective -also. Directly he left Rome the rules were neglected. Our own Statute -Book has many laws of the same kind, which rapidly became dead letters. -Nearly the one and only permanent effect of the old sumptuary laws had -been to create a sentiment against large and crowded dinner parties as -vulgar.[305] Nor did Augustus succeed much better. Towards the end of his -reign he issued an edict extending the legal amount which might be spent -on banquets, hoping to secure some obedience to the law. But nothing -that we know of Roman life afterwards leads us to think that this form -of paternal government—though quite in harmony with Roman ideas—ever -attained its object. Human nature was stronger than political theory. - -[Sidenote: The Iulian laws of marriage, adultery and divorce.] - -Nor were the laws, carried about the same time,[306] on marriage, -divorce, and kindred subjects, much more effective. In part they -re-enacted rules which had always been acknowledged and always disobeyed, -and so far as they did not punish a crime, but endeavoured to enforce -marriage, they were continually resisted or effectually evaded. -They consisted of a series of enactments—whether we regard them as -separate laws or chapters in the same law—for restraining adultery and -libitinage, for regulating divorce, and for encouraging the marriage of -all ranks.[307] They were passed in B.C. 18-17, and were supplemented -by a law of A.D. 9, called the _lex Papia Poppæa_. The text of none of -them survives, and we have to trust to scattered notices in the later -legal writers. They may be roughly classed as restrictive, penal, and -beneficiary. In the first may be placed the regulation that no senator -or member of a senatorial family might marry a freed-woman, courtesan, -actress, or the daughter of an actor; though other men might marry a -freed-woman or even emancipate a slave in order to marry her. And under -the same head came the regulations as to divorce. The legal doctrine -appears to have been that marriage contracted with the old religious -ceremony called _confarreatio_ was indissoluble, except in the case of -the wife’s adultery, on whose condemnation to death the execution was -preceded by a solemn dissolution of the marriage or _diffareatio_. It was -also a common belief that no divorce had ever taken place at Rome until -that of Carvilius in B.C. 231. Yet the laws of the Twelve Tables (B.C. -450) contained provisions as to divorce, so that it had certainly been -known before; and perhaps the truth was that Carvilius was the first to -divorce his wife without any plea of adultery, in which case he would -have to give security for the repayment of her dowry. Since that time -the religious _confarreatio_ had become extremely rare. Both men and -women avoided an indissoluble tie. The fashion was to be married _sine -manu_, that is, without the woman passing into the _manus_ or power of -her husband. She still remained subject to the _patria potestas_, or to -that of her guardian, or was _sui iuris_ according to her circumstances -at the time. Such marriages could be dissolved by either party, and -without charge of misconduct. Public opinion seems to have restrained -both men and women for some time from taking advantage of their freedom, -but its force steadily diminished, till towards the end of the republic -divorce became so common as to provoke little remark. It was an -arrangement—as in the case of Augustus and his family—governed almost -entirely by considerations of convenience or advantage, and generally -left all parties concerned on a friendly footing. This of course was -not always the case when the divorce was the result of misconduct, or -at least of misconduct on the wife’s part, nor even if it resulted -from incompatibility of temper or money disputes, which left a feeling -of soreness behind them. It was a system—however disastrous to family -life—too deeply rooted for Augustus to attempt to change it, even if -he had wished to do so. His law seems to have dealt only with certain -formalities and conditions of divorce—such as the necessity of having -witnesses, and in case of a charge of misconduct a kind of family council -or court of inquiry—not with the freedom of divorce itself, except that -in the case of a freed-woman, she was prevented from divorcing her -husband or marrying again without his consent. That, however, rested -on the idea of the rights of a patronus rather than on the sanctity of -marriage. Otherwise the law chiefly dealt with questions of property, -restraining the husband from alienating his wife’s estate without her -consent, and re-enacting (with what modifications we do not know) the -provisions for the repayment of dowry. - -[Sidenote: Penalties (1) for adultery or seduction.] - -The _penal_ enactments affected (1) those guilty of adultery or seduction -(_stuprum_), and (2) those who remained unmarried or without children. -In adultery both parties were punished by transportation (_deportatio -in insulam_) and a partial confiscation of property. A husband’s -unfaithfulness incurred no penalty except that he lost all claim to -retain any part of the wife’s dowry, even for the benefit of children. -But the old barbarous principle of the injured husband’s right to kill -both wife and paramour, if detected by himself, was retained, though -under certain conditions. If he allowed the guilty wife to remain with -him, he was bound to release the man; and if he connived at the adultery -for gain, he was subject to a fine. _Stuprum_ was formerly defined as -the forcible detention of a free woman for immoral purposes, and could -be punished by flogging or imprisonment. Under the Iulian law it was -extended to the seduction of an unmarried woman or a widow who had been -living chastely. - -[Sidenote: (2) For remaining unmarried.] - -The penalties upon those who remained unmarried between certain ages were -in the form of a direct tax or of certain disabilities. The former, under -the name of _uxorium_, was of great antiquity, and had been levied by -the censors of B.C. 404, but it was light and intermittent; the Iulian -law revived and increased it. The disabilities were that an unmarried -man between the legal ages could not take a legacy from a testator -not related to him within the sixth degree, unless he married within -a hundred days of being informed of the legacy. This was extended by -the _lex Papia Poppæa_ (A.D. 9) to the childless, who could only take -half any legacy from a testator unconnected with them within the sixth -degree. One child saved a man from coming under this law, three children -a freeborn woman, four a freed-woman. Again, a husband and wife who were -childless could only receive a tenth of a legacy left by one to the -other, though, if there were children by another marriage, a tenth was -added for each, or if they had had children who had died. For all alike -there were numerous exemptions founded on absence from home on public -service, age, or ill-health; and a certain time of grace (_vacatio_) was -given between the attainment of the legal age and the actual marriage, or -between two marriages, or after a divorce. - -[Sidenote: Privileges to parents. The _ius trium liberorum_.] - -The beneficiary clauses of the law were those which relieved married -men or women and men or women with children from these disabilities, -and gave them exemption from certain onerous public duties and special -places of honour in the theatres. The fathers of three children at Rome, -four in Italy, five in the provinces, had also certain preferences for -offices and employments and other honorary distinctions, such as taking -precedence of a colleague in the consulship. This was not a new idea, for -it had in one shape or another existed in many Greek states, and in B.C. -59 Iulius Cæsar had in his agrarian law given the preference to fathers -of three children in the distribution of land. - -[Sidenote: Opposition to the law.] - -The disabilities imposed on the unmarried were met with vehement -resistance, in consequence of which the clause was introduced giving -the three years’ grace between the attainment of the legal age and the -actual marriage. After the passing of the Papia Poppæa (A.D. 9) the -Emperor in the theatre or circus was received with loud shouts from the -equestrian seats demanding its repeal. He is said to have sent for the -children of Germanicus and held them up as an example for all to follow; -and he afterwards summoned two meetings of the equites, one of those -married, and the other of the single. To each he delivered a speech, -which Dio reports or invents. He pointed with dismay to the fact that the -first meeting was so much less numerous than the second. He commended -the married men for having done their duty to the State, but to the -unmarried he addressed a longer and more vehement appeal. He argued that -they were defeating the purpose of the Creator, were contributing to the -disappearance of the Roman race, which was being replaced by foreigners -necessarily admitted to the franchise in order to keep up the numbers of -the citizens; that he had only followed in his legislation the precedent -of ancient laws with increased penalties and rewards, and that while he -acknowledged that marriage was not without its troubles, yet that was -true of everything else, and they were compensated by other advantages -and the consciousness of duty done.[308] - -But though the Emperor carried his point at the time and passed a law -which remained in force for more than three centuries, it did not really -benefit morality. It was constantly evaded by colourable marriages, often -with quite young children. “Men did not marry to have heirs, but in order -to become heirs,” it was said. And though Augustus attempted to prevent -this by an edict enacting that no betrothal was to count which was not -followed by a marriage within two years, other means of evading the law -were found which gave rise to the intrusion of spies and informers who -made their profit by thus violating the secrets of the family. Again, -the granting of the _ius trium liberorum_ became gradually a matter of -form, and the idea of the superiority of the married state necessarily -disappeared with the rise of certain Christian ideals. The law was -repealed by the sons of Constantine. - -[Sidenote: The character of Augustus in view of this legislation.] - -Though a line is often drawn between a man’s public and private -character, it still remains hard to reconcile the earnestness of Augustus -in pressing these laws and his severity in punishing offences of this -nature with the reports of his own personal habits. I have already -expressed my disbelief in the stories of his youthful immoralities. -Suetonius, who spares no emperor the inevitable chapter summing up his -sins of the flesh, asserts that not even his friends deny the intrigues -of his later years, but merely urge that they were conducted not for -the gratification of his passions, but for motives of policy, that he -might gain information of secret plots. He mentions no names and gives -no evidence; the only names that have come down are those mentioned -in Antony’s extraordinary letter justifying his own connection with -Cleopatra. Antony, however, could only have known Roman gossip at second -or third hand in Alexandria, and the whole tone of the letter is so -reckless and violently coarse that it goes for very little by way of -evidence. Dio indeed mentions the wife of Mæcenas. But his statements -do not hang together or amount to very much. In one place he tells us -that Augustus was annoyed with Mæcenas because the latter had told his -wife something as to measures being taken against her brother Murena. At -another he says that some gossips attributed his journey to Gaul in B.C. -16 to a wish to enjoy her society without exciting popular remark, “for -he was so much in love with her that he once made her dispute with Livia -as to the superiority in beauty.” Even if the gossip was worth anything, -this hardly looks like a secret intrigue. Nor is it a confirmation of -it that Mæcenas at his death left Augustus his heir. However, the fact -may nevertheless be so. Livia is said elsewhere by Dio to have explained -her lasting influence over Augustus by the fact that she was always -careful not to interfere in his affairs, and, while remaining strictly -chaste herself, always pretended not to know anything of his amours. If -Livia did say this, it would of course be a sufficiently strong proof of -the allegations against him. But such reported sayings rest ultimately -on gossip and tittle-tattle, and do not go for much. The story told -by Dio, and amplified by Zonaras, of Athenodorus of Tarsus getting -himself conveyed into his chamber in the covered sedan intended for -some mistress, and springing out of it sword in hand and then appealing -to Augustus as to whether he did not often run such risks, is not very -likely in itself, and at any rate must refer to the triumviral days. For -about B.C. 30 Athenodorus was sent back to govern Tarsus. The one epigram -by the hand of Augustus, which has been preserved by Martial,[309] is -undeniably outspoken and coarse, but it is the coarseness of disgust, -not of lubricity, and to my mind is evidence—so far as it may be called -so—for him rather than against him. If, however, all that Suetonius and -Dio allege against his middle life is true, we must still remember that -in the eyes of his contemporaries, and indeed in Roman society generally -from Cato downwards, such indulgence in itself was not reprehensible. It -entirely depended on circumstances, and whether other obligations—such -as friendship, public duty, family honour—were or were not violated. -From that point of view the only crime of Augustus would be in the case -of Terentia, wife of Mæcenas, if the tale is true. As among the other -emperors whose life Suetonius wrote, with the exception of Vespasian, the -character of Augustus stands out clear. One age cannot judge fairly of -another, and it is not seldom that we find ourselves at as great a loss -to reconcile theory and practice, as to account for lives such as those -of Augustus and Horace in conjunction with the legislation of the former -and the moral sentiments occasionally expressed by the latter. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -LATER LIFE AND FAMILY TROUBLES - - _Edepol, Senectus, si nil quidquam_ - _aliud viti apportes tecum, cum_ - _advenis, unum id sat est quod diu_ - _vivendo multa quæ non volt videt._ - - -[Sidenote: The situation in B.C. 20-17.] - -After the restoration of the standards and prisoners from the Parthians -in B.C. 20, and when the peaceful settlement of the Eastern provinces -and subordinate kingdoms had been carried through or fairly started, -Augustus appears to have thought that the greater part of his life’s -work had been accomplished. The frontiers of the Empire had been settled -and secured. The Eastern provinces had been visited, necessary reforms -introduced, and great works of public utility set on foot. He wrote word -to the Senate that the Empire was sufficiently extensive, and that he had -no intention of adding to it by further annexations. He returned to Rome -the following year (B.C. 19) to find that the renewed trouble in Northern -Spain had been settled, or was on the point of being settled, by Agrippa. -He proposed to devote himself henceforth to internal reforms and the -superintendence of the peaceful improvements which he contemplated in the -provinces. He no doubt had in mind the necessity of a personal visitation -of distant parts of the Empire from time to time; but by associating -the able and trustworthy Agrippa with himself in the tribunician power -(B.C. 18) he might feel that he would always have a support in the -administration at home or abroad on which he could rely. It was at this -time, therefore, that the reforms and restorations were accomplished -which have been described in the last chapter, crowned by the national -festival, the _ludi sæculares_, in which he and Agrippa stood side by -side as mouthpieces of the whole people before the gods. - -We have seen, however, how these peaceful hopes were disappointed. -Scarcely were the secular games over than news came of the serious -disturbances in Gaul, Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Thrace, which led to his -three years’ absence from Rome and his long residence in Gaul and Spain. -He had only returned to Rome from this absence little more than a year -when he lost Agrippa, who died in March, B.C. 12, and he was obliged -to fall back upon the support of Tiberius, as his two grandsons were -only eight and five years old respectively. It was in B.C. 11 that he -compelled him to divorce his wife, Vipsania, to whom he was devotedly -attached, and marry Iulia, left a widow by Agrippa. The change was -thoroughly distasteful to Tiberius. He loved Vipsania, and he had good -reason to suspect Iulia of at least levity. So strong were his feelings -for his divorced wife that means had to be taken to prevent the two -meeting, for on a chance _rencontre_ he was observed to follow her with -straining eyes and tears. The arrangement, indeed, was wholly the work -of Augustus, with a view to a possible failure in the succession (which -did actually occur), for by this time he had evidently imbibed the idea -of a dynasty, and of the necessity of having some one connected with -him to take his place, who would be regarded as a natural successor -by all classes of citizens. But it proved the origin of a sorrow and -mortification which did much to overcloud his later days. - -[Illustration: JULIA, DAUGHTER OF AUGUSTUS. - -_From the Bust in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence._ - -_To face page 234._ - -LIVIA, WIFE OF AUGUSTUS. - -_From the Bust in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence._ - -_Page 274._] - -[Sidenote: Iulia, b. B.C. 39; ob. A.D. 14.] - -At first, we are told, the marriage seemed likely to be a happy one. -Iulia accompanied her husband on his campaigns in Dalmatia (B.C. 11-10), -or at any rate awaited him at Aquileia, where a child was born and -died. But from that time forward the breach between them was always -widening. Tiberius seems to have remembered certain passages that had -passed between them while she was still the wife of Agrippa, and she -regarded him as her social inferior, and wrote a violent complaint of -his character and habits to Augustus—supposed to have been composed for -her by her lover, Sempronius Gracchus, who paid for that service by his -life in the first year of the next reign; and when in B.C. 6 Tiberius -retired to Rhodes, his motive seems to have been as much to escape her -company as to avoid the awkwardness of his political position. Left -thus to her own devices in the midst of a corrupt society, she seems -soon to have outdone all former excesses. She was beautiful—except that -she early had grey hair—witty and wilful: so wilful and capricious that -Augustus used to say that he had “two fanciful daughters whom he was -obliged to put up with—the state and Iulia.” She drew round her all the -rich and extravagant youth. At the amphitheatre, on one occasion, some -one pointed out the contrast between the respectable elderly personages -who surrounded Livia and the wild youth who formed her own train. “Oh! -they will grow old along with me!” she replied. To a graver friend, who -suggested that she would do better to imitate the economical habits of -her father, she retorted: “He forgets that he is a Cæsar; I remember that -I am Cæsar’s daughter.” Once the Emperor entered the room while she was -at her toilet and noticed that her tire women had been plucking out her -grey hairs. He stayed chatting on all kinds of subjects, and insensibly -led the conversation to the subject of old age. “Which would you prefer?” -he asked, “to be grey or bald?” “Oh, grey,” she replied. “Then I wonder,” -said he, “that you let these women make you bald so soon.” She had at -times given him some unpleasant doubts as to her conduct. She came to -see him once dressed in a meretricious style, which she knew would vex -him. Next day she reappeared dressed with complete decorum. He had said -nothing the day before, but now exclaimed, “Isn’t this a style more -becoming to a daughter of Augustus?” “Oh,” said she, “I dressed to-day -for my father to see, yesterday for my husband.” - -He had never liked her mixing in general society as a girl. She and -his granddaughters, who lived in his house, were trained to spend -their time in women’s work, spinning wool, and the like, and to have -no secret conversations or idle talk; and he once wrote to a young -noble who had called on her while staying at Baiæ that “he had taken -a great liberty.” But in spite of such seclusion she had developed a -considerable knowledge of and taste for literature, and her cheerful -good nature made her popular at court and in society. Her father watched -her career as a married woman, and from time to time gave her half-grave -and half-playful hints as to her extravagance in dress and the style of -people that surrounded her. But he does not seem to have entertained -serious suspicions. Meanwhile she is said by our authorities not only -to have been indulging in numerous intrigues, but to have violated all -propriety and decency by joining in noisy revelry at night in the streets -and forum, and to have been present at parties where men stayed late and -drank deep. The crash came at a moment that seemed a culminating one in -the Emperor’s career, when a scandal must have been peculiarly trying. - -[Sidenote: _Pater patriæ_, B.C. 2.] - -Since the beginning of B.C. 8 Augustus had been at home. In that year -a fresh period of his various powers had been duly renewed by a vote -of the Senate, which had also honoured him by naming the month -Sextilis after him as “August,” and he had had the gratification of -welcoming Tiberius home from Germany victorious, and witnessing his -triumph. His young grandson Gaius was designated consul in B.C. 5 for -the sixth year from that time, and the next year he himself took that -office after an interval of eighteen years, that he might add dignity -to the ceremony of Gaius taking the _toga virilis_. Though vexed at -Tiberius’s retirement to Rhodes, he had good reason to hope that in the -two young Cæsars the succession was well provided for. In spite of some -uneasiness on the German frontier and among the Parthians, there was for -the time profound peace. At the beginning of B.C. 2 he was again consul, -in order to introduce the second grandson to the forum; and to show their -appreciation of his achievements, and their affection for his person, the -Senate at length voted to give him the title of “_pater patriæ_.” It was -first offered him by a popular deputation in his villa at Antium. He made -some difficulty about accepting it; but the next time he appeared at the -theatre or circus he was met by loud shouts, the whole people addressing -him by that title, and at the following meeting of the Senate on the -5th of February Valerius Messala was put up to address him formally: -“With prayers for your person and your house, Cæsar Augustus—for in -offering them we deem ourselves to be praying for the perpetual felicity -of the Republic and the prosperity of this city—we, the Senate, in full -accord with the Roman people, unanimously salute you as _Father of your -country_.” Augustus, rising with tears in his eyes and voice, could just -answer briefly, “My dearest wishes have been fulfilled, Fathers of the -Senate, and what is there left for me to ask of the immortal gods except -that I may retain this unanimous feeling of yours to the last day of my -life?” - -Though the title had long been popularly applied to Augustus, this -was the first official recognition of it. It had very old historical -precedent, from Romulus to Iulius Cæsar. It was meant to be the highest -compliment which could be paid, but it conferred no new powers, though -in after-times some of the Emperors regarded it as giving them a kind of -paternal authority. Augustus was evidently highly gratified. The shows -given at his expense this year were of unusual magnificence: gladiators, -wild beast hunts, sham sea-fights on the flooded Transtiberine fields, -had all roused great enthusiasm, and a special festival in his honour -had been held at Naples—in the Greek fashion—as an expression of thanks -to him for assistance rendered in the distress caused by a recent -earthquake and eruption of Vesuvius. The year thus opened with unusual -cheerfulness, and though now past sixty he might feel encouraged by the -popular enthusiasm to continue his work with unabated energy. - -[Sidenote: Detection of Iulia.] - -Suddenly the disgrace that had been gathering round his house was -revealed to him. We are not told who enlightened him and turned the -suspicions which he had persistently put away into certainty. Of course -the natural suggestion is that it was Livia, between whom and Iulia, -as mother of the two young heirs who stood in the way of Livia’s son -Tiberius, there was no cordial feeling. The contrast in their ways of -life, and the remarks caused by it, no doubt reported by good-natured -friends, had not helped to make these relations any more pleasant. But -whoever was the informant, Augustus was at last thoroughly roused, and -thrown into the greatest state of agitation. Whatever may have been his -own private vices in the past, the decorum of the palace in which Livia -presided was unimpeached and highly valued by him. The pure atmosphere -of the Augustan house—Horace says—and the paternal care of the Emperor -were mainly the causes of the manly characters of Tiberius and Drusus, -and Horace always echoes what Augustus at any rate wished to be thought -true. To have the secrets of the family thus revealed to the multitude, -to the scorn of the hostile and the pity of the well-disposed, was no -doubt galling. He shunned society for some time and kept away from Rome. -He had also the additional annoyance of reflecting that the publicity -was greatly his own fault. In the heat of his anger he wrote to the -Senate and put the affair, more or less, in its hands. In cooler moments -he repented of this, and exclaimed that “it would never have happened -if Agrippa and Mæcenas had been alive.” Several men are said to have -suffered death on the charge, though we only know of two names, Iulius -Antonius and Sempronius Gracchus, the former of whom committed suicide, -while the latter was banished to an island on the African coast. Seneca, -who generally makes the worst of Augustus, says that he spared their -lives and punished them by banishment. The case of Iulius Antonius was -particularly bad. He was the son of Antony by Fulvia, had been brought up -by Octavia, married to her daughter Marcella, and by her influence and -the kindness of Augustus, had been prætor (B.C. 13) and consul (B.C. 10). -He had therefore been treated as a member of the family, and a highly -favoured one. Gracchus is said to have begun his intrigue while Iulia -was the wife of Agrippa, and to have helped to irritate her against her -husband Tiberius. But however guilty Iulia may have been, she did not -forfeit the popular affections. Again and again Augustus was assailed -by petitions to recall her. He passionately refused, exclaiming at last -to a more than usually persistent meeting, that he “would wish them all -daughters and wives like her.” The most that he could be persuaded to -grant was that at the end of five years she should be allowed to exchange -her island (Pandateria) for Rhegium, and to live under less stringent -conditions as to dress and food, and the servants who attended her. Her -mother, Scribonia, accompanied her into exile, and though Tiberius, -acting under the authority of Augustus, sent from Rhodes a message of -divorce, he made a formal request that she might be allowed to retain -whatever he had given her. The sincerity of such an intercession was -illustrated by the fact that on the death of Augustus he immediately -deprived her of all allowances. She, however, only survived her father a -few weeks. All this severity is perhaps best accounted for if we accept -the statement of Dio and Pliny, that she was charged not only with -adultery, but with joining in some plot against her father in favour -of her lover, Iulius Antonius.[310] At any rate it is difficult not to -feel some sympathy with a woman, married and re-married without choice -on her part or any question of affection, for nine years the wife of a -man as old as her father, and then transferred to another, whose heart -was fixed elsewhere, and whom his warmest admirers cannot describe as -one likely to be sympathetic or expansive, one in fact who began with a -strong prejudice against her. She knew also that her own mother, with -whom she seems to have kept up affectionate relations, had been turned -off immediately after her birth for no assignable reason, just as she had -been married for a momentary political object. She could have grown up -with no very deep reverence for her father’s morality or lofty ideas of -the marriage relationship. - -[Sidenote: Death of Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, A.D. 2-4.] - -From this time forward family misfortunes seemed to dog the steps of -Augustus for some years to come. The next blow was the death of the -two young sons of Iulia, Gaius and Lucius, whom he had adopted, had -personally educated in their childhood, and was training for their great -future. When the elder was only 15 (B.C. 5) he had been designated consul -for A.D. 1, and the Senate had voted that he and his brother might at -that age “take part in public business,” that is, might be employed in -any capacity the Emperor might choose directly they assumed the _toga -virilis_. Accordingly, in B.C. 1, Gaius was sent to the East, with a -pretty wide commission to visit the Eastern provinces. He seems to have -travelled considerable distances, and even entered Arabia. Tiberius, -who was then at Rhodes, crossed to Samos to greet him. The meeting, -however, was not a happy one. M. Lollius, the head of Gaius’s staff, -seems to have influenced the young prince against Tiberius, and induced -him to send home a report to the Emperor of certain indications that he -was contemplating some treasonable measures. Augustus candidly informed -Tiberius of this, and it was it seems partly from the necessity of -clearing himself, that at the earnest entreaty of his mother, he, two -years later, sought and obtained the permission of Augustus to return -to Rome. Meanwhile there had been wild talk among the staff of Gaius, -one of them expressing his readiness to sail to Rhodes and bring the -head of “the exile” back. He does not, however, appear to have forfeited -the confidence or affection of Augustus, who writes to him on the 23rd -September, A.D. 1: “Good day to you, Gaius, apple of my eye, whom by -heaven I continually miss when away. But it is especially on days such -as this one that my eyes seek for my Gaius; and wherever you have spent -it I hope that you have kept my sixty-fourth birthday in good health -and spirits. For you see I have safely passed the grand climacteric, -which for all old men is their 63rd year. Pray heaven that whatever -time remains for me I may spend with the knowledge that you and your -brother are safe and sound and the republic supremely prosperous, with -you playing the man and preparing to take up my work.” But these hopes -were doomed to be disappointed, as we have seen, by the treacherous -wound received at Artagera in Armenia in A.D. 4. Two years earlier his -younger brother, Lucius, had died suddenly and somewhat mysteriously at -Marseilles at the beginning of a progress through the Western provinces, -which was to form part of his political education. The fact that his -death corresponded nearly with the return of Tiberius from Rhodes gave -rise to suspicions that it had been caused by the machinations of Livia, -anxious to secure the succession for her son. Even the death of Gaius, -though so far away, was put down to the same malignant influence; for -it was argued that his wound was slight and had not been expected to -end fatally. Tacitus records that the detractors of the imperial family -were accustomed to remark that “Livia had been a fatal mother to the -republic, a fatal stepdame to the family of the Cæsars.” There is, -however, no scrap of evidence to connect her with either event. It is -doubtful whether the young men had shewn much promise; but their death -was treated as a matter for public mourning. At Pisæ, of which colony -they were “patrons,” there still exist two long and pompous inscriptions -(_Cenotaphia_) recording their death, speaking of the successful campaign -of Gaius in the East, ordering mourning “in view of the magnitude of so -great and unexpected a calamity,” and decreeing various honours to the -memory of Lucius “princeps iuventutis,” and of Gaius “princeps designate.” - -[Sidenote: The succession.] - -These losses were followed by the adoption of Tiberius by Augustus, and -that of Germanicus by Tiberius. The former had already several children, -so that the sons and grandsons and great-grandsons—by adoption—of -Augustus in A.D. 7, as recorded on the arch at Pavia, were Tiberius; -Germanicus; Drusus, son of Tiberius; Nero and Drusus, sons of Germanicus, -and Claudius, his brother. All these survived Augustus. But Tiberius and -Claudius alone reigned, Caligula was not born till five years later (A.D. -12). - -[Sidenote: Fresh troubles. The younger Iulia.] - -Augustus thus felt that the succession was well secured; but the last -decade of his life was destined in some ways to be the most troubled of -all. The German wars began again in A.D. 4, and culminated in the Varian -disaster of A.D. 9; while the difficulties and alarm were increased by -the dangerous risings in Pannonia and Dalmatia (A.D. 6-9), during which -Augustus remained for some time at Ariminum, to be within moderate -distance of the seat of war. A renewed outbreak of piracy also compelled -him to take over the management of Sardinia from the Senate for three -years (A.D. 6-9). This was partly the cause, perhaps, of the distress at -Rome in B.C. 6 from a rise in the price of corn, intensified by various -disastrous fires. The unrest thus created led to some more or less -dangerous conspiracies, such as that of Plautius Rufus, who was accused -of abetting disturbances and spreading seditious libels. Others were -connected with attempts to rescue Iulia at Rhegium and Agrippa Postumus -in Planasia, an island near Elba. We also hear of a plot of one Cornelius -Cinna, who however was pardoned and allowed to be consul in A.D. 4. -Seneca asserts that after this act of clemency the life of Augustus was -never attempted again; and Dio has recorded a conversation between him -and Livia in that year, in which, seeing her husband sleepless and torn -with continued anxieties, she recommended this policy of leniency. But -one last mortification remained for him. In A.D. 9 his granddaughter -Iulia was discovered to have followed her mother’s example. She was -married to Æmilius Paulus Lepidus, and had a son and a daughter Lepida, -once betrothed to the future Emperor Claudius, but never married to him. -Her lover, D. Silanus, was not banished to any definite place, but was -obliged to leave Rome, to which he was not allowed to return till A.D. -20, and then under disabilities for State employment. Iulia herself -was banished to the island Tremesus (_St. Domenico_), on the coast of -Apulia, where she remained till her death in A.D. 27, supported by an -allowance from Livia. We do not know enough of the affair to judge of -her guilt; but in some mysterious way her husband was involved in a -charge of treason about this time. In the same year the poet Ovid was -banished to Tomi, forty miles south of the mouth of the Danube, in a -district exposed to constant raids of the Sarmatians and Dacians. It has -always been supposed that this severity was connected with the affair of -Iulia, and that either he was one of her lovers, or was privy to some of -her intrigues, amatory or political. The reason assigned in the edict -appears to have been the licentiousness of his verse, and as Augustus -was just then engaged in reinforcing his laws against various forms of -immorality, and trying to encourage marriage as against concubinage, -this may have been partly the reason. Only as his most licentious poems -had been published seven years before it seems a little late in the -day. His own account of his misfortune—never outspoken—goes through two -phases. At first he seems to wish to attribute it all to his amatory -poems. “He is a poet destroyed by his own genius: his verses have been -his undoing: they deserved punishment, but sure not so heavy a one.” -But presently he began to own that there was something else: “Not,” he -says, “any political offence, no plot against the Emperor, no plan of -violence against the state. He had seen something he should not have -seen. He is ruined by his own simplicity and want of prudence, combined -with treachery on the part of friends and slaves. The exact cause he dare -not reveal, and yet it is well known at Rome.” Ovid was now fifty-two and -married for a third time to a wife connected distantly with the imperial -family. The chances are therefore against an intrigue with Iulia. There -is one other possible explanation; Ovid was at Elba when he got notice of -the edict, staying with his wife’s connection, Paulus Fabius Maximus, who -afterwards incurred the suspicion of Livia as favouring Agrippa Postumus, -confined in the neighbouring island of Planasia since B.C. 7. We know -from Suetonius that there was at least one plot to remove him, and it may -be that Ovid knew of it and even saw some of the conspirators. - -However that may be, the other explanation is also possible: that -Augustus meant what he said, and regarded Ovid’s works as unwholesome. -He was what would be called in our time a “decadent” poet. He represents -the worst side of Roman society, as it began to be unfavourably affected -by that abstention from practical politics, which came to be the fashion -in the latter half of the reign of Augustus. He had himself refused to -take any office that would give him a seat in the Senate, and seemed to -think that to be the natural conduct of a man of taste and literature. He -was the mouthpiece of the gilded youth who sought in amorous intrigue, -and a fastidious dalliance with the Muses, a more congenial employment -than the performance of those duties to the state which no longer held -out promises of unlimited wealth or power. He was only cleverer than the -ruck of such men, and Augustus may possibly have selected him as the -representative of a tendency at which he was alarmed. Ovid was precisely -the sort of man to create the tone of society which had been the ruin of -his daughter and granddaughter. It is quite possible that being intimate -with such circles the poet may have known, or been supposed to know, -something inconvenient about the last scandal, and, at any rate, he would -be on the side of Iulia as against her grandfather. At the time of his -exile he was engaged, at the Emperor’s suggestion or request, on the -composition of the poetical Calendar or Fasti, which was incidentally to -celebrate the chief events of Roman history, and it has been suggested -that the story of Claudia’s vindication of her chastity (_Fast._ iv. 305 -_sqq._) was intended as a veiled defence of the elder or younger Iulia. -Whatever the offence given, neither Augustus nor Tiberius could ever be -induced to allow his recall. - -The poet’s abject language in praying to be allowed to return illustrates -incidentally the absolute supremacy of the Emperor, and the attribution -to him of divine honours and powers, the steady progress of which has -been noted in a previous chapter. We may also note that what Paris is to -the Parisians, Rome is to Ovid. Augustus and his ministers or friends had -made it the home of splendour and luxury. The poet fondly dwells on all -its beauties, pleasures, and conveniences, and, like a true Parisian, -can hardly conceive of life away from it, its games, its theatres, the -sports on the Campus, the lounge in the forum, or the wit and poetry -heard at the tables of the great. As the spring comes round in his -dreary, treeless dwelling on the Pontus, he thinks of the flowers and -vines of Italy, but, above all, of the pleasures of the city in April, -the month of festivals: “It is holiday with you now, and the wordy war of -the wrangling forum is giving place to the unbroken round of festivals. -The horses are in request, and the light foils are in play. The young -athletes, their shoulders glistening with oil, are bathing wearied limbs -in baths supplied by the virgin stream. The stage is in full swing, and -the audiences are clapping their favourite actors, and the three theatres -are echoing instead of the three forums. Oh four times, oh beyond all -counting, happy he who may enjoy the city unforbidden!” It had been the -object of Augustus to make the city splendid and attractive, and to -keep the citizens comfortable and contented and proud of their home. He -had doubtless succeeded; but it was sometimes at the cost of a lowered -standard of public duty and a growing devotion to personal ease and -enjoyment. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -THE LAST DAYS - - _Let the sound of those he fought for,_ - _And the feet of those he wrought for,_ - _Echo round his bones for evermore._ - - -[Sidenote: The activities of the last years of Augustus, A.D. 8-14.] - -The public and private troubles mentioned in the last chapter did not -break the spirit or paralyse the energies of the aged Emperor, or prevent -him from taking a strenuous part in the administration of the Empire. -The last eight years of his life were full of stir and movement, though -our meagre authorities give us few details. He actively supported the -campaigns of Tiberius and Germanicus; he was introducing reforms in -Gaul;[311] he was pushing on improvements in the East, and founding a -series of colonies in Pisidia as a defence against the predatory mountain -tribes; he was directing a census of the whole Empire; he was emending -his marriage laws by the farther enactments contained in the _lex Papia -Poppæa_, which he supported by energetic speeches; he was elaborating a -great financial scheme; he was personally attending to the embankment of -the Tiber; he was reforming the city police and fire brigades; and when -the Varian disaster occurred we have seen with what energy he acted, how -he enforced the law of military service and despatched reinforcements to -the Rhine, while he cleared the city of dangerous elements and provided -against possible movements in the provinces. Though now seventy-two -years old he shewed no sign of senility in heart; and as it was said -that at every stage of his life he had the beauty appropriate to it, so -in spirit, courage, and prudence he seems always to have answered to any -strain to which he was submitted. - -[Sidenote: Financial measures of Augustus.] - -To understand the financial changes of these years it is necessary to -recall a few broad facts as to the revenue of the Empire. It arose from -(1) Italy, (2) the provinces. In Italy the sources of revenue were the -customs (_portoria_), the rent of public land, the _vicesima_ or 5 per -cent. on the value of manumitted slaves. From the time that it became -the habit to pay the soldiers, a _tributum_ or property tax had been -raised, at first as a temporary measure, or even as a loan, but gradually -as a regular thing. Since the Macedonian wars, however, B.C. 167, this -_tributum_ had not been levied: the additional wealth acquired by the new -conquests being sufficient. It does not appear that the _tributum_ was -abolished by law, and indeed for a short time it was reimposed by the -Triumvirs, though only as an extraordinary tax (_temerarium_). After the -Social war of B.C. 89 the Italians became full citizens and shared this -exemption. - -The second and most important source of revenue were the provinces. -There were royalties on mines, customs, rent of public land, and other -sources of profit to the government; but also every province paid a -_stipendium_—a certain sum of money—to the Roman treasury. The manner -in which it was paid—whether in money or produce, or a mixture of -the two—differed in different provinces, as also did the mode of its -assessment and collection; but the broad fact was that each province had -to furnish a sum of money, and that owners of property in a province -were liable to a _tributum_ or tax.[312] - -In the time of Augustus there was no great change made in the nature or -incidence of this taxation; but the management of the treasury itself was -revolutionised. In the first place, the _ærarium_ instead of being under -the care of the yearly elected quæstors, who issued money on the order of -Senate or magistrates, was put under _præfecti_ appointed by the Emperor, -and though the Senate still had a nominal control over it, it was -really under his power. In the next place, a new _ærarium_ was formed, -afterwards called the _fiscus_, into which was paid the revenues of the -imperial provinces. This was entirely under the Emperor, and the tendency -was in time to have every extraordinary revenue, such as confiscations, -lapsed legacies (_caduca_), and the like, paid into it. Besides this -there was the _patrimonium Cæsarum_, the private property of the Emperor -in virtue of his office. To this belonged the whole revenues of Egypt and -the Thracian Chersonese, and other large estates. When Augustus talks of -his having supplemented the treasury or made distributions to the people, -it is often from this fund that he drew, though he had besides large -personal property (_res familiaris_), which he employed at times for the -same purpose. - -Of course from the revenue of the provinces had to be deducted the cost -of their administration and defence. Provinces, therefore, which needed -large forces and constant defence from surrounding barbarians did not -pay. Cicero, indeed, asserts that in his time none of the provinces -except Asia paid for their expenses. This probably is an exaggeration, -but there is no doubt that the loss on some had to be put against the -gain on others, and that the balance of the yearly budget was not always -on the right side, as, at a later date, we know that Vespasian said that -the treasury wanted four hundred million sesterces (about £3,000,000 -sterling) to be solvent. The outbreak of the German wars in A.D. 4, and -the large forces which it had long been necessary to keep upon the Rhine -had caused, if not a deficit, at any rate the near prospect of one. It -was just such a crisis as in old times would have justified the levying -of a _tributum_ as a special war tax. There were, however, two reasons -against Augustus doing this. In the first place, such a _tributum_ would -be temporary, and he wanted a permanency; and, in the second place, the -citizens had come to view freedom from the _tributum_ as their special -privilege, differentiating Italy from the subject provinces, and marking -them out as a governing body. True to his policy of avoiding offensive -names, while at the same time getting what he wanted, Augustus decided -against the _tributum_. What he did was to create a new department, an -army-pay treasury (_aes militare_), with two præfects of prætorian rank. -The money in this treasury was to be devoted to the pay and pensions -of the soldiers. He started it with a gift in his own name and that of -Tiberius of 170,000,000 sesterces (about £1,500,000), and arranged that -the tax which he had contrived soon after the end of the civil wars, the -1 per cent. on goods sold at auctions or by contract, should be paid -into it. But this was not sufficient for the purpose, and he had to -look round for other means of raising revenue. He did therefore what a -late Chancellor of the Exchequer did for us—he imposed death duties: 5 -per cent. on all legacies except those from the nearest relatives. This -avoided the offensiveness of depriving the people of Italy of a valued -privilege, while it in fact brought them financially almost in a line -with the provinces. For those who paid _tributum_ did not pay _vicesima_, -and _vice versâ_. Still the tax offended a powerful class and met with -much resistance. The practice of leaving large legacies to friends, as -an acknowledgment of services rendered, was common in Italy, and the tax -therefore fell heavily upon the rich. In A.D. 13 a determined move was -made in the Senate to obtain its abolition. Augustus sent a written -communication to the Senate, pointing out that the money was necessary, -but asking them to contrive some other method of raising it. The Senators -declined to formulate any plan, and only answered that they were ready -to submit to _anything_ else. Thereupon Augustus proposed a _tributum_ -or tax on land and houses. Confronted with this alternative the Senate -at once withdrew from opposition. It was a case of financial necessity, -and it must not be supposed that Augustus wished to lower the prestige -of Italy or the value of the citizenship. That was one of the points in -which he reversed the policy of Iulius, who had been lavish in bestowing -the citizenship, and seems to have had visions of a uniform Empire united -in privilege as in government. Augustus, on the other hand, was even -ultra-conservative and ultra-Roman in this respect. He made constant -difficulties about granting the citizenship. In answer to Tiberius, who -begged it for some favourite Greek, he insisted upon only granting it if -the man appeared personally and convinced him of the soundness of his -claim. Even Livia met with a refusal in behalf of some Gaul. The Emperor -offered to grant the man immunity from tribute, saying that he cared less -about a loss to his treasury than for vulgarising the citizenship. - -[Sidenote: Declining health and strength.] - -Though Augustus shewed in this transaction all his old tact and -statesmanship with no failure either in determination or power of -_finesse_, yet he was growing visibly feebler in body. He gave up -attending social functions; and it was too much for him to appear any -longer at meetings of the Senate. Accordingly, instead of the half-yearly -committee of twenty-five members who used to be appointed to prepare -measures for the House, a sort of inner cabinet of twenty members -appointed for a year—with any members of his family whom he chose—met -at his house and often round the couch on which he was reclining, and -their decisions were given the force of a _Senatus-consultum_. His -interest, however, in every detail was as keen as ever. For instance, -we have a letter from him to Livia, written at the end of A.D. 11, -as to the advisability of allowing Claudius (the future Emperor) to -appear in Rome during the ceremonies connected with the consulship of -his brother Germanicus. Claudius (now twenty-one) was reported to be -deformed and half-witted, and his mother Antonia herself described him as -scarcely human (_monstrum hominis_). The letter is worth reading, partly -because it is the only complete one (at any rate, of any length) which -we possess, and partly because it illustrates the care which Augustus -took to keep up the prestige of the imperial family, to avoid, above all -things, incurring popular ridicule, and his attention to minute details:— - -“I have consulted with Tiberius, as you desired me to do, my dear Livia, -as to what is to be done about your grandson (Claudius) Tiberius. We -entirely agree in thinking that we must settle once for all what line we -are to take in regard to him. For if he is sound and, to use a common -expression, has all his wits about him, what possible reason can there -be for our doubting that he ought to be promoted through the same grades -and steps as his brother? But if we find that he is deficient, and so -deranged in mind and body as to be unfit for society, we must not give -people accustomed to scoff and sneer at such things a handle for casting -ridicule both on him and on us. The fact is that we shall always be in -a state of agitation if we stop to consider every detail as it occurs, -without having made up our minds whether to think him capable of holding -offices or not. On the present occasion, however, in regard to the point -on which you consult me, I do not object to his having charge of the -triclinium of the priests at the games of Mars if he will submit to -receive instructions from his relative, the son of Silanus, to prevent -his doing anything to make people stare or laugh. We agree that he is not -to be in the imperial box at the Circus. For he will be in full view of -everybody and be conspicuous. We agree that he is not to go to the Alban -Mount or to be in Rome on the days of the Latin festival. For if he is -good enough to be in his brother’s train to the mountain, why should -he not be honorary city prefect? Those are the decisions at which we -arrived, my dear Livia, and we wish them to be settled once for all to -prevent our wavering between hope and fear. You are at liberty, if you -choose, to give Antonia this part of my letter to read.” - -[Sidenote: Confidence in Tiberius.] - -Perhaps the voice is the voice of Tiberius, but the courtesy and -well-bred style are all Augustus’s. By this time the influence of -Tiberius was well established, and Augustus treats him as a successor who -has a right to be consulted on all family matters and important State -affairs. Since his return from Rhodes Tiberius had done eminent service -to the State both on the Rhine and in Illyricum. In appointing Varus -to Germany Augustus had made a mistake which he seldom committed. He -had nearly always picked good men, but P. Quintilius Varus had not only -been extortionate in his former province, but was neither energetic nor -prudent; and his experience among the unwarlike inhabitants of Syria was -not a good preparation for dealing with the brave and warlike Germans. -Tiberius knew him well, having been his colleague in the consulship of -B.C. 13, and would certainly not have appointed him. It was to Tiberius -that the Emperor then turned to retrieve the disaster and confront the -almost more serious dangers in Illyricum. And if he found him trustworthy -in the field, this letter shows how much confidence he felt in him -at home. It was a common report that Augustus knew and disliked his -character. The lackeys of the palace gave out that he had on one occasion -exclaimed, “Unhappy people of Rome who will some day be the victims of -those slow grinders!” And in a speech to the Senate some expressions -used by him were taken to convey an apology for his reserved and sullen -manners, and an acknowledgment, therefore, of his mistrust or dislike. -But it is abundantly plain that in these last years he not only trusted -his military abilities, but felt a sincere affection for himself. In -earlier times, before the retreat to Rhodes, the short notes written -to him (parts of which are preserved by Suetonius[313]) are playful -and intimate; and though he was vexed at his retirement and answered a -suggestion of return by a message bidding him “dismiss all concern for -his relatives, whom he had abandoned with such excessive eagerness,”[314] -yet the fragments preserved of the Emperor’s letters to him in these -later times breathe not only admiration, but warm affection. “Goodbye, -Tiberius, most delightful of men! Success to you in the field, you who -serve the Muses as well as me! Most delightful of men, and, as I hope -to be happy, bravest of heroes and steadiest of generals!” And again: -“How splendidly managed are your summer quarters! I am decidedly of -opinion that, in the face of so many untoward circumstances and such -demoralisation of the troops, no one could have borne himself with -greater prudence than you are doing! The officers now at Rome who have -served with you all confess that the verse might have been written for -you, ‘One man by vigilance restored the State.’” Once more: “Whenever -anything occurs that calls for more than usually earnest thought or that -stirs my spleen, what I miss most, by heaven, is my dear Tiberius, and -that passage of Homer always occurs to me— - - “‘If he but follow, e’en from burning fire - We both shall back return, so wise is he!’” - -And in the midst of his laborious campaign the Emperor writes to him -anxiously: “When I hear or read that you are worn out by the protracted -nature of your labours, heaven confound me if I do not shudder in every -limb; and I beseech you to spare yourself, lest if we hear of your being -ill your mother and I should expire and the Roman people run the risk of -losing their empire. It doesn’t matter a bit whether I am well or not as -long as you are not well. I pray the gods to preserve you to us and to -suffer you to be well now and always, unless they abhor the Roman people.” - -These letters seem sufficiently to refute the idle stories of the _gêne_ -that his presence was to Augustus, of his being a wet blanket to cheerful -conversation, and a makeshift with which the Emperor was forced to put -up in default of better heirs. Nor did Tiberius fall short in respect -and loyal service. After his adoption in A.D. 4, he immediately accepted -the position of a son under the _patria potestas_, abstained from -manumissions and other acts of a man who was _sui iuris_, and apparently -transferred his residence to the palace, and seems really to have taken -the burden from shoulders no longer strong enough to bear it. - -[Sidenote: Death of Augustus at Nola, August 19, A.D. 14.] - -For now the end was near, portended as the pious or credulous believed -by many omens. There was an eclipse of the sun,[315] and various fiery -meteors in the sky. On one of his statues the letter C of Cæsar was -melted by lightning, and the augurs prophesied, or afterwards invented -the prediction, that he would die within a hundred days and join the -gods—_æsar_ being good Etruscan for “divinities.” He himself seems to -have been made somewhat nervous by certain accidents that might be -twisted into omens. The early part of A.D. 14 was taken up with the -usual legal business, but also with the Census, which he held this year -in virtue of his consular power and with Tiberius as his colleague. The -organisation of the city into _vici_ probably made the actual clerical -work easy and rapid, but when that was over came the ceremony of “closing -the lustrum” (_condere lustrum_), and the offering of solemn sacrifice -and prayer. This took place in the Campus Martius, and large crowds -assembled to witness it. But the Emperor, uneasy at something which -he thought ominous, or perhaps really feeling unwell, would not read -the solemn vows, which according to custom had been written out and -were now put into his hands. He said that he should not live to fulfil -them and handed them over to Tiberius to read. After this ceremony was -over, Augustus was anxious to get away from Rome and take his usual -yachting tour along the Latin and Campanian coast. On this occasion he -had the farther object of accompanying Tiberius as far as Beneventum -on the Appian road, on his way to Brundisium and Illyricum, where some -difficulties resulting from the recent war required his presence and -authority. But various legal causes awaiting decision detained the -Emperor in the city. He was restive and impatient at the delay, and -petulantly exclaimed that “if they let everything stop them he should -never be at Rome again.” At length, however, he set out, accompanied -by Livia and Tiberius and a numerous court. They reached the coast at -Astura, in the delta of a river of the same name, which falls into the -sea at the southern point of the bay of Antium. It was a quiet place -though there were seaside villas near, and there Cicero had spent the -months of his mourning for Tullia, finding consolation in the solitude -of the woods which skirt the side of the stream. At Astura the party -embarked, but owing to the state of the wind they did so by night. A -chill then caught brought on diarrhœa, and laid the foundation of his -fatal illness. Nevertheless the voyage along the Campanian coast and the -adjacent islands was continued till they reached Capreæ. It was on this -voyage that, happening to touch at Puteoli, he was so much delighted and -cheered by the thanks offered him by the crew of an Alexandrian corn-ship -for his safeguarding of the seas. At Capreæ he seems to have stayed some -time, amusing himself by watching the young athletes training for the -Greek games at Naples—the only town in Italy except Rhegium which at this -time retained any traces of Hellenic customs and life. He gave parties, -also, at which he asked his Roman guests to dress in Greek fashion and -speak Greek, and the Greeks to use Roman dress and speak Latin. There -was the usual distribution of presents, and on one occasion he gave -a banquet to the athletes in training, and watched them after dinner -pelting each other with apples and other parts of the dessert. It was a -custom, more honoured in the breach than in the observance, with which he -was familiar. He once entertained a certain Curtius, who prided himself -on his taste in cookery, and who thought a fat thrush that had been put -before him was ill-done. “May I despatch it?” he said to the Emperor. “Of -course,” was the reply; upon which he threw it out of the window. On this -occasion the aged Emperor, feeling, we may suppose, somewhat better and -glad to be away from the cares of State, enjoyed this curious horse-play. -He was also particularly cheerful during these days at Capreæ, pleasing -himself with inventing Greek verses and then defying one of Tiberius’ -favourite astrologers to name the play from which they came. - -Before long, however, he crossed to Naples, with his illness still upon -him, but with alternate rallies and relapses. At Naples he had to sit -through some long gymnastic contests that were held every fifth year -in his honour. Such a function in an August day at Naples would have -been trying to the most vigorous and healthy, but for a man in his -seventy-sixth year, and suffering from such a complaint, it must have -been deadly. He preferred, however, not to disappoint people eager to -shew him honour. He then fulfilled his purpose of accompanying Tiberius -to Beneventum, and having taken leave of him there turned back towards -Naples. But he was never to reach it. At Nola, about eighteen English -miles short of that town, his illness became so acute that he was obliged -to stop at the villa there in which his father had died seventy-two -years before. Messengers were hastily sent to recall Tiberius. With -him the dying man had a long private conversation, in which he seems -to have imparted to him his wishes and counsels as to the government; -and perhaps it was now that he pointed out the three nobles who were -possible candidates for the succession—“Marcus Lepidus, who was fit for -it, but would not care to take it; Asinius Gallus, who would desire it, -but was unfit; and L. Arruntius, who was not unfit for it and would have -the courage to seize it if opportunity offered.” But this conference over -he busied himself with no other affairs of State. He seemed to acquiesce -in the fact that he had done with the world, its vexations and problems. -On the last day of his life, the 19th of August (his lucky month!) the -only question which he continually repeated was whether his situation -was causing any commotion out of doors. Then he asked for a mirror -and directed his attendants to arrange his hair and close his already -relaxing jaws, that he might not shock beholders by the ghastliness of -his appearance. Then his friends were admitted to say goodbye. With a -pathetic mixture of playfulness and sadness he asked them whether “they -thought that he had played life’s farce fairly well?” quoting a common -tag at the end of plays:— - - “If aught of good our sport had, clap your hands, - And send us, gentles all, with joy away.” - -These being dismissed, he turned to Livia and asked for news of one of -her granddaughters who was ill; but even as he spoke he felt the end was -come—“Livia, don’t forget our wedded life, goodbye!” And as he tried to -kiss her lips he fell back dead. - -It was a rapid and painless end, for which he had so often hoped, an -_euthanasia_ that he used to pray for, for himself and his friends. Up -to the last his mind had been clear, with only the slightest occasional -wandering. And so after long years of work and struggle, of mixed evil -and good, of stern cruelties and beneficent exertion, of desperate -dangers and well-earned honours, the great Emperor as he lay dying looked -into the eyes which he had loved best in the world. - -The body was borne to Rome by the municipal magistrates of the several -towns along the road, the _cortège_ always moving by night because of the -heat, and the bier being deposited in the court-house of each town till -it reached Bovillæ, twelve miles from Rome. There a procession of Roman -knights took it in charge, having obtained that honour from the consuls, -conducted it to Rome, and deposited it in the vestibule of his own house -on the Palatine. - -With not unnatural or unpardonable emotion some extravagant proposals -were made in the Senate as to funeral honours and general mourning. But -Tiberius disliked such excesses, and the funeral though stately was -simple. The bier was carried on the shoulders of Senators to the Campus. -Twice the _cortège_ stopped, first at the Rostra, where Drusus, the son -of Tiberius, delivered a funeral oration (_laudatio_), and again at the -front of the temple of Iulius, where Tiberius himself read a panegyric. -Drusus had dwelt chiefly on his private virtues, Tiberius confined -himself to his public work. He began with a reference to his youthful -services to the state immediately after the death of Cæsar; his success -in putting an end to the civil wars, and his clemency after them. He -spoke of the skill with which, while splendidly rewarding his ministers, -he yet prevented them from gaining a power detrimental to the state; of -his disinterested and constitutional conduct when, having everything in -his hands, he yet shared the power with the people and Senate; of his -unselfishness in the division of the provinces in taking the difficult -ones upon himself; of his equity in leaving Senate and constitution -independent; of his economy and liberality; of the good order which -he kept and the wholesome laws which he carried; of his sympathy with -the tastes and enjoyments of the people; of his hatred of flattery and -tolerance of free speech. The address was read and had been carefully -composed. There is not much fervour or eloquence in it, but it skilfully -put the points which Augustus would himself have put, and indeed had put -in that _apologia pro vita sua_ which we know from the inscription at -Ancyra. - -The speeches over, the _cortège_ moved on to the Campus Martius, -where the body was burnt on the pyre prepared for it, and the ashes -ceremoniously collected by eminent equites, who according to custom wore -only their tunics, without the toga, ungirdled, and with bare feet. -The urn was then deposited in the Mausoleum which Augustus had himself -erected in B.C. 28 on the Campus close to the curving river-bank, which -had already received the ashes of his nephew Marcellus, of his sister -Octavia, of his two grandsons, and of his great friend and minister -Agrippa, but was sternly closed by his will to his erring daughter and -granddaughter. - -[Sidenote: His will, and other documents left by him.] - -Always careful and businesslike, he left his testamentary dispositions -and the accounts of his administration in perfect order. His will, -which had been deposited with the Vestal Virgins and was now read aloud -by Drusus in the Senate, made Tiberius heir to two-thirds, Livia to -one-third of his private property. In case of their predeceasing him it -was to be divided between Drusus (son of Tiberius), Germanicus, and his -three sons, as “second heirs.” There were liberal legacies to citizens -and soldiers and to various friends. The property thus disposed of was -the _res familiaris_: the _Patrimonium Cæsarum_—Egypt, the Thracian -Chersonese, and other estates—went to his successor in the principate. -The will contained an apology for the smallness of the amount thus coming -to his heirs (150,000,000 sesterces or about £1,200,000) on the plea that -he had devoted to the public service nearly all the vast legacies which -had fallen to him. By the will Livia was also adopted into the Iulian -_gens_ and was to take his name. She was thenceforth therefore known as -Iulia Augusta, and seems to have assumed that thereby she obtained a -certain share in the imperial prerogatives, a claim which led to much -friction between herself and her son. - -Besides the will, and a roll containing directions as to his funeral, -there were two other documents drawn up by Augustus with great care. -One was a _breviarium totius imperii_, an exact account of the state of -the Empire, the number of soldiers under colours, the amount of money -in the treasury or the _fiscus_, the arrears due, and the names of -those freedmen who were to be held responsible. As a kind of appendix -to this were some maxims of state which he wished to impress upon his -successor: such as, not to extend the citizenship too widely, but to -maintain the distinction between Roman and subject; to select able men -for administrative duties, but not to allow them to become too powerful -or think themselves indispensable; and not to extend the frontiers of the -Empire. - -A third roll contained a statement of his own services and achievements -(_index rerum a se gestarum_). Meant to be preserved as an inscription, -it is in what we might call the telegraphic style, a series of brief -statements of facts without note or comment beyond the suggestiveness of -a word here and there designedly used. Yet it is essentially a defence -of his life and policy—the oldest extant autobiography. He directed it -to be engraved on bronze columns and set up outside the Mausoleum. This -was no doubt done, but the bronze columns have long ago disappeared.[316] -Fortunately, however, copies of the inscription were engraved elsewhere -(with a Greek translation) in temples of “Rome and Augustus,” as at -Apollonia in Pisidia and Ancyra in Galatia. That at Ancyra (_Angora_) -exists nearly complete to this day, and some portions at Apollonia. No -life of Augustus could be complete without this document, which is -therefore given in an English dress at the end of this book. - -The Senate at once proceeded to decree divine honours to him. A temple -was to be built at Rome, which was afterwards consecrated by Livia and -Tiberius. Others were erected elsewhere, and the house at Nola in which -he died was consecrated. His image on a gilded couch was placed in the -temple of Mars, and festivals (_Augustalia_) were established with a -college of Augustales to maintain them in all parts of the Empire, as -well as an annual festival on the Palatine which continued to be held by -succeeding Emperors. - -[Sidenote: Rumours as to the death of Augustus.] - -The usual foolish rumours followed his death. Some said that Tiberius -did not reach Nola in time to see him alive; that he had died some -time before, but that Livia closed the doors and concealed the truth. -Others even said that his death had been hastened by Livia by means of -a poisoned fig; and professed to explain it by a piece of secret court -history. Shortly before his death, they said, Augustus had gone attended -only by Fabius Maximus on a secret visit to Agrippa Postumus in the -island of Planasia, to which he had been confined since the cancelling -of his adoption in A.D. 5; and that Livia fearing that he would relent -towards him and name him as successor, determined that he should not live -to do so, Fabius Maximus having meanwhile died suddenly and somewhat -mysteriously. But the authentic accounts of his last illness and death -give the lie to such an unnecessary crime. Unhappily the jealousy of -the unfortunate Agrippa Postumus was a fact which helped to spread such -stories, but it was a jealousy roused by the knowledge of some secret -plots to carry him off and set him up as a rival, and “the first crime -of the new reign”—his assassination by his guards—must, we fear, lie at -the door of either Tiberius or Livia. Another report was that the soul of -Augustus flew up to heaven in the shape of an eagle that rose from his -pyre. Nor must the ingenious Senator—Numerius Atticus—be omitted, who -declared on oath that he had seen the soul of the Emperor ascending, and -was said to have received a present of 25,000 denarii (about £1,000) from -Livia in acknowledgment of this loyal clearness of vision. - -[Sidenote: The continuous government.] - -The prudent forethought of Augustus in regard to the succession answered -its purpose. There was practically no break in the government. Tiberius -was possessed of _tribunicia potestas_, which enabled him to summon and -consult the Senate. He also, in virtue of his proconsular imperium, -gave the watchword to the prætorian guard, and despatched orders to the -legions in service in the provinces. There was, indeed, some question -as to whether this imperium legally terminated with the death of the -_princeps_, but the matter was settled by all classes taking the oath -(_sacramentum_) to him, and all the powers and honours (except the title -of _pater patriæ_, which he would not accept) were shortly afterwards -voted to him in the Senate and confirmed by a _lex_. His professed -reluctance to accept the whole burden only brought out more clearly how -the work of Augustus had made the rule of a single man inevitable: “I -ask you, sir, which part of the government you wish to have committed -to you?” said Asinius Gallus. No answer was possible. A man could not -control the provinces without command of the army. But he could not -control the army if another man controlled the exchequer. He could not -keep order in Rome and Italy, if another had command of all the legions -and fleets abroad, and could at any moment invade the country or starve -it out by stopping the corn-ships. And if a man had the full control of -the purse and the sword, the rest followed. It was well enough for the -officials to have the old titles and perform some of the old work, but if -the central authority were once removed there would be chaos. The Senate -had attempted to exercise that central authority and failed. It could not -secure the loyalty of men who, exercising undisturbed power in distant -lands, soon grew impatient of the control of a body of mixed elements -and divergent views, which they often conceived to be under the influence -of cliques inimical to themselves. The provinces too as they became -more Romanised were certain to claim to be put on a more equal status -with Italy: they could only be held together by a man who had equal -authority everywhere, never by a local town council. Augustus, indeed, -did not realise this development, or rather he feared its advent. In his -eyes Rome ought still to rule, but could only do so by all its powers -being centred in one man, who could consult the interest and attract the -reverence of all parts of the Empire alike. The success of this plan -depended, of course, on the character of the man, and perhaps, above all, -on his abilities as a financier; but, at any rate, it was impossible -to return to a system of divided functions, and constitutional checks, -which were shewn to be inoperative the moment a magistrate drew the sword -and defied them. So far the work of Augustus stood, and admitted of no -reaction. Republican ideals could only be entertained as pious opinions, -not more practical than some of the republican virtues, on the belief in -which they were founded. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -THE EMPEROR AUGUSTUS, HIS CHARACTER AND AIMS, HIS WORK AND FRIENDS - - _Hic vir hic est, tibi quem_ - _promitti sæpius audis._ - - -[Sidenote: The early career and change of character.] - -When a great piece of work has been done in the world it is not difficult -to find fault with it. A man seldom if ever sees the bearing and ultimate -results of his own actions, or carries out all that he intended to do. -Even when he seems to have done so, time reveals faults, miscalculations, -failures. At an age when among us a boy is just leaving school, Augustus -found himself the heir of a great policy and a great name amidst the -ruins of a constitution and the _disjecta membra_ of a great Empire. -A comparatively small city state had conquered the greater part of -the known world, and proposed to govern it by the machinery which had -sufficed when its territory was insignificant, not extending at any rate -beyond the shores of Italy. A close corporation, greedy and licentious, -had divided amongst its members the vast profits from the gradually -extending dominions. The central authority which should have restrained -the rulers of distant provinces and the collection of their revenues -was composed to a great extent of those most deeply interested in the -corruptions which it was their duty to judge and condemn. Loyalty to this -central authority grew weaker and weaker, party spirit grew stronger -and less scrupulous. In the desperate struggle for wealth and luxury men -stuck at nothing. Bloodshed bred bloodshed, violence provoked violence, -till good citizens and honourable men (and there were always such) found -themselves helpless; and the constitution which had rested on the loyalty -of magistrates and citizens was ready to fall at the first touch of -resolute disobedience. Then a great man appeared. Iulius Cæsar had not -been free from the vices or corruption of his contemporaries; but party -connections at home led him to sympathise with the people, and the ten -years of war and government in Gaul, during which his enemies at home -were constantly threatening and thwarting him, had convinced him that -the existing constitution was doomed. He was resolved to attempt its -reconstruction, even at the risk of civil war. But civil war is a sea -of unknown extent. Conqueror though he was in all its battles, it left -him only a few months to elaborate reforms. In those he did some great -things; but his revival of the Sullan Dictatorship was too crude a return -to monarchy, while the exigencies of civil war forced him to employ -inferior agents. The aristocratic clique saw themselves about to lose -their cherished privilege of tyranny and extortion, and they killed him. - -When Octavian came home to take up his inheritance, he would naturally -have joined Antony, and taken immediate vengeance on the guilty clique. -But he found him intent upon the consolidation of his own position, -and not inclined to admit his claim to the inheritance or to any share -of power. He therefore outwardly joined the leaders of the party which -he detested in order to get rid of Antony and forestall his bid for -autocracy. The vicissitudes of the struggle which followed, ending in -the triumvirate and the division of the Roman world, infected him with -the poison of civil strife—the cruelty which treats honourable enemies -as outlaws, and regards personal triumph as the only end of political -exertion. This period in his career and in the development of his -character ends with the victory over Sextus Pompeius, in B.C. 36, and the -additional security gained by the successes of Agrippa in Gaul during the -two preceding years. From that time he began to regard himself as the -champion of law and order, as the defender of Italy, and the guarantee of -peace in the Western Provinces. - -Then came a great danger—the danger of a separation of East and West. -Under the influence of his passion for Cleopatra, Antony was building -up a new empire of subordinate kings, it is true, but subordinate to -Alexandria not Rome: and Alexandria was being adorned with the spoils -of Asiatic temples to make it a worthy capital of the Eastern world. -How far this was really to involve a diminution of the Roman Empire -was probably not clear to Antony himself. The old provinces were not -formally separated, but they were pared and diminished to round off the -new kingdoms for his and Cleopatra’s children. At Rome the danger was -looked upon as a real one; and once more Augustus felt that if he was to -have a free hand in the renovation of the Empire which he contemplated, -Antony must disappear. No doubt every artifice was employed to discredit -his opponent, and to convince the Roman people that their dominion in -the East was slipping from them. But, however Machiavellian his tactics, -there was a solid basis of fact beneath them; a real danger of separation -had existed. The victory of Actium settled that question; and when -the few severities which followed it were over, we are happily called -thenceforth to contemplate the legislator and reformer, the administrator -of, on the whole, a peaceful Empire. There were no more civil wars, and -no serious conspiracies. With rare exceptions—perhaps only the Arabian -expedition—the wars in which Augustus was henceforth engaged were the -necessary consequences of a long frontier. War was often prevented by -diplomacy, and such wars as were undertaken were always successful, -with the exception of those with the Germans, and even in their case -immediate danger was averted. - -The moral problem presented by the change from ruthless cruelty to wise -and persistent clemency has exercised the minds of philosophers and -historians ever since. “It was not clemency,” says Seneca, “but a surfeit -of cruelty.” But this explains nothing. If Augustus had ever been cruel -for cruelty’s sake, the increased opportunities of exercising it would -have whetted his appetite for blood as it did in some of his successors. -It was circumstances that had changed, not altogether the man. Still, no -doubt, success softened (it does not always) Augustus’s character. His -ministers were humane men and in favour of milder methods; his wife was -a high-minded woman, and always ready to succour distress, as she shewed -during the proscriptions, and afterwards in her son’s reign. He had among -his immediate friends philosophers and men of letters, whose influence, -so far as it went, was humanising. And lastly such opposition as still -existed was no longer of irreconcilables who had known “liberty”; a -new generation had grown up which on the whole acquiesced in the peace -and security of a benevolent despotism. It was a new era, and Augustus -became a new man. Full of honours and possessed with irresistible powers, -feeling the responsibility heavily, and often in vain desiring rest, he -had no farther personal object to gain beyond the credit of having served -his country and saved the Empire. The apologia of the _index rerum_, -brief and bald as it is, was intended to shew that he had done this. - -[Sidenote: The value of his work.] - -In estimating the value of his work we are met with this difficulty at -the very threshold of the inquiry, that his object was to avoid quick and -conspicuous changes. Instead of discussing some heroic measure we have -to examine a multitude of details. In every department of political and -social life we trace his hand. Working day and night, he was scheming -to alter what he thought bad, and to introduce what he thought good. -The reconstruction and embellishment of the city, the restoration of -religion, the rehabilitation of marriage, measures necessary for the -security of Rome and Italy, for the better government and material -prosperity of the provinces, for the solvency of the exchequer, and for -the protection of commerce—all these continually occupied his time and -his thoughts. Of this steady industry this or that result may be open to -criticism, but, on the whole, it seems certain that it increased the good -order and prosperity of the Empire, and therefore added to the comfort -and happiness of innumerable lives. - -[Sidenote: Advantages and disadvantages of the autocracy.] - -But of course the upshot of it all was the establishment of a monarchy; -and it still remains to be considered how far its benefits were -counterbalanced by evils arising from the loss of freedom. It might be -argued that tyrants always appeal to their right use of power however -irregularly obtained, but that the plea is beside the question. Freedom -is the only guarantee of the _continuance_ of good government. The -beneficent tyrant may any day be succeeded by a bad one. The policy of -Augustus had led the people on step by step to forfeit this freedom, -and lose even the taste for it, lulled to sleep by the charms of safety -and luxury. When the glamour had faded from some eyes, it was too late. -The generation which had known freedom had disappeared; the experience -necessary for working the old machinery no longer existed. The few who -still remembered with regret the old constitution, under which they had -hoped to take an independent share of political activity, had nothing -left to them but sullen submission. - -[Sidenote: In the provinces.] - -In the provinces, indeed, this consideration did not apply. The despotism -there added to the sum of happiness and took nothing away. They had lost -their independence long ago. They were already under a master, a master -who was changed at short intervals, whom it was very difficult to bring -to an account if he were oppressive, in whose selection they had had -absolutely no share, and whose character they had no means of calculating -beforehand. They might one year be enjoying all the benefits of an able -and disinterested ruler, the next they might find themselves in the power -of a tyrannical extortioner, selfish, cynical, cruel. The old republican -names and ideals were nothing to them; or rather they suggested organised -oppression and a conspiracy to refuse redress. The change to one master, -who had everything to gain by their prosperity, and was at the same -time master of their old oppressors, must have seemed in every respect -a blessing. If there was any drawback it was that nationality and the -desire for self-government were killed by kindness. In all difficulties -and disasters they looked to the Emperor for aid and seldom looked in -vain. In the East especially this was probably not wholesome; yet the -immediate effects in producing prosperity and comfort were marked enough -to put aside for the present all such scruples. - -[Sidenote: In Italy.] - -But for the governing nation itself, while some of the benefits were -no less manifest, the mischievous results were more easy to point out. -Material prosperity was much increased. The city was made a pleasant -and attractive place of residence. Italy was partially repeopled with -an industrious class. Commerce was encouraged and protected, literature -and the fine arts were fostered, and the Palace on the whole set a good -example of simplicity of living. But, on the other hand, the rule of a -single person stifled political life. By the system of _curæ_ or special -commissions all administrative work was transferred to nominees of the -Emperor, who were often his intimate friends, or even his freedmen, -bound to him by the closest ties of subordination. The old magistracies -became unattractive, not only because they no longer led as a matter of -course to profitable employment abroad, but because their holders had -little of interest to do. The Senate, though treated with respect and -retaining some importance as a high court of justice, was practically no -longer a governing body. It was wholly at the beck of the Emperor, and -such work of consequence as it still performed was often transacted by -small committees, the main body merely assenting. In spite, therefore, -of the dignity of the Senator’s position, it ceased to attract the best -men. The higher classes turned away from a political career, and gave -themselves up more and more to luxurious idleness. The rise of the -freedman—practically the rule of favourites—was clearly foreshadowed, -though owing to the industry of Augustus, and his genius for detail, it -did not become prominent in his time. As the upper classes were thus to -a certain extent demoralised by the Principate, so the city proletariat -was pampered and made still more effete. The city was made only too -attractive to them, and they were to be kept in good humour by an endless -series of games and shows. There was a good deal of truth in the retort -of the player Pylades, when reproved by Augustus for his feud with -Bathyllus, that it was for the Emperor’s advantage that the people should -have their attention fixed on the playhouse rather than on politics. -But they soon began not only to regard these amusements as their right: -they expected also to be fed at the cost of the government, whether by -direct gifts of money, or by the distribution of cheap or even gratuitous -corn. Nor can it be said that the amusements provided for them were of -an elevating nature. Augustus boasts in the _Index_ (c. 20), that he -gave seven shows of gladiators in his own name or that of his sons, in -which about 10,000 men in all had fought;[317] and besides other games -twenty-six _venationes_ of “African beasts,” _i.e._, mostly elephants, in -which about 3,500 were killed. The mob of Rome needed little brutalising, -but they got it in abundance. - -With such drawbacks, however, it still must be owned that the -administration of Augustus largely increased the sum of human happiness -by the mitigation of oppression in the provinces, and by the suppression -of disorder in Rome and Italy. The finances were placed on a sound -footing, property was rendered secure, and men felt everywhere that they -might pursue their business with every chance of enjoying the fruits of -their labours. This was something after a century of revolution more or -less acute, and twenty years of downright civil war. It is worth while to -attempt to picture to ourselves the man who was the author of these good -and bad results. - -[Sidenote: The personal appearance and character of Augustus.] - -Augustus was a short man (just under five feet seven inches), but so well -proportioned that the defect in height was not noticed unless he was -standing by much taller men. He was remarkably handsome at all periods of -his life, with an expression of calm dignity, whether silent or speaking, -which involuntarily inspired respect. His eyes were grey, and so bright -and keen that it was not easy to meet their gaze. If he had a personal -vanity it was in regard to them. He liked to think that they dazzled -those on whom he looked, and he was pleased at the answer of the Roman -eques, who, when asked why he turned away, replied, “Because I could not -bear the lightning of your eyes.” Vergil gratified this vanity of his -patron when in the description of the battle of Actium (_Æn._, viii. 650) -he pictures him, - - _Stans celsa in puppi; geminas cui tempora flammas_ - _Læta vomunt._ - -And the Emperor Iulian, in “The Banquet of the Emperors,” laughs not -unkindly at the same weakness when he introduces him, “changing colour -like a chameleon, and wishing that the beams darting from his eyes -should be like those of the mighty sun.” The busts, statues, and coins -of Augustus fully confirm this statement as to his beauty; and in the -triumphal statue found in Livia’s villa at Prima Porta, the artist has -succeeded in suggesting the brightness and keenness of his eyes. He was -usually clean shaven, but from his uncle’s death to B.C. 38, according -to Dio (48, 34), he grew his beard as a sign of mourning; though coins -showed him with a slight whisker till about B.C. 36. These portraits -are full of life and character. The clear-cut features, the firm mouth -and chin, the steady eyes, the carelessly ordered hair, the lines on -forehead and cheeks, suggest a man who had suffered and laboured, who was -yet self-controlled, calm, and clear-headed. It is a face not without -some tenderness, but capable of firing up into hot indignation and even -cruelty. There is an air of suffering but of determined victory over -pain; altogether a face of a man who had done a great work and risen -to a high place in the world and knew it; who had confidence, lastly, -in his star. On taking leave of Gaius Cæsar, it is said, he wished him -“the integrity of Pompey, the courage of Alexander, and his own good -fortune.” On some of his coins beneath the head crowned with the crown -of twelve rays, is the Iulian star, first observed at the funeral of -Iulius Cæsar, and which he adopted as the sign of his own high fortunes: -on others the Sphinx, which he at first adopted as his signet—emblem -perhaps of a purpose unbetrayed. Augustus was accomplished in the -subjects recognised in the education of his time, though he neither wrote -nor spoke Greek with ease. He had studied and practised rhetoric, and -had a good and correct taste in style, avoiding the use of far-fetched -or obsolete words and expressions, or affected conceits. He ridiculed -Antony for his “Asiatic” style of oratory, full of flowers of speech and -flamboyant sentences; and writing to his granddaughter, Agrippina, while -praising her abilities he warns her against pedantic expressions whether -in conversation or writing. Without being an orator, he spoke clearly -and to the point, assisted by a pleasant voice, which he took pains to -preserve and improve. In the Senate, the camp, and private conferences, -he preferred to read his speeches, though he could also speak well on -the spur of the moment. In domestic life, though somewhat strict, he -was generally simple and charming. He lived much with wife and children, -associating himself with their employments, and even joining in the games -of the latter. He personally superintended the education of his adopted -sons, taught them his own method of shorthand, and interested himself in -their reading. He had old-fashioned ideas about the proper employment of -the women in his family. They were expected to busy themselves in weaving -for the use of the household, to visit and receive visits only with his -approval, and not to converse on subjects that could not with propriety -be entered on the day’s journal. Though his daughter and granddaughters -were well educated, and had a taste for literature, it may well be -that a home thus conducted was so dull as partly to account for their -aberrations in the fuller liberty of married life. - -His attachments were warm and constant, and he was not illiberal to -his friends or disinclined to give them his full confidence. But he -was always his own master. No friend or freedman gained control over -him or rose to the odious position of “favourite.” He allowed and even -liked freedom of speech, but it was always without loss of dignity. He -was not a man with whom liberties were taken even by the most intimate. -He was quick tempered, but knew it, and was ready to admit of caution -and advice, as in the well-known story of Mæcenas, watching him in -court about to condemn a number of prisoners (probably in the civil -war times), and throwing across to him a note with the words, _Surge -tandem carnifex!_ “Tis time to rise, hangman!” Or when he received with -complaisance the advice of Athenodorus (hero of the covered sedan) that -when he was angry he should say over the letters of the alphabet before -coming to a decision. - -[Sidenote: His ultra-Roman views.] - -In later times he was always looked back upon by his successors as the -true founder of the Empire, and the best model for their guidance; -yet it is doubtful how far he had wide and far-reaching views. He was -a statesman who dealt with facts as he found them and did the best -he could. He was deeply impressed with the difficulty of his task. -Commenting on the fact of Alexander the Great having accomplished his -conquests by the age of 32, and then feeling at a loss what to do for the -rest of his life, he remarked that he “was surprised that Alexander did -not regard the right ordering of the empire he possessed a heavier task -than winning it.” But in one important respect at least he was wrong in -his idea of what he had done. He never conceived of an empire filled with -citizens enjoying equal rights, or in which Rome could possibly occupy a -secondary place. He was ultra-Roman in his views; and worked and schemed -to maintain the supremacy of the Eternal City. That supremacy may indeed -be said to have remained to this day in the region of spiritual affairs. -But it was destined to disappear politically, except in name, before many -generations had passed away, and as a logical consequence of much that -he had himself done. A new Rome and a new Empire—though always resting -on the old title and theory—were to arise, in which Italy would be a -province like the rest, and old Rome but the shadow of a mighty name. - -[Sidenote: The court circle.] - -Among those who exercised a permanent influence on Augustus, the first -place must be given to LIVIA (B.C. 54-A.D. 29). The writers on Augustus -comment on the romantic revolution of her fortunes. After the affair of -Perusia she fled with her husband, Nero, and her little son, Tiberius, -from Augustus, who was to be her husband, and was to be succeeded by her -son. Her divorce and prompt marriage to Augustus, while within a few -months of being again a mother, is not only a thing revolting to our -ideas, it was strictly against Roman principles and habits, and required -all her new husband’s commanding influence to be admitted as legal. Yet -Suetonius says, and says truly, that he continued “to love and honour her -exclusively to the end” (_dilexit et probavit unice et perseveranter_). -The same writer gives an account of the Emperor’s intrigues with other -women. To our ideas the two statements are contradictory, but Suetonius -would not have thought so. Conjugal love was not _amor_; the latter was -thought even inconsistent with, or at least undesirable in, conjugal -affection. He means that throughout his life Augustus continued to -regard her with affection, to respect her character, and give weight to -her opinion. For my own part, I believe that something more might be -said, and that much of what has come down to us as to the conduct of the -Emperor may be dismissed as malignant gossip. But however that may be, -the influence of Livia over him seems never to have failed, and it was -exercised on the side of clemency and generosity. She set an excellent -example of pure and dignified conduct to Roman society, and, though -abstaining from interference generally in political matters, was ready to -give advice when called upon. She seems usually to have accompanied him, -when possible, on his foreign progresses or residences away from Rome. -When Herod visited Augustus at Aquileia in B.C. 14, she appears to have -shared her husband’s liking for that strange medley of magnificence and -cruelty, and sent him costly gifts for the festivity which accompanied -the completion of the new city of Cæsarea Sebaste in B.C. 13. The usual -allegation against her is that she worked for the succession of her -sons, Tiberius and Drusus, as against the Iulian family, represented -by the son of Octavia and the children of Iulia. To secure this object -she was accused in popular rumour of compassing the deaths successively -of Marcellus, of Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, of Agrippa Postumus, and, -finally, of having even hastened the end of Augustus himself. This last -is not mentioned by Suetonius, and is only related by Dio as a report, -for which he gives no evidence, and which he does not appear to have -believed. Tacitus records the criticism of her as a _gravis noverca_ to -the family of the Cæsars, and seems to accept her guilt in regard to -Gaius and Iulius (_Ann._ 4, 71). But he is also constrained to admit that -she exercised a humanising influence over Tiberius, that his victims -constantly found refuge and protection in her palace, and that she was -benevolent and charitable to the poor—maintaining a large number of -orphan boys and girls by her bounty. The most suspicious case against -her is the execution of Agrippa Postumus immediately after the death -of Augustus—“the first crime of the new reign.” It will never be known -whether the order for that cruel deed issued from her or her crafty -son. The death of Marcellus was in no way suspicious, as it occurred in -a season of exceptional unhealthiness, when large numbers were dying -at Rome of malarial fever. As to the deaths of Gaius and Lucius, no -suspicion seems to have occurred to Augustus, and he was keenly anxious -for their survival. The poisoned fig supposed to have been given to -himself is a familiar feature in the stories of great men’s death of -every age in Italy. Tacitus in the famous summing up of her character, -while acknowledging the purity of her domestic conduct, yet declares that -her social manners were more free than was considered becoming among -women of an earlier time; that as a mother she was extravagantly fond, as -a wife too complaisant; and that her character was a combination of her -husband’s adroitness and her son’s insincerity. He by no means intends to -draw a pleasing portrait. He seldom does. But what we may take for true -is that she was beautiful, loyal to her husband, open-handed and generous -to the distressed, merciful and kind to the unfortunate. To those who -think such qualities likely to belong to a poisoner and murderess, her -condemnation must be left. It is curious that neither Vergil, Horace, nor -Propertius mention or allude to Livia; nor does Ovid do so until after -the death of Augustus—for the _consolatio ad Liviam_ on the death of -Drusus is not his. On some of the inscriptions of a later period in the -reign her name appears among the imperial family as wife of the Princeps. -That was itself an innovation, and it seems as if the poets abstained -from mentioning her under orders. It was improper for a matron of high -rank to be made public property in this way. Horace, for instance, only -once alludes to the wife of Mæcenas, and then under a feigned name. - -Of those who influenced the earlier policy of Augustus, and supported -him in the first twenty years of the Principate, the first place must be -given to Agrippa and Mæcenas. - -M. VIPSANIUS AGRIPPA (B.C. 63-13), differed widely from Mæcenas, but -was like him in constant attachment and fidelity to Augustus. He was -with him in Apollonia, and on the news of the murder of Iulius advised -an appeal to the army. Even before this he had accompanied him to Spain -when he went to join his uncle in B.C. 45, and ever afterwards served him -with unswerving fidelity and conspicuous success. In the war with Sextus -Pompeius, at Perusia, in Gaul, Spain and Illyria, in the organisation of -the East, and on the Bosporus, it was his energy and ability that decided -the contest in favour of his master, or secured the settlement that he -desired. He was the organiser of the Roman navy, and though his great -work at the Lucrine lake proved to be only temporary, the squadrons that -guarded the seas at Misenum, Ravenna and Forum Iulii were the result -of his activity and foresight. His acts of splendid liberality in Rome -have been already noticed. He shewed the same magnificence in Gaul and -elsewhere, and seems also to have largely assisted in the great survey -of the empire instituted by Augustus. Not only did he support all the -plans and ideas of his master, he was ready to take any position and make -any personal sacrifice to further his views. After his first marriage -to Pomponia, by whom he was the father of Vipsania, he was married to -Marcella, the Emperor’s niece. To support his master’s plans for the -succession he submitted to divorce her and marry Iulia, after having -previously made way for the rise of Marcellus by accepting a command in -the East. The Emperor shewed his confidence in him on every occasion. In -B.C. 23 when he thought himself dying he placed his seal in his hands, -in B.C. 18 he caused him to be admitted to share his tribunician power -for five years, which was renewed again in B.C. 13; so that though his -two sons were adopted by Augustus, the succession would almost certainly -have fallen to him had the Emperor died in their minority. This elevation -however did not give him rest: the last years of his life were spent -in the East, on the Bosporus and in Pannonia, from which last he only -returned to die. This faithful service had been rendered in spite of -the fact that he had advised against the acceptance of the principate. -He had urged the financial difficulties, the irreconcilable nature of -the opposition, the impossibility of drawing back, and Octavian’s own -weak health. But when his master preferred the advice of Mæcenas, he -took his part in the undertaking without faltering and with splendid -loyalty. Though Augustus owed much of his success to his own cautious -statesmanship, he owed even more to the man who failed in nothing that he -undertook, and would claim no honour for himself in return. The Emperor -delivered the funeral oration over this loyal servant, and, deposited his -ashes in the Mausoleum which he had built for his own family. - -[Illustration: MÆCENAS. - -_Photographed from the Head in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome, by -Edne. Alinari._ - -_To face page 279._ - -P. VERGILIUS MARO. - -_Photographed from the Bust in the Capitoline Museum, Rome, by Edne. -Alinari._ - -_Page 284._] - -C. CILNIUS MÆCENAS (_circ._ B.C. 65-B.C. 8), was probably a few years -older than Augustus, but near enough to his age to have been one of -his companions at Apollonia. His influence was maintained till about -B.C. 16. It is most conspicuous from the time immediately following the -Perusian war. He negotiated the marriage with Scribonia, the peace of -Brundisium with Antony (B.C. 40), and the subsequent reconciliation of -B.C. 38. In the war against Sextus Pompeius (B.C. 38-36), he was partly -with Augustus, but partly at Rome, with full powers to act for him and -even to alter his despatches and letters as seemed necessary, having -the triumvir’s private seal entrusted to him for that purpose. This -was possible from the fact of such letters being written by amanuenses -and being therefore only recognisable by the seal. Thus Cicero often -commissions Atticus to write formal letters to his friends for him. -This position—it was no definite office, or perhaps was more like being -_legatus_ to Octavian than anything else—he seems to have retained -till after the battle of Actium, at which he probably was not present, -though that has been disputed. He detected the conspiracy of the younger -Lepidus, and sent him to Octavian to be judged. In B.C. 29, on Octavian’s -return from the East, he recommended the establishment of a despotism, -as a republic was no longer possible. The speech preserved by Dio (52, -14-40) may very well be genuine, in view of the habit of the day, and -of Augustus himself, of reading addresses even in comparatively private -conferences on matters of importance.[318] Even if it is not the genuine -speech, it correctly represents many of the principles on which Augustus -did act, and as to which he doubtless consulted Mæcenas. It counsels him -to keep in his hands legislation, foreign affairs, elections, executive -appointments and the courts of law, and to hear cases of appeal himself: -exactly what Augustus did under various disguises. It argues that it -was necessary both for his own safety and that of the state that he -should remain in power, the glory being well worth the risk. Other -recommendations are a reform of Senate and equites, the maintenance of -the old republican magistrates for home service, the establishment of a -_præfectus urbi_, the exercise by himself of censorial functions, the -subordination of provincial governors to the Emperor, and their payment -by a fixed salary, with the appointment of procurators to superintend -the finances of the provinces. A system of education for the equites -is also suggested, which does not seem to have been carried out; but -many of the financial proposals were adopted, as well as the idea of -keeping the people amused by games and shows. The advice to abolish the -_comitia_ Augustus could not follow consistently with his policy of -compromise. They remained and were the causes of more than one trouble -and disturbance, but their freedom of election was gradually but surely -destroyed, and one of the first measures of Tiberius was to abolish them -as no longer a reality. The reform of the Senate was, as we have seen, -carried out. As for the judicia, the Senate became a high court for cases -of treason (_maiestas_), before which alone Senators could be tried; -the _decuriæ iudicum_ were reformed, and Augustus himself performed -the functions of a court of appeal in various ways, sometimes by his -tribunician power of “interceding” against the sentences of magistrates -or Senate, and sometimes by hearing cases from the provinces of citizens -who disputed the competence of provincial courts and claimed to be -heard at Rome. Mæcenas holding no office never became a Senator; but he -represented the Emperor in his absence, unless Agrippa was appointed to -do so instead. In this capacity he really exercised a greater power than -any definite office would have given him, and the whole business of the -Empire passed through his hands.[319] - -But it was not only as the ostensible representative of the Emperor that -he worked for his support. In the comparative retirement of his palace on -the Esquiline he contributed to that object by gathering round him the -best intellects and first men of letters of the day, whom he induced to -devote their talents not only to glorify the Emperor personally, but to -popularise his policy and magnify his service to the state. How far this -may have been effectual by making it the fashion to accept and admire the -principate may perhaps be questioned, but that he should have secured -such writers as Vergil, Horace, and Propertius on his side says much for -his insight and literary taste. One of the weaknesses of the position -of Iulius had been that he had the literary class mostly against him. -The present reputation and future fame of Augustus were to be better -safeguarded. Personally Mæcenas was luxurious and effeminate, always a -valetudinarian, and in his later years afflicted with almost constant -insomnia. This accounts well enough for the retirement from public -business during the last eight years of his life without those other -causes of the Emperor’s displeasure which have been already discussed. -His wife was a beauty, much younger than himself, wilful and wayward; -and if it is true that she intrigued with Augustus, it seems also true -that her husband repaid her in kind. There were frequent quarrels and -reconciliations, so that Seneca says that he married her “a thousand -times;” and once at any rate the family trouble found its way into the -law courts, where, however, the _bona fides_ of the divorce which she -was alleged to have made was questioned.[320] In spite of some coldness -between them in later years, and the physical infirmities which removed -him from public business, Augustus sincerely mourned his loss, as of a -counsellor who never betrayed his confidence or spoke idle words. He had -no real successor. From the time of his death the Emperor seems more and -more to have become his own prime minister, or to have looked to his own -family for assistance as well as for a successor. Tacitus (_Ann._ 3, 30) -says that his place was taken by Sallustius Crispus, great-nephew of -the historian; but Augustus does not seem to have thought highly of his -ability, and the part he took in affairs was not prominent enough to have -secured mention by either Suetonius or Dio. Mæcenas wrote himself both -in prose and verse, but in an affected and obscure style, which Augustus -playfully ridiculed. The stoic Seneca is particularly severe on a poem -in which he declares that he clings to life in spite of all physical -sufferings however painful:— - - “Though racked with gout in hand and foot, - Though cancer deep should strike its root, - Though palsy shake my feeble thighs, - Though hideous hump on shoulders rise, - From flaccid gum teeth drop away; - Yet all is well if life but stay. - Give me but life, and e’en the pain - Of sharpest cross shall count as gain.” - -[Sidenote: Augustus and the poets.] - -The chief writers of the Mæcenas circle, who either became intimate -with Augustus himself, or were induced by Mæcenas to join in the chorus -of praise, were Vergil, Varius, Horace, Propertius. Of the epics of L. -Varius Rufus (_circ._ B.C. 64-14) on Iulius Cæsar and Augustus, we have -only a few fragments. The historian, Livy, (B.C. 59-A.D. 16) was also on -friendly terms with Augustus, and seems to have had some hand in teaching -Claudius, son of Drusus, the future emperor. But his great work—from -the foundation of Rome to the death of Drusus (B.C. 9) was afterwards -regarded as being too republican, and even Augustus used laughingly to -call him the Pompeian. It was the poets who made Augustus and his policy -the subject of their praises, and who employed their genius to support -his views. - -[Sidenote: Vergil.] - -The first to do this was P. Vergilius Maro (B.C. 70-17). The earliest -of his writings, the _Eclogues_, composed between B.C. 42-37, do not -show any close connection with Augustus. The first indeed celebrates the -restoration of his farm after a personal interview with Octavian, on the -suggestion of Pollio and Mæcenas, and the poet declares that never will -there fade from his heart the gracious look of the young prince. But the -chief object of praise in the _Eclogues_, so far as there is one, is -Pollio, who had been left in charge of the distribution of lands by the -Triumvirs in B.C. 42. In the _Georgics_, however, finished after B.C. 30, -we find that he has fallen in with the new _régime_. They are dedicated -to the minister Mæcenas, they celebrate Augustus’s triple triumph of -B.C. 29, and they were composed partly, at any rate, at the wish of -Mæcenas, who with Augustus was anxious to make country life and pursuits -seem desirable. No doubt the theme itself was congenial to Vergil, who -preferred a country life at Nola, or near Tarentum, to the bustle of -Rome; but it also happened to chime in with the views of Augustus, who -all his life believed in the influence of literature and wished to have -the poets on his side. Accordingly, soon after his return from the East -in B.C. 29 he seems to have suggested to Vergil to compose a poem that -would inspire men with a feeling of national pride and an enthusiasm -for the greatness of Rome’s mission. The plan and form were no doubt -wholly Vergil’s, but the spirit and purpose, like those of Horace’s more -patriotic odes of about the same time, were those which the Emperor -desired. He was not satisfied with mere suggestion, he was eager for -the appearance of the poem. While in Gaul and Spain from B.C. 27-24 he -frequently wrote to the poet urging the completion of the work. A part of -one of Vergil’s answers has been preserved: - -“As to my Æneas, upon my honour if I had anything written worth your -listening to, I would gladly send it. But the subject thus begun is so -vast, that I almost think I must have been beside myself when I undertook -a work of this magnitude; especially considering that—as you are aware—I -am also devoting part of my time to different and much more important -studies.” - -The _Æneid_ was thus undertaken at the solicitation of Augustus. The -legend on which it turns—perhaps a late one—of the landing of Æneas -in Italy and the foundation of Rome by his descendant, is with great -skill interwoven with a fanciful descent of the _gens Iulia_ from his -son Iulus, to magnify Rome and her divine mission, and at the same -time to point to Augustus as the man of destiny, and as representing -in his own person and career the majesty of the Roman people. In such -a poem detailed allusions cannot be expected as in the occasional odes -of Horace. Yet, besides the fine passage in the eighth book describing -the victory of Actium and the discomfiture of Cleopatra, and that in -the sixth announcing the victorious career of Augustus, we have, more -or less, direct references to the restoration of religious worship in -the _vici_, to the return of the standards by the Parthians, and the -death of the young Marcellus. In form, the _Æneid_ follows the model of -Homer, the supreme epic. But in substance it is original, in that it -does not take for its theme one of the old myths—as the Alexandrine poets -always did—but while teeming with all kinds of mythological allusions it -finds its chief inspiration in the greatness of Rome, measured by the -elemental strife preceding the accomplishment of the divine purpose: -_tantæ molis erat Romanam condere gentem_—“So vast the task to found the -Roman race,” is the keynote of the whole. It is original as the epic of -Milton was original who, with details borrowed from every quarter, took -for his theme the foundation of a world and the strife in heaven that -preceded it. Vergil’s epic is Roman history on the highest plane, and has -crystallised for ever a view of that history which has done more than -arms and laws to commend it to the imagination of mankind. Augustus had a -true intuition when he forbade the poet’s executors to obey his will and -burn the rolls containing this great national epic. - -[Sidenote: Horace.] - -Q. HORATIUS FLACCUS (B.C. 65-B.C. 8) is not perhaps so great a poet as -Vergil, but he possessed the charm which keeps such work as his alive. -His connection with Augustus is a remarkable phenomenon in literary -history. Having fought on the side of his enemies at Philippi, and having -shared in the amnesty granted to the bulk of the troops, he returned home -to find his paternal property confiscated. Poverty drove him to poetry, -poetry gained him the friendship of Varius and Vergil, who introduced -him to Mæcenas, who saw his merit, relieved him from the uncongenial -employment of a clerk, and eventually introduced him to Augustus. The -Emperor, in his turn, was not long in recognising his charm. He writes to -Mæcenas: - -“In old times I was vigorous enough to write my friends’ letters for -them. Nowadays being overwhelmed with business and weak in health, I am -very anxious to entice Horace away from you. He shall therefore quit your -table of parasites and come to my table of kings and assist me in writing -letters.” - -The refusal of Horace—prudent no doubt in view of his tastes and -habits—did not lose him the Emperor’s favour. He twice received -substantial marks of it, and some extracts of letters to him from -Augustus have been preserved which exhibit the latter in his most -gracious mood: - -“Consider yourself a privileged person in my house, as though an habitual -guest at my table. You will be quite within your rights and will always -be sure of a welcome; for it is my wish that our intimacy should be on -that footing if your state or health permits it.” - -And again: - -“What a warm recollection I retain of you, you will be able to learn from -Septimius among others, as I happened to be talking about you in his -presence the other day. For you need not suppose, because you were so -high and mighty as to reject my friendship, that I am on the high horse -too to pay you back.” - -Augustus, in fact, had a great opinion of Horace, and predicted his -immortality. He selected him to write the ode for the secular games, -pressed him later in life to immortalise the achievements of Tiberius and -Drusus, and was desirous of his own name appearing as the recipient of -one of his Satires or Epistles. - -“I am quite angry, let me tell you, that you don’t give me the preference -as a person to address in your writings of that kind. Are you afraid -that an appearance of intimacy with me will damage your reputation with -posterity?” - -Horace made the Emperor a return in full for such condescension. How far -the genius of a poet is warmed or chilled by patronage it is not easy to -decide. So far as he is tempted away from his natural bent, or confined -in the free expression of thought, he suffers: so far as he is saved -from sordid cares, he is a gainer. Horace, in early youth, sympathised -with the republican party in whose ranks he had served, and probably in -later life still felt a theoretical preference for it, and could speak -of the _nobile letum_ and _atrox animus_ of Cato with a true note of -admiration, But he was a man of his time. The policy of Octavian had made -the supremacy of Augustus inevitable, and it at least secured peace and -safety. The patronage and liberality of Mæcenas assuredly helped to turn -the scale, but I see no reason to doubt that the poet was convinced, -though, perhaps, without enthusiasm, that the new _régime_ was one to -be supported by reasonable men. The kindness of the Emperor naturally -enhanced the effect of his commanding personality, but it would be -difficult for a poet so placed to write with greater dignity and less -fulsomeness than Horace does in the first epistle of the second book, -addressed to Augustus at his own request. But it is in the _Odes_ that we -must trace the unbroken sympathy with the career and policy of Augustus. -If they are closely examined, with an eye to chronological arrangement, -the ingenuity with which these imitations of Greek models are framed to -support and recommend the purposes or celebrate the successes of the -Emperor, will stand revealed in a striking manner. The _Epodes_ and the -first three books of the _Odes_ were apparently written between B.C. 35 -and B.C. 25. Dropped in among a number of poems of fancy, or passion, or -mere literary _tours de force_, are compositions that follow not only the -actual achievements of Augustus, but his ideals, his intentions, and his -aspirations, from the years just before Actium to his return from Spain -in B.C. 25. We begin with the Second Epode, which refers with regret to -the abandoned intention of invading Britain in B.C. 35, and expresses -his alarm at the prospect of a renewed civil war. In the Sixteenth Epode -this terror has become a reality; the civil war has begun, and the poet, -foreseeing the downfall of the state, turns longing eyes to the peace and -calm of the fabled islands of the West. From Italy and all its horrors -they must at any rate depart. In the Ninth Epode the relief has come; the -shameful servitude of a Roman imperator and Roman soldiers to a foreign -queen is over; Antony and Cleopatra are in full flight (B.C. 31). In -another year it is known that Antony has fallen by his own hand, and that -Cleopatra has saved herself the indignity of the triumphal procession by -the adder’s aid (_Od._ i. 39). The discharge of the legions follows, and -their settlement in Italian and Sicilian lands (2 _Sat._, 6, 54). In the -other odes of the first book the devotion to Augustus proceeds apace. -The Iulian star is in the ascendant (1, 2, 20); Augustus is _pater_ -and _princeps_, anticipating the future titles (1, 2, 20); he is again -contemplating the invasion of Britain (1, 35, 29); the Arabian expedition -is being planned with all its futile hopes of wealth (1, 29; 1, 35). In -the second book of the _Odes_, beginning with reflections on the evils -of civil war (2, 1), the poet notices one after the other the triumphs -of Augustus or his generals in B.C. 27-24. The Cantabrian war (2, 6, 2; -2, 11, 1); the triumphal arch at Susa (2, 9, 19); the success of his -diplomacy in Scythia, Armenia, and Parthia (_ib._) In the third book the -embassy of British chiefs is treated as though the island were annexed -(3, 5, 2); the Cantabrians are regarded as conquered after the expedition -of Augustus (3, 8, 22; 3, 14). Then succeeds a period of statesmanship -and reform. The Emperor’s Roman policy, and his determination to keep -Rome the centre of government, are warmly supported (3, 3); the moral -evils, the extravagance and debauchery of the age must be cured, and -Horace proceeds to support the abortive legislation of B.C. 27, and to -foreshadow the censorial acts, and the legislation of B.C. 18. There -is a protest against the magnificence and extent of country houses (2, -15); against the effeminacy of youth (iii. 2); against the immorality -of women and the licentiousness that led to civil strife (3, 24). The -_Carmen sæculare_ speaks of the legislation as effected, and foretells -its success (20); while in the fourth book he asserts that, at any rate -while Augustus is with them, that success has been secured (4, 5), and -that he has not only given them peace, but a great moral reform (4, 15). -The policy of the Emperor in regard to the bugbear of the East, the -Parthian power, is also followed step by step. They are the dangerous -enemy whose subjection will make Augustus divine (3, 5, 1-4), and whose -threatened invasions keep his ministers in constant anxiety (3, 29, 27). -This is before B.C. 20; but in B.C. 19 they have made submission and -restored the standards and prisoners (_Epist._ i. 18, 56), and this is -one of the triumphs of Augustus that requires a master hand to record -(_Epist._ ii. 1, 255); it is the glory of the Augustan age (_Od._ 4, -15, 6), and as long as Augustus is safe, no one will fear them more (4, -5, 25). Finally, at the Emperor’s request, he celebrated the victories -of Drusus and Tiberius over the Vindelici and Rhæti (4, 4 and 14), and -especially the defeat of the Sugambri who had routed Lollius (4, 2, 34; -4, 14, 51), with a compliment to Augustus himself for having gone to -Gaul to support Tiberius and Drusus with reinforcements and advice (4, -14, 33), and for having at length closed the door of Ianus (4, 15, 9). -The lyrical career of Horace, therefore, corresponds remarkably with the -activities of Augustus. His genius presented those activities to his -fellow citizens (and Horace’s verses were soon read in schools) exactly -in the light in which the Emperor wished them to be viewed. If we lay -aside some expressions of overstrained compliment, which favoured the -growing fashion of paying the Emperor divine honours, it cannot be said -that the language is fulsome or degrading to the poet. The “parasitic -table” of Mæcenas may, as M. Beulé asserts, have been a misfortune to -the poets, and attenuated their vein of inspiration: but a man must have -something in practical life on which to pin his faith; and Horace might -have done worse than devote his genius to promote loyalty to the great -statesman who had saved Roman society and given peace and prosperity to -an empire. Just as Vergil, if he had followed his own impulse, might have -perhaps produced a fine poem on the Epicurean cosmogony, but not one that -lives and breathes with the noble glow of patriotism. - -[Sidenote: Propertius.] - -Sextus Propertius (_circ._ B.C. 45-_circ._ B.C. 15) was another of the -Mæcenas circle of poets who did something to glorify Augustus. He is -not (but that is a personal opinion) on anything like the same level as -either Vergil or Horace as an artist. He is said to have died young, -perhaps at thirty years of age, and there is no evidence of personal -intimacy with Augustus, but there is some indication of his having been -on bad terms with Horace. His elegies also are nearly all poems of -passion. Politics and emperors are mere episodes, and were introduced -in deference to Mæcenas. Still many points in the career of Augustus -are referred to in the same spirit as that of Horace. The siege of -Perusia—described in tones of horror, which would scarcely have been -acceptable—precedes his conversion (1, 21), and the failure of the -marriage law of B.C. 27 is only referred to with relief (2, 7, 1). In -more complimentary terms he speaks of the victory of Actium (3, 7, 44), -and of the downfall of Antony and Cleopatra (4, 8, 56; 4, 10, 32, _sqq._; -4, 7, 56); and the end of the civil wars is attributed to Augustus (_illa -qua vicit condidit arma manu_, 3, 8, 41). Then came the intended invasion -of Britain (3, 23, 5); the Arabian expedition and the Indian envoys (3, -1, 15; 4, 3 1); the opening and description of the Palatine Library—the -best extant (3, 29); the raids of the Sugambri and their suppression (5, -6, 77); while he has the Parthians frequently on his lips, though rather -as predicting what is to be done with them than as recording the return -of the standards.[321] In the fifth book there are signs of a beginning -of a _Fasti_ like that of Ovid as a record of events in Roman history; -and it is possible that this was in obedience to a wish of Augustus, -who, on his death, transferred the task to Ovid. Thus his voice also was -secured, in part at least, in support of the imperial _régime_. - -[Sidenote: Ovid.] - -Publius Ovidius Naso (B.C. 43-A.D. 18) belongs to the last part of the -reign. He had only seen Vergil, and though he had heard Horace recite, -he does not profess to have known him. He was quite young when Augustus -was winning his position and reforming the constitution, and there -are no signs of his coming forward as a court poet till Mæcenas and -his circle had disappeared, and if he had attracted the attention of -Augustus at all, it was probably not altogether in a favourable manner. -His earliest poems—the _Amores_ and _Heroidum Epistulæ_—do not touch -on public affairs; they are poems of passion—the former personal, the -latter dramatic. In the _Ars Amatoria_ (about B.C. 2-A.D. 2) for the -first time we detect the court poet from a complimentary allusion to the -approaching mission of Gaius Cæsar to Syria and Armenia, with his title -of _princeps iuventutis_ and that of Augustus as _pater patriæ_, as also -to the _naumachia_ or representation of the battle of Salamis given by -Augustus in the flooded _nemus Cæsarum_ in B.C. 2 (_A. A._, 1, 171-2). -The _Metamorphoses_ had been composed before his exile in A.D. 9, but -after the death of Augustus he apparently introduced the Epilogue (xv. -745 _sq._) containing an eulogy on Tiberius, and on the now finished -career of Augustus. It is the _Fasti_—the Calendar of events in Roman -history—that probably was undertaken in obedience to a wish of the -Emperor, and in which accordingly we find points in his career touched -upon. It was dedicated to Germanicus, and contains an allusion to his -own exile, and was therefore, partly at least, composed between B.C. -2 and A.D. 10. His allusions to Augustus are not those of an intimate -acquaintance, but of an admiring subject—real or feigned. He mentions the -battle of Mutina (iv. 627); the bestowal of the title Augustus (i. 589); -the recovery of the standards from the Parthians as a triumph of the -Emperor (vi. 467). He alludes to Augustus becoming Pontifex Maximus (iii. -415); to the laurels on his palace front (iv. 957); to the demolition of -the house of Vedius Pollio as connected with the reforms and the laws -of B.C. 18 (vi. 637); to the division of the city into _vici_, and the -worship of the Lares Augusti (v. 145); to the Forum Augusti and the -temple of Mars dedicated in B.C. 2. (v. 551, _sqq._). Ovid afterwards -protested that his books had been read with pleasure by Augustus, and -assumed to have some knowledge of the private chambers of the palace -(Trist., 1, 5, 2; 2, 520), but there is nothing in the allusions to -matters which he knew that Augustus wished to have recorded that has the -air of close or intimate relations. They are the conventional expressions -of the outside, and perhaps humble, panegyrist, not those of a friend -and supporter, like Horace. The abject expressions in the Tristia and -the letters from Pontus need not be taken into account. They are merely -bids for a recall, and they often express in the crudest form the growing -fashion of worshipping the Emperor or his genius. Perhaps the most -subtle of these appeals is that in which he explains why he had spent -his youth in writing frivolous poetry instead of celebrating the glories -of the Emperor—he was not a good enough poet, and would have dishonoured -a subject above his reach (Tr., ii. 335-340). This was using a weapon -forged by the Emperor himself, who had always let it be known that he -disliked being the subject of inferior artists. The melancholy and -feebleness of these later poems of Ovid seem to bear a sort of analogy -with the cloud that descended on the later years of Augustus. Vergil and -Horace have the freshness of the morning or the vigour of noon, Ovid the -gathering sadness of the evening. - - - - -AUGUSTUS’S ACCOUNT OF HIS REIGN (FROM THE INSCRIPTION IN THE TEMPLE OF -ROME AND AUGUSTUS AT ANGORA) - - -1. When I was nineteen I collected an army on my own account and at my -own expense, by the help of which I restored the republic to liberty, -which had been enslaved by the tyranny of a faction; for which services -the Senate, in complimentary decrees, added my name to the roll of -their House in the consulship of Gaius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius [B.C. -43], giving me at the same time consular precedence in voting; and gave -me imperium. It ordered me as proprætor “to see along with the consuls -that the republic suffered no damage.” Moreover, in the same year, both -consuls having fallen, the people elected me consul and a triumvir for -revising the constitution. - -2. Those who killed my father I drove into exile, after a legal trial, -in punishment of their crime, and afterwards when these same men rose in -arms against the republic I conquered them twice in a pitched battle. - -3. I had to undertake wars by land and sea, civil and foreign, all over -the world, and when victorious I spared surviving citizens. Those foreign -nations, who could safely be pardoned, I preferred to preserve rather -than exterminate. About 500,000 Roman citizens took the military oath to -me. Of these I settled out in colonies or sent back to their own towns, -after their terms of service were over, considerably more than 300,000; -and to them all I assigned lands purchased by myself or money in lieu -of lands. I captured 600 ships, not counting those below the rating of -triremes. - -4. I twice celebrated an ovation, three times curule triumphs, and was -twenty-one times greeted as imperator. Though the Senate afterwards voted -me several triumphs I declined them. I frequently also deposited laurels -in the Capitol after performing the vows which I had taken in each war. -For successful operations performed by myself or by my legates under -my auspices by land and sea, the Senate fifty-three times decreed a -supplication to the immortal gods. The number of days during which, in -accordance with a decree of the Senate, supplication was offered amounted -to 890. In my triumphs there were led before my chariot nine kings or -sons of kings. I had been consul thirteen times at the writing of this, -and am in the course of the thirty-seventh year of my tribunician power -[A.D. 13-14]. - -5. The Dictatorship offered me in my presence and absence by the -Senate and people in the consulship of Marcus Marcellus and Lucius -Arruntius [B.C. 22] I declined to accept. I did not refuse at a time -of very great scarcity of corn the commissionership of corn supply, -which I administered in such a way that within a few days I freed the -whole people from fear and danger. The consulship—either yearly or for -life—then offered to me I declined to accept. - -6. In the consulship of M. Vinicius and Q. Lucretius [B.C. 19], of P. and -Cn. Lentulus [B.C. 18], and of Paullus Fabius Maximus and Q. Tubero [B.C. -11], when the Senate and people of Rome unanimously agreed that I should -be elected overseer of the laws and morals, with unlimited powers and -without a colleague, I refused every office offered me which was contrary -to the customs of our ancestors. But what the Senate at that time wished -me to manage, I carried out in virtue of my tribunician power, and in -this office I five times received at my own request a colleague from the -Senate. - -7. I was one of the triumvirate for the re-establishment of the -constitution for ten consecutive years. I have been _princeps senatus_ up -to the day on which I write this for forty years. I am Pontifex Maximus, -Augur, one of the fifteen commissioners for religion, one of the seven -for sacred feasts, an Arval brother, a _sodalis Titius_, a fetial. - -8. In my fifth consulship [B.C. 29] I increased the number of the -patricians by order of people and Senate. I three times made up the roll -of the Senate, and in my sixth consulship [B.C. 28] I took a census of -the people with M. Agrippa as my colleague. I performed the _lustrum_ -after an interval of forty-one years; in which the number of Roman -citizens entered on the census roll was 4,063,000. A second time with -consular imperium I took the census by myself in the consulship of Gaius -Censorinus and Gaius Asinius [B.C. 8], in which the number of Roman -citizens entered on the roll was 4,223,000. I took a third census with -consular imperium, my son Tiberius Cæsar acting as my colleague, in the -consulship of Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius [A.D. 14], in which -the number of Roman citizens entered on the census roll was 4,937,000. By -new laws passed I recalled numerous customs of our ancestors that were -falling into desuetude in our time, and myself set precedents in many -particulars for the imitation of posterity. - -9. The Senate decreed that vows should be offered for my health by -consuls and priests every fifth year. In fulfilment of these vows the -four chief colleges of priests or the consuls often gave games in my -lifetime. Also individually and by townships the people at large always -offered sacrifices at all the temples for my health. - -10. By a decree of the Senate my name was included in the ritual of the -Salii; and it was ordained by a law that my person should be sacred and -that I should have the tribunician power for the term of my natural life. -I refused to become Pontifex Maximus in succession to my colleague during -his life, though the people offered me that sacred office formerly held -by my father. Some years later I accepted that sacred office on the death -of the man who had availed himself of the civil disturbance to secure -it; such a multitude flocking to my election from all parts of Italy as -is never recorded to have come to Rome before, in the consulship of P. -Sulpicius and C. Valgius [6 March, B.C. 12]. - -11. The Senate consecrated an altar to Fortuna Redux, near the temple -of Honour and Virtue, by the Porta Capena, for my return, on which it -ordered the Vestal Virgins to offer a yearly sacrifice on the day on -which in the consulship of Q. Lucretius and M. Vinicius [B.C. 19] I -returned to the city from Syria, and gave that day the name _Augustalia_ -from my cognomen [15 Dec.]. - -12. By a decree of the Senate at the same time part of the prætors and -tribunes of the plebs, along with the consul Q. Lucretius and leading -nobles, were despatched into Campania to meet me—an honour that up to -this time has been decreed to no one else. When I returned to Rome from -Spain and Gaul after successful operations in those provinces, in the -consulship of Tiberius Nero and Publius Quintilius [B.C. 13], the Senate -voted that an altar to Pax Augusta should be consecrated for my return on -the Campus Martius, upon which it ordered the magistrates and priests and -Vestal Virgins to offer an annual sacrifice [30 Jan.]. - -13. Whereas the Ianus Quirinus, which our ancestors ordered to be closed -when peace throughout the whole dominions of the Roman people by land and -sea had been obtained by victories, is recorded to have been only twice -shut before my birth since the foundation of the city, the Senate three -times voted its closure during my principate. - -14. My sons Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, whom fortune snatched from me in -their early manhood, in compliment to me, the Senate and Roman people -designated consuls in their fifteenth year with a proviso that they -should enter on that office after an interval of five years. From the day -of their assuming the _toga virilis_ the Senate decreed that they should -take part in public business. Moreover, the Roman equites in a body gave -each of them the title of _Princeps Iuventutis_, and presented them with -silver shields and spears. - -15. To the Roman plebs I paid 300 sesterces per head in virtue of -my father’s will; and in my own name I gave 400 apiece in my fifth -consulship [B.C. 29] from the sale of spoils of war; and a second time -in my tenth consulship [B.C. 24] out of my own private property I paid -a bounty of 400 sesterces per man, and in my eleventh consulship [B.C. -23] I measured out twelve distributions of corn, having purchased the -grain from my own resources. In the twelfth year of my tribunician power -[B.C. 11], I for the third time gave a bounty of 400 sesterces a head. -These largesses of mine affected never less than 50,200 persons. In -the eighteenth year of my tribunician power and my twelfth consulship -[B.C. 5] I gave 320,000 of the urban plebs sixty denarii a head. In the -colonies of my soldiers, in my fifth consulship [B.C. 29] I gave from the -sale of spoils of war 1,000 sesterces a head; and among such settlers -the number who received that triumphal largess amounted to about 120,000 -men. In my thirteenth consulship [B.C. 2] I gave 60 denarii apiece to the -plebeians then in receipt of public corn; they amounted to somewhat more -than 200,000 persons. - -16. The money for the lands, which in my fourth consulship [B.C. 30], and -afterwards in the consulship of M. Crassus and Cn. Lentulus the augur -[B.C. 14], I assigned to the soldiers, I paid to the municipal towns. The -amount was about 600,000,000 sesterces, which I paid for lands in Italy, -and about 260,000,000 which I disbursed for lands in the provinces. - -I was the first and only one within the memory of my own generation to -do this of all who settled colonies in Italy and the provinces. And -afterwards in the consulship of Tib. Nero and Cn. Piso [B.C. 7], and -again in the consulship of C. Antistius and D. Lælius [B.C. 6], and of C. -Calvisius and L. Pasienus [B.C. 4], and of L. Lentulus and M. Messalla -[B.C. 3], and of L. Caninius and Q. Fabricius [B.C. 2], to the soldiers, -whom after their terms of service I sent back to their own towns, I paid -good service allowances in ready money; on which I expended 400,000,000 -sesterces as an act of grace. - -17. I four times subsidised the _ærarium_ from my own money, the sums -which I thus paid over to the commissioners of the treasury amounting -to 150,000,000 sesterces. And in the consulship of M. Lepidus and L. -Arruntius [A.D. 6], to the military treasury, which was established on -my initiative for the payment of their good service allowance, to the -soldiers who had served twenty years or more, I contributed from my own -patrimony 170,000,000 sesterces.[322] - -18. From and after the year of the consulship of Gnæus and Publius -Lentulus [B.C. 18], whenever the payment of the revenues were in arrear, -I paid into the treasury from my own patrimony the taxes, whether due in -corn or money, sometimes of 100,000 persons, sometimes of more. - -19. I built the curia and Chalcidicum adjoining it, and the temples of -Apollo on the Palatine with its colonnades, the temple of the divine -Iulius, the Lupercal, the colonnade at the Flaminian circus, which I -allowed to be called Octavia, from the name of the builder of the earlier -one on the same site, the state box at the Circus Maximus, the temples -of Jupiter Feretrius and of Jupiter Tonans on the Capitol, the temple of -Quirinus, the temples of Minerva and of Juno the Queen, and of Jupiter -Liberalis on the Aventine, the temple of the Lares at the head of the -_via Sacra_, the temple of the divine Penates in the Velia, the temple of -Youth, the temple of the Mater Magna on the Palatine. - -20. The Capitolium and the Pompeian theatre—both very costly works—I -restored without any inscription of my own name. Water-conduits in many -places that were decaying from age I repaired; and I doubled the aqueduct -called the Aqua Marcia, by turning a new spring into its channel. - -The Forum Iulium and the basilica, which was between the temple of Castor -and the temple of Saturn, works begun and far advanced by my father, I -completed; and when the same basilica was destroyed by fire, I began its -reconstruction on an extended plan, to be inscribed with the names of my -sons, and in case I do not live to complete it I have ordered it to be -completed by my heirs. - -In my sixth consulship [B.C. 28], I repaired eighty-two temples of -the gods in the city in accordance with a decree of the Senate, none -being omitted which at that time stood in need of repair. In my seventh -consulship [B.C. 27] I constructed the Flaminian road from the city to -Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian and Minucian. - -21. On ground belonging to myself I built a temple to Mars Ultor and -the Forum Augustum, with money arising from sale of war spoils. I built -a theatre adjoining the temple of Apollo, on ground for the most part -purchased from private owners, to be under the name of my son-in-law -Marcus Marcellus. Offerings from money raised by sale of war-spoil I -consecrated in the temple of Apollo, and in the temple of Vesta, and in -the temple of Mars Ultor, which cost me about 100,000,000 sesterces. -Thirty-five thousand pounds of gold,[323] crown money contributed by -the municipia and colonies of Italy for my triumphs, I refunded in my -fifth consulship [B.C. 29], and subsequently, as often as I was greeted -Imperator, I refused to receive crown money, though the municipia and -colonies had decreed it with as much warmth as before. - -22. I three times gave a show of gladiators in my own name, and five -times in the name of my sons and grandsons; in which shows about 10,000 -men contended. I twice gave the people a show of athletes collected from -all parts of the world in my own name, and a third time in the name of my -grandson. I gave games in my own name four times, as representing other -magistrates twenty-three times. In behalf of the quindecimviri, and as -master of the college, with M. Agrippa as colleague, I gave the Secular -games in the consulship of C. Furnius and C. Silanus [B.C. 17]. In my -thirteenth consulship [B.C. 2], I gave for the first time the games of -Mars which, since that time, the consuls have given in successive years. -I gave the people wild-beast hunts, of African animals, in my own name -and that of my sons and grandsons, in the circus and forum, and the -amphitheatres twenty-six times, in which about 3,500 animals were killed. - -23. I gave the people the spectacle of a naval battle on the other side -of the Tiber, in the spot where now is the grove of the Cæsars, the -ground having been hollowed out to a length of 1,800 feet, and a breadth -of 1,200 feet, in which thirty beaked ships, triremes or biremes, and -a still larger number of smaller vessels contended. In these fleets, -besides the rowers, there fought about three thousand men. - -24. In the temples of all the states of the province of Asia, I replaced -the ornaments after my victory, which he with whom I had fought had taken -into his private possession from the spoliation of the temples. There -were about eighty silver statues of me, some on foot, some equestrian, -some in chariots, in various parts of the city. These I removed, and from -the money thus obtained I placed golden offerings in the temple of Apollo -in my own name and in that of those who had honoured me by the statues. - -25. I cleared the sea of pirates. In that war I captured about 30,000 -slaves, who had run away from their masters, and had borne arms against -the republic, and handed them back to their owners to be punished. The -whole of Italy took the oath to me spontaneously, and demanded that I -should be the leader in the war in which I won the victory off Actium. -The provinces of the Gauls, the Spains, Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, took -the same oath. Among those who fought under my standards were more than -seven hundred Senators, eighty-three of whom had been, or have since -been, consuls up to the time of my writing this, 170 members of the -sacred colleges. - -26. I extended the frontiers of all the provinces of the Roman people, -which were bordered by tribes that had not submitted to our Empire. The -provinces of the Gauls, and Spains and Germany, bounded by the Ocean from -Gades to the mouth of the river Elbe, I reduced to a peaceful state. The -Alps, from the district near the Adriatic to the Tuscan sea, I forced to -remain peaceful without waging unprovoked war with any tribe. My fleet -sailed through the Ocean from the mouth of the Rhine towards the rising -sun, up to the territories of the Cimbri, to which point no Roman had -penetrated, up to that time, either by land or sea. The Cimbri, and -Charydes, and Semnones and other peoples of the Germans, belonging to -the same tract of country, sent ambassadors to ask for the friendship -of myself and the Roman people. By my command and under my auspices, -two armies were marched into Æthiopia and Arabia, called Felix, nearly -simultaneously, and large hostile forces of both these nations were cut -to pieces in battle, and a large number of towns were captured. Æthiopia -was penetrated as far as the town Nabata, next to Meroe. Into Arabia the -army advanced into the territories of the Sabæi as far as the town Mariba. - -27. I added Egypt to the Empire of the Roman people. When I might have -made the Greater Armenia a province after the assassination of its king -Artaxes, I preferred, on the precedent of our ancestors, to hand over -that kingdom to Tigranes, son of King Artavasdes, grandson of King -Tigranes, by the hands of Tiberius Nero, who was then my stepson. The -same nation being afterwards in a state of revolt and rebellion, I handed -over to the government of King Ariobarzanes, son of Artabazus, king of -the Medes, after it had been reduced by my son Gaius; and after his death -to his son Artavasdes, upon whose assassination I sent Tigranes, a member -of the royal family of the Armenians, into that kingdom. I recovered all -the provinces on the other side of the Adriatic towards the East and -Cyrenæ, which were by this time for the most part held by various kings, -and before them Sicily and Sardinia which had been overrun by an army of -slaves. - -28. I settled colonies of soldiers in Africa, Sicily, Macedonia, both -the Spains, Achaia, Asia, Syria, Gallia Narbonensis, Pisidia. Italy has -twenty-eight colonies established under my auspices, which have in my -lifetime become very densely inhabited and places of great resort. - -29. A large number of military standards, which had been lost under other -commanders, I recovered, after defeating the enemy, from Spain and Gaul -and the Dalmatians. I compelled the Parthians to restore the spoils and -standards of three Roman armies, and to seek as suppliants the friendship -of the Roman people. These standards I laid up in the inner shrine -belonging to the temple of Mars Ultor. - -30. The tribes of the Pannonii, which before I was _princeps_ an army of -the Roman people never reached, having been subdued by Tiberius Nero, -who was then my stepson and legate [B.C. 11], I added to the Empire of -the Roman people, and I extended the frontier of Illyricum to the bank -of the river Danube. And when an army of the Daci crossed to the south -of that river it was conquered and put to flight under my auspices; and -subsequently my army, being led across the Danube, forced the tribes of -the Daci to submit to the orders of the Roman people. - -31. To me there were often sent embassies of kings from India, who had -never before been seen in the camp of any Roman general. By embassadors -the Bastarnæ and the Scythians and the kings of the Sarmatians, who live -on both sides of the river Don, and the king of the Albani and of the -Hiberi and of the Medes, sought our friendship. - -32. Kings of the Parthians—Tiridates, and afterwards Phrates, son of -King Phrates—fled to me for refuge; of the Medes Artavasdes; of the -Adiabeni Artaxares; of the Britons Dumnobellaunus and Tim ...;[324] of -the Marcomanni and Suebi....[324] Phrates, king of the Parthians, son of -Orodes, sent all his sons and grandsons to me in Italy, not because he -had been overcome in war, but seeking our friendship by means of his own -sons as pledges. And a very large number of other nations experienced the -good faith of the Roman people while I was _princeps_, with whom before -that time there had been no diplomatic or friendly intercourse. - -33. The nations of the Parthians and the chief men of the Medes by means -of embassies sought and accepted from me kings of those peoples—the -Parthians Vonones, son of King Phrates, grandson of King Orodes; the -Medes Ariobarzanes, son of King Artavasdes, grandson of King Ariobarzanes. - -34. In my sixth and seventh consulships [B.C. 28, 27], when I had -extinguished the flames of civil war, having by universal consent become -possessed of the sole direction of affairs, I transferred the republic -from my power to the will of the Senate and people of Rome. For which -good service on my part I was by decree of the Senate called by the name -of Augustus, and the door-posts of my house were covered with laurels -in the name of the state, and a civic crown was fixed up over my door, -and a golden shield was placed in the Curia Iulia, which it was declared -by its inscription the Senate and people of Rome gave me in recognition -of valour, clemency, justice, piety. After that time I took precedence -of all in rank, but of power I had nothing more than those who were my -colleagues in the several magistracies. - -35. While I was administering my thirteenth consulship [B.C. 2], the -Senate and equestrian order and the Roman people with one consent greeted -me as FATHER OF MY COUNTRY, and decreed that it should be inscribed in -the vestibule of my house, and in the Senate house, and in the Forum -Augustum, and under the chariot which was there placed in my honour in -accordance with a senatorial decree. - -When I wrote this I was in my seventy-sixth year [A.D. 13-14]. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] _Ad capita bubula._ Lanciani (_Remains of Ancient Rome_, p. 139) says -that this was the name of a lane at the eastern corner of the Palatine. -Others have thought it to be the name of the house, as the _ad malum -Punicum_ in which Domitian was born (Suet., _Dom._ 1). So later we hear -of a house at Rome _quæ est ad Palmam_ (_Codex Theod._, p. 3). The house -may have had its name from a frieze with ox-heads on it, like the tomb of -Metella, which came to be called _Capo-di-bove_. It seems less easy to -account for a lane being so called. See also p. 205. - -[2] C. I. L., vol. i. p. 279. - -[3] Cicero, _ad Q. Fr._ 1, 1, 21; 1, 2, 7. Velleius Pat., 2, 59; Sueton., -_Aug._ 3. - -[4] The plebeian Atii Balbi do not seem to have been important. M. Atius -Balbus was prætor in B.C. 62 (with Cæsar), governor of Sardinia B.C. -61-60, and in B.C. 59 was one of the XX viri under the Julian land law -(Cic., _ad Att._ ii. 4). - -[5] These and other stories will be found in Sueton., _Aug._ 94, and Dio, -45, 2. Vergil makes skilful use of them in _Æn._, vi. 797, _sqq._ - -[6] Antony, when he wished to depreciate Augustus, asserted that his -great-grandfather had a rope-walk at Thurii; and some such connection of -his ancestors with that place may account for the cognomen, which would -naturally be dropped afterwards (Suet., _Aug._ 7). - -[7] The marriage could not have taken place earlier than the middle of -B.C. 57, for when Atia’s first husband died Philippus was in Syria. He -was succeeded by Gabinius in B.C. 57, and reached Italy in time to stand -for the consulship, the elections that year being at the ordinary time, -_i.e._, July (Cic., _ad Att._ 4, 2). - -[8] L. Marcius Philippus was the son of the famous orator, and was a warm -supporter of Cicero. With his colleague as consul-designate he proposed -the prosecution of Clodius (Cic., _ad Q. Fr._ ii. 1). When the civil -war was beginning he was allowed by Cæsar to remain neutral (Cic., _ad -Att._ ix. 15; x. 4). But Cicero found him tiresome company, for he was -garrulous and prosy (_ad Att._ xii. 9, 16, 18); and in the troublous -times following the assassination of Cæsar he set little store by his -opinion (_ad Att._ xvi. 14; _ad Brut._ i. 17). - -[9] The law of B.C. 52 allowed Cæsar to be “elected in his absence” -(_absentis rationem haberi_), but said nothing of his being in possession -of a province. By long prescription the Senate had the right of deciding -when a provincial governor should be “succeeded.” But then Cæsar’s term -of provincial government had been fixed by a _lex_, which was superior -to a _Senatus-consultum_; and he might also argue that if it was -unconstitutional for a man to be elected consul while holding a province, -the Senate had violated the constitution in allowing Pompey to be consul -in B.C. 52. - -[10] The Senate did not insist on the _professio_, from which Cæsar had -been exempted by name in Pompey’s law. But its contention was that it -still retained the right of naming the date at which a man was to leave -his province, and of deciding in regard to an election whether a man was -a legal candidate, which might depend on other things besides the making -or not making a _professio_. - -[11] The difficulty was that both consuls were absent. There was no -one therefore capable of holding a consular election. But as the other -curule magistrates still existed, “the _auspicia_ had not returned to -the Fathers,” who could not therefore name an interrex. The Prætor -Lepidus—though willing—could not “create” a _maius imperium_. The only -way out of it was to name a Dictator (_com. hab. causa_); but one of -the consuls, according to tradition, could alone do that. Eventually -Lepidus, by a special vote of the people was authorised to name Cæsar -as Dictator—which had precedents in the cases of Fabius Maximus and -Sulla—and Cæsar, as Dictator, held the consular elections. Cæs., b. c. -ii, 21; Dio, 41, 36. - -[12] Nicolas (ch. 4) says that he took the _toga virilis_ about fourteen -(περὶ ἔτη μάλιστα γεγονὼς τεσσαρακαίδεκα). But Suetonius (_Aug._ 8) says -that he spoke the _laudatio_ of his grandmother in his twelfth year, and -“four years afterwards” took the _toga virilis_. - -[13] Octavius was _sui iuris_, his father being dead; his adoption -therefore required the formal passing of a _lex curiata_. Now the -opposition, supported by Antony, against this formality being carried out -was one of the grounds of Octavian’s quarrel with him in B.C. 44-3, and -the completion of it was one of the first things secured by Octavian on -his entrance into Rome in August, B.C. 43 [Appian, b. c. iii. 94; Dio, -45, 5]. This seems conclusive against the theory that Iulius adopted -him in his lifetime. Moreover all authorities speak of the adoption as -made by _Will_. Livy, _Ep._ 116, _testamento in nomen adoptatus est_; -Velleius, ii. 59, _testamentum apertum est, quo C. Octavium nepotem -sororis suæ Iuliæ adoptabat_. See also Appian, b. c. iii. 11; Dio, 45, 3; -Plutarch, _Brut._ 22. It is true that Nicolas—speaking of the triumph of -B.C. 46—(§ 8) says υἱὸν ἤδη πεποιημἐνος. But if he means anything more -than “regarding him as a son,” he twice afterwards contradicts himself: -See § 17 ἀπήγγελλον τά τε ἄλλα καὶ ὡς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ὡς υἱὸς εἴη -Καίσαρι ἐγγεγραμμένος. _Cf._ § 13. - -[14] Cicero, _ad Att._ xii. 48, 49; Nicholas, § 14; Valer. Max., 1, 15, -2. For the subsequent fate of the man see Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 6, 7, 8; -App., b. c. iii. 2-3. - -[15] The patrician _gentes_ were dying out, and it was thought good -to replenish their numbers, thus gradually forming a class of nobles -distinct from these ennobled by office. In making the Octavii patricians, -the initiative was taken by the Senate; in later times, however, the -power of creating _patricii_ was conferred on the imperator. Iulius seems -also to have done it on his own authority. (Dio, 43, 47; Suet., _Aug._ 2.) - -[16] He took with him Apollodorus of Pergamus, a well-known author of a -system of rhetoric (Suet., _Aug._ 89; Strabo, 13, 4, 3; Quinct., 3, 1, -17). Other teachers of his, whether at Apollonia or elsewhere, are Areius -of Alexandria, Alexander of Pergamus, Athenodorus of Tarsus (Suet. _l. -c._; Dio, 51, 4; Plutarch, _Ant._ 11; Nicol. Dam., § 17; Zonaras, 10, 38). - -[17] Suet., _Aug._ 65; Vell. Paterc., 2, 59, 64; App., b. c. 5, 66; Dio, -48, 33. The other instance of a friend who fell into disfavour and ruin -quoted by Suetonius is Cornelius Gallus. But he does not seem to have -been at Apollonia. He was nearly three years older than Augustus, and in -B.C. 44-3 was perhaps with Pollio in Bætica. See Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 32. - -[18] Nicolas, § 16; App., b. c. iii. 9-10. - -[19] Dolabella consul for the last half of B.C. 44 with Antony; Pansa and -Hirtius, B.C. 43; Plancus and Dec. Brutus B.C. 42. Probably M. Brutus and -C. Cassius (or certainly the former) B.C. 41 [Plut., _Cæs._ 62; Cic., _ad -Fam._ xii. 2]. For B.C. 43 prætors and other magistrates were named, but -for the next years only consuls and tribunes. - -[20] Dio, 43, 47, καὶ ἔς γε τὰ ἔθνη ἀκληρωτὶ ἐξεπέμφθησαν. - -[21] M. Brutus, C. Cassius, Dec. Brutus, L. Cimber, C. Trebonius. - -[22] Cic., _ad Att._ xiv. 9; Cæs., b. c. ii. 22; Plut., _Ant._ xi. - -[23] Dio, 46, 60. - -[24] Cæsar had auxiliaries in Spain from Aquitania B.C. 49; Cæs., b. c. -i. 39. - -[25] Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 5, 8, 9. - -[26] Livy, _Ep._ 62. Appian says that Metellus did not fight, but was -received as a friend, wintered at Salonæ, and then went home and claimed -a triumph (_Illyr._ xi.). - -[27] Eutrop., v. 4. - -[28] _Id._ vi. 4; Oros., v. 23. - -[29] Cæs., b. c. iii. 5, 9. - -[30] Livy, _Ep._ 110; App., b. c. ii. 47. - -[31] _Id._, b. c. ii. 59. - -[32] Cæs., _b. Alex._ 42-3. - -[33] _Id._, 34-6. - -[34] Cic., _ad Fam._ v. 10 (_a_), 10, 11. - -[35] App., _Illyr._ 13. - -[36] App., b. c. iv. 75; Dio, 47, 21. Vatinius was ill, and his late -reverses had lost him the confidence of his men, who insisted on being -transferred to Brutus. - -[37] Dio, 43, 42; Horace, _Odes_, iii. 1, 13. - -[38] Cæs., _b. Alex._ 48-64; _Hisp._ 7, 12. - -[39] App., b. c. ii. 107. - -[40] Wrongly called Aulus Albinus by Appian, b. c. ii. 48; see Klein, -_die Verwaltungsbeamten der Provinzen_, p. 83. - -[41] Cic., _ad Fam._ xiii. 30, 36, 50, 78, 79; Cæs., _b. Afr._ 2, 26, 34. - -[42] Cic., _ad Fam._ vi. 16, 17. - -[43] Dio, 48, 17, 19; Livy, _Ep._ 123; Appian, b. c. iv. 84. A certain -M. Casinius was nominated to Sicily for B.C. 43, but did not go there, -perhaps owing to the order of the Senate (meant to support Dec. Brutus) -made on the 20th of December, B.C. 44, that all governors should retain -their provinces till farther orders (Cic., _ad Fam._ xii. 22, 25). - -[44] App., b. c. ii. 48. - -[45] Cic., _ad Att._ xv. 7; xvi. 3. - -[46] App., b. c. iv. 2; Dio, 46, 55. - -[47] Sueton., _Aug._ 47. This probably means after his accession to sole -power. According to Nicolas, § 11-12, he visited Africa with Cæsar in -B.C. 45. See p. 13. There is no record, however, of his ever having been -to Sardinia. - -[48] App., b. c. v. 67. The hold of Sext. Pompeius on Sardinia was -recognised in the “treaty” of Misenum made in B.C. 39 (Dio, 48, 36; App., -b. c. v. 72). - -[49] See Note 2, p. 24. - -[50] Cicero, _3 Phil._ § 26; _ad Fam._ xii. 22, 23, 30. - -[51] Appian, b. c. iii. 85, 91. - -[52] Appian, b. c. iv. 36, 53-56; v. 26; Dio, 48, 21-23. It seems -impossible to reconcile Appian and Dio. The course of events here -indicated agrees chiefly with Dio, whose account appears on the whole the -more reasonable. - -[53] Cæs., b. c. iii., 102. - -[54] _Id._, _b. Alex._ 42. - -[55] Drawn up by the commissioners after the fall of Corinth, B.C. 146. - -[56] Cicero, _ad Att._ xi. 15; Cæsar, b. c. ii. 56, 106; Dio, 42, 14. - -[57] Servius had fought against Cæsar at Pharsalia, though his son was -with Cæsar. After the battle he retired to Samos and refused to continue -the war. See Cicero, _ad Fam._ iv. 3, 4, 11, 12; vi. 6; xiii. 17, 19, 23, -25, 28. - -[58] App., b. c. v. 72. - -[59] Cicero, _ad Fam._ vi. 12; App., b. c. iii. 2. - -[60] See Cicero, _13 Phil._ 23 (Antony’s letter). - -[61] P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther. See his letter to Cicero, _ad Fam._ -xii. 14, 15. - -[62] Cæs., _b. Alex._ 66: _rebus omnibus provinciæ et finitimarum -civitatum constitutis_ is all that we are told. - -[63] Dio, 47, 26. Appian gives two accounts of Bassus. In the first he -represents him as the real commander of the legions, while Sext. Iulius -was the nominal chief. He, however, gives an alternative account more in -accordance with that of Dio. See App., b. c. iii. 77; iv. 58, _sq._ - -[64] Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 9. - -[65] _Id._, _ad Fam._ xii. 11 (Cassius to Cicero); xii. 12. - -[66] Cicero, _ad Att._ vi. 5; Valer. Max., vi. 1, 15. - -[67] Cyrene with four other cities—Apollonia, Ptolemais, Arsinoe, -Berenice—formed a Pentapolis. (Livy, _Epit._ 70.) - -[68] App., b. c. I. iii. _sq._; Sall., _hist. fr._ ii. 39. - -[69] Vell. Pat., ii. 34; Dio, 36, 2; Iust. 39, 5; Livy, _Epit._ 100. The -laws of Crete were left in force (Cic., _Mur._ § 74; _pro Flacc._ § 30). - -[70] App., b. c. iii. 12, 16, 36; iv. 57; Dio, 47, 21. - -[71] Cicero, _2 Phil._ § 97. - -[72] The possibility of these legions crossing to Italy had caused no -little anxiety at Rome; Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 16. - -[73] Cicero, _ad Att._ xv. 21. - -[74] Suetonius (_Iul._ 83) says, “three-fourths”; so also does Nicolas -Dam. 17 (τρία μέρη τῶν χρημάτων). But Livy (_Ep._ 116) says “one-half” -(_ex semisse_). It is possible Livy may refer to the amount left when -the legacy of 300 sesterces to each citizen was deducted. Nicolas seems -to think, however, that this legacy was charged on the remaining fourth. -Octavian certainly undertook to pay it, but then Pinarius and Pedius -handed over their shares to him. - -[75] Appian (b. c. ii. 147) says that the body itself was not seen during -Antony’s _laudatio_, but that a wax figure was displayed which by some -mechanical contrivance was made to revolve and show all the wounds. - -[76] Nicolas (§ 17) would seem to send them straight to Antium. But -from Cicero’s letters it is clear that Brutus at any rate went first to -Lanuvium, _ad Att._ xiv. 10, 21; xv. 9. They seem to have gone to Antium -towards the end of May or beginning of June. - -[77] Suet., _Aug._ 25. - -[78] The last being the adjectival form of his original name, in -accordance with the usual custom in cases of adoption. - -[79] Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 5, 10, 11, 12. - -[80] Cicero, _ad Att._ xiv. 20, 21. Dio (45, 6) says that the introducing -tribune was Tib. Canutius. But it seems probable that this refers to a -second speech. - -[81] Cic., _ad Att._ xv. 2. There is a singularly manly and frank letter -from Matius to Cicero (_ad Fam._ xi. 28), defending his attachment to -Cæsar and his services to Octavian. - -[82] Appian, b. c. 3, 20, τῶν προσόδων ἐξ οὗ παρῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐς -αὐτὸν ἀντὶ τοῦ ταμιείου συμφερομένων. The sole management of the Treasury -had been committed to Cæsar in B.C. 45 (Dio, 43, 44, τἁ δημόσια χρήματα -μόνον διοικεῖν). He had taken it out of the hands of the _quæstors_ and -appointed two _præfecti_ to manage it: but it does not seem that they had -anything to do with the money in the temple of Ops, as to which there was -some doubt as to its being “public money” in the ordinary sense. - -[83] Cicero, _1 Phil._ § 17; _2 Phil._ § 93. - -[84] Cicero, in _2 Phil._ § 93, seems to assume that Antony had taken the -money all at once. But from Cicero’s own letters it would seem that the -process of despoiling the temple of Ops was a gradual one, and that the -use made of the money by Antony was more or less a matter of conjecture. -On the 27th of April he writes: “You mention plundering going on at the -temple of Ops. I, too, was a witness to that at the time” (_ad Att._ -xiv. 14). On the 7th of May he says that Dolabella had a great share -of it (_ad Att._ xiv. 18). In November he says that his nephew Quintus -knew all about it, and meant to reveal it to the public (_ad Att._ xvi. -14). Appian (b. c. iii. 20) makes Antony say to Octavian: “The money -transferred to my house was not so large a sum as you conjecture, nor is -any part of it in my custody now. The men in power—except Dolabella and -my brothers—divided up the whole of it as the property of a tyrant.” - -[85] Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 8. - -[86] Dio, 45, 6; this seems a different case from that mentioned by App., -b. c. iii. 47, and referred to by Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 15, as happening -later in this same year. - -[87] See _ante_ p. 14: Dio, 45, 2; Sueton., _Aug._ 2, 10; Tac., _Ann._ -xi. 25. - -[88] Dio, 45, 4; Cicero, _ad Att._ xv. 3. - -[89] Cicero, _2 Phil._ § 100; _ad Att._ xiv. 20, 21. - -[90] _Id._, _ad Att._ xiv. 3 (9th April); xv. 4 (24th May); _2 Phil._ -§ 108; Appian, b. c. iii. 5. The Senate had been induced to vote him a -bodyguard. See the letter of Brutus and Cassius to Antony in Cicero, _ad -Fam._ xi. 2. - -[91] Dio, 45, 10; Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 1. The negotiation after all -fell through on the question of Sextus’s recovering the actual house -and property of his father, much of which was in Antony’s hands (Cic., -_ad Att._ xvi. 4; Dio, 45, 9). He refused to accept a mere money -compensation. Eventually, when the Senate had broken with Antony, it made -terms with Sextus, appointing him commander of the naval forces of the -Republic. Consequently he was proscribed by the Triumvirs. App., b. c. -iii. 4. - -[92] Cic., _ad Att._ xv. 10, 11. - -[93] Cicero (_2 Phil._ § 109) declares that Antony’s bodyguard was -stationed round the Senate—some of them being foreign mercenaries—and -that his opponents therefore did not venture to enter the house. - -[94] Appian, b. c. iii. 29-30. But Appian in regard to the order of -events here is very confused and often wrong. - -[95] Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 4, 5. - -[96] _Id._, _1 Phil._ § 14; _ad Att._ xvi. 7; _ad Fam._ xii. 2. - -[97] Nicolas (§ 30), Appian (b. c. iii. 39), Plutarch (_Ant._ 16), acquit -Augustus. The two writers who adopt Cicero’s view of the truth of the -accusation are Seneca (_de Clement._ 1, 9, 1) and Suetonius (_Aug._ 10). -See Cicero, _ad Fam._ xii. 23. - -[98] _ad Att._ xv. 12. - -[99] See _ante_, p. 3. - -[100] He had the title _Imperator_ inherited from Cæsar (Dio, 43, 44); -but this was a mere honorary title, and could not be held to give -_imperium_. He was careful to use it however, as in the inscription -recording the formation of the triumvirate.... EMILIVS M. ANTONIVS. IMP. -CÆSAR. III VIR R.P.C. A.D. IV KAL. DEC. AD. PRID. KAL. IAN. SEXT.... - -[101] _Monum. Ancyr._ I, annos undeviginti natus exercitum privato -consilio et privata impensa comparavi: per quem rem publicam _dominatione -factionis oppressam in libertatem vindicavi_. Compare Cæsar, _b. civ._ 1, -22, ut se et Populum Romanum _factione paucorum oppressum in libertatem -vindicaret_. - -[102] Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 8 and 9. - -[103] _Id._, _ad Fam._ xii. 23. - -[104] App., b. c. iii. 43-45; Cic., _3 Phil._ § 10; Dio, 45, 13. - -[105] Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 10, 13 a, 13 b, 14. - -[106] _Id._, _3 Phil._ § 19. - -[107] _pestifera_, _13 Phil._ § 19. - -[108] Cicero, _3 Phil._ §§ 19-27; _5 Phil._ § 23; _13 Phil._ § 19; App., -b. c. iii. 45. - -[109] Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 11. - -[110] _Id._ xvi. 14. - -[111] _Id._ xvi. 15. It seems from Appian (b. c. iii. 31) that Octavian -was not a candidate, but he was generally supposed to wish it, and that -therefore many were going to vote for him. He ostensibly supported -another candidate—Flaminius. Antony stopped the election on the ground -that there was no need to fill up a vacancy so late in the year. This -settled the question. But it is doubtful whether this does not refer to -an earlier occasion. - -[112] Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 15, 3. - -[113] _Id._, _ad Fam._ xi. 6; _3 Phil._ §§ 37-39. - -[114] The passages are Cicero, _5 Phil._ §§ 45-47; _11 Phil._ § 20; _13 -Phil._ § 39; _Monum. Ancyr._ § 3; Livy, _Ep._ 118; C. I. L. x. 8375; -Suet., _Aug._ 10, 26. Dio (40, 29) says that he was in the Senate ἐν -τοῖς τεταμιευκόσι—_inter quæstorios_. This may be a misunderstanding of -Cicero’s proposal that for _purposes of election_ he was to count as -having been quæstor. The rank of proprætor was necessary for his command -in the army, not for his entrance into the Senate. - -[115] Pollio in Bætica, Lepidus in Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania -Citerior, and Plancus in Northern Gaul. - -[116] _Laudandum, ornandum, tollendum_ (Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 20, 21). This -epigram seems to have been inspired by the exultant hopes roused by the -news of the battle of Forum Gallorum. - -[117] _Monum. Ancyr._ § 1, respublica ne quid detrimenti caperet me -pro prætore cum consulibus providere iussit. This was a general order, -neither Antony nor any particular _hostis_ being named. - -[118] Octavian first assumed the _fasces_ (symbol of imperium) on the 7th -of January (C. I. L. x. 8375.) - -[119] Cicero, _8 Phil._ §§ 25-28. - -[120] The letter is preserved in the 13th Philippic, with Cicero’s -bitter comments. It dwells on the favours and honours voted to the chief -assassins, as well as the abolition of many of Cæsar’s _acta_. Antony -also asserts that Lepidus and Plancus are on his side and warns Octavian -that Cicero is playing him false. - -[121] The country is very flat, but was intersected by drains and -watercourses, making military evolutions difficult, if not impossible, in -the rainy season. (App., b. c. 3, 65.) - -[122] Such as the cavalry engagement between Pontius Aquila and Tib. -Munatius Plancus at Pollentia (Dio, 46, 38). Octavian also suffered some -loss by the desertion of some Gallic cavalry (_ib._ 37). - -[123] Cic., _ad Brutum_, ii. 2. - -[124] In enrolling legions Bassus was probably justified by the _SCtum -ultimum_, which included the prætors. He was known to be a supporter of -Antony, and might be thought capable of occupying Rome in his interest. -We shall see afterwards that he joined him in Cisalpine Gaul. Some rumour -of his being likely to act in this way had been rife before January 1st, -when he was only prætor-designate. (See Cic., _ad Att._ xvi. 1; _ad -Brut._ i. 3.) - -[125] Cicero says of Octavian that he _secundum proelium fecit_ because -he _castra multarum legionum paucis cohortibus tutatus est_ (_14 Phil._ § -28). The attack on the camp is not mentioned elsewhere (_ib._ § 37). For -his being greeted as Imperator see C. I. L. ix. 8375. - -[126] Cic., _ad Brut._ 1, 3, 5. - -[127] Suet., _Aug._ 11; Cic., _ad Brut._ i. 6. - -[128] Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 21. - -[129] Dio, 46, 41; Livy, _Ep._ 118. - -[130] Cic., _ad Brut._ i. 15. - -[131] _Id._, _ad Fam._ xi. 20, 21, see _ante_ p. 52. - -[132] _Id._, _ad Brut._ i. 4; App., b. c. iii. 82; Dio, 46, 42; Plut., -_Cic._ 46. There was evidently some rumour of Cicero intending to be -consul, though he speaks with rather affected indignation of Octavian -wishing to be elected also (_ad Brut._ i. 10). - -[133] Cic., _ad Brut._ 1, 3. - -[134] _Id._ § 4. - -[135] Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 10. - -[136] He was perhaps deceived by the report that Octavian’s legions had -taken an oath not to fight against any that had served under Iulius -Cæsar. This applied to some men at present with Antony. But Dio implies -that the oath was at the secret instigation of Octavian himself (Dio, 46, -42). - -[137] Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 13. - -[138] _Id._ xi. 19. - -[139] _Id._ xi. 20. - -[140] _Id._ xi. 14. - -[141] Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 23. - -[142] _Id._ x. 24. - -[143] _Id._ xi. 12 and 14. - -[144] Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 16. - -[145] _Id._ x. 35; xii. 35. - -[146] _Id._ xi. 26, _cp._ xi. 13. - -[147] _Id._, _ad. Brut._ i. 10. - -[148] A similar technical difficulty had occurred in B.C. 49 (both -consuls being absent, and unwilling, of course, to name a dictator), and -had been got over by the nomination of a dictator by the prætor under a -special law. See p. 8; Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 26; _ad M. Brut._ i. 5. - -[149] Plancus (Cic., _ad Fam._ x. 29) expresses surprise that Cæsar -wished to give up the glory of defeating Antony for the sake of “a two -months’ consulship.” But this only shows that Plancus did not understand -Octavian’s object or policy. - -[150] Suet., _Aug._ 26; Dio, 46, 43; Plut., _Pomp._ 58. Appian (b. c. 3, -82), without alluding to this scene, regards the application itself as -the result of a secret intrigue with Cicero, and Cicero’s exclamation, if -made, may have been intended as encouraging and not sarcastic. - -[151] The number given by Appian (b. c. iii. 88). Octavian had five -legions when he went to Gaul: two raised in Campania of veterans, one of -_tirones_, the Martia and Quarta (App., b. c. iii. 47). The other three -must have been made up from the armies of Pansa and Hirtius. None of -the veteran legions in these two armies would consent to follow Decimus -Brutus (Cic., _ad Fam._ xi. 19). - -[152] Cic., _ad Brut._ 1, 18. - -[153] _Ib._ and App., b. c. iii. 90. - -[154] The panic had been increased by some damage done by his soldier on -the march to properties of known anti-Cæsareans. - -[155] Confiscation of property and the forbidding of “fire and water” -followed as a matter of course. One of the assassins—P. Servilius -Casca—was tribune, and as such could not legally be condemned, but he -vacated his tribuneship by flying from Rome and was condemned with the -rest. - -[156] The Senate had nothing to do with this _quæstio_, which was -established by a _lex_, but its attitude to Octavian amounted to a -condonation if not an active approval. - -[157] According to Appian (b. c. iii. 97), Pollio for some time declined -to join Antony and Lepidus. He seems to have done so when their outlawry -was removed. - -[158] Decimus Brutus first tried to reach Ravenna, hoping to sail -to Macedonia and join M. Brutus. Headed back by Cæsar’s advance, he -recrossed the Alps (being gradually deserted by his men) and trusted -himself to a Gaul, who had received favours from him of old. But his host -communicated with Antony, and by his orders put him to death. There were -other versions of his death. Perhaps neither Antony nor Cæsar cared to -ask questions so long as he was dead. (App., b. c. iii. 97-98; Dio, 46, -53; Velleius Pat., ii. 64; Livy, _Ep._ 120.) - -[159] Plancus did not accompany Antony into Italy; he stayed in Gaul, -busying himself with the foundation of Lugdunum, and apparently -suppressing some movements in the Eastern Alps, for at the end of the -year coming home to enter on his consulship, he celebrated a triumph _ex -Rhætis_ [Inscrip. Neap., 4089; Fast. Capitol. 29 Dec. A. V. 711.] Pollio, -who had presently to assent to the proscription of his father-in-law, L. -Quintius, was left in charge of Transpadane Gaul, to arrange for lands -for the veterans. It was in this business that he came across Vergil and -his farm. - -[160] Daughter of Fulvia by her first husband, P. Clodius. - -[161] Plut., _Ant._ 19; App., b. c. iv. 6; Dio, 46, 44. - -[162] The usual interval (_tres nundinæ_) for _promulgatio_ was dispensed -with. - -[163] Appian, b. c. iv. 5; Livy, _Ep._ 120. Of the 69 names given by -Appian, he records the escape of 31. This tallies roughly with the -discrepancy between his and Livy’s reckoning. - -[164] Appian, b. c. iv. 36. - -[165] Suet., _Aug._ 27. - -[166] Dio, 47, 14. - -[167] _Id._ 47, 16-17. - -[168] App., b. c. 4, 34. - -[169] _Lassam crudelitatem_, Sen. _de Clem._ 1, 9, 2. The other opinions -referred to are Velleius, ii. 66; App., b. c. iv. 42, 45; Plut., _Ant._ -21; Dio, 47, 7; Sueton., _Aug._ 27. For Toranius, see Nic. Dam. 2. - -[170] Sueton., _Aug._ 61; Dio, 47, 17; [Tacit.] _de orat._ 29. - -[171] Cicero, _13 Phil._ §§ 8-12, 50; Velleius, ii. 73. The decree was -passed on the 20th of March, B.C. 43. - -[172] Dio, 48, 17 _sq._; Livy, _Ep._ 123. - -[173] App., b. c. iv. 85; Dio, 47, 36; Livy, _Ep._ 123. - -[174] Dio, 51, 2; Suet., _Aug._ 13. - -[175] At any rate the head never reached Rome, but was lost at sea. App., -b. c. iv. 135; Dio, 47, 49; Plut., _Ant._, 22; _Brut._ 53; Sueton., -_Aug._ 13. - -[176] Ulpian (dig. 48, 24) quotes this lost autobiography; see _Mon. -Ancyr._ § 3. - -[177] The first meeting of Antony and Cleopatra, when the queen was rowed -up the Cydnus in her barge, dressed as Venus with attendant cupids, seems -to have been in the autumn of B.C. 42 (Plut., _Anton._ 25-6.). He had -seen her once before in B.C. 56 when he accompanied Gabinius to restore -her father. But she must have been a mere child then. - -[178] These legions had behaved badly at Placentia, demanding a sum of -money from the inhabitants. Calenus and Ventidius may have justified -their action on this score (Dio, 48, 10). - -[179] From _caliga_, “a soldier’s boot.” - -[180] Dio, 48, 12. - -[181] Appian, b. c. 4, 30; Dio, 48, 31. Livy, however (_Ep._ 121), says -_M. Lepido fuso_, as though he had resisted and had been beaten. - -[182] Livy, _Ep._ 126; Velleius, ii. 74; App., b. c. v. 48-49; Dio, 48, -14; Seneca, _de Clem._ 1, 11, 1. The uncertainty of historical testimony -is illustrated by the fact that both Dio and Appian name C. Canutius (Tr. -Pl. B.C. 44) among the victims at Perusia, while Velleius (ii. 64) says -that he was the first to suffer under the proscription in B.C. 43. - -[183] C. I. L., i. 697. - -[184] This was to safeguard Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. There is some -doubt, however, as to his having been an assassin. Cocceius denied it -(App., b. c. v. 62). Suetonius (Nero 3) does the same. But Cicero (_2 -Phil._ §§ 27, 30) says that he was; and Appian himself does the same (b. -c. v. 59). Dio thrice speaks of him as a σφαγεύς (48, 7, 29, 54). At -any rate he was condemned by the _lex Pedia_, as though he had been an -assassin. He may have been one of those who joined the assassins on the -Capitol _after_ the murder. - -[185] Appian, b. c. v. 65. It has been doubted whether this or the -meeting of B.C. 37 was the one to which Horace accompanied his patron -Mæcenas. In favour of this one is the mention of Cocceius Nerva by Horace -(_Sat._ 1 v. 28, 50), against it is the way in which he is mentioned -with Mæcenas as aversos _soliti_ componere amicos, as if he had been so -engaged before. But though in the second meeting he is not mentioned by -Appian, he may have been there. Something has been made of the mention -of the croaking frogs (l. 14), as this meeting could hardly have been -earlier than July, when the Italian frogs are said to be silent. For the -Ovations see C. I. L., i. p. 461. - -[186] This was one of the chief grievances. Hor., _Ep._ ix. 9, _minatus -urbi vincla, que detraxerat servis amicus perfidis_. - -[187] Hor., _Od._ ii. 1, 15-16; Dio, 48, 41; C. I. L., i. p. 461. Pollio -after this withdrew from active political life and devoted himself to -literature. He seems to have taken no part in the subsequent quarrels -between Antony and Augustus. - -[188] Dio, 48, 19, 48; Hor., _Epod._ 9, 17. - -[189] The first period ended on the last day of B.C. 38; but neither -Antony nor Cæsar had laid down their imperium of office. They now assumed -that it went on from the first day of B.C. 37, the want of legal sanction -during the intervening months being ignored. There is no certain trace of -this second triumvirate having been confirmed by a _lex_; yet one would -think that they would have taken care to have that formality observed. -See p. 143. - -[190] Cicero, _ad Fam._ xi. 9; Cicero himself calls him _levissimus_, _ad -Brut._ 1, 15, § 9. - -[191] In B.C. 52 Cicero had wished to give his daughter Tullia in -marriage to Tiberius Claudius Nero (Cic., _Att._ 6, 6.). - -[192] He was quæstor in B.C. 48, and therefore was not born later than -B.C. 78. Livia was born B.C. 58. - -[193] Even Suetonius, not much inclined to speak good of Augustus, admits -that he _dilexit et probavit unice ac perseveranter_. - -[194] Suetonius (c. 22) says that he had two ovations—after Philippi and -after the bellum Siculum. But if an ovation was decreed after Philippi, -it was not celebrated till B.C. 40, upon the reconciliation with Antony. -The second was this. Another had been voted in B.C. 43 after Mutina, but -not celebrated (C. I. L. i. p. 461). See also p. 100. - -[195] Appian (b. c. v. 132) says that they elected him perpetual tribune -(αὐτὸν ... εἕλοντο δήμαρχον ἐς ἀεί). Dio (49, 15) only says that they -gave him the personal sacredness of the tribunes and the right of sitting -on their bench. Orosius (6, 18, 34) says that the Senate voted _ut in -perpetuum tribuniciæ potestatis esset_. We shall have to discuss this -later on, but it must be said at once that Augustus was never tribune, -and that it seems doubtful whether the _tribunicia potestas_ was given in -its full sense at this time. - -[196] Dio, 49, 14; Strabo, x. 4, 9. - -[197] Dio, 49, 34. - -[198] App., b. c. v. 132; Suet., _Aug._ 32. - -[199] Or, as they were also called Vetus, and Nova Africa. The former was -the old province formed of the territory of Carthage, the latter the new -province formed after the battle of Thapsus (B.C. 46) of which the first -governor was the historian Sallust. See pp. 23-4. - -[200] Appian, _Illyr._ 17; Dio, 49, 34, 38. - -[201] Appian, _Illyr._ 18-21; Dio, 49, 37. The Iapydes (a wild tribe) had -first been attacked in B.C. 129 by C. Sempronius and subdued after some -disasters. (Livy, _Ep._ 59.) - -[202] Pliny, _N. H._ 36 § 121. - -[203] The Porticus Octaviæ, of which an arch remains, was a rectangular -cloister enclosing the temples of Jupiter Stator and Iuno Regina. - -[204] Dio, 49, 15; Sueton., _Aug._ 72. - -[205] Horace, _Epod._ ix. ii.; _cp._ Ov., _Met._ 15, 826. - -[206] An anecdote has been preserved illustrating the policy of “sitting -on the hedge,” which must have prevailed among many while the contest -between the two leaders was still undecided. After Actium, when Cæsar -landed (the time and place are charmingly vague), a man offered a -_cornix_ which had been taught to say, “Ave, Cæsar, imperator et victor.” -He bought the bird at a large price, whereat the man’s partner, being -jealous, urged that he should be forced to bring another bird, which -when brought repeated as it had been taught, “_Ave, Antoni, imperator et -victor_.” - -[207] Dio, 50, 5; but Suetonius, _Aug._ 17, says that he was declared a -_hostis_. - -[208] Dio, 50, 5. Thus Horace, on hearing the rumours of Antony’s defeat, -exclaims (somewhat prematurely), _Epod._ ix. 27: - - “_Terra marique victus hostis punico,_ - _lugubre mutavit sagum._” - -[209] Bocchus of Mauretania, Tarchondemus of Cilicia Aspera, Archilaus of -Cappadocia, Amyntas of Lycaonia and Galatia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, -Malchus of Arabia, Herod of Judæa, Sadalas of Thrace, Polemon of Pontus. -(Plut., _Ant._ 61.) - -[210] Dio, 50, 14-23. - -[211] Dio, 50-31, says, ὑετός τε ἐν τούτῳ λαβρὸς καὶ ζάλη πολλή. But -Plutarch, _Ant._ 65, says that after four days of stormy weather on the -day of battle νηνεμίας καὶ γαλὴνης γενομένης συνῄεσαν. - -[212] Suet., _Aug._ 17. - -[213] The earlier writers, Horace (_Od._ i. 37, 27) and Velleius (2, 87), -seem to have no doubt about the snake story. Livy (as we have him) says -nothing either way except that she died by suicide (_Ep._ 133). It is the -later writers who express the doubt, Suet., _Aug._ 17; Plut., _Ant._ 86; -Dio, 51, 14. - -[214] This word—one of the financial terms borrowed from Sicily (lit. “a -basket”)—was perhaps not commonly used in the restricted sense in the -time of Augustus, though the thing existed. Into the emperor’s _fisc_ -went the revenues of the imperial provinces; but the balance in the case -of most was not large. Cicero indeed (_pro lege Manil_, § 14) says that -none of the provinces except Asia did much more than pay its expenses. -This was probably an exaggeration, but not a very great one. - -[215] This, it should be remembered, was exclusive of the legions -regularly raised for certain provinces and stationed in them. - -[216] _Mon. Ancyr._ 3, 16. - -[217] Traces of the work of Augustus in provincial towns may still be -seen, as at Nismes and other towns in South-eastern France. - -[218] Horace, _Odes_ iii. 3. - -[219] In the _Mon. Ancyr._ 20, he says that he repaired 82 temples in -B.C. 28, and the Flaminian road with all but two of its bridges in B.C. -27. - -[220] The foundations of the triple arch at Rome were discovered in -1888 between the temple of Cæsar and that of the Castores. For the -inscription see C. I. L. vii. 872. _SENATUS . POPULUSQUE . ROMANUS . IMP -. CÆSARI . DIVI . IULI . F . COS . QUINCT . COS . DESIG . SEXT . IMP . -SEPT . REPUBLICA . CONSERVATA._ The date here indicated is B.C. 29. See -Lanciani, _Ruins of Ancient Rome_, p. 270. Middleton, _Remains of Ancient -Rome_, vol. i. p. 284. There does not appear to be any record of the arch -at Brundisium. - -[221] Vergil, _Georg._ iv. 560, _Cæsar dum magnus ad altum fulminat -Euphratem bello._ Horace, _Od._ 1, 12, 53: - - _Ille seu Parthos Latio imminentes_ - _Egerit iusto domitos triumpho,_ - _Sive subjectos Orientis oræ Seras et Indos._ - -Similar exaggerations will be found scattered throughout the poems of -Propertius (ii. 7, 3; iii. 1, 13; iii. 23, 5; iv. 3, 4; iv. 4, 48; iv. -11, 3). Still more exaggerated language was used afterwards on the -restoration of the standards (B.C. 20). - -[222] A good deal of confusion in our authorities has arisen by a -failure to distinguish between a _censoria potestas_ granted like the -_tribunicia_ by special vote and the _censoria potestas_ inherent in -the consulship, from which it had been devolved in B.C. 444. In the -_Monumentum_, ch. 8, Augustus himself says nothing about the _censoria -potestas_, but in the Venusian fasti (C. I. L. ix. 422) we find _imp. -Cæsar vi. M. Agrippa II. Cos. idem censoria potestate lustrum fecerunt_. -Suetonius (c. 27) knew that he was not Censor, but supposed him to have -acted under a decree granting him _morum legumque regimen perpetuum_, an -office, however, which Augustus expressly says that he declined (_Mon._, -ch. 6). Dio (52, 42) describes him as τιμητεύσας σὺν τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ, a direct -confusion between the censorial power possessed by a Consul and that -bestowed independently. He, however, apparently did receive _censoria -potestas_ (never the censorship) in B.C. 19 for five years. - -[223] _Rex sacrorum_, the greater _flamens_, the Salii had still to be -patricians. An _interrex_ also must be a patrician, but that office was -now practically at an end. The last case of an _interrex_ was in B.C. 52. - -[224] A jest that was reproduced in London when country peers came up to -vote against the Home Rule Bill and were said by gossips to be obliged to -ask their way to the House of Lords. A popular ballad also was sung about -the streets— - - “Cæsar leads the Gauls in triumph and guides them to the Senate house; - Gauls have doffed their native brogues and donned the Senate’s - laticlave!” - -Sueton., _Cæs._ 72, 80. See also Cicero, 9 _Phil._ § 12; 13 _Phil._ § -27; _ad Fam._ vi. 18; _Bell. Afr._ 28; Dio, 42, 51; 43, 27. Compare the -career of P. Ventidius Bassus, brought a prisoner from Asculum to adorn -the triumph of Pompey after the Social war, then a mule contractor to -Cæsar, and afterwards going through all the offices to the consulship in -B.C. 43. - -[225] On the analogy of slaves enfranchised by will. Suet., _Aug._ 35; -Plutarch, _Ant._ 15. - -[226] Cicero calls such a man a _voluntarius Senator_, 13 _Phil._ § 28. - -[227] Dio, 48, 34. - -[228] Suet., _Aug._ 35; Dio, 52, 42. In the _Monumentum_ (c. 25) he -reckons the number of Senators who had served under him as “more than -700.” To them must be added those who had not taken active service and -those who were with Antony. - -[229] Dio, 52, 42. The regulation had always existed because every -Senator was bound to attend if called upon, and therefore must be within -reach, unless he was one of those _qui reipublicæ causa abessent_. (Livy, -43, 11.) Thus Cicero, defending the Senators who crossed over to join -Pompey in Epirus, says to Atticus (viii. 15) that there was hardly one -who had not a legal right to cross, either as having imperium, or being -legatus to an imperator. The usual means of evading this was to obtain -a _libera legatio_ for a fixed time. Occasionally a man got himself -named an ordinary legatus to a provincial governor, but was allowed to -go elsewhere with some colourable commission. But this was an abuse. See -Cicero, _ad Fam._ xii. 21; _ad Q. Frat._ ii. 9; _ad Att._ xv. 11. Sicily -and Gallia Narbonensis were excepted as being practically Italy, or, as -Cicero says, “suburban provinces.” - -[230] Sueton., _Aug._ 36; Dio, 3, 19; Tacitus, _Ann._ 5, 4. - -[231] ὅρον τὴν ἕκτην ὑπάτειαν αὑτοῦ προσθείς. Dio, 53, 2. See Tacitus, -_Ann._ iii. 28. - -[232] The doubt was an old one. Appian in one place affirms and in -another denies that there was a _lex_ for the second period of the -triumvirs (_Illyr._ 28; b. c. v. 95). No other authority mentions one, -and it certainly was not passed in the early months of B.C. 37, that is, -till after the triumvirs had already continued their office without legal -confirmation for some time. Willems (_le Sénat_, ii. 761) holds that -there was a plebiscitum; Mommsen that there was not. - -[233] _Mon. Ancyr._ ch. 34. - -[234] In B.C. 28 he took care to transfer the consular fasces to his -colleague Agrippa in alternative months, and when with soldiers to give -the watchword jointly with him. (Dio, 53, 1.) - -[235] I do not myself see any good reason to doubt that Dio has given at -any rate the substance of these documents. It is not perhaps natural to -us to suppose two men like Mæcenas and Agrippa solemnly reading speeches -to the Emperor; but it was no unusual thing at Rome. Augustus himself is -said to have done it, even to his wife, Livia, and frequently with others -(Sueton., _Aug._ 84). Tacitus says it was the fashion of the time (_Ann._ -4, 37), as it seems to have been still earlier, for Cicero complains that -his nephew, Quintus, had written an elaborate diatribe against him which -he meant to deliver to Iulius Cæsar in Alexandria. (_Ad Att._ xi. 10.) -For similar documents see Dio, 52, 1-40; 53, 3; 55, 15-21. - -[236] Dio, 52, 15. - -[237] The IMPERIAL provinces were: Hispania Tarraconensis, and Lusitania, -the Galliæ (beyond the Alps), including the districts afterwards called -Germania, superior and inferior, Cœle-Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, -Ægypt. - -The SENATORIAL were: Sicilia, Hispania Bætica, Sardinia, Africa, Numidia, -Dalmatia, Greece and Epirus, Macedonia, Asia, Crete and Cyrene, Bithynia -and Pontus. - -Cisalpine Gaul ceased to be a province, and was included in Italy. - -Subsequent changes were: - - B.C. 24. Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis were transferred to the - Senate. - - B.C. 21. Dalmatia was transferred to the Emperor. - - B.C. 6. Sardinia was transferred to the Emperor for nine years. - -The provinces added during the lifetime of Augustus: Galatia, Lycaonia, -Mœsia, and the minor Alpine provinces were imperial. - -All provinces added afterwards were imperial. - -[238] Ovid (F. 1, 587-616) says the Ides of January; the Calendarium -Prænestinum gives the 16th. Possibly the one is the date of the SCtum, -the other of the plebiscitum. - -[239] Augustus himself uses it in the _Monumentum_ (chs. 30, 32), “me -principe,” “ante me principem.” Horace (_Od._ 1, 21, 13; 2, 30; _Ep._ 2, -1, 256), Propertius (v. 6, 46), both employ it when speaking of Augustus. -It occurs in inscriptions referring to Tiberius, and is the common term -used by Tacitus. If, therefore, it was not formally bestowed (as seems -probable), it soon grew into use as a title in ordinary language. Nor -was it altogether a new idea; Cicero had used it as a possible title of -honour, with which Pompey or Cæsar, had they been moderate, might have -been content. (Cic., _ad Fam._ vi. 6). Again, though it is not a mere -extension of _princeps senatus_, yet it is clearly connected with it. -As the Senatus is the first _ordo_ in the state, the _princeps senatus_ -is also _princeps civitatis_. The two titles were soon confounded. Thus -Pliny (_N.H._ xxxvi. § 116) speaks of M. Æmilius Scaurus as _totius -princeps civitatis_, when he means that he had been several times entered -by the Censors on the roll as _princeps senatus_. But a new connotation -became attached to the word from the political powers of the _princeps_. - -[240] Horace, _Epode_, vii. 7; _Odes_, i. 21, 15; iii. 5, 2; Propert., -iii. 23, 5. - -[241] Vergil, _Georg._ iii. 25; Horace, _Odes_ iii. 4, 33. - -[242] Strabo, ii. 5, 8; iv. 6, 4. - -[243] Strabo, _l. c._ In the _Monument_. (ch. 32) Augustus records the -visit of two British princes, Dumnobellaunus and another, of whose name -only the letters _Tinn_ remain (perhaps “Tincommius,” a king of what is -now Sussex). - -[244] The triumph of M. Crassus is dated by the Tab. Triumph. C. I. L. 1, -416; but the defeat of the “Dacian Cotiso” is classed with the Cantabrian -war by Horace (_Od._ 3, 8, 18-24), and Livy, _Ep._ 135, mentions a second -war of M. Crassus “against the Thracians,” as contemporary with the -Spanish war. - -[245] The Salassi, who had for the last 100 years given much trouble, had -twice in recent years been in arms: in B.C. 35 they defeated C. Antistius -Vetus, and, in B.C. 34, had, with great difficulty, been partly subdued -by Valerius Messalla. Their command of the principal Alpine pass made it -important that they should be kept in check. - -[246] Hor., _Od._ 2, 6, 2, _Cantabrum indoctum iuga ferre nostra_. - -[247] _Odes_ iii. 8, 21, _servit Hispanæ vetus hostis oræ Cantaber sera -domitus catena_; iii. 14, 3, _Cæsar Hispana repetit Penates Victor ab -ora_. - -[248] Perhaps that of which remains exist at Aosta, and cannot now be -dated. That at Turbia was built B.C. 6 (Pliny, _N. H._ 3 § 136). That -at Susa in B.C. 8 [C. I. L. v. 7,231]. Horace may refer to it among the -_Nova Augusti tropæa_ (_Od._ 2, 9, 19). - -[249] Horace, _Odes_ i. 29, 1; ii. 12, 24; iii. 24, 1; i. 35, 32-40. - -[250] Propert., 3, 1, 11. - -[251] Middleton (_Remains of Ancient Rome_, vol. ii. pp. 126-128) seems -to have given good reasons against its connection with the Thermæ of -Agrippa. Lanciani (_Ruins and Excavations_, pp. 476-488) asserts that the -structure as it now stands is of the age of Hadrian (about A.D. 129), -and doubts Agrippa’s original building being of the same shape. Even -the portico with its inscription—M. AGRIPPA L. F. COS. TERT. FECIT—he -thinks was taken to pieces and put up again by Hadrian. The history of -the building, however, cannot be regarded as thoroughly ascertained. -Agrippa’s third consulship was in B.C. 27, whereas Dio places the -completion of the Pantheon under B.C. 25 (53, 27). It may well have been -that the external building was finished and dedicated in B.C. 27, and -that the inside occupied two more years. - -[252] A. Licinius Muræna was called A. Terentius Varro Muræna from -being adopted by Terentius Varro. See Dio, 54, 3; Suet., _Aug._ 19; -Hor., _Odes_ 2, 10; Velleius Paterc. 2, 91. Of Fannius Cæpio nothing -practically is known, he was prosecuted by Tiberius for _maiestas_ and -condemned. - -[253] In the _cenotaphia Pisana_ Gaius is described after his death as -“iam _designatum_ iustissimum ac simillimum parentis sui virtutibus -_principem_.” But this is probably not an official title. - -[254] There seems little doubt that the character of Agrippa Postumus -gave some ground for this measure; but Augustus seems to have regretted -and at times to have contemplated recalling him. His murder immediately -after the death of Augustus is called by Tacitus “the first crime of the -new reign.” Whether Tiberius or Livia was responsible for it cannot be -discussed here. - -[255] So Dio (55, 5) says. Suetonius (_Tib._ 16) says five years. There -may have been a renewal after five years. - -[256] _Monum. Ancyr._ 27; C.I.L. vi. 701. - -[257] This is what Augustus means by saying “that he extended the -frontiers of all the provinces bordering on tribes that had not -submitted” (_Mon. Anc._ 26). - -[258] The exact position of Nabata is uncertain. It is described in the -_Mon. Ancyr._ 26 as “close to Meroe.” Augustus takes the responsibility -of both these campaigns as being _meo iussu et auspicio_. - -[259] As, for instance, Agrippa. Hor., _Ep._ 1, 12, 1. The seven colonies -mentioned are Syracuse, Tauromenium, Catana, Thermæ, Tyndaris, Lilybæum, -Panormus. - -[260] Dio, 54, 8; Horace, _Od._ 3, 5; this ode was written several years -before the restoration of the standards, but the fact of the _milites -Crassi_ having settled in Parthia was naturally known. - -[261] Verg., _Æn._ vii. 604-606. - -[262] Horace, _Ep._ i. 18, 56; _Odes_ iv. 15, 6. - -[263] Propert., 3, 10, 13; 4; 4, 16; 4, 5, 48; 4, 12, 3; 5, 6, 79. - -[264] Ovid, _F._ v. 567-594. According to Mommsen there were two temples -of Mars Ultor, one on the Capitol (Dio, 54, 8), the other in the Forum -Augustum, vowed at Philippi, but not dedicated till B.C. 2. The _signa_ -seem to have been deposited first in the former and then transferred to -the latter. Ovid evidently speaks of them as in the temple in the Forum -Augustum. - -[265] Such as the Brenni and Genauni of Hor., _Od._ iv. 14, 10; cp. iv. -4, 18. - -[266] _Mon. Ancyr._, 13; Horace, _Epist._ 2, 1, 255; _Odes_, 4, 15, 9; -Dio, 54, 25. For the inscription, see Clinton, _Fast. Hell._, B.C. 14. -The tenth tribunician year is from June 27th, B.C. 14, to 26th June, B.C. -13. The _ara pacis_ was founded in this year (4th July), dedicated 30th -January, B.C. 9. - -[267] But he does not seem to have had any fighting this year, and in -fact the Senate voted to close the Ianus Quirinus, though that was -prevented by an inroad of the Daci into Pannonia, with which Tiberius was -sent to deal. Dio, 54, 36. - -[268] Especially in camps, in which there seem to have been a regular -service of _tabellarii castrenses_. (Wilmann’s _Exempla_ 1357.) - -[269] The armed provinces were those on the frontier. Towards the end -of the life of Augustus, the preponderance of the military force on -the Rhine and Danube is the noteworthy fact. The Gauls and “Germany” -had eight legions, Spain three, Africa two, Egypt two, Syria four, -Pannonia two, Mœsia two, Dalmatia two. But those on the Rhine were more -concentrated. (Tac., _Ann._ 4, 5.) - -[270] C.I.L. x. 8375; _Mon. Ancyr._ 11. - -[271] Suet., _Aug._ 98: “As he chanced to be cruising in his yacht round -the bay of Puteoli, the passengers and crew of an Alexandrine ship, which -had just come to land, came with white robes, with garlands on their -heads and burning censers in their hands, loudly blessing and praising -him, and saying that they owed it to him that they were alive, that they -sailed the sea, that they were enjoying their liberty and property.” - -[272] Horace, _Odes_ iv. 5. - -[273] See, among others, _Ep._ ii. 1-16; _Odes_ 3, 5, 2; 4, 5, 32. - -[274] Suet., _Aug._ 52; Dio, 51, 20. - -[275] The Latin inscriptions bearing on this point have been collected in -a convenient form by Mr. Rushforth, _Latin Historical Inscriptions_, pp. -51-61. Other places in Italy thus shewn to have adopted the cult in some -form or other during the lifetime of Augustus are Asisium, Beneventum, -Fanum Fortunæ, Pisa, Tibur, Verona, possibly Ancona, and Forum Clodii, -and some unnamed place in Latium. - -[276] Plut., _Flamin._ 16; Cicero, _ad Q. Fr._ 1, 1, 9; _ad Att._ 5, 21; -Tac., _Ann._ 4, 56. Polyb. 31, 15. - -[277] Appian, b. c. 5, 132, “and the cities began placing his image side -by side with those of their gods.” - -[278] Information as to these is mostly to be found in Greek -inscriptions, C.I.G. 3,524, 3,604, 3,831, 4,039. See also Dio, 51, 10; -Strabo, 27, 1, 9; Joseph., _Antiq._ 15, 10, 3; Livy, _Ep._ 137; Pausan., -iii. 25. - -[279] Quintilian, vi. 377. - -[280] For this and his statue in the temple of Quirinus, with legend of -_Deo invicto_, the vote of the Senate giving him a temple, flamen, and -other divine honours, see Dio, 43, 45; 44, 6; Cicero, _2 Phil._ § 110; -ad _Att._ 13, 44; Sueton., _Cæs._ 76. It was worse than the case of -Augustus, more insincere and less spontaneous. The Senate was filled with -the protégés of Iulius at the time. - -[281] Macrob., _Sat._ 2, 4, 18; Plut., _Cic._ 49; Suet., _Aug._ 28. - -[282] See Horace, _Odes_ iii. 4, 22: vester, Camenæ, vester in arduos -| tollor Sabinos, seu mihi frigidum | Præneste seu Tibur supinum | seu -liquidæ pacuere Baiæ. - -[283] Apragopolis. In Suetonius (c. 97) it is doubtful whether he means -Capreæ or some other island. Perhaps it is _Nesis_, where M. Brutus had a -villa which might have come into his hands as confiscated property (Cic., -_ad Att._ xvi. 1-4.) - -[284] An echo of his master’s feelings on this point is as usual found in -Horace, _Od._ ii. 15. - -[285] Another tragedy “Achilles” is mentioned by Suidas. - -[286] Hor., _Od._ 3, 136. Suetonius (_Aug._ 85) mentions others, “An -answer to Brutus about Cato,” evidently a youthful essay; “Exhortations -to Philosophy,” no doubt youthful too; an hexameter poem called -_Sicilia_. When he tried to read them in later life to a family audience -they bored him so much that he handed the rolls over to Tiberius to -finish. Lastly, a short volume of Epigrams which he used to compose in -the bath. - -[287] Hor., _Epist._ 2, 1. - -[288] In B.C. 46, 42, 25, and 23. From that time, however, though -generally delicate he seems not to have had any serious attack. - -[289] The _lex Iulia et Titia_, enabling the provincial governor to -assign guardians to such persons as were legally bound to have them, was -passed between the 1st of May and 1st of October, B.C. 31, the period -during which M. Titius was consul. - -[290] Authorities will be found in Mommsen, _res gestæ_, p. 96. - -[291] _Mon. Ancyr._, 25. - -[292] C. I. L. xi. 365; _Mon. Ancyr._ 20. “In my seventh consulship I -remade the Flaminian road from the city to Ariminum, and all the bridges -except the Mulvian and Minucian.” - -[293] See Suet., _Aug._ 46. The regions are described by Pliny alone, -_N.H._ iii. 46-128. - -[294] The inscription on the road to Salonæ in Dalmatia is dated A.D. -19, but it must have been begun much earlier. For the other roads see -Willmanns 832, 829, 830, 832; Clinton’s _Fasti_, anno B.C. 14; _Journal -of Hellenic Studies_, xii. part i. p. 109 _sq._ C. I. L. iii. 6,974. - -[295] Digest, 47, 11, 6. The penalties varied from a fine to exclusion -from the corn trade, _relegatio_, and condemnation to public works. - -[296] Cicero, pro Sest. § 103; _ad Att._ vi. 6; Livy, vi. 12; Appian, b. -c. ii. 120; Dionys. H. xii. 24. - -[297] Quoted by Sueton., _Aug._ 42. - -[298] Dio, 53, 20, 33; Horace, _Odes_ 1, 2. - -[299] The Sacred Colleges (1) were exempt from military service, imposts -and public services of all kinds; (2) had a charge on the _ager publicus_ -for sacrifices, feasts, &c.; (3) in most cases had estates besides; (4) -received special grants from time to time for repairs of buildings. - -[300] _Mon. Ancy._, 10; Livy, _Ep._ 117; Vell., ii. 63; App., b. c. v. -131; Dio, 44, 53. All these authorities speak of the irregularity of the -election of Lepidus. - -[301] _Ephemeris Epigraphica_, viii. 2; Lindsay’s _Latin Inscriptions_, -p. 102. - -[302] _Carmen Sæcul._ 13. - -[303] Horace, _Odes_ iv. 5, 21; iv. 15, 9-12. - -[304] We frequently hear in earlier times of the scandal caused by -certain people abandoning the heavy and not very comfortable toga for -lighter dress, Greek or Gallic. Those who care to trace the history of -such a matter will find references to it in Cicero, _pro Rab. Post._ § -27; 2 _Phil._ § 76; Livy, 29, 19; Tac., _Ann._ ii. 59; Hor., _Ep._ 1, -7, 65. And if it is desired to see how futile such orders are against a -prevailing fashion, the continued disuse of it may be traced in Juvenal -1, 119; 3, 172; Mart. 1, 49, 31; 12, 18, 17; Suet., _Aug._ 40; and as -late as Hadrian we find that the order needed renewal, Spart. _Had._ 22. -George III. insisting that Bishops should wear wigs is a case in point. - -[305] Cicero (_in Pis._ § 67) speaks with scorn of the vulgar rich man -who had five, or sometimes more, guests on each couch. - -[306] Though in making regulations on these subjects Augustus acted on -his censorial powers, when it came to enacting laws he would propose them -to the tribes in virtue of his tribunician powers. - -[307] _De adulteriis coercendis; de pudicitia; de maritandis ordinibus._ - -[308] Dio, 56, 2-10; Suet., _Aug._ 34. - -[309] Martial, _Epigr._, xi. 20. - -[310] Pliny, _N. H._ 7 § 149; Dio, 54, 9. - -[311] In A.D. 11 the people of Narbonne founded an altar to him in -gratitude for some reform in their constitution which he had either -granted or initiated. (Wilmanns, 194.) - -[312] Asia and Sicily originally did not pay a _stipendium_, but tithes -on produce. This system was abolished by Iulius Cæsar. - -[313] Suet., _August._ 76. - -[314] Suet., _Tib._ 11. - -[315] Dio, 56, 29. But there does not appear to have been one that year. -There was a partial eclipse of the moon on the 4th of April and a total -eclipse on the 27th of September. - -[316] The Mausoleum was a huge mound of earth covered with shrubs, upon -a substructure or dome cased with white marble and surrounded by walks -and plantations, and surmounted by a bronze statue of Augustus. On -the still-existing foundation there is now what is called the _Teatro -Correa_. Besides this the spot on which his body was burnt was also -enclosed and planted. Strab., iv. 53. Middleton, _Remains of Ancient -Rome_, vol. ii. p. 288. - -[317] It ought, however, to be said to his credit that he forbade the -exhibition of gladiators _sine missione_, _i.e._, without the right of -being allowed to depart safe from the arena when defeated if the people -so willed it. - -[318] See note on p. 147. - -[319] Horace, _Od._ iii. 8. - -[320] Seneca, _Epp._ 114; _Digest._ 24, 1, 64. - -[321] 2, 17, 13; 3, 1, 13; 3, 23, 5; 4, 3; 4, 4, 48; 4, 11, 3; 5, 6, -79-84. - -[322] For purposes of comparison of these sums with our money, 1,000 -sesterces may be taken as equivalent to about £8 10s., and a denarius as -about 10d. - -[323] A pound of gold worth about £45. - -[324] These names and some other words are obliterated in the -inscription, both Latin and Greek. - - - - -INDEX - - - A - - Abydos, 80 - - Achæan League, the, 27 - - Achaia, 27, 28; - colonies in, 133 - - Acilius, M., 23 - - Actium, 86, 123-24, 290; - colony at, 175 - - _Ad capita bubula_, 1 - - _Ad gallinas_, 205 - - Ægina separated from Athens, 176 - - Ælius Gallus, 155, 174 - - Æmilius Lepidus, M., as prætor (B.C. 49) holds election for dictator, - 8; - appointed to Hispania Citerior, 23; - visits Sextus Pompeius, 42; - in Transalpine Gaul, 59; - joins Antony, 64; - becomes one of the triumvirate, 70, 71; - announces the close of the proscriptions, 74; - suspected of intriguing with Sextus Pompeius, 82, 87; - his inferior position, 88; - in Africa, 99; - comes to Sicily, 104; - claims to govern Sicily, 105; - deposed from the triumvirate, 106; - his office of Pontifex Maximus, 107, 112, 160; - his death, 160; - see also 202, 221, 222 - - Æmilius Lepidus, M. (son of the triumvir), his conspiracy, 123; - his brother, 258 - - Æmilius Paullus Lepidus, L., (brother of the triumvir), proscribed, 72 - - _Ærarium_, the, 148, 249, 296 - - Æthiopia, 174, 299 - - Afranius, 23 - - Africa, province of, 24-26, 99; - see also 9, 11, 65, 71, 171; - colonies in, 133; - New Africa, 25, 113 - - Agrippa, _see_ “Vipsanius” - - Agrippa, Postumus, 167, 168, 277 - - Agrippina, 167 - - Ahenobarbus, _see_ “Domitius” - - Aix, 134 - - Alaudæ, the, 47 - - Alba Fucensis, 49, 51, 53 - - Albis (R. Elbe), 184, 186, 187 - - Alexandria, 11, 116, 117, 120, 121, 125, 127, 198 - - Allienus, Aul., 23, 31, 80 - - Alps, provinces of the, 17, 172 - - Amanus, Mount, 30 - - Amatius (the pseudo-Marius), 13 - - Amisia (R. Ems), 184 - - Amnesty to the Assassins, 38 - - Amphipolis, 83 - - Amyntas, king of Galatia, 30, 173; - and of Pisidia, 102, 108 - - Ancyra, 171; - temple of Augustus and Rome at, 176, 198, 261 - - _Annonæ præfectus_, 216, 217 - - Antiochus, king of Commagene, 116 - - Antistius Vetus, C., 31, 113, 154, 202 - - Antonius Musa (physician), 158, 161 - - Antonius, C. (brother of Marcus), defeated in Illyricum, 22; - in Macedonia, 27, 48, 49; - prætor (B.C. 44), 38, 40 - - Antonius, Julius (son of Marcus), 239 - - Antonius, L. (brother of Marcus), 26; - Trib. Pl. (B.C. 44), 38, 41; - triumphs as consul (B.C. 41), 89; - his quarrel with Augustus, 91, 93-5; - besieged in Perusia, 95-6 - - Antony (M. Antonius), depreciates Augustus, 3; - as Tribune (B.C. 50) vetoes the recall of Iulius Cæsar, 7; - Consul (B.C. 44), 18; - his speech at Cæsar’s funeral, 36; - opposes the claims of Octavian, 38-9; - takes the money in the temple of Ops, 39-40; - his use of Cæsar’s papers and his intrigues with the veterans, 42; - accuses Octavian of plotting his assassination, 44-5; - suppresses a mutiny at Brundisium, 48; - his speech at Tibur, 49; - goes to Ariminum, 50; - commissioners sent to, 54; - his letter to Hirtius and Octavian, 55; - his approval of the murder of Trebonius, 29; - his siege of Mutina, 56; - defeated at Forum Gallorum, 57-8; - his great march to Vada, 59; - declared a _hostis_, 59-60; - agrees with Lepidus and Octavian to form the triumvirate, 68-70; - his hold on Pompey’s property, 82; - his campaign at Philippi, 82-6; - goes to the East, 87; - his infatuation for Cleopatra, 91, 116, 117; - joins Sextus Pompeius in invading Italy, 98; - makes terms with Augustus and marries Octavia, 99, 100; - his legate puts Sextus Pompeius to death, 108; - his failures in the East, 116; - his final quarrel with Augustus, 118-21; - divorces Octavia, 120; - his defeat at Actium, 122-25; - his final struggle in Egypt, 126; - his death at Alexandria, 127; - estimate of, 130; - his letter to Augustus, 231 - - Antyllus (son of Antony), 127, 129 - - Apamea (in Syria), 30, 31 - - Apollo, temple and libraries of, 115, 156, 204, 205 - - Apollonia (in Epirus), 15, 34, 278; - (in Cyrene), 32; - (in Pisidia), 261 - - Apragopolis, 206 - - Aqua Marcia, 212, 297 - - Aquæ Statiellæ, 59 - - Aquileia, 234 - - Aquitania, 20 - - Arabia, deserts of, 17, 30; - expeditions into, 155, 156, 174 - - Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, 173 - - Argentoratum (Strassburg), 185 - - Ariminum, 7, 48, 71 - - Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, 80 - - Armenia, 118, 177; - king of, 116, 125, 167 - - Arminius, chief of the Cherusci, 187, 188 - - Army, unity of the, 191 - - Arsinoe (in Cyrene), 32 - - Artagera, 167 - - Artavasdes, 173, 174 - - Artaxes, 173, 174, 177 - - Arvales, 220 - - Asia, province of, 9, 28, 88; - _Asia recepta_, 174 - - Asinius Gallus, 258, 263 - - Asinius Pollio, C., in Bætica, 23; - joins Antony, 59, 69; - superintends assignment of lands, 90, 283; - awaits Antony after Perusia, 97; - assists at the treaty of Brundisium, 99; - triumphs over the Parthini, 102 - - Asprenas, L., 188 - - Astura, 256 - - Astures in Spain, the, 153, 154, 179 - - At the Oxheads, 1 - - Athenodorus of Tarsus, 15, 231 - - Athens, 27, 101; - not favoured by Augustus, 175 - - Atia, mother of Augustus, 2, 3, 15, 36, 37; - death of, 78 - - Atius Balbus, M., 2 - - _Augurium salutis_, 142 - - Augusta Emerita, 154 - - Augustus (Gaius Iulius Cæsar Octavianus) birth of (B.C. 63), 1-2; - his cognomen of Thurinus, 3; - in the household of his stepfather, 3, 9; - takes the _toga virilis_ and made a pontifex, 10; - not adopted in Cæsar’s lifetime, 11; - shares Cæsar’s triumph, 12; - in charge of a theatre, 12; - goes to Spain, 12; - and to Carthage, 13; - appointed _magister equitum_ and made a patrician, 14; - at Apollonia, 15; - his resolve to avenge Cæsar, 16, 34; - returns from Apollonia, 35-7; - adopted by Cæsar’s will, 37; - pays Cæsar’s legacies and celebrates his games, 38, 40; - his dealings with the Ciceronians, 41; - his alleged plot against Antony, 44, 45; - enrols veterans, 46; - tampers with Antony’s legions, 48; - joined by the legio Martia and Quarta and granted prætorian rank, - 50-52; - his campaign at Mutina, 56-9; - slighted by the Senate, 60; - refuses to pursue Antony, 61; - demands and obtains the consulate, 64-8; - enters the triumvirate and is betrothed to Clodia, 70-71; - his share of responsibility for the proscriptions, 76; - in the campaign of Philippi, 83-6; - his assignment of lands to veterans and troubles with L. Antonius - and Fulvia, 90-92; - his campaign of Perusia, 94-7; - marries Scribonia, 98; - his quarrels and reconciliations with Antony, 99-102; - his dangers in the Sicilian war, 102-9; - deposes Lepidus, 106-7; - honours voted to after the defeat of Sextus Pompeius, 111, 112; - his campaigns in Illyricum, 114; - his house on the Palatine, 115; - his letters to and from Antony, 120; - proclaims war as Fetial against Cleopatra, 121; - at the battle of Actium, 124; - winters at Samos and Athens (B.C. 31-30), 125, 126; - his interviews with Cleopatra, 128, 129; - honours voted to after Actium, 135; - his constitutional reforms, 137-47; - shares the provinces with the Senate, 147-48; - the title Augustus, 149, 301; - goes to Gaul (B.C. 27), 151-53; - and to Spain, 154; - his benefactions, 296; - his illness of B.C. 23 and recovery, 157, 158; - adopts Gaius and Lucius, 166; - his adoption of Tiberius, 168-69; - his maxim as to the extension of the Empire, 171, 261; - his settlement of the East, 172-79; - favours Sparta rather than Athens, 176; - in Gaul, 180-82; - activity after the fall of Varus, 188; - his military discipline, 192; - his absences from Italy, 194; - the worship of, 195-201; - his tolerant character, 201-4; - his health, 208-9; - his residences, 204-6; - his way of life, 206-11; - his reforms and legislation, 212-32; - his connection with the sacred colleges, 220; - his legislation on marriage and divorce, 226-32; - saluted as _pater patriæ_, 236-37; - financial measures, 250; - last journey and death, 255-58; - his funeral, 252-60; - will and other documents left by him, 260-62; - summary of his career, 265-72; - physical appearance and habits, 272-74; - buildings and other public works, 156, 297-98 - - Aurelius, 20 - - Aurelius Cotta, M., 24 - - Autocracy, advantages and disadvantages of, 269-71 - - Avernus, Lake, 103 - - - B - - Bætica, 23, 215 - - Balbus, _see_ “Cornelius” - - _Basilica Iulia_, 156 - - Bassus, Q. Cæcilius, 18, 30, 31, 80 - - Bassus, Ventidius, 57, 59, 61, 70, 97, 116, 139 _n._ - - Belgæ, the, 21 - - Belgica, province of, 20, 180 - - Benacus Lacus, 181 - - Beneventum, 71, 256, 257 - - Berenice, 32 - - Bessi, the, 2, 17, 180 - - Beyroot (Berutum), 134 - - Bithynia and Pontus, province of, 28, 31, 80 - - Bœotia, 27 - - Bononia, 56, 57, 58 - - Brigandage, 113, 213 - - Britain, 151-52, 300 - - Brundisium, 8, 35, 48, 57, 82; - treaty of, 99-100; - mutiny of veterans at, 125 - - Brutus, _see_ “Iunius” - - - C - - Cadiz, 12 - - Cæcilius Caldus, C., 29 - - Cælius Metellus, L., 47 - - Cæcilius Metellus, L., Tr. Pl. (B.C.), 8 - - Cæcilius Metellus Creticus, Q., 32 - - Cæcilius Metellus, Q., father-in-law of Pompey, 4, 30 - - Cæcina of Volaterræ, 47 - - Cæsar, Gaius, 166, 167; - death of, 240-42; - - Cæsar, Lucius, 166, 168; - death of, 241 - - Cæsar, _see_ “Iulius,” “Augustus” - - Cæsar-Augusta, 154 - - Cæsarion, 118, 120, 129, 173 - - Calabria, 35 - - Calpe (Gibraltar), 13 - - Calpurnius Piso, L., father-in-law of Cæsar, 44, 54 - - Calvisius Sabinus, C., 25, 103 - - Campania, 46 - - Candace, 174 - - Cantabri, war with, 153, 154, 179 - - Capreæ (Capri), 206, 256 - - Capua, 8, 48, 71, 112 - - Caracalla, 193 - - Carthage, colony at, 13, 133 - - Cassius, C., 19 _n._; - in Asia and Syria, 29-31; - has to quit Rome after Cæsar’s murder, 41; - offered the _cura annonæ_, 42; - nominated to Cyrene, 32, 43; - publishes edicts with Brutus against Antony, 44; - his nomination to Syria renewed by Senate, 55; - to be attacked by Antony, 71; - his war with the triumvirs, 79-83; - his death, 84 - - Cassius, Q., Tr. Pl. [B.C., 49], 7; - his failure in Spain, 23 - - Carrhæ, battle of, 30 - - Carthage, colony at, 25 - - Casinius, M., 24 - - Castra Vetera, 187, 188 - - Catiline, conspiracy of, 1, 3, 213 - - _Censoria potestas_, 137, 224, 294 - - Census, the, 137, 255 - - Chatti, the, 184, 186, 187 - - Chauci, the, 186 - - Cherusci, the, 187 - - Cicero (M. Tullius), 1, 2, 14, 24, 30; - meets Octavian, 37; - his view of Octavian and the situation, 39, 45-6, 50-1; - his epigram, 52, 60; - his correspondence with Octavian, 53; - his hostility to the party of Antony, 54, 56, 58-65; - his submission to Octavian, 67; - proscribed, 72; - Augustus’s opinion of, 201 - - Cilicia, province of, 25, 29, 30, 173 - - Cimber, L., 19 - - Cinna, L., 41 - - Citizenship, reluctance of Augustus to extend the, 251 - - Claterna, skirmish at, 55-6 - - Claudius, son of Drusus (afterwards emperor), 243 - - Claudius Marcellus, C. (Cos. B.C. 50), 45, 99 - - Claudius Marcellus, M. (Cos. B.C. 51), 6 - - Claudius Marcellus, M., son of Octavia, hopes to succeed Augustus, - 157, 161; - Vergil’s lines on his death, 162-63 - - Claudius Nero, Tib. (husband of Livia), 97, 110, 111 - - Claudius Nero, Tib. (son of Livia, afterwards emperor), 97, 157, 163, - 165; - forced to divorce Vipsania and marry Iulia, 165; - adopted by Augustus, 168, 186; - his character, 169; - crowns the king of Armenia, 177; - campaigns in the Eastern Alps, 181; - in Pannonia, 183; - succeeds Drusus on the Rhine, 185; - retires to Rhodes, 167, 185; - succeeds again to the command on the Rhine and thence goes to - Dalmatia, 186; - returns to the Rhine on the fall of Varus, 188; - letter of Augustus to, 202; - marries Iulia, 234; - divorces Iulia, 239; - Augustus’s feelings towards, 169-70, 253-55; - his successes, 263; - his speech at the funeral of Augustus, 259 - - Cleopatra, 30, 33; - prevented from sending aid to Antony against Brutus and Cassius, 80; - her meeting with Antony on the Cydnus, 91; - her influence on Antony, 118-21; - at Actium, 123-24; - her negotiations with Octavian and death, 126-29. - See also 172, 173, 176, 212, 231 - - Clodia, betrothed to Augustus, 71; - repudiated, 98 - - Clodius, P., 4 - - M. Cocceius Nerva, 99 - - Cœle-Syria, 30 - - _Collegia_, the, 215, 216 - - Colonies of Augustus in Italy, 133 - - Commagene, 116 - - Comum, colony of, 6 - - _Confarreatio_, 226 - - _Constitutio principis_, 159 - - _Consularia ornamenta_, 52 - - Corcyra, 21, 122 - - Cordova, 134 - - Corfinium, 8 - - Corinth, 27; - colony at, 133 - - Corn, supply and price of, 216, 217; - free distribution of, 217, 218, 296 - - Cornelius Balbus, L., 37; - theatre of, 156 - - Cornelius Dolabella, P., 18; - (Cos. B.C. 44) shares the money in the temple of Ops, 39; - receives a legion from Macedonia, 43; - puts Trebonius to death, 55; - his proceedings in Syria, 28, 29, 31; - kills himself at Laodicea, 80 - - Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, P., 29, 80 - - Cornificius, Q., 25, 105 - - Cornutus, M. (Præt. B.C. 43), 67 - - Cosa, 103 - - Cotys of Thrace, 180 - - Crassus, _see_ “Licinius” - - Crete, 32, 113, 172 - - Crispus, _see_ “Marcius” - - Croatia, 114 - - Cumæ, 196 - - _Cura annonæ_, 42 - - Curio, C., 6, 7, 9 - - Cyme, 198 - - Cyprus, separated from Egypt, 172 - - Cyrene, province of, 32, 33, 118, 173 - - Cyzicus, deprived of liberty, 176 - - - D - - Daci, the, 14, 114 - - Dalmatia, roads in, 215 - - Dalmatians, the, 17, 21, 22, 179, 186 - - Danube, 14; - provinces of the, 17, 172, 186 - - Dentheletæ, the, 180 - - Dertona, 59, 61 - - Dictatorship refused by Augustus, 217, 294; - of Sulla, 266 - - Didius, Q., 126 - - _Diffareatio_, 226 - - Divorce, 226-228 - - Dolabella, _see_ “Cornelius” - - Domitius Ahenobarbus, L., 8, 10, 20 - - Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cn., 80, 81, 84, 99, 100, 118 - - Druidical religion, the, 198 - - Drusus (son of Livia), 111, 165; - marries Antonia, 167; - his campaigns in the Eastern Alps, 181; - his German campaigns, 184; - his death, 185; - see also 167 - - Drusus (son of Tiberius), 167, 242; - speaks at the funeral of Augustus, 259 - - Dyrrachium, 21 - - - E - - East and West, separation of, 86-7, 101, 267 - - Egypt, 9, 17, 24, 31-2, 125, 131, 132, 174 - - Elephantine, 174 - - Empire, the state of, 17-32; - divisions of between the triumvirs, 1st, 71, 2nd, 86-7, 3rd, 99-101 - - Ephesus, 212 - - Epirus, 8, 9 - - Equites, review of, 160; - property of, 141 - - Eretria separated from Athens, 176 - - _Ergastula_, 213 - - Euphrates, the, 17, 30, 99 - - - F - - Fannius Cæpio, conspirator, 164 - - Fetials, the, 220 - - Finances of the Empire, 248 - - Fire brigades, 219, 220 - - _Fiscus_, the, 39, 132, 141, 218, 249 - - Flamen Dialis, 220; - flamen of Iulius, 199 - - Flevo Lake (Zuyder Zee), 184 - - Floods in Rome, 219 - - _Fortuna redux_, 194, 197, 295 - - Forum Augustum and forum Iulium, 156 - - Forum Cornelii, 56 - - Forum Gallorum, battles at, 53, 58, 61 - - Forum Iulii (Fréjus), 191 - - Fuficius Fango, C., 26 - - Fufius Calenus, Q., 27, 97 - - Fufius Geminus, 114 - - Fulvia (wife of Antony), 26, 75, 98 - - - G - - Gabinius, A. (Cos. B.C. 58), 3, 26, 30, 114 - - Galatia, province of, 171 - - Germania inferior and superior, 172, 185 - - Germanicus, son of Drusus, 167, 229, 242 - - Germans, the, 17, 181-82, 184-85, 186-89, 242 - - Gaul, 4, 8, 17; - the provinces of, 19-21; - Cisalpine Gaul, 43, 44, 71, 133; - Transalpine Gaul, 71; - Narbonensis, 20, 23, 215; - colonies in, 133; - Augustus in, 152-53 - - _Genius_ of a man, the, 196 - - Getæ, the, 14, 17, 18 - - Gracchus, C., 217 - - Greece, province of, 27; - declining state of, 175 - - Grenoble, 64 - - Gythium, 176 - - - H - - Hadrian, 3 - - Hercules, temple of, 205 - - Herod, 101, 173, 182, 203 - - Herophilus, 13 - - Hirtius, Aul. (Cos. B.C. 43), governor of Transalpine Gaul, 20, 21; - to go to Asia, 29; - in the campaign of Mutina, 55-58; - his death, 59 - - Horace (Q. Horatius Flaccus) his view of Antony’s subservience to - Cleopatra, 117; - records Cæsar’s Cantabrian campaign, 154; - on the Arabian expedition, 155; - on the recovery of the standards, 178; - on the absence of Augustus, 195; - on the literary tastes of Augustus, 208; - his ode for the secular games, 222; - his connection with Augustus and his support of his popularity, - 285-89 - - Hortensia, 76 - - Hortensius, Q., 27; - house of, 204 - - - I - - Iapydes, 114 - - Iberia (Georgia), 126 - - Idumæa, 107 - - Illyricum, 17; - province of, 21, 22, 26, 33, 114; - colonies in, 133 - - Imperator, 46 - - Imperium, 159, 160 - - Indian envoys, 179, 300 - - Isauria, 171 - - Issa, 21 - - Istria, 214 - - Italy, brigandage in, 113; - colonies of Augustus in, 133; - privileges of, 250 - - Ituræa, 173 - - Ianus, closing of, 142, 179, 182, 295 - - Iuba, 25, 171 - - Iulia, aunt of Iulius Cæsar, 14. - Sister of Iulius Cæsar, 2, 10. - Daughter of Iulius Cæsar, 6. - Mother of Antony, 6. - Daughter of Augustus, 99; - married to Marcellus, 161; - married to Agrippa, 164; - married to Tiberius, 231-36, 238-40. - Granddaughter of Augustus, 243 - - Iudæa, 116, 173 - - Iulius Cæsar, C. (the Dictator), 2-9, 11, 13, 18; - assassination of, 15, 34, 39; - his contemplated expedition against the Getæ and Parthians, 14, 18; - his enfranchisement of the Transpadani, 19; - in Cilicia, 29; - his funeral and will, 35, 36; - _heroum_ of at Alexandria, 129; - his settlements of veterans, 133; - apotheosis of, 199; - sumptuary laws of, 225 - - Iulius Cæsar, L. (relative of the Dictator), 7, 72; - Sextus Iulius, 30, 80 - - Iunius Brutus, Dec., 18, 19, 20; - in Cisalpine Gaul, 43, 48; - his edict, 51; - Antony proposes to succeed him, 54; - hard pressed for food in Mutina, 56; - delays the pursuit of Antony, 59; - his difficulties, 61, 62; - his last despairing letter to Cicero, 64; - his death, 69 - - Iunius Brutus, M., to be consul (B.C. 41), 18; - governor of Cisalpine Gaul, 19; - nominated to Crete, 32; - prætor (B.C. 44), 41-4; - in Macedonia, 28, 54-6, 79; - plan for recalling him to Rome, 62, 64; - to be attacked by Antony, 71; - his administration in Asia and campaign at Philippi, 79-81, 83-5; - his death, 85 - - Iupiter Tonans, 156 - - _Ius italicum_, 133; - _ius relationis_, _ius consulare_, 158; - _ius trium liberorum_, 229-30 - - - L - - Labienus, 116 - - Lance (_Sallanco_), 154 - - Land, assignations of, 91, 92, 112, 113, 132, 133 - - Laodicea, 30, 31, 80 - - _Lares compitales_, 196 - - _Latinitas_, 133 - - Latin games, the, 9, 10 - - _Legati pro prætore_, 147 - - Legio Martia, 35, 50, 57, 58, 60, 67; - Quarta, 35, 50, 66, 67; - reduction in number of legions, 132; - commanders of, 191; - numbers of in the provinces, 192 _n._ - - Lentulus, _see_ “Cornelius” - - Lesbos, Agrippa in, 163 - - Leucopetra, 104 - - _Lex curiata_ for adoption, 37, 68; - _lex Papia Poppæa_, 226-29 - - Libya, 118 - - Licinius procurator at Lugdunum, 180, 181, 209, 210 - - Licinius Crassus, M., 6, 30 - - Licinius Muræna, A., his conspiracy, 164 - - Lilybæum, 11 - - Limyra, 167 - - Livia, daughter of Drusus, 167 - - Livia, wife of Augustus, 97, 110; - accused of making away with Marcellus, 163; - and of Lucius and Gaius, 201; - in Sparta, 176; - her facility as a wife, 231; - her connection with Iulia, 238; - farewell of Augustus to, 258; - becomes Iulia Augusta, 260; - her character, 275-78 - - Livy, historian, 283 - - Loans, state, 218, 219 - - Longobardi, the, 186 - - Lucca, 4 - - Lucrine Lake, 103 - - _Ludi sæculares_, 222, 223 - - Lugdunum, founding of, 20; - Augustus at, 180; - altar at, 198 - - Luperci, the, 220-21 - - Lupia (R. Lippe), 186 - - Lupiæ, 35 - - _Lustrum_, 137, 255, 294 - - Lycia, 80, 167 - - - M - - Macedonia, 2, 14, 17; - province of, 26, 27, 29, 43; - the legions in, 14, 34, 46; - colonies in, 133 - - Mæcenas (C. Cilnius) with Octavius at Apollonia, 15; - negotiates marriage with Scribonia, 98; - represents Augustus at Beneventum, 99, and at Tarentum, 103; - in charge of Rome (B.C. 31), 123; - his loss of favour, 164; - his character and services, 279-82 - - _Manus_, 227 - - Marcella, d. of Octavia and wife of Agrippa, 164 - - Marcellus, _see_ “Claudius” - - Marcius Philippus, L. (stepfather of Augustus), 3, 4, 9, 36, 45, 54 - - Marcius Crispus, Q., 31, 79 - - Marcomanni, the, 186, 187 - - Marius, C., 13, 14 - - Marobudus, chief of the Marcomanni, 186, 188 - - Marriage, laws of, 226-30 - - Mars Ultor, 156, 197; - two temples of, 178 - - Marseilles, siege of, 9 - - Matius, C., 38 - - Mauretania, 171 - - Mausoleum of Augustus, 156, 261 - - Media, 173, 177 - - Merida, 133, 154 - - Mesopotamia, 14, 18 - - Metellus, _see_ “Cæcilius” - - Menodorus, freedman of Sext. Pompeius, 100, 101 - - Miletus, 108 - - _Milliarium aureum_, 215 - - Milo, 4 - - Minucius, Q., 73 - - Misenum, treaty of, 24, 100 - - Mœsia, 17, 171; - temple in, 198 - - _Monumentum Ancyranum_, 261-62, 293-301 - - Morals, reform in, 223-32 - - Munatius Plancus, L. (Cos. B.C. 42), 18, 20, 62, 63, 76, 97, 120; - builds temple of Saturn, 156 - - Munda, 13, 23 - - Muræna, _see_ “Licinius” - - Murcus, _see_ “Statius” - - Mutina, campaign of, 25, 29, 52, 53-62 - - Mylæ, battles off, 104, 106 - - - N - - Nabata, 174 - - Naples, 37, 256, 257 - - Narbo, 152, 153; - temple at, 198 - - Narbonensis, _see_ “Gaul” - - _Naumachia_, 291, 298 - - Neapolis (port of Philippi), 80 - - Nemausus (Nismes), 180 - - Nicolas of Damascus, 45 - - Nicomedia, 198 - - Nigidius, P., 2 - - Nile, the, 30 - - Nola, 2, 257, 262 - - Norbanus, C., 81, 83, 115 - - Noricum, 172, 181, 186 - - Nuceria, 71 - - Numidia, 25, 26, 87; - _see_ “Africa” - - - O - - Octavia (sister of Augustus), 45, 75; - married to Antony, 100, 101; - reconciles Antony and Augustus, 103, 104; - her fidelity to Antony, 118; - divorced by Antony, 120; - her retirement from society, 162; - brings up Iulius Antonius, 239 - - _Octavia gens_, the, 1 - - Octavius, Octavian, _see_ “Augustus” - - Octavius (father of Augustus), 1-3 - - Octavius, Rufus, C., 1, 2 - - Octavius, M., 22 - - Ops, money in the temple of, 39, 40, 54 - - _Orcini Senatores_, 139 - - Ovations of Augustus, 111 - - Ovid on the recovery of the standards, 178; - his banishment, 243-46; - his relations with Augustus, 291-93 - - - P - - Pacorus, 116 - - Pamphylia, 171 - - Paneas, 198 - - Pannonians, the, 114, 172, 179, 183, 186 - - Pannonia, altar in, 198 - - Pansa, _see_ “Vibius” (Transcriber’s Note: good luck with that; there - isn’t an index entry for Vibius. But try page 19.) - - Pantheon, the, 156 - - Parthians, rumours of war with, 6; - Cæsar’s contemplated expedition against, 14, 18; - threaten Syria, 30; - Antony’s wars with, 43, 104, 116; - invade Armenia, 167; - their submission to Augustus and return of the standards, 173-79, - 233, 300 - - _Pater patriæ_, 237, 301 - - Patræ, 27, 134; - colony at, 175 - - Patricians recruited, 14, 137 - - _Patrimonium Cæsarum_, 249 - - _Pax Augusta_, altar to, 182, 295 - - Pedius, Q., 36 - - Peducæus, Sext., 24 - - Peloponnese, 27 - - Pergamus, 212 - - Perusia, siege of, 95-7; - _Perusinæ aræ_, the, 96, 97 - - Pharnaces of Pontus, 9 - - Pharsalia, battle of, 9, 19, 22, 25, 28, 30 - - Pharus, 21 - - Philippi, battles of, 22, 26, 28, 31, 32, 76, 80-86 - - Philippics of Cicero, the, 46 - - Philippus, _see_ “Marcius” - - Phœnicia, 30 - - Phraates IV., King of Parthia, 167, 173, (Phrates, 300) - - Phrygia, 30, 171 - - Picenum, 8 - - Pinarius, L., 36 - - Penestæ, an Illyrian tribe, 21 - - Pergamus, 198 - - Piracy, 195, 298 - - Pisidia, colonies in, 176, 215 - - Plancus, _see_ “Munatius” - - Plennius, 106 - - Plutarch acquits Augustus of plotting against Antony’s life, 45; - his account of Cleopatra’s death, 129 - - Po, the river, 70, 214 - - Polemon of Cilicia, 102 - - Pollio, _see_ Asinius - - Pompeii, 196 - - Pompeius Magnus, Cn., position of, 4-9; - his government of Spain, 23; - organises Syria, 30, Crete, 32; - his defeat at Pharsalia and death in Egypt, 9 - - Pompeius, Cn. (son of Magnus), 12, 23 - - Pompeius, Sext. (younger son of Magnus) survives Munda, 17; - occupies Sardinia, 24; - visited by Lepidus in Spain, 42; - holds Sicily and Sardinia, 71, 81, 82; - rescues many of the proscribed, 74; - receives Achaia from Antony, 82; - war with, 87; - negotiations with, 98, 99; - renewed war with, 100-106; - death of, 108 - - Pompeius Bithynicus, 24, 82 - - Pontifex Maximus, office of, 107, 112, 160, 221-22, 295 - - Pontus, 28, 29 - - _Populus Romanus_, extension of the meaning of, 193 - - Porticus Octaviæ, 115, 116; - Liviæ, 156 - - Postal service, the, 189, 190 - - Portus Iulius, 103 - - Postumius, 38 - - Potentia, 6 - - _Præfectus urbi_, _præfectus annonæ_, 160 - - Præneste, 205 - - _Princeps senatus_, 142, 166, 294 - - “_Princeps_” as a title of the Emperor, 149-50; - powers of, 159 - - _Princeps iuventutis_, 166, 296 - - Propertius on the Arabian expedition, 155; - on the recovery of the standards, 178; - on the achievements of Augustus generally, 290 - - _Proconsulare imperium_, 148 - - Proculeius, C, 127 - - Proscriptions, the, 72-5 - - Provinces, the, 17-34; - Cæsar’s law as to the, 18; - division of between Augustus and Senate, 147-48; - finances of, 249 - - Ptolemais, 32 - - Ptolemy Apion of Cyrene, 18, 32 - - Ptolemy Auletes, 30, 31 - - Puteoli, 196 - - - Q - - Quintilius Varus, P., fall of, 187-88 - - - R - - Ravenna, 4, 7 - - Red Sea, the, 30 - - Regium Lepidi, 56 - - _Res familiaris_, 249, 260 - - Rhæti, the, 165, 172, 181 - - Rhætia, province of, 182 - - Rhegium, 71, 82, 103 - - Rhine, provinces of the, 17, 172; - crossed by Agrippa, 103; - armies of, 250; - frontier of the empire, 172; - crossed by Germany, 180 - - Rhodes, 80, 167 - - Rome, streets in, 113; - improvements in, 115, 134, 135, 156; - party feeling in, 119; - its attractions, 245-6; - supremacy of, 193, 275 - - Romulus, 149 - - - S - - Salassi, the, 113 - - Salonæ, 21, 22 - - Saltus Castulonensis, 22 - - Salvidienus Rufus, Q., 15, 82 - - Salvius, 73 - - Sænius, L. (Cos. B.C. 30), 137 - - Sallustius Crispus, 282 - - Samaria, 102 - - Samos, 28, 122 - - Samosata, 116 - - Sardinia, 9, 33, 71; - province of, 24-5 - - Sardis, 80 - - Saxa, Decidius, 81, 83, 116 - - Saragossa, 134, 154 - - Scodra, 99 - - Scopas, 205 - - Scordisci, the, 180 - - Scribonia (wife of Augustus), 98, 110, 239 - - Scribonius, usurper in the Bosporus, 182 - - Secular games, the, 222, 298 - - Senate, meeting of on 1st of June (B.C. 44), 42; - grants military rank to Octavian, 51; - lectiones and reforms of by Augustus, 138-42; - decline of, 270-1 - - Senators, number of, 140; - property qualification of, 144 - - _Senatus consultum ultimum_, 7, 53 - - Sertorius, 18 - - Sextius Saturninus, C., 186 - - Sextius, T., 25 - - Sibylline books, the, 205, 221 - - Sicily, Curio’s success in, 9; - province of, 23, 24, 33, 82; - war in, 104-106; - colonies in, 133, 174, 175 - - Sidon deprived of liberty, 176 - - Silius Nerva, P., 179 - - Smyrna, 80 - - Sodales Titii, the, 220 - - Sosius, C., campaign in Judæa, 116, 118 - - Spain, Pompey’s rule of, 4, 5, 8; - Cæsar in, 8, 9, 13; - provinces of, 22, 23, 29, 87; - colonies in, 133, 134; - temple in to Augustus, 198 - - Sparta, 27, 176, 198 - - Spartacus, 3, 213 - - T. Statilius Taurus, 104, 115; - builds an amphitheatre, 156 - - C. Statius Murcus, 31, 79, 81, 84 - - Stilicho, 221 - - Suetonius, 3, 24 - - Sugambri, 180 - - Sulla, 18 - - Sulpicius Rufus, Serv., 28, 54 - - _Sublicius pons_, 219 - - Succession, the, 160, 170, 242, 263 - - Sumptuary laws, 225 - - _Supplicatio_, meaning of, 197 - - Synnada, diocese of, 30 - - Syria, 18; - province of, 30, 31, 43, 118, 173, 177 - - - T - - Tarentum, 103 - - Tarraco, 13, 154 - - Tarsus, 29 - - Tauromenium, 104, 105 - - Temples, repair of, 134, 156, 297 - - Tencteri, 180 - - Terentius Varro, 48 - - Teuta, Queen, 21 - - Thapsus, 11, 23 - - Thasos, 81 - - Thessaly, 9, 27 - - Thracian tribes, 2 - - Thurii, 3, 213 - - Thurinus, 3 - - Thyrsus (freedman of Antony), 126 - - Tibur, 49, 205 - - Tillius Cimber, L., 28 - - Tiridates, 173, 177 - - Titius T. (Tr. Pl. B.C. 43), 72, 108, 117, 120 - - Titus, Emperor, 117 - - Toga, the disuse of the, 224 - - Trebonius, C., 19, 23, 28, 55 - - _Tribunicia potestas_, 112, 135-37, 158-60 - - Triumphs of Iulius Cæsar, 11; - of Augustus, 137 - - Triumvirate, the first, 4. - The second, 25, 70, 72, 118; - powers of, 143; - acta of abolished, 144 - - Turullius, P., 126 - - Tyre, deprived of liberty, 176 - - Tyndaris, 104 - - - U - - Usipites, the, 180, 184 - - - V - - Vada Sabatia, 59, 61 - - Valerius Messalla, M., 104, 105 - - Valerius, P., 22 - - Valerius Orca, Q., 24 - - Valerius Messalinus, 186 - - Varius Rufus, L., 283 - - Varus, _see_ Quintilius - - Vedius Pollio, his cruelty rebuked, 209; - his house demolished, 291 - - Velitræ, 1, 2 - - Velleius Paterculus excuses Augustus for the proscriptions, 76 - - _Venationes_, 271, 298 - - Venetia, 214 - - Venusia, 71 - - Vergil, 2; - on the confiscations, 90; - on the death of Marcellus, 162, 163; - on the recovery of the standards, 179; - death of, 179; - his connection with Augustus and his work, 283-85 - - Vesta, temple of, 67; - new temple of, in Palatine, 205 - - Vestal Virgins, the, 67, 78, 135, 220 - - Veterans, the, 42, 44, 46, 90, 91, 132, 133, 174 - - _Via Æmilia_, 48, 59, 79; - _Egnatia_, 14, 15, 83; - _Flaminia_, 214, 297; - _Valeria_, 49; - _Valeria_ (in Sicily), 105; - _Sebaste_ (in Pisidia), 176; - _viæ Augustæ_ in the provinces, 215 - - Vibo, 71 - - _Vicesima_, the 5 p. c. legacy duty, 250, 251 - - Vindelici, 181 - - Vipsania, wife of Tiberius, 165, 167, 234 - - Vipsanius Agrippa, M., 11, 15; - makes the _portus Iulius_, and organises a navy against Sext. - Pompeius, 103-105; - improves the water supply of Rome, 115; - his activity before and at Actium, 123, 124 (Cos. B.C. 28); - holds the Census with Augustus, 137; - his great buildings, 156; - receives his Seal from Augustus when supposed to be dying, 157; - appointed to Syria, 161; - marries Iulia, 164; - in Gaul and Spain (B.C. 21-19), 165, 179; - associated in tribunician power, 165; - on the Bosporus, 182; - his death, 183, 234; - his character and career, 278-79 - - Visurgis (R. Weser), 184, 186, 187 - - - Z - - Zela, 9 - - - The Gresham Press, - UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED, - WOKING AND LONDON. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AUGUSTUS *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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S. Shuckburgh</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Augustus</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0;'>The Life and Times of the Founder of the Roman Empire</p> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: E. S. Shuckburgh</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: October 24, 2021 [eBook #66609]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Wouter Franssen and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AUGUSTUS ***</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_i"></a>[i]</span></p> - -<h1>AUGUSTUS</h1> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ii"></a>[ii]</span></p> - -<div class="ad"> - -<p class="center larger gothic">Works on Roman History, etc.</p> - -<p class="hanging">ROMAN LIFE UNDER THE CÆSARS.</p> - -<p class="noindent">By <span class="smcap">Émile Thomas</span>. With Numerous Illustrations. -Small demy 8vo, cloth, 7s. 6d.</p> - -<p class="hanging">ROME AND POMPEII.</p> - -<p class="noindent">By <span class="smcap">Gaston Boissier</span>. Translated by <span class="smcap">D. Havelock -Fisher</span>. With Maps and Plans. Large crown 8vo, -cloth, 7s. 6d.</p> - -<p class="hanging">THE COUNTRY OF HORACE AND VIRGIL.</p> - -<p class="noindent">By <span class="smcap">Gaston Boissier</span>. Translated by <span class="smcap">D. Havelock -Fisher</span>. Large crown 8vo, cloth, 7s. 6d.</p> - -<p class="hanging">ROME: <span class="smcap">From the Earliest Times to the End of -the Republic</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent">By <span class="smcap">Arthur Gilman</span>, M.A. 3rd Edition. With a -Map and Numerous Illustrations. Large crown 8vo, -cloth, 5s. (“The Story of the Nations.”)</p> - -<p class="center smaller">LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iii"></a></span></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv"></a>[iv]</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;" id="illus1"> - -<img src="images/illus1.jpg" width="450" height="700" alt="" /> - -<p class="caption">AUGUSTUS</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[v]</span></p> - -<p class="caption">With <i>Corona Civica</i></p> - -<p class="caption-r">Photographed from the Bust -in the Vatican Museum<br /> -Edⁿᵉ Alinari</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span></p> - -<p class="titlepage larger">AUGUSTUS</p> - -<p class="center">THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE<br /> -FOUNDER OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE</p> - -<p class="center">(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 63-<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 14)</p> - -<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br /> -E. S. SHUCKBURGH, <span class="smcap">Litt.D.</span><br /> -<span class="smaller">LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE</span></p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller">ILLUSTRATED</p> - -<div class="figcenter titlepage" style="width: 150px;"> -<img src="images/unwin.jpg" width="150" height="140" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="titlepage">LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN<br /> -PATERNOSTER SQUARE · 1903</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span></p> - -<p class="titlepage smaller">(<i>All rights reserved.</i>)</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix"></a>[ix]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="Preface">Preface</h2> - -</div> - -<p>Augustus has been much less attractive to biographers than -Iulius; perhaps because the soldier is more interesting than -the statesman; perhaps because the note of genius conspicuous -in the Uncle was wanting in the Nephew. Yet Augustus was -the most successful ruler known to us. He found his world, -as it seemed, on the verge of complete collapse. He evoked -order out of chaos; got rid one after the other of every -element of opposition; established what was practically a new -form of government without too violent a breach with the -past; breathed fresh meaning into old names and institutions, -and could stand forth as a reformer rather than an innovator, -while even those who lost most by the change were soothed -into submission without glaring loss of self-respect. He worked -ceaselessly to maintain the order thus established, and nearly -every part of his great empire had reason to be grateful for -increased security, expanding prosperity, and added amenity of -life. Nor can it be said that he reaped the credit due in -truth to ministers. He had excellent ministers and agents, -with abilities in this or that direction superior to his own; -but none who could take his place as a whole. He was the -centre from which their activities radiated: he was the -inspirer, the careful organiser, the unwearied manipulator of -details, to whom all looked, and seldom in vain, for support and -guidance. We may add this to a dignity never forgotten,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x"></a>[x]</span> -enhanced by a physical beauty and grace which helped to -secure reverence for his person and office, and established a -sentiment which the unworthiness of some of his successors -could not wholly destroy. He and not Iulius was the founder -of the Empire, and it was to him that succeeding emperors -looked back as the origin of their power.</p> - -<p>Yet his achievements have interested men less than the -conquest of Gaul and the victories in the civil war won by the -marvellous rapidity and splendid boldness of Iulius. Consequently -modern estimates of the character and aims of -Augustus have been comparatively few. An exhaustive -treatise is now appearing in Germany by V. Gardthausen, -which will be a most complete storehouse of facts. Without -any pretence to such elaboration of detail, I have tried in these -pages to do something to correct the balance, and to give a -picture of the man as I have formed it in my own mind. -The only modest merit which I would claim for my book is that -it is founded on a study as complete as I could make it of the -ancient authorities and sources of information without conscious -imitation of any modern writer. These authorities are better -for the earlier period to about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 24, while they had the -Emperor’s own Memoirs on which to rely. The multiform -activities of his later life are chiefly to be gathered from inscriptions -and monuments, which record the care which neglected -no part however remote of the Empire. In these later years -such histories as we have are more concerned with wars and -military movements than with administration. Suetonius is full -of good things, but is without chronological or systematic order, -and is wanting in the critical spirit to discriminate between -irresponsible rumours and historical facts. Dio Cassius, plain -and honest always, grows less and less full as the reign goes -on. Velleius, who might at least have given us full details of -the later German wars, is seldom definite or precise, and is -tiresome from devotion to a single hero in Tiberius, and by -an irritating style.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi"></a>[xi]</span></p> - -<p>It has been my object to illustrate the policy of Augustus -by constant reference to the Court view as represented by the -poets. But in his later years Ovid is a poor substitute for -Horace in this point of view. The Emperor’s own catalogue -of his achievements, preserved on the walls of the temple at -Ancyra, is the best possible summary; but a summary it is -after all, and requires to be made to live by careful study and -comparison.</p> - -<p>The constitutional history of the reign is that which has -generally engaged most attention. I have striven to state the -facts clearly. Of their exact significance opinions will differ. -I have given my own for what it is worth, and can only say -that it has been formed independently by study of our authorities.</p> - -<p>I have not tried to represent my hero as faultless or to -make black white. Nothing can clear Augustus of the charge -of cruelty up to <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31. But in judging him regard must be -had to his age and circumstances. We must not, at any rate, -allow our judgment of his later statesmanship to be controlled -by the memory of his conduct in a time of civil war and confusion. -He succeeded in re-constituting a society shaken to -its centre. We must acknowledge that and accept the bad -with the good. But it is false criticism to deny or blink the -one from admiration of the other.</p> - -<p>I have to thank the authorities of the British Museum -for casts of coins reproduced in this book: also the Syndics -of the Pitt Press, Cambridge, for the loan of certain other -casts.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xii"></a>[xii]</span></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiii"></a>[xiii]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak">Contents</h2> - -</div> - -<table summary="Contents"> - <tr> - <td></td> - <td class="tdpg"><span class="smcap">Page</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Preface</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Preface">v</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER I.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Childhood and Youth</span>, - <span class="allsmcap">B.C. 63-44</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER II.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The Roman Empire at the Death of - Iulius Cæsar</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">17</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER III.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The Inheritance</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">34</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER IV.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The Consulship and Triumvirate</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">53</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER V.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Philippi</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">79</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER VI.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Perusia and Sicily</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">89</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER VII.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Actium</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">109</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER VIII.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The New Constitution</span>, - <span class="allsmcap">B.C. 30-23</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">131</a> - <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiv"></a>[xiv]</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER IX.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The First Principatus</span>, - <span class="allsmcap">B.C. 27-23</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">151</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER X.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The Imperial and Military Policy of Augustus</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">171</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER XI.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Augustus and His Worshippers</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">194</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER XII.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The Reformer and Legislator</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">212</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER XIII.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Later Life and Family Troubles</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">233</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER XIV.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The Last Days</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">247</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tdc1">CHAPTER XV.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The Emperor Augustus, His Character and - Aims, His Work and Friends</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">265</a></td> - </tr> - <tr class="pad"> - <td><span class="smcap">Augustus’s Account of His Reign</span></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#AUGUSTUSS_ACCOUNT_OF_HIS_REIGN">293</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="smaller i2">(<i>From the Inscription in the Temple of - Rome and Augustus at Angora</i>)</td> - <td class="tdpg"></td> - </tr> - <tr class="pad"> - <td>INDEX</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INDEX">303</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xv"></a>[xv]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak">List of Illustrations</h2> - -</div> - -<table summary="List of Illustrations"> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Augustus with <i>Corona Civica</i>.</span> - (From the Bust in the Vatican Museum)</td> - <td class="tdpg" colspan="2"><a href="#illus1"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">The Young Octavius.</span> (From - the Bust in the Vatican Museum)</td> - <td class="tdpg"><i>Facing p.</i></td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus2">10</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Coin.</span>—<i>Obv.</i> M. Brutus. - <i>Rev.</i> Two Daggers and Cap of Liberty</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus3">16</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <i>Obv.</i> Head of Augustus - bearded as sign of Mourning. <i>Rev.</i> Divus Iulius</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus3">16</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <i>Obv.</i> Head of Agrippa. - Cos. III. <i>i.e.</i> <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> - 27. <i>Rev.</i> Emblematical Figure</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus3">16</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <i>Obv.</i> Head of Augustus - with Official Titles. <i>Rev.</i> Head of same with - Radiated Crown and the - Iulian Star</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus3">16</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <i>Obv.</i> Head of Sext. - Pompeius. <i>Rev.</i> The same with titles, <i>Præfectus - Classis et oræ. Maritimæ</i></td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus3">16</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Augustus addressing Troops.</span> - (From the Statue in the Vatican)</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus4">108</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Coin.</span>—<i>Obv.</i> Head of - Augustus. <i>Rev.</i> The Sphinx</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus5">130</a> - <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xvi"></a>[xvi]</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <i>Obv.</i> Heads of Augustus - and Agrippa. <i>Rev.</i> Crocodile and Palm—<i>Colonia - Nemausi</i> (Nismes)</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus5">130</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <i>Obv.</i> Head of Augustus. - <i>Rev.</i> Triumphal Arch celebrating the Reconstruction - of the Roads</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus5">130</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <i>Obv.</i> Head of Drusus. - <i>Rev.</i> Trophy of Arms taken from the Germans</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus5">130</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="ditto">”</span> <i>Obv.</i> Head of Livia. - <i>Rev.</i> Head of Iulia</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus5">130</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Altar dedicated to Lares of Augustus - in B.C. 2 by a <i>magister vici</i>.</span> (Uffizi Gallery, - Florence)</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus6">196</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Augustus as Senator.</span> (From - the Statue in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence)</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus7">212</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Iulia, Daughter of Augustus.</span> - (From the Bust in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence)</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus8">234</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Livia, Wife of Augustus.</span> (From - the Bust in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence) (Page 274)</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus8">234</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">Mæcenas.</span> (From the Head in - the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome)</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus9">279</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="smcap">P. Vergilius Maro.</span> (From - the Bust in the Capitoline Museum, Rome) (Page 284)</td> - <td class="tdc2">”</td> - <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus9">279</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br /> -<span class="smaller">CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH, B.C. 63-44</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Iam nova progenies</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>cœlo demittitur alto.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Birth of Augustus, Sept. 23, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 63.</div> - -<p>In a house at the eastern corner of the Palatine, called “At -the Oxheads,”<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> on the 23rd of September, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 63—some nine -weeks before the execution of the Catilinarian -conspirators by Cicero’s order—a child was born -destined to close the era of civil wars thus -inaugurated, to organise the Roman Empire, and to be its -master for forty-four years.</p> - -<p>The father of the child was Gaius Octavius, of the plebeian -<i>gens Octavia</i>, and of a family that had long occupied a high -position in the old Volscian town of Velitræ. Two branches -of the Octavii were descended from C. Octavius Rufus, -quæstor in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 230. The elder branch had produced five -consuls and other Roman magistrates, but of the younger -branch Gaius Octavius, the father of Augustus, was the first -to hold curule office. According to the inscription, afterwards<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span> -placed by his son in the <i>sacrarium</i> of the palace,<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> he had -twice served as military tribune, had been quæstor, plebeian -ædile, iudex quæstionum, and prætor. After the prætorship -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 61) he governed Macedonia with conspicuous ability -and justice. He is quoted by Cicero as a model administrator -of a province; and he was sufficiently successful against the -Bessi and other Thracian tribes—constant scourges of Macedonia—to -be hailed as “imperator” by his soldiers. He -returned to Italy late in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 59, intending next year to be a -candidate for the consulship, but early in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 58 he died -suddenly in his villa at Nola, in the same chamber as that -in which his son, seventy-two years later, breathed his last.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The mother of Augustus.</div> - -<p>The mother of the young Gaius Octavius was Atia, daughter -of M. Atius Balbus,<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> of Velitræ, and Iulia, sister of Gaius -Iulius Cæsar. This connection with Cæsar—already -rising in political importance—may have -made his birth of some social interest, but the ominous -circumstances said to have accompanied it are doubtless -due to the curiosity or credulity of the next generation. The -people of Velitræ, it is reported, had been told by an oracle that -a master of the Empire was to be born there. Rumours, it is -said, were current in Rome shortly before his birth that a -“king of the Roman people” was about to be born. His -mother dreamed strange dreams, and the learned Publius -Nigidius prophesied the birth of a lord of the world; while -Catullus and Cicero had visions.<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> But there was, in fact, -nothing mysterious or unusual in his infancy, which was passed -with his foster-nurse at Velitræ. When he was two years<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span> -old his father, on his way to his province, carried out successfully -an order of the Senate to destroy a band of brigands near -Thurii, survivors, it is said, of the followers of Spartacus and -Catiline. In memory of this success his parents gave the boy -the cognomen Thurinus. He never seems to have used the -name, though Suetonius says that he once possessed a bust of -the child with this name inscribed on it in letters that had -become almost illegible. He presented it to Hadrian, who -placed it in his private <i>sacrarium</i>.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The stepfather of Augustus.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The great-uncle of Augustus.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The first Triumvirate and its results.</div> - -<p>About <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 57 or 56<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> his mother Atia re-married. Her -husband was L. Marcius Philippus (prætor <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 60, governor -of Syria <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 59-7, Consul <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 56); and when -in his ninth year Octavius lost his foster-mother -he became a regular member of his stepfather’s -household. Philippus was not a man of much force, but he -belonged to the highest society, and though opposed to Cæsar -in politics, appears to have managed to keep on good terms -with him.<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> But during his great-nephew’s boyhood -Cæsar was little at Rome. Prætor in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> -62, he had gone the following year to Spain. He -returned in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 60 to stand for the consulship, and soon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -after the consulship, early in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 58, he started for Gaul, from -which he did not return to Rome till he came in arms in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49. But though occupied during the summers in his -famous campaigns beyond the Alps, he spent most of his -winters in Northern Italy—at Ravenna or Lucca—where he -received his partisans and was kept in touch with home politics, -and was probably visited by his relatives. Just before entering -on his consulship he had formed with Pompey and -Crassus the agreement for mutual support known -as the First Triumvirate. The series of events -which broke up this combination and made civil war inevitable -must have been well known to the boy. He must have been -aware that the laurelled despatches of his great-uncle announcing -victory after victory were viewed with secret alarm by -many of the nobles who visited Philippus; and that these men -were seeking to secure in Pompey a leader capable of outshining -Cæsar in the popular imagination by victories and -triumphs of his own. He was old enough to understand -the meaning of the riots of the rival law-breakers, Milo and -Clodius, which drenched Rome in blood. Election after -election was interrupted, and, finally, after the murder of -Clodius (January, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 52), all eyes were fixed on Pompey as -the sole hope of peace and order. There was much talk of -naming him dictator, but finally he was created sole consul -(apparently by a decree of the Senate) and remained sole -consul till August, when he held an election and returned his -father-in-law, Metellus Scipio, as his colleague.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Pompey’s position after <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 52.</div> - -<p>The upshot of these disorders, therefore, was to give Pompey -a very strong position. He was, in fact, dictator (<i>seditionis -sedandæ causa</i>) under another name; and the -Optimates hastened to secure him as their -champion. A law had been passed in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 56, -by agreement with Cæsar, giving Pompey the whole of Spain -as a province for five years after his consulship of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 55. As -Cæsar’s government of Gaul terminated at the end of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -Pompey would have imperium and an army when Cæsar left -his province. He would naturally indeed be in Spain; but the -Senate now passed a resolution that it was for the good of the -State that Pompey should remain near Rome. He accordingly -governed Spain by three legati, and remained outside the walls -of the city with imperium. The great object of the Optimates -was that Cæsar should return to Rome a <i>privatus</i> while -Pompey was still there in this unprecedented position. Cæsar -wished to be consul for <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48. The Optimates did not -openly oppose that wish, but contended that he should lay -down his provincial government and military command first, -and come to Rome to make his <i>professio</i>, or formal announcement -of his being a candidate, in the usual way.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> - -<p>But Cæsar declined to walk into this trap. He knew that -if he came home as a <i>privatus</i> there were many ready to prosecute -him for his actions in Gaul, and with Pompey there in -command of legions he felt certain that a verdict inflicting -political ruin on him could be obtained. He therefore stood by -the right—secured by a law of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 55, and reinforced by -Pompey’s own law in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 52—of standing for the consulship -without coming to Rome, and without giving up his province -and army before the time originally fixed by the law. He -would thus not be without imperium for a single day, but -would come to Rome as consul.</p> - -<p>Here was a direct issue. Pompey professed to believe that -it could be settled by a decree of the Senate, either forbidding -the holder of the election to receive votes for Cæsar in his -absence, or appointing a successor in his province. Cæsar, he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -argued, would of course obey a <i>Senatus-consultum</i>. But Cæsar -was on firm ground in refusing to admit a successor till the -term fixed by the law had expired, and also in claiming that his -candidature should be admitted in his absence—for that too -had been granted by a law. If neither side would yield the -only possible solution was war.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Provocation to Cæsar.</div> - -<p>Cæsar hesitated for some time. He saw no hope of mollifying -his enemies or separating Pompey from them. His -daughter Iulia’s death in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 54 after a few years’ -marriage to Pompey had severed a strong tie between -them. The death of Crassus in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 53 had -removed, not indeed a man of much strength of character, but -one whose enormous wealth had given him such a hold on the -senators that any strong act on their part, against his wishes, -was difficult. After his death the actual provocations to -Cæsar had certainly increased. The depriving him, under the -pretext of an impending Parthian war, of two legions which -were being kept under arms in Italy; the insult inflicted upon -him by Marcellus (Consul <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 51) in flogging a magistrate of -his new colony at Comum, who if the colony were regarded as -legally established would be exempt from such punishment;—these -and similar things shewed Cæsar what he had to expect -if he gave up office and army. He elected therefore to stand -on his legal rights.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Civil war.</div> - -<p>Legality was on his side, but long prescription was in favour -of the Senate’s claim to the obedience of a magistrate, -especially of the governor of a province. There -was therefore a deadlock. Cæsar made one -attempt—not perhaps a very sincere one—to remove it. He -had won over Gaius Curio, tribune in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50, by helping him<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -to discharge his immense debts. Curio therefore, instead of -opposing Cæsar, as had been expected, vetoed every proposal -for his recall. His tribuneship ended on the 9th of December, -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50, and he immediately started to visit Cæsar at Ravenna. -He told him of the inveteracy of his opponents, and urged him -to march at once upon Rome. But Cæsar determined to -justify himself by offering a peaceful solution—“he was -willing to hand over his province and army to a successor, if -Pompey would also give up Spain and dismiss his armies.” -Curio returned to Rome in time for the meeting of the -Senate on the 1st of January, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49, bringing this despatch -from Cæsar.</p> - -<p>The majority of the Senate affected to regard it as an act of -rebellion. After a debate, lasting five days, a decree was passed -on January the 7th, ordering Cæsar to give up his province -and army on a fixed day, on pain of being declared guilty of -treason. This was vetoed by two tribunes, M. Antonius and -Q. Cassius. Refusing, after the usual “remonstrance,” to -withdraw their veto, they were finally expelled and fled to -Ariminum, on their way to join Cæsar at Ravenna. The -Senate then passed the <i>Senatus-consultum ultimum</i>, ordering -the magistrates and pro-magistrates “to see that the state took -no harm,” and a levy of soldiers—already begun by Pompey—was -ordered to be held in all parts of Italy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cæsar crosses the Rubicon.</div> - -<p>Cæsar, informed of this, addressed the single legion which -was with him at Ravenna, urging it to support the violated -tribunes. Satisfied with the response to his appeal, -he took the final step of passing the Rubicon -and marching to Ariminum, outside his province.</p> - -<p>Both sides were now in the wrong, the Senate by forcibly -interfering with the action of the tribunes, Cæsar by entering -Italy. An attempt, therefore, was made to effect a compromise. -Lucius Cæsar—a distant connection of Iulius—visited him at -Ariminum, bringing some general professions of moderation -from Pompey, though it seems without any definite suggestion.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -Cæsar, however, so far modified his former offer as to propose -a conference, with the understanding that the levy of troops in -Italy was to be stopped and Pompey was to go to his Spanish -province. On receiving this communication at Capua Pompey -and the consuls declined all terms until Cæsar had withdrawn -from Ariminum into Gaul; though they intimated, without -mentioning any date, that Pompey would in that case go to -Spain. But the levy of troops was not interrupted; and -Cæsar’s answer to this was the triumphant march through -Picenum and to Brundisium. Town after town surrendered, -and the garrisons placed in them by Pompey generally joined -the advancing army, till finally a large force, embracing many -men of high rank, surrendered at Corfinium. Cæsar had -entered Italy with only one legion, but others were summoned -from winter quarters in Cisalpine Gaul, and by the time he -reached Brundisium Pompey had given up all idea of resisting -him in Italy, and within the walls of that town was preparing -to cross to Epirus, whither the consuls with the main body of -his troops had already gone. Cæsar had no ships with which -to follow him. He was content to hasten his flight by -threatening to block up the harbour. Pompey safely out of -Italy, he went to Rome to arrange for his regular election into -the consulship. Meeting with opposition there<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>—one of the -tribunes, L. Cæcilius Metellus, vetoing all proposals in the -Senate—he hastened to Spain to attack the legates of Pompey, -stopping on his way to arrange the siege of Marseilles (which -had admitted Ahenobarbus, named successor of Cæsar in Gaul),<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -and sending legati to secure Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa. Of -these the only failure was in Africa, where Curio was defeated -and killed. This province therefore remained in the hands of -the Pompeians; but Cæsar’s own successes in Spain, the fall of -Marseilles, and the hold gained upon the corn supplies of Sicily -and Sardinia placed him in a strong position. The constitutional -difficulty was surmounted; he was named Dictator to -hold the elections, returned himself as consul, and, after eleven -days in Rome for the Latin games, embarked at Brundisium on -January 3, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48, to attack Pompey in Epirus.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Iulius Cæsar master of the Roman world, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 47.</div> - -<p>It is not necessary to follow the events of the next six -months. Cæsar had to struggle with great difficulties, for -Pompey as master of the sea had a secure base -of supplies; and therefore, though Cæsar drew -vast lines round his camp, he could not starve -him out. Pompey, in fact, actually pierced Cæsar’s lines and -defeated him in more than one engagement. Eventually, -however, Cæsar drew him into Thessaly; and the great -victory of Pharsalia (August 9th) made up for everything. -Pompey fled to Egypt, to meet his death on the beach by -order of the treacherous young king; and though Cæsar still -had weary work to do before Egypt was reduced to obedience, -and then had to traverse Asia Minor to crush Pharnaces of -Pontus at Zela, when he set foot once more in Italy in -September, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 47, he had already been created Dictator, -and was practically master of the Roman world.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavius takes the <i>toga virilis</i> and is made a pontifex, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48.</div> - -<p>In these momentous events the young Octavius had -taken no part. At the beginning of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49 he had been -sent away to one of his ancestral estates in the -country. But we cannot suppose him incapable -of understanding their importance or being an -uninterested spectator. His stepfather Philippus -was Pompeian in sympathy, but his close connection with -Cæsar kept him from taking an active part in the war, and -he was allowed to remain in Italy, probably for the most part<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -in his Campanian villa. From time to time, however, he -came to Rome; and Octavius, who now lived entirely with -him, began to be treated with a distinction natural to the near -relative of the victorious dictator. Soon after the news of -Pharsalia he took the <i>toga virilis</i>, and about the same time -was elected into the college of pontifices in the place of -L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who had fallen in the battle. -This was an office desired by the highest in the land, and -the election of so young a boy, just entering upon his sixteenth -year, put him in a position something like that of a prince of -the blood; just as afterwards Augustus caused his two grandsons -to be designated to the consulship, and declared capable of -official employment as soon as they had taken the <i>toga virilis</i>.<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavius’s relations with his parents and his great-uncle.</div> - -<p>The boy, who three years before had made a great impression -by his delivery of the <i>laudatio</i> at his grandmother Iulia’s -funeral, again attracted much attention by his -good looks and modesty. He became the fashion; -and when (as was customary for the pontifices) -he presided in a prætorian court during the <i>feriæ Latinæ</i>, it -was observed to be more crowded by suitors and their friends -than any of the others. It seems that the rarity of his -appearance at Rome added to the interest roused by his great-uncle’s -successes. For his mother did not relax her watchfulness. -Though legally a man he was still carefully guarded. -He was required to sleep in the same simple chamber, to visit -the same houses, and to follow the same way of life as before. -Even his religious duties were performed before daylight, to -escape the languishing looks of intriguing beauties. These -precautions were seconded by his own cool and cautious -temperament, and the result seems to have been that he -passed through the dangerous stage of adolescence—doubly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -dangerous to one now practically a prince—uncontaminated by -the grosser vices of Rome. Stories to the contrary, afterwards -spread abroad by his enemies, are of the most unsubstantial -and untrustworthy kind.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;" id="illus2"> - -<img src="images/illus2.jpg" width="450" height="700" alt="" /> - -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">The young Octavius.</span></p> - -<p class="caption-r"><i>Photographed from the Bust in the Vatican by Edne. Alinari.</i></p> - -<p class="caption-l"><i>To face page 10.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Wishes to go to Africa with Cæsar.</div> - -<p>But though he seems to have quietly submitted to this -tutelage, he soon conceived an ardent desire to share in the -activities of his great-uncle. Cæsar had been very -little at Rome since the beginning of the civil -war. A few days in March, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49, thirteen -days in December of the same year, were all that he had spent -in the city. He was absent during the whole of his consulship -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48) till September, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 47. On his return from -Alexandria in that month, he stayed barely three months at -Rome. On the 19th of December he was at Lilybæum, on -his way to Africa to attack the surviving Pompeians. Octavius -longed to go with him, and Cæsar was willing to take him. -But his health was not good, and his mother set herself against -it. The Dictator might no doubt have insisted, but he saw that -the boy was not fit to face the fatigues of a campaign. Octavius -submitted, quietly biding his time. He was rewarded by finding -himself high in his great-uncle’s favour when he returned -in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46 after the victory of Thapsus. He was admitted to -share his triple triumph, riding in a chariot immediately behind -that of the imperator, dressed in military uniform as though he -had actually been engaged. He found, moreover, that he had -sufficient interest with Cæsar to obtain pardon for the brother -of his friend Agrippa, taken prisoner in the Pompeian army in -Africa. This first use of his influence made a good impression, -without weakening his great-uncle’s affection for him. Though -Cæsar did not formally adopt him,<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> he treated him openly as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -his nearest relation and heir. Octavius rode near him in his -triumph, stood by his side at the sacrifice, took precedence of -all the staff or court that surrounded him, and accompanied -him to theatres and banquets. He was soon besieged by -petitions to be laid before Cæsar, and shewed both tact and -good nature in dealing with them. This close connection -with the wise and magnanimous Dictator, inspired him with -warm admiration and affection, which help to explain and excuse -the severity with which he afterwards pursued his murderers.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavius employed in civil duties, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46.</div> - -<p>In order to give him experience of civic duties, one of the -theatres was now put under his charge. But his assiduous -attention to this duty in the hot season brought -on a dangerous illness, one of the many which he -encountered during his long life. There was a -general feeling of regret at the prospect of a career of such -promise being cut short. Cæsar visited him daily or sent -friends to him, insisted on the physicians remaining constantly -at his side, and being informed while at dinner that the boy -had fainted and was in imminent danger, he sprang up from -his couch, and without waiting to change his dining slippers, -hurried to his chamber, besought the physicians in moving -terms to do their utmost, and sitting down by the bed shewed -the liveliest joy when the patient recovered from his swoon.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavius follows Cæsar to Spain, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45.</div> - -<p>Octavius was too weak to accompany the Dictator when -starting for Spain against Pompey’s sons in December <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46. -But as soon as he was sufficiently recovered he -determined to follow him. He refused all company -except that of a few select friends and the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -most active of his slaves. He would not admit his mother’s -wish to go with him. He had yielded to her before, but he -was now resolved to take part in a man’s work alone. His -voyage, early in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45, proved long and dangerous; and when -at length he landed at Tarraco he found his uncle already at -the extreme south of Spain, somewhere between Cadiz and -Gibraltar. The roads were rendered dangerous by scattered -parties of hostile natives, or outposts of the enemy, and his -escort was small. Still, he pushed on with energy and reached -Cæsar’s quarters near Calpe, to which he had advanced after -the victory at Munda (March 17th). Gnæus Pompeius had fled -on board a ship, but was killed when landing for water on the -11th of April, and it was apparently just about that time that -Octavius reached the camp. Warmly received and highly -praised for his energy by the Dictator, he was at once admitted -to his table and close intimacy, during which Cæsar -learned still more to appreciate the quickness of his intelligence -and the careful control which he kept over his tongue.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavius accompanies his great-uncle to Carthage.</div> - -<p>Affairs in Southern Spain having been apparently settled -(though as it proved the danger was by no means over), -Octavius accompanied Cæsar to Carthage, to -settle questions which had arisen as to the assignment -of land in his new colony. The Dictator -was visited there by deputations from various Greek states, -alleging grievances or asking favours. Octavius was applied to -by more than one of them to plead their cause, and had therefore -again an opportunity of acquiring practical experience in -the business of imperial government, and in the very best -school.</p> - -<p>He preceded Cæsar on his return to Rome, and on his arrival -had once more occasion to shew his caution and prudence. -Among those who met him in the usual complimentary procession -was a young man who had somehow managed to make -himself a popular hero by pretending to be a grandson of the -great Marius. His real name was Amatius or Herophilus, a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -veterinary surgeon according to some, but certainly of humble -origin. As Marius had married Cæsar’s aunt Iulia, this man -was anxious to be recognised as a cousin by the Dictator. He -had in vain applied to Cicero to undertake his cause, and to -Atia and her half-sister to recognise him. The difficulty for -Octavius was that the man was a favourite of the populace, of -whose cause Cæsar was the professed champion; yet his recognition -would be offensive to the nobles and a mere concession -to clamour. Octavius avoided the snare by referring the case -to Cæsar as head of the state and family, and refusing to -receive the would-be Marius till he had decided.<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavius at Apollonia, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45-44.</div> - -<p>He did not remain long at Rome however. Cæsar returned -in September, and was assassinated in the following March. -And during that interval, though he found time -for many schemes of legislation, and of restoration -or improvement in the city, he was much employed -in preparing for two expeditions—calculated to last three years—first -against the Daci or Getæ on the Danube, and secondly -against the Parthians in Mesopotamia. These were the two -points of active danger in the Empire, and Cæsar desired to -crown his public services by securing their peace and safety. -For this purpose six legions were quartered in Macedonia for -the winter, in readiness to march along the Via Egnatia to -the eastern coast of Greece. Returning from Spain Dictator -for life, Cæsar was to have two “Masters of the Horse.” One -was to be Octavius, who had meanwhile been created a patrician -by the Senate.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> But for the present he was sent to pass the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -winter at Apollonia, the Greek colony at the beginning of the -Via Egnatia, where he might continue his studies in quiet with -the rhetors and other teachers whom he took with him or -found there,<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> and at the same time might get some military -training with the legions that were not far off. He was -accompanied by some of the young men with whom he -habitually associated. Among them were Agrippa and -Mæcenas, who remained his friends and ministers to the end -of their lives, and Salvidienus Rufus, who almost alone of his -early friends proved unfaithful.<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> - -<p>He seems to have led a quiet life at Apollonia, winning -golden opinions in the town and from his teachers for his -studious and regular habits. The admiration and loyalty of -his friends were confirmed; and many of the officers of the -legions seem to have made up their minds to regard him as the -best possible successor to the Dictator.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">News of Cæsar’s assassination brought to Apollonia.</div> - -<p>In the sixth month of his residence at Apollonia, in the -afternoon of a March day, a freedman of his mother arrived -with every sign of rapid travel and agitation. He -delivered a letter from Atia, dated the 15th of -March. It briefly stated that the Dictator had -just been assassinated in the Senate House. She -added that she “did not know what would happen next; but -it was time now for him to play the man, and to think and -act for the best at this terrible crisis.”<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> The bearer of the -letter could tell him nothing else, for he had been despatched<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -immediately after the murder, and had loitered nowhere on -the way; only he felt sure that as the conspirators were -numerous and powerful, all the kinsfolk of the Dictator would -be in danger.</p> - -<p>This was the last day of Octavius’s youth. From that hour -he had to play a dangerous game with desperate players. He -did not yet know that by the Dictator’s will he had been -adopted as his son, and was heir to the greater part of his vast -wealth; but a passionate desire to avenge him sprang up in -his breast, a desire strengthened with increasing knowledge, -and of which he never lost sight in all the political complications -of the next ten years.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;" id="illus3"> - -<img src="images/illus3.jpg" width="450" height="700" alt="" /> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: M. Brutus. Rev.: Two daggers and cap of liberty.</p> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: Head of Augustus bearded as sign of mourning. Rev.: Divus Julius.</p> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: Head of Agrippa. Cos III., <i>i.e.</i>, B.C. 27. Rev.: Emblematical figure -and S. C. (<i>Senatus Consulto</i>).</p> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: Head of Augustus with official titles. -Rev.: Head of same with radiated crown and the Julian star.</p> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: Head of Sext. Pompeius. Rev.: The same with titles, Præfectus classis et oræ maritime.</p> - -<p class="caption-l"><i>To face page 16.</i></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT THE DEATH OF IULIUS CÆSAR</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Vicinæ ruptis inter se legibus</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>urbes Arma ferunt; sævit toto</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Mars impius orbe.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Natural boundaries of the Roman Empire.</div> - -<p>At the death of Cæsar the Roman Empire had been for the -most part won. Egypt was indeed annexed by Augustus, -though on a peculiar tenure, but subsequent additions -were in a manner consequential, the inevitable -rectifications of a long frontier. Such were -the provinces of the Rhine, the Alps, and the Danube as far -east as Mœsia; and to a certain extent the province of -Galatia and Lycaonia (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25). The Rhine, the Danube, -and the Euphrates seemed already the natural boundaries of the -Empire on the north and east, the Atlantic Ocean on the west, -and the African and Arabian deserts on the south. And these -boundaries, with occasional modifications, and for the most -part temporary extensions, continued to the end.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Its dangers.</div> - -<p>But though the greater part of this wide Empire was already -won, it was not all equally well organised and secured. Thus, -in Northern Gaul, there were still Germans and -other enemies to be conquered or repelled; in -Southern Spain a son of the great Pompey was in arms; -Macedonia was continually subject to invasion by Getæ, -Bessi, and other barbarians; the Dalmatians and neighbouring -tribes made Illyricum an uncertain member of the Empire;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -in Syria, Cæcilius Bassus—an old officer of Pompey’s—was -defying Roman armies, and inviting the aid of the Parthians -always ready to cross the Euphrates into the Roman province.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cæsar’s precautions and preparations.</div> - -<p>To confront two of these dangers Cæsar had collected a -large army in Macedonia in the autumn of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45 to crush -the Getæ, and then crossing to Syria to force -the Parthian to respect the frontier of the -Euphrates, or even to attack them in Mesopotamia. -The former of these projects was no doubt important -for the safety of the Empire, and was in after years successfully -secured by Augustus and his legates. The latter was more -visionary and theatrical, meant perhaps to strike the imagination -of the Romans rather than to secure great practical advantage. -After Cæsar’s death Antony lost more than he gained by -similar enterprises, and Augustus always avoided coming into -actual contact with the Parthians, or attempting to extend his -rule beyond the Euphrates. But there were dangers within -the Empire no less formidable than from without. Its integrity -had rested, and generally securely rested, on the loyalty of its -provincial governors to the central authority as represented by -the Senate, or, in the last resort, by the order of the people -expressed in a <i>lex</i> or <i>plebiscitum</i>. It was the beginning of the -end when these governors used the forces under their command, -or the wealth and influence secured abroad, to defy or coerce -the authorities at home. Sertorius, Sulla, and Cæsar himself, -had shewn that this was not an impossible contingency. It -was against this danger that, among other reforms in the -government of the Provinces, Cæsar’s own law had provided -that the tenure of a proprætor should be confined to -one, and of a proconsul to two years. But now that he was -going on a distant expedition, calculated as likely to occupy -three years, he took other precautions. Having provided for -the chief offices at home,<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> he was careful to see that the provinces<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -should be held by men whom he believed to be loyal to -himself, and likely from their character and ability to maintain -their peace and security. Being Consul and Dictator, and his -<i>acta</i> being confirmed beforehand by Senate and people, he could -make what nominations he pleased. A decree of the Senate -was still taken as a matter of form, but the old practice (often -a farce) of drawing lots for the provinces was abandoned;<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> -Pompey’s law ordaining a five years’ interval between curule -office and a province was neglected, and Cæsar practically -nominated the governors. But it raises a doubt as to the -unfettered power or the insight of the Dictator that five of -those thus nominated were among the assassins on the Ides of -March.<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Nor in other respects did his choice prove happy. -The state of open war or dangerous unrest which shewed itself -in almost all parts of the Empire after his death must be learnt -by a review of the provinces, if we are to understand the -problem presented to Augustus and his colleagues in the triumvirate, -and the relief felt by the Roman world when Augustus -finally took the administration into his own hands, and shewed -himself capable of restoring law and order.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(1) <span class="smcap">The Gauls.</span></div> - -<p>The <span class="smcap">Gauls</span> now included three districts, the status of which -was somewhat unsettled. (1) <i>Cisalpine Gaul</i>, that is, Italy -between Etruria and the Alps, was still nominally -a province, though Cæsar’s law of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48 had -granted full <i>civitas</i> to the transpadane, as that of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 89 had -to the cispadane, towns. It had formed part of Cæsar’s province -from <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 58 to <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48, and he seems to have retained -it until after the battle of Pharsalia, when he appointed first -Marcus Brutus and then C. Vibius Pansa to it. Though part -of Italy, and generally peaceful, it had great military importance<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -in case of an invasion from the north. After March <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44 -it was to be in the hands of Decimus Brutus, who had long -served under Cæsar, and was regarded by him with special -confidence and affection. Antony’s attempt to wrest it from -Decimus Brutus brought on the first civil war after Cæsar’s -death.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(2) <span class="smcap">Transalpine Gaul.</span></div> - -<p>(2) <i>Transalpine Gaul</i> technically consisted of “the Province,” -that is, South-eastern France, from the Cevennes on -the west to Italy, and from the Lake of Geneva on the north -to the sea. But since Cæsar’s conquests there had to be added -to this the rest of France, Belgium, and Holland as far as the -Rhine. No formal division into distinct provinces had yet -been made. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49 Decimus Brutus, after driving out -Ahenobarbus, the governor named by the Senate, remained in -command of the whole till <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45, when he returned in -Cæsar’s train to Italy. But in the course of these four years, -or on his return, (3) Belgica was separated from the rest and -assigned to Hirtius, who, however, governed it by a legate -named Aurelius, without going there himself.<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> In the course -of the next year a farther division was made: Aurelius -retained Belgica; Lepidus, with four legions, was appointed -to “the Province” (afterwards called Gallia Narbonensis) -together with Hispania Citerior; while L. Munatius Plancus -governed the rest, consisting of what was afterwards two -provinces—Aquitania and Lugdunensis. Plancus and Decimus -Brutus were named consuls for <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42, and therefore their -governorships necessarily terminated at the end of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43, and -might do so earlier. In the course of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43 Plancus founded -Lugdunum<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> (Lyon), which was afterwards the capital of the -central province of the four organised by Augustus. But -though the organisation of this country was not complete, -Cæsar’s conquest had been so decisive that no advantage was -taken of the civil war by the natives to attempt a rising.<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -There seem to have been some insignificant movements in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42, but it was not for some years later that any danger of -importance arose there. The Belgæ had been expected to -rise on Cæsar’s assassination, but their chiefs hastened to assure -Hirtius’s legate of their adhesion to the Roman government.<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">(3) <span class="smcap">Illyricum.</span></div> - -<p>The province of <span class="smcap">Illyricum</span> had been formed about the -same time as that of Macedonia (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 146), but its limits had -fluctuated, and it had not received much continuous -attention. It included places, such as Dyrrachium, -Corcyra, Issa, Pharus, which had been declared free after the contest -with Queen Teuta in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 228, but were practically under -Roman control. Yet some of the most powerful tribes not only -did not acknowledge Roman authority, but made frequent incursions -upon Roman Illyricum. The most dangerous of these -were the Dalmatians, with whom several wars are recorded. In -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 117 L. Cælius Metellus occupied Salonæ;<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 87-5 -Sulla won a victory over them;<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 78-77 C. Cosconius, -after a two years’ campaign, took Salonæ by storm.<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> But -little was really effected in securing the province against its -enemies. It was let much alone so long as its tribute was -paid, and was put under the governor sometimes of Macedonia, -sometimes of Cisalpine Gaul. In Cæsar’s case (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 58) it was -specially assigned, like the rest of his province, and he seems -at first to have intended to go there in force and subdue the -hostile barbarians. But the Gallic campaigns drew him away, -and he only once actually entered Illyricum (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 54) to -overawe the invading Pirustæ. In the last year of his proconsulship -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50) some troops which he sent against the -Dalmatians were cut to pieces. The result of this was that -the barbarians, fearing his vengeance, adhered to Pompey in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -the civil war, whose legate, M. Octavius, with a considerable fleet, -maintained himself there,<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49 defeated and captured -Gaius Antonius, whom Cæsar sent against him.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> At the -beginning of the next year Aulus Gabinius, while trying to -lead a force round the head of the Adriatic to join Cæsar, lost -nearly all his men in a battle with the Dalmatians.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> After -Pharsalia Gabinius was sent back to assist Cornificius, who -had been despatched to Illyricum as proprætor after the -mishap of Gaius Antonius; but he was again defeated and shut -up in Salonæ, where he died suddenly.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 47, however, -P. Vatinius, having joined Cornificius, defeated and drove -Octavius out of the country.<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> After serving also in the -African campaign of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46, Vatinius was sent back to -Illyricum with three legions (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45) expressly to reduce the -still independent tribes. At first he gained sufficient success -to be honoured by a <i>supplicatio</i>,<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> but after Cæsar’s death he -was defeated by the Dalmatians with the loss of five cohorts, -and was driven to take refuge in Dyrrachium.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> Early in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43 he was forced to surrender his legions to M. Brutus, -who, however, in the year and a half which preceded his -death at Philippi, was too busy elsewhere to attend to Illyricum.<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> -Hence the expeditions of Pollio in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 39,<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> and of Augustus in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 35 were rendered necessary, and they for a time secured -the pacification of the country and the extension of Roman -provinces to the Danube.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(4) <span class="smcap">Spain.</span></div> - -<p>At the death of Iulius <span class="smcap">Spain</span> was also a source of great -danger and difficulty. Since <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 197 it had been divided into -two provinces—Citerior and Ulterior—separated -by the Saltus Castulonensis (<i>Sierra Morena</i>), each -governed by a prætor or proprætor. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 54 Pompey<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -introduced a triple division. Of his three legates Afranius -held Hispania Citerior; but the farther province was divided -between Petreius, who held the district as far west as the -Anas (<i>Guadiana</i>), afterwards called Bætica, while Terentius -Varro governed the country west of that river with Lusitania. -Having forced Pompey’s legates to surrender the country -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49), Cæsar seems not to have continued the triple division. -Q. Cassius was sent to Hispania Ulterior, M. Lepidus to Hispania -Citerior. But Cassius offended his own soldiers as well as the -natives, and had to escape by sea, being drowned on his way -home. Nor did his successor Trebonius do much better in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 47; for many of his soldiers deserted to Gnæus Pompeius -when he came to Spain after the defeat at Thapsus in the spring -of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46.<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> And though Gnæus Pompeius perished soon after -the battle of Munda (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45) his younger brother Sextus -survived. At Cæsar’s death he was already at the head of -a considerable fleet which enabled him to control Sicily and -re-occupy Bætica, when its last Cæsarean governor—the famous -C. Asinius Pollio—left it to join Antony in Gallia Narbonensis -in the summer of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43. The upper province had meanwhile -been governed by the legates of Metellus, who was about to -return to it and Gallia Narbonensis with four legions when -Cæsar’s death introduced new complications.<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">(5) <span class="smcap">Sicily.</span></div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sicily</span> for eight years after Cæsar’s death was practically -separated from the Empire. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49 it had been easily won -over to Cæsar’s authority by C. Curio, and after -his success in Spain against Pompey’s legates Cæsar -had nominated Aulus Allienus<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> as its proprætor. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46 -Allienus was succeeded by M. Acilius<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> (afterwards sent to -Achaia), who in his turn was succeeded by T. Furfanius -Postumus (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45). Finally, among Cæsar’s arrangements for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44 was the appointment of Pompeius Bithynicus to Sicily. -His father had served under Pompey and had perished with -him in Egypt; and Bithynicus seems to have feared retaliation -from the Pompeians if they returned to power; for on the death -of Cæsar we find him writing to Cicero in evident anxiety as -to his position.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> He failed to hold the island against Sext. -Pompeius, who landed in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43, and after sustaining a slight -reverse at Messene forced Bithynicus to yield him a share in -the government, and shortly afterwards put him to death -because he believed him to be plotting against him.<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Sicily -therefore had to be restored to the Empire by the triumvirs, -a task which fell chiefly to Augustus.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(6) <span class="smcap">Sardinia.</span></div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sardinia</span> was important for its supply of corn. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49 -Cæsar’s legate Q. Valerius Orca occupied it without difficulty, -its governor, M. Aurelius Cotta, escaping to Africa. -In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48 Orca was succeeded by Sext. Peducæus.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> -But the arrangements made between that date and <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44 are -not known, for Peducæus appears to have been in Rome from -the end of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45.<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> In the first division of the provinces by -the triumvirs (November, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43) it fell to Octavian’s share,<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> -though Suetonius remarks that Africa and Sardinia were the -only two provinces never visited by him.<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Meanwhile Sext. -Pompeius occupied it,<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> and it was not recovered till <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">(7) <span class="smcap">Africa. Numidia.</span></div> - -<p>The province of <span class="smcap">Africa</span>—the ancient territory of Carthage—may -be taken with this western part of the Empire. It had -long been a peaceful province, but in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46 it was -the scene of the great rally of the Pompeians after -the disaster at Pharsalia. Since their final defeat at -Thapsus it had been farther secured by Cæsar’s colony at Carthage -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46-5), and had been governed by a fervent Cæsarean, -C. Calvisius Sabinus. At the end of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45 Sabinus returned -to Rome, and Q. Cornificius (once Cæsar’s quæstor) was -named to succeed him. But affairs in Africa had been complicated -by the formation of a new province from the -dominions of Iuba, called sometimes New Africa, sometimes -Numidia (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46). Of this new province the first proprætor -was the historian Sallust, succeeded in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45 by T. Sextius with -three legions. On Cæsar’s death, therefore, there were two -men in Africa who might possibly take different views of the -situation. Cornificius indeed—friend and correspondent of -Cicero—shewed at once that he meant to stand by the Senate. -A few months later he was confirmed in this resolution by the -fact of his continuance in office depending on the senatorial -decree of the 20th of December,<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> whereas Antony had -commissioned Calvisius Sabinus (who had never withdrawn his -legates from Africa) to go back to the province.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> Accordingly, -after Antony’s defeat at Mutina (April, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43), the Senate felt -strong enough to order Sextius to transfer his three legions to -Cornificius, who was himself under orders to send two of them -to Rome.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> This was done, and with the remaining legion -Cornificius maintained his position in Old Africa, when the -Triumvirate was formed in November, and was able to offer -protection to many of the proscribed. But Sextius now -claimed both provinces, as having fallen to Octavian’s share. -He enrolled troops in his own province and obtained the help -of Arabion, of the royal family of Numidia and chief of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -robber tribe of Sittians; and though Cornificius had the stronger -force, he was presently defeated and killed. Octavian, however, -looked upon Sextius as a partisan of Antony rather than of -himself, and presently sent C. Fuficius Fango to supersede him. -Sextius seems to have foreseen that differences would occur -between Antony and Octavian likely to give him a chance of -recovering his province. Therefore under pretence of wishing -to winter in a genial climate he stayed on in Africa. His -opportunity came with the new distribution of provinces after -Philippi (October-November, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42). Old or “Prætorian” -Africa fell to Antony, New Africa or Numidia to Octavian. -But upon the quarrel between Octavian and Fulvia (supported -by Lucius Antonius) in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41, Sextius was urged by Fulvia -to demand the prætorian province from Fango as properly -belonging to Antony. After several battles, in which he met -with various fortunes, Fango was at last driven to take refuge -in the mountains, and there killed himself. Sextius then held -both provinces till, in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40, the triumvir Lepidus took possession -of them as his share of the Empire.<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> - -<p>Thus the Western Provinces, in spite of Cæsar’s precautions, -were all in a condition to cause difficulty to his successors in -the government. The Eastern Provinces were for the most -part in a state of similar disorder. Illyricum has already been -discussed, as most conveniently taken with the Gauls. For -those farther east Cæsar’s arrangements were no more -successful in securing peace than in the West.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(8) <span class="smcap">Macedonia.</span></div> - -<p>The victory at Pharsalia put <span class="smcap">Macedonia</span> under Cæsar’s -control, and he apparently continued to govern it till <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45 -by his legates. While in Egypt (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48-7), -fearing, it seems, that it might be made a centre -of resistance,<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> he directed Gabinius to go there -with his legions, if the state of Illyricum allowed of it.<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> We<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -have no farther information as to its government till the -autumn of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45, when a large military force was stationed -there; and in that, or the following year, Q. Hortensius—son of -the famous orator—was made governor. Marcus Brutus was -named by Cæsar to succeed him in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43, and Hortensius did, -in fact, hand over the province to him at Thessalonica at the -beginning of that year. But meanwhile Antony had induced -the Senate to nominate himself (June, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44). He withdrew -five of the legions and then managed to get the province transferred -to his brother Gaius. When Antony was declared a -<i>hostis</i>, the Senate revoked the nomination of Gaius and restored -the province, along with Illyricum, to M. Brutus, who -was in fact already in possession, having defeated and captured -Gaius Antonius.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(9) <span class="smcap">Greece.</span></div> - -<p>Closely connected with Macedonia was <span class="smcap">Greece</span>, which had -been left, since <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 146, in a somewhat anomalous position. -Thessaly indeed, was, to a great extent, incorporated -with Macedonia; but the towns in -Bœotia, as well as Athens and Sparta, were -nominally free, though connected with Rome in such a way -as to be sometimes spoken of separately as “provinces.” So -with the towns in the Peloponnese once forming the Achæan -League. The League was dissolved and each town had a -separate <i>fœdus</i> or charter.<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> But with all this local autonomy -Greece was practically governed by Rome, and in certain cases -the proprætor of Macedonia exercised jurisdiction in it. But -as yet there was no “province” of Greece or even of Achaia, -with a separate proconsul or proprætor. Cæsar, as in other -cases, made temporary arrangements which afterwards became -permanent under Augustus. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48, Q. Fufius Calenus, -one of his legates, was sent to take possession of Greek cities in -Cæsar’s interest, and remained at Patræ with troops till <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 47, -exercising authority over the whole of the Peloponnese.<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> In<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -the autumn he went home and was rewarded by the consulship -for the rest of the year. But in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46, Cæsar appointed -Serv. Sulpicius Rufus governor of Greece, and his authority -seems to have extended throughout the Peloponnese and as far -north as Thessaly.<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> Sulpicius returned to Rome at the end of -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45, or beginning of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44, and does not seem to have had -a successor. Greece appears to have been tacitly allowed to -revert to its old position of nominal freedom and real attachment -to Macedonia. M. Brutus at any rate, as governor -of Macedonia, assumed that he had authority in Greece. -After the re-arrangement at Philippi (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42), it fell to Antony’s -share, who, for a time at least, yielded Achaia to Sext. -Pompeius.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Asiatic Provinces.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">(10) <span class="smcap">Bithynia and Pontus.</span></div> - -<p>As Cæsar was meditating a settlement of Syria, it was -important that the Asiatic provinces should be in safe hands. -To <span class="smcap">Bithynia</span> and <span class="smcap">Pontus</span>—among the newest of -Roman provinces—L. Tillius Cimber had been -nominated. We know nothing of his antecedents -except that we find him among the influential -friends of Cæsar in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46; but his provincial appointment was -readily confirmed by the Senate after his share in Cæsar’s death.<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> -He devoted himself to the collection of a fleet, with which he -aided the pursuit of Dolabella, and afterwards assisted Brutus -and Cassius.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(11) <span class="smcap">Asia.</span></div> - -<p>The province of <span class="smcap">Asia</span> was quiet and wealthy. For financial -and strategic reasons it was specially necessary at this time to -have it in safe hands. Cæsar had nominated C. -Trebonius, who had been his legate in Gaul and -Britain, and had often been intrusted with important commands. -He had stuck to his old general in the civil war and had been -rewarded by the prætorship of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48, and the province of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -Farther Spain in the next year. Though he was not successful -in Spain Cæsar continued to trust him sufficiently to send him -to Asia. He did not actually strike a blow in the assassination, -but he aided it by withdrawing Antony from the Senate on -a treacherous pretence of business. His appointment was -readily confirmed by the Senate, and he went to Asia purposing -to fortify towns and collect troops to aid the party of the -assassins. It was this—not alone his participation in the -murder—which caused Dolabella, probably at the instigation -and certainly with the approval of Antony,<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> to put him to -death when refused admittance by him into Smyrna or -Pergamus. At the end of the year the Senate had arranged -that he was to be succeeded by one of the Consuls, Hirtius or -Pansa. But after his murder the province remained in the -hands of his quæstor,<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> and on the death of Hirtius and Pansa -at Mutina it was transferred by the Senate to M. Brutus (to -be held with Macedonia), who in the course of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42 made a -progress through it to hold the <i>conventus</i>, to collect men and -money, and to meet Cassius. It was, no doubt, heavily taxed; -and after the battle of Philippi Antony took possession of it -and again unmercifully drained its resources.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(12) <span class="smcap">Cilicia.</span></div> - -<p>On quitting the province of <span class="smcap">Cilicia</span> in July, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50, Cicero -left it in charge of his quæstor, C. Cælius Caldus. Whether, -in the confusion of the first years of civil war, -any successor was appointed we do not know. -The province needed some resettlement, for in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 47 Cæsar -stopped at Tarsus, on his way to Pontus, for some days, to meet -the chief men and make certain regulations, of which he does -not tell us the nature.<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> But it seems that then, or shortly -afterwards, it was considerably reduced in extent. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -Phrygian “dioceses”—Laodicea, Apamea, and Synnada—were -assigned to Asia, as well as most of Pisidia and Pamphylia. -The remainder—Cilicia Aspera, and Campestris, with Cyprus—seem -to have been held somewhat irregularly by Cæsar’s own -legates. It was afterwards treated by Antony as though at his -own disposal, Cyprus and Cilicia Aspera being presented to -Cleopatra, part of Phrygia with Lycaonia, Isaurica, and Pisidia -to Amyntas, king of Galatia. The province, in fact, as -known to Cicero, was almost separated from the Empire until -reorganised by Augustus.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(13) <span class="smcap">Syria.</span></div> - -<p>The province of <span class="smcap">Syria</span> was extremely important in view of -the danger from the Parthians. Bounded on the north by -Mount Amanus it included Phœnicia and Cœle-Syria -as far south as the head of the Red Sea and -the eastern mouth of the Nile. On the east it was bounded -by the Euphrates and the deserts of Arabia. After the -organisation of Pompey in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 63 it had been administered by -proconsuls and the usual staff. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 57-6 it was held by -Gabinius, who employed his forces for the restoration of -Ptolemy Auletes to the throne of Egypt. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 54-3 it was -held by Crassus; and after his fall at Carrhæ it was successfully -defended and administered by C. Cassius as <i>quæstor</i> and -<i>proquæstor</i>. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 51-50, while Cicero was in Cilicia, it -was ruled by Bibulus; and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49 Pompey secured it for his -father-in-law, Q. Cæcilius Metellus Scipio, who collected -troops and went to the aid of Pompey in Thessaly, and after -Pharsalia escaped to Africa. It was then put in the hands of -the quæstor, Sextus Iulius, a connection of the Dictator, with -some legions, one of which had been left there by Cæsar in -anticipation of the coming Parthian war. But a new complication -had been introduced by Q. Cæcilius Bassus. This -man had been with Pompey at Pharsalia and had escaped to -Syria, where for a time he lived obscurely. But after a while, -by tampering with the soldiers of Sextus Iulius, who was both -incompetent and vicious, he induced them to assassinate their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -commander and transfer their allegiance to himself.<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> Professing -to be lawful proconsul of Syria he fortified himself in Apamea, -and there repulsed forces sent by Cæsar under Antistius Vetus -and L. Statius Murcus successively. He made some agreement -with the Parthians which secured their aid;<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> and though -Murcus was reinforced by Crispus governor of Bithynia, Bassus -was still unsubdued at the time of Cæsar’s death. There had -been, therefore, a double need for a strong man in Syria, and -Cæsar had nominated C. Cassius, the former defender of it -against the Parthians. After Cæsar’s death, however, Dolabella -secured the passing of a law transferring Syria to himself -with the command against the Parthians. But some irregularity -in the auguries taken at the comitia gave Cassius a plausible -excuse for ignoring this law. Consequently when Dolabella -entered the province from the north, Cassius did so from the -south. After some successful movements in Palestine, Cassius -induced Murcus and Crispus, and finally Bassus himself, to -hand over their legions to him, as well as Trebonius’s legate, -Allienus, who was bringing some legions from Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Thus -reinforced he shut up Dolabella in Laodicea and frightened -him into committing suicide. Syria therefore remained in the -hands of Cassius; and when he fell at Philippi it was vacant. -In accordance with the agreement made with Octavian after -that battle it fell to the lot of Antony, who retained it -personally, or by his legates, till his death.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(14) <span class="smcap">Egypt.</span></div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Egypt</span> was still an independent kingdom, ruled since <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 47 -by Cleopatra. Nevertheless, there was a considerable Roman -force stationed in it, partly left by Gabinius, when -he restored Ptolemy Auletes in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 57-6, partly -stationed there by Cæsar himself. They must have been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> -somewhat in the position of the English troops supporting -the authority of the Khedive, but prepared to resist all -outside interference. So in this case the Romans retained -a preponderating influence, though with no legal authority or -right of raising revenue. These troops appear to have been in -a very disorderly state, and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50 murdered two of the -sons of Bibulus who were among their officers.<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">(15) <span class="smcap">Cyrene and Crete.</span></div> - -<p>The district between Egypt and Roman Africa, called -<span class="smcap">Cyrene</span>, was once joined to Egypt and then governed by a -king of its own (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 117). This king (Ptolemy -Apion), dying in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 96 without issue, left his -dominions to the Romans. The Roman government -took over the royal estates, and placed a tax on the -principal product of the country—silphium (valuable for its -medicinal qualities)—but did not organise it as a province. -The five principal cities<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> were allowed to retain a pretty -complete autonomy. But upon disagreements between these -states breaking out, the whole country in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 74 was reduced -to the form of a province governed by a <i>quæstor pro prætore</i>.<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> -Six years later (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 68-7) complaints as to the harbouring of -pirates caused Q. Cæcilius Metellus to reduce <span class="smcap">Crete</span> also.<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> -When Pompey superseded Metellus in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 67, he introduced -certain changes in the administration of both provinces, though -there is no proof that he combined them as was done at a later -date. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44 indeed, they were assigned separately—Crete -to Brutus and Cyrene to Cassius<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>—while Antony produced a -memorandum of Cæsar’s directing that Crete should be restored -to liberty,<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> that is, should cease to pay <i>tributum</i>. At -the division of the provinces after Philippi both were assigned<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -to Antony, and he assumed the right some years later of -forming out of them a kingdom for his daughter by Cleopatra.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The general disorders in the Empire.</div> - -<p>It will be seen therefore that at Cæsar’s death there was -hardly any part of the Empire in which there were not -elements of mischief more or less active. The -most peaceful district was perhaps Greece, though -it managed to put itself under the frown of the -triumvirs by sympathising with Brutus, and later on under -that of Octavian by sympathising with Antony. The disturbances -which most affected the actual residents in Rome -and Italy were those in Sicily and Sardinia, Gaul and -Illyricum. The man who should put an end to these -would seem a saviour of society. The struggles in the -far East, though from a financial point of view they were -of considerable importance, would not loom so large in the -eyes of the Italians. We have now to trace the steps by -which Augustus was able to satisfy the needs of the state; to -restore peace and plenty to Italy; to organise and safeguard -the provinces; and thus to be almost worshipped as the visible -guarantee of order and tranquillity.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE INHERITANCE</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Cui dabit partes scelus</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>expiandi Iuppiter?</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">News of Cæsar’s murder brought to Apollonia, March, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44.</div> - -<p>The news of his great-uncle’s death reached Octavius at -Apollonia in the afternoon, just as he and his suite were -going to dinner. A vague rumour of some great -misfortune quickly spread through the town, and -many of the leading inhabitants hastened to the -house with zealous friendliness to ascertain its -truth. After a hasty consultation with his friends, Octavius -decided to get rid of most of them while inviting a few of the -highest rank to discuss with him what should be done. This -being effected with some difficulty, an anxious debate was -carried on into the night. Opinions were divided. One -party urged Octavius to go to the army in Macedonia, appeal -to its attachment to Cæsar, and call on the legions to follow -him to Rome to avenge the murdered Dictator.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> Those who -thus advised trusted to the impression likely to be made by -Octavius’s personal charm and the pity which his position -would excite. Others thought this too great an undertaking -for so young a man. They argued that the many friends -whom Cæsar had raised to positions of honour and profit<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -might be trusted to avenge his murder. They did not yet -know that theirs were the very hands which had struck him -down. After listening to the various opinions Octavius resolved -to take no decisive step until he had reached Italy, had -consulted his friends there, and had seen the state of affairs -with his own eyes.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavius prepares to go to Italy, April, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44.</div> - -<p>Preparations for crossing were begun at once, and in the -few days before the start farther details of the assassination -reached Apollonia. The citizens begged Octavius -to stay, putting all the resources of the town at -his disposal; and a number of officers and soldiers -came from the army with tenders of service, -whether to guard his person or to avenge the Dictator. But -for the present he declined all offers. He thanked the Apolloniates -and promised the town immunities and privileges—a -promise which in after years he did not forget. He told the -officers and soldiers that he would claim their services at some -future time. For the present he did not need them: “only -let them be ready when the time came.” The conduct of -the Martia and Quarta a few months later shewed that these -feelings were genuine and lasting.</p> - -<p>Octavius had a poor vessel and a stormy crossing, but landed -in safety, probably at Hydruntum (<i>Otranto</i>), the nearest point -in Calabria, and in fair weather only a five hours’ voyage.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> -That fact and the state of the wind may have influenced the -choice of the port. But he was also too much in the dark as -to affairs in Italy to venture upon such a frequented landing-place -as Brundisium, where he might have found himself -in the midst of political enemies or hostile troops. From -Hydruntum he went by land to Lupiæ, rather more than -half way to Brundisium. There he first met some who had -witnessed Cæsar’s funeral, had heard the recitation of his will, -and could tell him that he was adopted as Cæsar’s son, and -(with a deduction of a liberal legacy to the citizens) was heir<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -to three-quarters of his property,<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> the remaining fourth being -divided between Cæsar’s two other grand-nephews Q. Pedius -and Lucius Pinarius. He learnt also that the Dictator’s -funeral, which by his will was to be conducted by Atia, -had been performed in the Forum amidst great popular excitement, -caused partly by the sight of his wounded body,<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> -partly by Antony’s speech, and had been followed by attacks -on the houses of the chief assassins, who, after barricading -themselves for three days on the Capitol, had found it necessary -to retire from Rome, first to the villa of Brutus at -Lanuvium, and then to Antium,<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> in spite of the amnesty -voted in the Senate on the 17th of March.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian accepts the inheritance and name, May, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44.</div> - -<p>Though deeply moved by this story Octavian did not allow -his feelings to betray him into taking any false or hasty step. -<i>Satis celeriter quod satis bene</i> was his motto now as in -after life.<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> He went on to Brundisium, having -ascertained that it was not occupied by enemies, and -there received letters from his mother and stepfather -confirming what he had already heard. His mother -begged him to join her at once, to avoid the jealousies roused -by his adoption. Philippus advised him to accept neither -inheritance nor name, and to hold aloof from public business. -The advice was, no doubt, prompted by affection, and was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span> -natural in the circumstances. But though Octavian never -blustered, neither did he easily turn aside: he wrote back -declaring his determination to accept. His own friends henceforth -addressed him as “Cæsar,” his full name now being -Gaius Iulius Cæsar Octavianus.<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> The adoption indeed was -not complete without the formal passing of a <i>lex curiata</i>; but -though that was delayed for more than a year, the new name -was assumed at once. He complied with his mother’s wish -that he should visit her first, and he soon had the satisfaction -of feeling that though Philippus was still opposed, her heart -was with him in the manly resolve to sustain the great part -which Cæsar’s affection had assigned to him. Cicero mentions -in a letter of April 11th that Octavius had arrived in Italy, -and on the 18th that he had reached Naples. On the 19th -Balbus—the Dictator’s friend and agent—called on him and -learned from his own lips his resolve to accept the inheritance. -On the 22nd Cicero met him at his stepfather’s villa near -Puteoli, and anxiously watched for any indication of his -political aims. He was only partly satisfied.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Octavius here treats me with great respect and friendliness. -His own people addressed him as ‘Cæsar,’ but as Philippus did not do -so, I did not do it either. I declare it is impossible for him to be -a good citizen! He is surrounded by such a number of people who -actually threaten our friends with death. He says the present state -of things is intolerable.”<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>It was not Octavian’s cue as yet to break openly with the -aristocrats. The first struggles for his rights were likely to be -with Antony, in which the aid of Cicero and his party would -be useful. At the same time he was too cautious and self-controlled -to commit himself or betray his real intentions, -which remained an enigma to the emotional orator, who hardly -ever spoke without doing so. Cicero consoled himself by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span> -reflection that at any rate Octavian’s claims must cause a -quarrel with Antony. Yet he was indignant that this stripling -could go to Rome without risk, while Brutus and Cassius and -the other “heroes” of the dagger could not. Octavian’s -journey to Rome was for the twofold purpose of giving formal -notice to the prætor urbanus that he accepted the inheritance, -and of making a statement of his intentions as administrator of -the will at a public assembly. For the latter he needed to be -introduced to the meeting by a tribune. For this service he -relied on Lucius Antonius. All three brothers were in office -this year—Marcus consul, Gaius prætor, Lucius tribune; and -as supporters of the late Cæsar they could not in decency refuse -him this opportunity of declaring his sentiments.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian and M. Antonius.</div> - -<p>Octavian reached Rome in the first week of May, duly -accepted the inheritance, and was introduced to a <i>contio</i> by -Lucius Antonius about the 10th of that month.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> -The speech was not satisfactory to the Ciceronian -party. He declared his intention to carry out his “father’s” -will as to the legacy to the people, and to celebrate the games -at the dedication of the temple of Venus promised by Cæsar. -Preparations for them were begun at once, two of the -Dictator’s friends, Matius and Postumius, being selected to -superintend them.<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> But though confining himself to expressions -of veneration for his “father’s” memory, and uttering no -threats against any one, Octavian had not given up for a -moment his resolve to punish the murderers. The amnesty voted -in the Senate he regarded as a temporary expedient. All that -was needed was an accuser, and he did not mean that such a -person should be long wanting. But meanwhile his first business -was to secure his own position and the possession of Cæsar’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> -property. This at once brought him into collision with -Antony.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The money at the temple of Ops.</div> - -<p>The financial arrangements of the late Dictator were to -a great degree to blame for this. He seems to have introduced -the system of the <i>fiscus</i>, though without the name -known in later times: that is, large sums of money -were deposited in the temple of Ops to his order, -separate from the public <i>ærarium</i> of the temple of Saturnus, -and not clearly distinguished from his own private property. It -was as though a Chancellor of the Exchequer paid portions of -the revenue to his private banking account, and were to die -suddenly without leaving any means of distinguishing between -public and private property.<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Cicero says that this money -(700,000,000 sesterces, or about five and a half millions sterling) -was the proceeds of the sale of confiscated properties,<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> and there -was, it seems, much other property in lands and houses from -the same source. The claim by an heir of Cæsar would be -met by a double opposition—from the government, which -would regard the whole as public; and from the owners or -their representatives, who might have hopes of recovering parts -of it. For at Rome confiscation did not bar claims under -marriage settlements, or for debts secured on properties. The -large sum at the temple of Ops had been taken over entirely -by Antony the Consul, nominally as being public money, really—as -Cicero affirms—to liquidate his own enormous debts. It -is very likely that Antony shared the spoil with others, perhaps -with his colleague Dolabella, and they may have satisfied their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span> -consciences with some partial use of it for public purposes.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> -At any rate it was not forthcoming when Octavian put in his -claim. Even in regard to such property as was handed over to -him he was constantly harassed by lawsuits. Claimants were -instigated, as he believed, by one or other of the Antonies; while -Gaius Antonius, acting <i>prætor urbanus</i> for Brutus, would often -preside in the court. He was resolved, however, to carry out -Cæsar’s will, even if he had to sell his own paternal estate -and draw upon his mother’s resources. But it seems, after all, -that the property of Cæsar which he did manage to get, or his -own wealth, was so ample, that he was able to do this without -crippling himself. Pinarius and Pedius got their shares, but -handed them over to him, perhaps as being too heavily weighted -with legacies to be of much value to them, or thinking that -his great future made it a good investment. At any rate the -legacies were paid, the games given, and when some months -later he proceeded to enroll two legions of veterans he was able -to pay each man a bounty amounting to something like £20 -of our money.<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> At no time in his career does he seem to have -had serious money difficulties. No doubt his resources were -always large, but he must also have had the valuable faculty of -husbanding them in small matters, while always having enough -for large outlays.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Difficulties about Octavian’s adoption.</div> - -<p>But it was not only in regard to money that Octavian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span> -found himself thwarted by Antony and his brothers. A -tribune, probably Lucius Antonius himself, prevented -the formal passing of the <i>lex curiata</i> for -his adoption, with a view of weakening his claims -upon the inheritance. When he wished to be elected tribune -in the place of Cinna, who had fallen a victim to the mob in -mistake for L. Cinna, a prætor who had spoken against Cæsar, -he was prevented by the partisans of Antony.<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> There was -indeed a legal obstacle in the fact that he was now a patrician,<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> -was under age, and had not held the quæstorship, though this -last was a breach of custom rather than of law. Lastly, -Antony treated him with studied disrespect, keeping him -waiting in his ante-room; while Lucius Antonius and the -other tribunes forbade him to place Cæsar’s gilded chair in -the Circus at his games.<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian and the Optimates. After the meeting of the Senate in June.</div> - -<p>It was clear that a breach between the two was imminent. -The younger man was not abashed by the years or high office -of the other; and though some formal reconciliation -was brought about by common friends or by -military officers, Octavian seems to have allowed -the Ciceronians to believe that he intended to -join them in opposing Antony. His attentions to them -became more marked after the meeting of the Senate of the -1st of June. To this meeting the Constitutionalists had been -looking forward as likely to bring the uncertainty to an end. -At it the question of the provinces was to be settled; the two -consuls, with the aid of a committee, were to report on what -were the genuine <i>acta</i> of Cæsar; and some means were to be -found to enable Brutus and Cassius to carry on their duties as -prætors in Rome with safety.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Antony and Cæsar’s <i>acta</i> and veterans.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile Antony had been availing himself of the papers -of Cæsar as though the committee had already reported. He -had also been securing himself—as he thought—by -visiting the colonies of Cæsar’s veterans in -Campania<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> and by gradually collecting a bodyguard. -This had now assumed sufficiently formidable proportions -to overawe the Senate.<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> It is true that he had experienced -difficulties at Capua, where the existing coloni resented -his attempt to plant others in the same territory; but, on the -whole, he seems to have improved his position by his tour -in April and May. Then again Lepidus had visited Sext. -Pompeius in Spain, and was reported to have induced him, on -condition of recovering his father’s property, to return to Rome -and place his naval and military forces (amounting to more -than six legions) at the disposal of the consuls.<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> This, thinks -Cicero, would make Antony irresistible; and so no doubt -thought Octavian also.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The position of Brutus and Cassius. The change of provinces.</div> - -<p>Nor did the meetings of the Senate in June effect anything -to dissipate these fears. What was done for Brutus and -Cassius satisfied neither party. They were offered -the <i>cura annonæ</i>, superintendence of the corn -supply—Cassius in Sicily, Brutus in Asia—which -would give them a decent pretext for being absent -from Rome for the rest of the year. They, however, regarded -this offer as an insult.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> So also in regard to the provinces:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> -Brutus and Cassius were deprived of Macedonia and Syria, -which Cæsar had assigned to them respectively, and were -offered the unimportant governorships of Crete and Cyrene. -But Antony in the same meetings secured still greater military -strength for himself by an arrangement with Dolabella. -The latter was appointed to Syria and the command against -the Parthians by a <i>lex</i>; and he then induced the Senate to -give Macedonia to himself, with the command of the legions -stationed there, one of which he had bargained with Dolabella -to hand over to him. These decrees having been passed,<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> he -sent his brother Gaius over at once to announce the fact to -the legions in Macedonia and to give them notice that they -might at any time be summoned to Italy. For Antony himself -had no intention of going to Macedonia. His private -resolve was to hold Gallia Cisalpina with the largest force -possible, as giving him most hold on Italy. He had only -accepted Macedonia in order to get these legions into his -hands. At the same time he carried a repeal of Cæsar’s law -confining the tenure of a province for a proprætor to one, and -for a proconsul to two, years.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Antony gets himself nominated to Cisalpina Gaul.</div> - -<p>Though this increasing power of Antony was naturally calculated -to alarm Octavius, he was, on the other hand, opposed -to Decimus Brutus—one of the assassins—retaining -Gallia Cisalpina. He therefore supported -Antony in carrying a law conferring that -province on him at the end of his consulship.<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> The Senators -now saw that they had been tricked. They had given Antony -the Macedonian legions without conditions, and he would now -use them in another province given him by a <i>lex</i>—over which -they had no control. Suggestions were made to remove<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span> -Gallia Cisalpina from the list of provinces, and incorporate it -(as was afterwards done by Augustus) in Italy, thus doing -away with any pretext for a proconsul residing there with -legions. But for the present the law stood which assigned it to -Antony for <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43. It appears to have been passed by the -beginning of July, and he at once sent word to his brother to -bring the legions over. They were expected in July,<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> but did -not actually arrive till nearly three months later. Meanwhile -a war of recriminations was maintained between Antony the -consul and Brutus and Cassius the prætors by letters or -edicts. Antony accused the prætors of collecting forces hostile -to the government, the prætors accused Antony of making it -impossible for them to come to Rome by denouncing them in -speeches and edicts, in breach of his promise. On the 1st of -August L. Calpurnius Piso—father-in-law of the late Cæsar—inveighed -against Antony in the Senate, ending with a hostile -motion, of the exact nature of which we are not informed. -But he could get no one to speak or vote with him, so completely -cowed were the Senators by Antony’s military forces.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> -On the other hand, Antony was uneasy at the growing -popularity of Octavian, especially among the veterans. He -had himself made a bid for their favour by two commissions -for assigning land to them both in Italy and the provinces. -But the veterans were suspicious; they had expected some -signal act of vengeance for the murder of Cæsar; and at the -same time Antony’s lavish grants of public land to unworthy -favourites impoverished the exchequer and diminished the -amount available for distribution. They lowered his popularity -with the veterans as much as they annoyed the Senators, who -yet did not venture to oppose him.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Attempted assassination of Antony.</div> - -<p>The friction between the two men—varied by occasional -reconciliations—became more and more acute, until about the -end of September it was rumoured that Octavian had suborned<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span> -men to assassinate Antony. Of course Octavian disclaimed -it, and upon Antony giving out that certain men -had been found in his house with daggers, he -went openly with an offer to serve along with his -friends among his bodyguards. The popular belief was that -Antony had invented the whole story to discredit him; but -Cicero and others of his party both believed and approved, and -subsequent writers are divided in opinion. Nicolas of Damascus -probably gives Octavian’s own version, according to which -Antony was unable to produce the pretended assassins to a -council of his friends, or to induce them to advise active -retaliation upon Octavian. Appian points out that it was not -to Octavian’s interest just then that Antony should disappear, -for it would have been a great encouragement to the party of -the Assassins, of whose real sentiments towards himself he was -no doubt aware.<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p> - -<p>For with this party his alliance was a matter of great doubt. -In June Cicero had said of him:</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian and the Optimates.</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In Octavian, as I have perceived, there is no little -ability and spirit; and he seems likely to be as well -disposed to our heroes as I could wish. But what confidence -one can feel in a man of his age, name, inheritance, and -upbringing may well give us pause. His stepfather, whom I saw at -Antium, thinks none at all. However, we must foster him, and, if -nothing else, keep him estranged from Antony. Marcellus will be -doing admirable service if he gives him good advice. Octavian -seems devoted to him, but has no great confidence in Pansa and -Hirtius.”<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Philippus was not a man for whom Cicero had a great -respect.<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> But Marcellus, the husband of Octavia (Cos. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50),<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span> -was a sound aristocrat and a trustworthy man. Still Octavian -had done nothing since to identify himself with the conservative -party, in spite of his differences with Antony. With -Cicero himself he kept up friendly communications; yet at the -final breach between Cicero and Antony in September, it does -not seem to have occurred to Cicero to put forward Octavian -as Antony’s opponent; nor does he mention him in the first -two Philippics. It was Octavian’s own independent action -which first shewed that he was ready and able to assume that -position, and Cicero viewed this at first with anxiety and -almost dismay.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian enrolls veterans.</div> - -<p>Antony left Rome on the 9th of October to meet the -Macedonian legions at Brundisium. Octavian no longer -hesitated. Sending agents to tamper with the -loyalty of the newly arrived legions, he himself -went a round of the veterans in Campania, offering -them a bounty of 500 denarii (about £20), if they would -enlist again. In doing this he acted wholly on his own -initiative and without authority from Senate or people, and -without holding any office giving him military command.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> In -after years Augustus regarded this as the first step in his public -career, the first service rendered to the State: “When nineteen -years old I raised an army on my own initiative and at my own -expense, with which I restored to liberty the republic which -had been crushed under the tyranny of a faction.” And not -only did he reckon this his first public service; the wording of -this statement is a declaration that he thereby adopted the -policy and was continuing the work of his “father,” for he uses -the very phrase which Cæsar had used in justifying himself.<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span> -This phrase illustrates another point also. Ostensibly the -enrolment of veterans was to protect himself against Antony. -Perhaps he did not yet see how it was to be done, but at the -bottom of his heart was the purpose of checkmating, if not -destroying, the clique which had caused Cæsar’s murder, -though for the moment he was with them in opposition to -Antony, and was eager to have Cicero’s support and approval. -Yet how doubtful and uneasy the orator felt is shewn by two -letters in which he tells what Octavian was doing.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Puteoli, 2 November. On the evening of the 1st I got a letter -from Octavian. He is entering upon a serious undertaking. He has -won over to his views all the veterans at Casilinum and Calatia. And -no wonder: he gives a bounty of 500 denarii apiece. Clearly his -view is a war with Antony under his own leadership. So I perceive -that before many days are over we shall be in arms. But whom are -we to follow? Consider his name, consider his age! Again, he -demands to begin with a secret interview with me at Capua of all -places! It is really quite childish to suppose that it can be kept -quiet. I have written to explain to him that it is neither necessary -nor practicable. He sent a certain Cæcina of Volaterræ to me, an -intimate friend of his own, who brought me news that Antony was -on his way to the city with the <i>Alaudæ</i>, was imposing money contribution -on the municipal towns, and was marching at the head of -the legion with colours flying. He wanted my opinion, whether he -should start for Rome with his legion of 3,000 veterans, or should -hold Capua, and so intercept Antony’s advance, or should join the -three Macedonian legions now sailing by the Mare Superum, which -he hopes are devoted to himself. They refused to accept a bounty -offered them by Antony, as my informant at least asserts. They even -used grossly insulting language to him and moved off when he -attempted to address them. In short, Octavian offers himself as our -military leader, and thinks that our right policy is to stand by him. -On my part I advised his making for Rome. For I think he will -have, not only the city mob, but, if he can impress them with confidence, -the loyalists also on his side. Oh, Brutus! Where are -you! What an opportunity you are losing! I did not actually -foresee this, but I thought that something of the sort would -happen.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span></p> - -<p>“Puteoli [3] November. Two letters on the same day from -Octavian! His present view is that I should come to Rome at once, -and that he wishes to act through the Senate. I told him that a -meeting of the Senate was impossible before the 1st of January, and -I believe it is so. But he adds also, ‘and by your advice.’ In short -he insists, while I suspend judgment. I don’t trust his youth, I am -in the dark as to his disposition, I am not able to do anything -without your friend Pansa. I am afraid of Antony succeeding, and -I don’t like moving far from the sea. At the same time I fear some -great <i>coup</i> being struck without my being there. Varro for his part -dislikes the youth’s plan. I don’t agree with him. He has forces on -which he can depend. He can count on Decimus Brutus, and is -making no secret of his intentions. He is organising his men in -companies at Capua, he is paying them their bounty money. War -seems to be ever coming nearer and nearer.”<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Antony’s breach with the Senate, November-December, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44.</div> - -<p>In spite of these half-hearted and doubtful expressions of -Cicero, the Senate at his own suggestion was presently glad to -approve Octavian’s action, and to accept his aid. -For events now followed quickly. When Antony -met the legions at Brundisium, sent over by his -brother Gaius,<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> he seems at first to have found -them ready to obey him. But difficulties were presently promoted -by the agents of Octavian, who offered the men liberal -bounties, or scattered <i>libelli</i> among them denouncing Antony’s -tyranny and neglect of Cæsar’s memory, and urging Octavian’s -claim on their allegiance. Signs of mutiny soon shewed themselves, -and after a stormy meeting at which some officers and -men used insubordinate language, Antony arrested and put to -death several of the officers as ringleaders, and about 300 men.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> -These severities, followed by more liberal offers and some conciliatory -language, seemed for the time to put an end to the -mutiny. Selecting therefore a “prætorian cohort” from the -legions, Antony started for Rome, ordering the rest to march in -detachments up the coast road to Ariminum, where the <i>via -Æmilia</i> through the valley of the Po begins. In Cicero’s letters<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span> -of the 8th, 11th, and 12th of November are recorded the various -rumours of his approach, and the anxieties as to what he intended -to do at Rome.<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> He arrived about the 20th in full military -array, and entered the city with a strong bodyguard, the rest -of his men being encamped outside the walls. He did not stay -long however. Having summoned the Senate for the 25th, in -an edict, in which he denounced the character and aims of -Octavian,<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> he went to Tibur, where he had ordered his new -levies to muster. Here he delivered a speech, which Cicero -afterwards described as “pestilent.”<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> On the 25th, however, he -did not appear in the Senate. A second edict postponed the -meeting to the 29th. Cicero insinuates that his non-appearance -on the 25th was caused by some extra debauch. But, in fact, -the reason may have been the news about the <i>legio Martia</i>, -which, instead of going to Ariminum, had turned off from the -coast road and reached Alba Fucensis. It might be of course -that the legion was on its way to join Antony at Tibur, to -which there was a good road from Alba Fucensis (<i>via Valeria</i>). -Antony therefore went to Alba, but found the gates closed, -and was greeted by a shower of arrows from the walls. It was -clear that this legion at least did not mean to serve him. He -came to Rome for the meeting of the Senate on the 29th, but -was informed just before it that the Quarta had followed the -example of the Martia, and was at Alba Fucensis. He understood -that these legions meant to join Octavian, and he no -longer thought it possible to get Octavian declared a <i>hostis</i>, -though one of his partisans was ready to propose it. Having -therefore transacted some formal business—chiefly the allotment -of provinces, in which his brother Gaius obtained Macedonia, -and a supplicatio in honour of Lepidus, he hurriedly returned -to Tibur. His friends and supporters visited him in -great numbers; but within a few days he was on his march to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span> -Ariminum to join what remained of the five Macedonian -legions.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cicero’s doubts as to Octavian’s intentions.</div> - -<p>Antony’s object was to attack Decimus Brutus, whose forces -were concentrated at Mutina. But at any rate, he was gone -from Rome, and Octavian had won the first trick -in the game. Cicero attributes Antony’s lowered -tone in the Senate, and his hurried departure, to -Octavian’s promptness and success in raising the veterans, and -inducing the Martia and Quarta to desert him. At first, -however, he had not felt easy as to the young man’s intentions. -Writing from Puteoli on the 5th of November he tells Atticus -that he gets a letter from Octavian every day, begging him to -come to Capua and once more to save the republic, or, if not, -at least to go to Rome. Cicero is “shamed to refuse and yet -afraid to take”; but owns that Octavian is acting with vigour, -and will probably enter Rome in great force. But he doubts -whether the young man understands the situation, or the -terrorism established by Antony in the Senate. He had better -wait, he thinks, till the new consulate begins on January 1st.<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> -About the 12th of November, he tells Atticus that if Octavian -wins now, the fear is that he will confirm Cæsar’s <i>acta</i> more -completely than ever, which will be against the interests of -Brutus, while, if he is beaten, Antony will become more -despotic still.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> Early in December (or the end of November), -he mentions with alarm the possibility of Octavian being -elected for a chance vacancy in the Tribunate<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>; and assents -to a remark made by Atticus, that though Octavian had given<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span> -Antony a notable check, “they must wait to see the end.” -Again he says to Oppius, “I cannot be warmly on his side -without having some security that he will cordially embrace -the friendship of Brutus and Cassius and the other tyrannicides.”<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian begins his march.</div> - -<p>On the 9th of December, however, when he came to Rome -after Antony’s departure, Cicero made up his mind that for the -present all distrust was to be dismissed or at -least concealed. Octavian had mustered his forces -at Alba Fucensis, and after some communications -with the Senate—which warmly welcomed his offer of aid—had -started with his legions on the track of Antony; who before -the end of the year began the investment of Mutina, upon -the refusal of Decimus Brutus to quit the province.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian is recognised by the Senate, and obtains imperium, Jan. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</div> - -<p>Accordingly, on the 20th of December, Cicero himself proposed -a resolution in the Senate authorising the Consuls-designate -to provide for the safe meeting of the Senate on the 1st of -January; approving of an edict of Decimus Brutus, just -arrived, in which he forbade any one with imperium entering -his province to succeed him; directing all provincial governors -to retain their provinces till successors were named by the -Senate; and, lastly, approving the action of “Gaius Cæsar” -in enrolling the veterans, and of the Martia and Quarta in -having joined him. These resolutions were to be formally put -to the Senate on the 1st of January by the new consuls.<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> -Accordingly on that and the following days, after somewhat -stormy debates, these decrees were passed, as well as one which -acknowledged the services of Octavian, and gave -him the rank of proprætor with imperium. It -was also enacted that in regard to elections to -office he should be considered to have held the -quæstorship. He thus became a member of the Senate, with -a right of speaking among the <i>prætorii</i>, and consequently with -a plausible claim to stand for the consulship, in spite of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span> -youth. A second decree—after the battles at Mutina—gave -him <i>consularia ornamenta</i>.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> - -<p>Octavian was now fully launched on his public career. He -had shown both Antony and the Senate that he was no negligible -quantity. Though the Senate neither liked nor trusted -him, he had played his cards with such skill that it was forced -to treat him as its champion; while Antony had contrived to -put himself in such clear opposition to the constitutional claims -of the Senate, that Octavian could attack him without thereby -committing himself to the support of the Assassins, and had -made himself so strong that (if he proved successful against -Antony) he would hereafter be able to dictate his own terms. -Cicero saw this clearly enough, but he hoped that the defeat -of Antony would secure to the side of the Senate the governors -of Gaul and Spain with their legions,<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> and that thus supported -they would be able to discard their youthful champion. “He -was,” he said later on, “to be complimented, distinguished, and—extinguished.”<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> -We shall now see how the hopes of the -sanguine orator were once more blasted, and how all these -intrigues were baffled by the wary policy and cool persistence -of “the boy.”</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE CONSULSHIP AND TRIUMVIRATE</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Gravesque</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>principum amicitias.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian’s position at the beginning of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</div> - -<p>The campaign of Mutina, in which Octavian had now embarked, -was ended by two battles—one at Forum Gallorum on -the 15th, and another at Antony’s camp on the -21st of April. After the latter date there were -military movements of some interest and importance, -but no actual conflict. Before these battles Octavian’s -position had been difficult and delicate; and though it was much -improved after them, it was not in the way expected by the -Senate. The change was due to his own prudence and energy. -Since his start from Alba to follow Antony the aspect of affairs -at Rome had been much modified, and he had had good reason -to doubt the favour of the party over whom Cicero was now -exercising a predominant influence. Cicero appears indeed to -have kept up a constant correspondence with Octavian, in -which he did his best by flattery and argument to retain his -aid and lull his suspicions. But there were facts which it must -have been difficult for him to explain to Octavian’s satisfaction. -It is true that besides the honours voted to him in the Senate -in the first week of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43, he had been joined with the other -magistrate in the <i>Senatus-consultum ultimum</i>, empowering them<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span> -to “see that the state took no harm.”<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> But though the -decrees also gave him a constitutional right to command -soldiers,<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> yet the despatch of the two consuls to the seat of -war deprived him of the chief command; while the more -moderate party had carried over Cicero’s head a resolution to -send three commissioners to negotiate with Antony. Cicero -asserts that they were only authorised to convey to Antony the -Senate’s order that he was to quit the Gallic province. That -was not, however, the view of the commissioners themselves. -One of them—Serv. Sulpicius Rufus—died on the journey; -but the other two—L. Calpurnius Piso and L. Marcius Philippus—brought -back some proposals from Antony in February, -which, had they been accepted, might perhaps have secured -the safety of Brutus and Cassius, but would certainly have -left Octavian out in the cold, without any pretext for keeping -up his military force.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Antony’s proposals.</div> - -<p>Antony proposed to give up the Cisalpine province, on -condition of receiving Transalpine Gaul—exclusive of Narbonensis—with -the six legions already under -him, supplemented by those at present commanded -by Dec. Brutus, for five years, or for such time as -Brutus and Cassius should be consuls or proconsuls. Secondly, -on condition that the <i>acta</i> of his consulship—including the -use of the money from the temple of Ops and his grants -of lands—should be left intact; and that those serving with -him should have complete indemnity.<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> The envoys were -against the extreme measure of declaring a state of war -(rather than a <i>tumultus</i>) and proclaiming Antony a <i>hostis</i>, and -the majority of the Senate agreed with them and voted for -further negotiations. It was a strange position. Octavian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span> -had been authorised by the Senate to drive Antony from -Cisalpine Gaul. One of the consuls—Aulus Hirtius—had -left Rome with two legions, and had, in fact, come into contact -with the enemy in a cavalry skirmish at Claterna; the -other consul, Pansa, was also preparing to follow. Yet the -Senate was negotiating with Antony as though he were not -a <i>hostis</i>, but a citizen with a grievance. The time was soon -to come when Octavian, too, would find it convenient to -make terms with Antony; but nothing could have been more -against his interests than the present action of the Senate. It -would seem to him a cynical disregard of their mutual obligations. -Nor was this the worst. Antony’s offer as to Brutus -and Cassius was only an offer to recognise an accomplished -fact. These two leaders in the assassination had been already -nominated by the Senate to Macedonia and Syria. Cicero was -in constant correspondence with them, addressing them as the -chief hope of the constitution, and suggesting that their armies -might be used to maintain the hold of the party on Italy. -Trebonius, moreover, had been sent to Asia with the express -understanding that he was to fortify that province and collect -money to support Brutus and Cassius. When news came that -Trebonius had been put to death by Dolabella, the latter was -declared a <i>hostis</i> by the Senate, and his punishment entrusted -to Cassius.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Antony’s letter to Octavian.</div> - -<p>These facts must have gradually made it quite clear to -Octavian that the complete triumph of the Ciceronian party -would be no less damaging to him than that of -Antony. But though skilful use was made -of them by Antony himself in a letter addressed to Hirtius -and Octavian,<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> the young Cæsar was not to be induced to take<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span> -any premature step. The Senate might be dealt with hereafter: -for the present the first necessity was to prevent -Antony from becoming strong enough to dictate terms to -himself as well as to the Senate. He therefore quietly continued -to take his part in the campaign.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The military situation in the spring of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</div> - -<p>The Senatorial armies commanded the district round Mutina, -except Bononia, Regium Lepidi, and Parma. Of these towns, -the first was twenty-three miles east of Mutina -along the Æmilian road; the other two about -the same distance west of it. They were in the -hands of Antony, affording him bases of operation on either -side of Mutina. In the middle of February Cicero was -daily expecting to hear of Dec. Brutus ending the war by -a sally from Mutina. At that time Antony’s headquarters -were at Bononia, only a part of his troops actually investing -Mutina. Hirtius was at Claterna, eleven miles east of -Bononia; Octavian at Forum Cornelii (Imola), nine miles -farther east. Bad weather had prevented serious operations, -but some time in March Antony evacuated Bononia to -push on the siege of Mutina with his full force. Hirtius and -Octavian at once occupied Bononia, and gradually pushed out -fortified posts towards Mutina;<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> for Dec. Brutus was hard -pressed for food, and they feared that he would have to surrender. -But not being on an equality with Antony, especially -in cavalry, they were anxious to wait for the fresh legions -from Rome under Pansa. Some minor skirmishes took place -from time to time,<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> but as the days dragged on and Mutina -was not relieved, the anxiety at Rome grew greater and -greater. “I am restlessly waiting for news,” writes Cicero -on the 11th of April; “the decisive hour is upon us; for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span> -our whole hope depends on relieving Dec. Brutus.”<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> On -the 15th and 16th there was a panic in the city caused by the -prætor Ventidius Bassus. He had enrolled two legions of -veterans, and was believed to be about to enter Rome. He, -however, marched off to Potentia to watch the result of the -struggle in Gallia Cisalpina; and a few days later came the -news of the victory of Forum Gallorum, which changed this -unreasonable panic into an exultation almost as unreasonable.<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of Forum Gallorum, April 15th, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</div> - -<p>Pansa was expected to reach the seat of war about the 16th -of April. A detachment, consisting of the Martia and two -prætorian cohorts, was sent out to conduct him -and his four new legions into camp. In order -to intercept this force Antony concealed two -legions in Forum Gallorum, only allowing his cavalry and -light armed to be seen. On the 14th Pansa encamped near -Bononia, and next morning started to join Hirtius in his -camp near Mutina, along with the troops sent out to meet -him. The main force marched over the open country; the -two prætorian cohorts kept to the <i>via Æmilia</i>. Near Forum -Gallorum there was some marshy and difficult ground. The -Martia got through this first, and suddenly sighted Antony’s -cavalry. The men could not be held back: enraged at the -recollection of their comrades executed at Brundisium, they -broke into a charge. Pansa, unable to stop them, tried to -bring up two new legions to their support. But Antony was -too quick for him. He suddenly led out his legions from the -village, and Pansa, in danger of being surrounded, had to -retire upon his camp of the previous night, having himself<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span> -received two wounds, while the prætorian cohorts on the -Æmilian road were cut to pieces. Antony seemed to have -won the day. But he attempted too much. He pushed on -towards Bononia, hoping to storm the camp, but was beaten -off and forced to retire to his own quarters near Mutina. He -was, however, many hours’ march from them. His men were -tired, and when they reached Forum Gallorum again they -were met by Hirtius, who, having heard of Pansa’s disaster, -had come out with twenty veteran cohorts. Antony’s wearied -men were utterly routed almost on the ground of their -morning’s victory, and he had to escape with his cavalry to -his camp near Mutina, which he did not reach till long after -sunset. Hirtius had no cavalry to pursue him, and accordingly -went on to visit the wounded Pansa.</p> - -<p>Though the prætorian cohorts which had suffered so -severely on the road were Octavian’s, he was not leading -them, nor does he seem to have been engaged in either of the -battles. But it appears that some of Antony’s men had -threatened the camp in charge of which he had been left, -and that his success in repelling this attack was sufficiently -marked for his soldiers to greet him with the title of Imperator -as well as Hirtius and Pansa.<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Antony’s second defeat at Mutina, 21 April.</div> - -<p>The news of this victory reached Rome on the 20th, and -the extravagant exultation of the Ciceronians may be gathered -from the Fourteenth Philippic. But Antony was -still investing Mutina, and though he had lost -heavily, so also had his opponents, especially the -Martia and Octavian’s prætorian cohorts. Pansa, disabled by -his wounds, had been carried to Bononia, and for some days -nothing of importance was attempted. But on the 21st -Hirtius and Octavian moved to the west of Mutina, where<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span> -the lines of investment were less complete, with the hope of -relieving the town on that side. Antony sent out his cavalry -to intercept them, and, after some skirmishing, two legions to -support it. Octavian attacked and drove them back to their -camp, into which Hirtius forced his way, but was killed within -the vallum. Octavian got possession of the body, but had -presently to evacuate the camp. Still Antony’s losses in these -two battles had been so severe that he feared being himself -invested by Octavian, who would in that case, he felt sure, be -joined by Lepidus and Plancus. Whatever might then be the -fate of Decimus Brutus, he at any rate would be paralysed. He -resolved to make a dash for the Transalpine province, hoping -there to be joined not only by Pollio, Lepidus, and Plancus, -but by Ventidius also. He accordingly raised the siege, and -with a strong body of cavalry marched along the <i>via Æmilia</i>. At -Dertona he left the road, and made the difficult pass of Aquæ -Statiellæ, leading to the coast at Vada Sabatia. There he was -joined by Ventidius, and proceeded along the Riviera into the -province. Decimus Brutus did not start in pursuit till the -third day, partly owing to the exhausted state of his men after -their long investment, partly because he wished to induce -Octavian to join him.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The exultant Ciceronians slight Octavian.</div> - -<p>The news of Antony’s retirement reached Rome on the -26th. The exultant Ciceronians regarded the war as at an -end, and next day, under Cicero’s influence, -Antony and his adherents were declared <i>hostes</i> in -the Senate.<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> He was believed to be utterly ruined, -and the Senate was regarded as once more supreme. Decimus -Brutus would of course cut to pieces the poor remains of -Antony’s troops; Lepidus and Plancus would hold their -provinces in obedience to the Senate. Octavian was no longer -necessary, and was immediately made to feel it. Not only -were scandalous rumours spread abroad, charging him with -causing the death of Hirtius, and suborning his physician to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span> -poison the wounds of Pansa,<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> but in the vote of thanks to -the army no mention was made of him. The vote also was -so framed as to introduce divisions in the army itself by -naming certain cohorts for honour and passing over others; -while the legates conveying these thanks and honours were -instructed to communicate directly with the men, not through -Octavian as their commander. The legions of Pansa were -transferred to Decimus Brutus, even the Martia and Quarta, -formerly commended for joining Octavian. At the same -time, all those most likely to be hostile to him were promoted. -Sext. Pompeius was declared head of the naval forces of the -republic; Brutus and Cassius were confirmed in their provinces -and given special powers in all other provinces east of the -Adriatic; a commission of ten was appointed to revise the -<i>acta</i> of Antony’s consulship, in which Octavian had no place.<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> -Lastly, his claim to a triumph and to be a candidate for one -of the vacant consulships was rejected, though as a kind of -sop he was granted <i>consularia ornamenta</i>,<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> and Cicero appears to -have proposed his having an ovation.<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> But it was about the -same time that Cicero’s unlucky epigram as to “distinguishing -and extinguishing” him was reported to Octavian.<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> If Cicero, -who was in constant correspondence with him, and was even -discussing the possibilities of their holding the consulship as -colleagues,<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> could thus speak, what was he to think of the -rest? No doubt all these circumstances contributed to fix -Octavian’s resolve. He at once declined to co-operate with -Decimus Brutus, or to surrender his legions to him. Although -those under Hirtius and Pansa had been assigned bodily by the -Senate to Brutus, the Martia and Quarta refused to obey the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span> -order, and declared their loyalty to Octavian. Their example -was followed by the other veterans, who refused to serve under -an assassin of their old imperator. Thus fortified, Octavian -adopted a line of conduct which partly alarmed and partly -puzzled the other commanders of troops. He established -secret communications with Antony, releasing prisoners taken -from his army, and allowing certain officers to rejoin him; -while he himself, remaining inactive for some months, was -privately preparing to enforce his claim on the consulship. -The departure of Decimus Brutus left him in undisturbed -command of the greater part of Cisalpine Gaul, and there were -no military forces between him and Rome, now that Ventidius -had accomplished his rapid march from Potentia to the western -coast at Vada.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Revulsion of feeling at Rome.</div> - -<p>The gradual disillusionment of the Ciceronians as to the -victory over Antony; the perplexity caused by the inactivity -of Octavian; the delays and helplessness of -Decimus Brutus—all these are faithfully reflected -in the Cicero correspondence of this period. At -first everything is <i>couleur-de-rose</i>. On the 21st of April, on -the receipt of the news of the battle of Forum Gallorum, he -writes:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In the youthful Cæsar there is a wonderful natural strain of -virtue. Pray heaven we may govern him in the flush of honours -and popularity as easily as we have held him up to this time! This -is certainly a more difficult thing, but nevertheless I have no -mistrust. For the young man has been convinced, and chiefly by -my arguments, that our safety is his work, and that, at any rate, if -he had not diverted Antony from the city, all would have been -lost.”<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>On the 27th (after hearing of the fight at the camp) he -thinks Octavian is with Decimus Brutus in pursuit of Antony -or, as he says, “of the remnant of the enemy.”<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span></p> - -<p>But presently he is informed that Octavian is not thus -acting, or serving the interests of the Senate. Decimus -Brutus writes from Dertona on the 5th of May:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“If Cæsar had hearkened to me and crossed the Apennines, I -should have reduced Antony to such straits that he would have -been ruined by failure of provisions rather than the sword. But -neither can any one control Cæsar, nor can Cæsar control his own -army—both most disastrous facts.”<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Decimus Brutus was inaccurately informed as to the relations -between Octavian and his troops,<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> but was quite right in -concluding that he had no help to expect from him. He -wrote again on the 12th of May, attributing his delay in -beginning the pursuit to the fact that “he could not put any -confidence in Cæsar without visiting and conversing with -him.”<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> He had, however, gained nothing by the interview, -and had been specially dismayed to find that the Martia and -Quarta refused to join him.<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> On the 24th of May he writes -again, warning Cicero that Octavian has heard of his epigram; -that the veterans are indignant at the proceedings in Rome; -and that Octavian had secured all the troops lately commanded -by Pansa.<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> Later in the same month he appears to have -suggested the recall of M. Brutus, and that meanwhile the -defence of Italy should be intrusted to Octavian.<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a></p> - -<p>This last suggestion shows how far he had failed to penetrate -the policy of Octavian. The mistake was shared by -L. Munatius Plancus, governor of Celtic Gaul, who was -moving down towards the province expecting to be joined -by Octavian in opposing Antony, or, at any rate, supposing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span> -that Octavian’s army was at the disposal of the Senate. “Let -Cæsar,” he says, on the 6th of June, “come with the best -troops he has, or, if anything prevents him from coming in -person, let his army be sent.”<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> Some weeks later he too had -learnt that Cæsar’s real purpose had been misunderstood. He -writes on the 28th of July:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I have never ceased importuning him by letter, and he has -uniformly replied that he is coming without delay, while all the -time I perceive that he has given up that idea, and has taken up -some other scheme. Nevertheless, I have sent our friend Furnius -to him with a message and a letter, in case he may be able to do -some good.”<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>While the generals in Gaul were thus being gradually -brought to see that Octavian had an independent policy of -his own, the hopes of support entertained by Cicero at home -were one by one disappearing. By the middle of May he -knew that Antony’s retreat was not the disorganised flight -supposed, nor the end of the war.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The news which reached Rome,” he says, about the 15th of -May, “and what everybody believed, was that Antony had fled -with a small body of men, who were without arms, panic stricken, -and utterly demoralised. But if he is in such a position (as -Græceius tells us) that he cannot be offered battle without risk, -he appears to me not to have fled from Mutina, but merely to have -changed the seat of war. Accordingly there is a general revulsion -of feeling.”<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>In these circumstances Cicero could do nothing but try to -keep Decimus Brutus, Lepidus, and Plancus loyal to the -Senate, and urge them to act with vigour.</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Be your own Senate,” he writes to Plancus about the 27th of May, -“and follow wherever the interests of the public service shall lead -you. Let it be your object that we hear of some brilliant operation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span> -by you before we thought that it was going to happen. I pledge -you my word that whatever you achieve the Senate will accept as -having been done not only with loyal intention, but with wisdom -also.”<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>But on the 29th of May Lepidus joined Antony.<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> On the -3rd of June Decimus Brutus writes for the last time in despairing -tones to Cicero from near Grenoble,<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> and though a subsequent -junction with Plancus kept him from destruction for a few -weeks longer, he was never able to do anything of any account -again. The only hope remaining to Cicero was to induce -M. Brutus or C. Cassius, or both, to come to Italy with their -armies. He had not, indeed, quite given up hope of Octavian’s -loyalty, but his old doubts were recurring, and though he still -used flattering words to him, he must have been conscious -that Octavian had gauged their value. Late in June, writing -to urge M. Brutus to come to Italy, he says: “The protecting -force of the young Cæsar I regard as trustworthy; but -so many are trying to sap his loyalty that at times I am -mortally afraid of his giving in.”<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian, after some vain negotiations, at length moves on Rome. Aug., <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</div> - -<p>It does not seem true that Octavian yielded to the influence -of others in the steps which he now took. As at other times -in his life he may have listened to advice, but the -final decision was always his own, adopted from -passing sentiment or passion, but with the cool -determination of settled policy. He had decided -that to be able to treat with Antony on equal -terms he must obtain one of the vacant consulships. This -would make him legally head of the State, and add to his -military strength the prestige and authority of that position. -If possible he would be elected without any show of force, and -therefore began negotiations with the Senate soon after the -battles of Mutina through Cicero. But the Senate suspected -Cicero of wishing for the consulship himself, and would not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span> -listen to the suggestion. The constitutional difficulty about -the election gave the Senate a decent excuse for postponement. -Both consuls were dead, and the prætor was unable to “create” -a higher imperium than his own. There was no one to name -a dictator, and as magistrates with imperium still existed the -<i>auspicia</i> had not reverted to the <i>patres</i>, therefore they could -not name <i>interreges</i>. On the 1st of January, when the curule -offices would all be vacant, the <i>auspicia</i> would revert to the -Senate. Accordingly, after some discussion, Cicero tells a -correspondent at the end of June, it had been held to be -best, “in the interests of the constitution, to put off the -elections till January.”<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> But Octavian had no intention of -being thwarted by this technical difficulty. He had no wish -for the present to farther weaken Antony, and bring the -whole weight of the Ciceronians upon himself, but he was -resolved that the consulship was necessary in order to be on -an equal footing with him.<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> He therefore allowed a deputation -of four hundred of his soldiers to go to Rome to demand -the payment of the bounties voted to them, with the understanding -that they were also to ask for the consulship for -Octavian. There would be some show of reason in combining -these two demands, for they needed his protection against the -decemvirs, who were likely to interfere in the allotment of -lands made both by Iulius and Antony. But the deputation, -though admitted to the curia, received an unfavourable answer. -We are told that the Senate insisted on their appearing unarmed, -but that one of them left the Senate house and returned -with a sword and the remark, “If you do not give Cæsar the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span> -consulship this will do so.” Whereupon Cicero exclaimed, -“If that is your way of pressing his suit, he will get it.” -The same story is told of Iulius, and one is always suspicious -of such dramatic scenes.<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> At any rate, Octavian regarded the -attitude of the Senate as hostile, and determined to march on -Rome with his eight legions,<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> a corresponding force of cavalry, -and some auxiliary troops.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian enters Rome and obtains the consulship. August, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</div> - -<p>He moved in two columns, the first consisting of his -swiftest and most active men, led by himself; for among -other causes of anxiety was a fear that his mother -and sister might meet with ill-treatment in Rome. -The Senate had no troops to oppose to this formidable -army, and in its terror sent legates with -the money promised to the men, but lately refused to the -deputation. Octavian however refused them entrance into -the camp, and pushed on without stopping. The panic in the -city grew daily more acute, and Cicero, who had pledged his -credit for Octavian’s loyalty,<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> found himself an object of suspicion -and retired from Rome. Then every concession was -made in the Senate: the bounty promised to some of the -troops was doubled, and extended to all the troops alike, -though the exchequer was exhausted by the payment of only -two legions.<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> Octavian was to have the distribution of lands -and rewards instead of the decemvirs, and was allowed to be a -candidate for the consulship in his absence. Messengers were -sent to announce these concessions to him; but he had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span> -scarcely heard them when he was informed of a change of -sentiment in Rome. The legions, summoned by the Senate -from Africa, had arrived; Cicero had reappeared; the decrees -were rescinded; and measures were being taken to defend the -city. The two legions from Africa were to be supported by -a levy <i>en masse</i> and by a legion enrolled by Pansa but not -taken with him. The city prætor M. Cornutus was to be -commander-in-chief. At the same time boats and other means -of transport were being prepared in the Tiber for the escape -of the chief citizens, their families and property, in case of -defeat; while a vigorous search was being made for Octavian’s -mother and sister as hostages. Octavian felt that no time -was to be lost. Sending forward messengers to assure the -people that they would not be harmed,<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> he continued his -advance on Rome. A day’s march from the city he was met -by a large number of real or pretended sympathisers; and felt -it safe to leave his troops and enter Rome with a strong bodyguard. -Enthusiastic crowds greeted his entrance, and as he -approached the temple of Vesta he had the happiness of seeing -his mother and sister, who had taken sanctuary with the -Vestals, and now came out to embrace him. The three -legions in Rome, in spite of some opposition from their -officers, declared for him; and the prætor Cornutus killed -himself in despair. It was all over, and Octavian was master -of the situation. For a moment indeed there seemed a gleam -of hope. A rumour reached the city that the Martia and -Quarta had refused to follow Octavian to Rome. Cicero -hastily gathered some partisans into the Senate house in the -evening to discuss the possibility of further resistance. But -while they were in conference they learnt that the rumour -was false. There was nothing for it but to disperse, and -Cicero was fain to seek out Octavian and offer a tardy -congratulation—received with ironical courtesy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The consulship and other honours.</div> - -<p>The constitutional difficulty as to the election was at once -surmounted by the investment of two men with proconsular -powers to hold it. The rest was a mere form, -and on the 19th of August Octavian, with his -cousin Q. Pedius, entered upon their consulship. -The now obsequious Senate proceeded to heap honours upon -him. He was to have money to pay the promised bounties; -to enjoy an imperium, when with an army, superior to the -consuls; to do whatever he thought necessary for the protection -of the city; and to take over the army lately assigned to -Decimus Brutus. The <i>lex curiata</i> for his adoption under -Cæsar’s will was at once passed, and he was now by right as well -as by courtesy a Cæsar. His colleague, Q. Pedius, at the same -time carried a law for the trial of all concerned in the murder -of Iulius, and the <i>quæstio</i> seems at once to have been instituted. -All were condemned in their absence and lost their citizenship -and the protection of the laws.<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> Brutus and Cassius, with the -rest of the assassins, were thus put at a great disadvantage. It -was an act of war on their part, as condemned men, to hold -their provinces or command troops. That the Senate, in -which the majority were doubtless in favour of Brutus and -Cassius, should have practically sanctioned these measures,<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> -shews how completely it was cowed. Octavian’s position was, -in fact, a very strong one. It was not possible for M. Brutus -to transport a sufficient force from Macedonia to crush him, -much less for Cassius from Syria. The two combined would -no doubt hope some day to be able to attack him; but meanwhile -he had time to fortify himself by new coalitions.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Octavian goes to meet Antony.</div> - -<p>Cæsar—as we should now call him—only stayed in Rome to -see these measures secured. He then left the city under the -care of Pedius, and marched once more into Cisalpine -Gaul. His nominal object was to destroy -Decimus Brutus—now a condemned man—but -his real purpose was to come to an understanding with Antony -and Lepidus. Letters had already passed between them, and -some plan of action had been agreed upon. Antony was to crush -Decimus Brutus and Plancus, while the Senate was persuaded -by Pedius to rescind the decrees declaring Antony and Lepidus -<i>hostes</i>. This news was sent to Cæsar while on his leisurely -march, and passed on by him to Antony; who thereupon proceeded -to fulfil his part of the bargain. He was by this time, -or shortly afterwards, reinforced by Asinius Pollio<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> with two -legions from Spain, who at once succeeded in securing the -cohesion of Plancus. The greater part of the troops under -Decimus Brutus also insisted on following Plancus; and Brutus -was obliged to fly with a small force.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of Decimus Brutus.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The triumvirate arranged, Nov., <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</div> - -<p>This settled the fate of Decimus Brutus, and left Northern -Italy open to Antony, unless Cæsar still chose to oppose -him. After various fruitless attempts to escape, -Brutus was put to death by a Sequanian Gaul, -under orders from Antony,<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> who then with Pollio -and Lepidus<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> marched into Cispadane Gaul with a large part<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span> -of their forces, the rest being left to guard the province. The -invading army marched along the Æmilian road as though to -attack Cæsar. But the real intention on both sides was to -come to terms. On an islet in a tributary of the Po, between -Mutina and Bononia, the three leaders, Antony, Lepidus, and -Cæsar met for conference, though not till elaborate precautions -had been taken against treachery. For two days they sat from -morning till night in earnest debate, in full view -of their respective armies. On the third the -soldiers of both sides were summoned to a <i>contio</i>, -and informed of the articles which had been agreed upon, -though the last and most terrible of them—the proscription—was -not communicated. The terms announced were: (1) -Cæsar agreed to abdicate the consulship, which was to be held -for the remainder of the year by Ventidius Bassus; (2) Lepidus -and Plancus were to be consuls for <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42; (3) Lepidus, -Cæsar, and Antony were to be appointed by a <i>lex</i> for the -remainder of the year, and for five years from the next 1st of -January, <i>triumviri reipublicæ constituendæ</i>—a board of three for -settling the constitution.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Powers of the Triumvirate.</div> - -<p>The Triumvirate was practically a dictatorship in commission. -The word was avoided owing to its prohibition in Antony’s -law. But the triumvirs were to exercise all the -powers of a dictator; their <i>acta</i> were to be -authoritative; they were to be independent of the -Senate; superior to all magistrates; to have the right of proposing -laws to the <i>Comitia</i>; to regulate the appointment of -magistrates and provincial governors. The colleagueship was -an apparent concession to the fundamental principle of the -constitution; but from the first it was practically a duumvirate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span> -rather than a triumvirate, Lepidus being treated almost at -once as inferior. The Empire east of the Adriatic was for the -moment separated from this home government, being held by -Brutus and Cassius; but the western part was to be divided -among the three—Cæsar taking Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily; -Antony, Cisalpine Gaul and Transalpina, with the exception -of Narbonensis; Lepidus, Gallia Narbonensis and Upper -Spain. In these districts each would be supreme and govern -personally or by their legates. But the greater part of Cæsar’s -share was still in the hands of Sextus Pompeius, and would have -to be won back. It was accordingly arranged that in the -following year Lepidus, as consul, should be responsible for the -order of Italy, while Cæsar undertook to put down Sextus, and -Antony to confront M. Brutus and Cassius.</p> - -<p>The soldiers of both armies, having no desire to fight each -other, received the announcement with enthusiasm. Their -devotion to Iulius Cæsar’s memory was warmed by the belief -that the anti-Cæsarean clique at Rome meant to deprive them -of the money and lands assigned to them. The Triumvirs, -on the other hand, promised them allotments in the choicest -parts of Italy—Capua, Rhegium, Venusia, Vibo, Beneventum, -Ariminum, Nuceria. There was land at most of these places -which from one cause or another had become <i>ager publicus</i>; -and when that failed there would always be owners, whose part -in the war just over, and that about to take place, would give -opportunity for confiscation. This combination of military -chiefs therefore suited the views and wishes of the soldiers, and -some of them urged that the bond should be drawn still closer -by Cæsar’s marriage with Antony’s stepdaughter Clodia.<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> -Cæsar assented to the betrothal, but as Clodia was still quite -young, he prudently deferred the marriage. He doubtless -foresaw possible inconveniences in being too closely allied -with Antony.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Proscription.</div> - -<p>The next step was for the three to enter Rome and obtain<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span> -a legal confirmation of their appointment. But they did not -wait till their arrival in the city to begin the -vengeance. They had agreed to follow the precedent -of Sulla by publishing lists of men declared -to be out of the pale of the law. The larger list was reserved -for further consideration; but a preliminary list of seventeen -names was drawn up at once, and soldiers were sent with -orders to put the men to death wherever found. Among -these were Cicero, his brother, and nephew. Plutarch tells -us that Cicero’s name was put upon the list as a compromise. -Octavian bargained for Lucius Cæsar, Antony’s uncle, and in -return conceded to Antony the inclusion of Cicero, while -Lepidus consented to his brother, L. Paulus, being entered.<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> -Four of the seventeen were found at once and put to death. -Cicero escaped till the arrival of the triumvirs in Rome, but -was killed near Formiæ on the 7th of December, his brother -and nephew having already been put to death in Rome. -Cæsar was the first to arrive in the city, and was quickly -followed by Antony and Lepidus, each with a strong prætorian -guard. Their appointment was duly confirmed in the <i>Comitia</i> -on the proposal of the tribune Titus Titius, and on the 27th -of November they entered upon their office.<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p> - -<p>Naturally the sudden execution of three of the seventeen -who were found in Rome had created great alarm in the city, -where no one knew whose turn was to come next. The -panic was somewhat lessened by Pedius publishing the list of -the seventeen, with the assurance that no more executions -were intended. He appears to have honestly believed this, but -the agitation of the night of horror was too much for him, and -he died within the next twenty-four hours. On the day after -the installation of the triumvirs (November 28th) the citizens -were horrified to see an edict fixed up in the Forum, detailing -the causes of the executions which were to follow, and offering<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span> -a reward for the head of any one of those named below—25,000 -sesterces to a freeman, 10,000 and freedom to a slave. -All who aided or concealed a proscribed man were to suffer -death themselves. Below were two tablets, one for Senators -and one for equites. They contained 130 names, besides the -original seventeen, to which were shortly added 150 more. -Additions were continually being made during the following -days, either from private malice or covetousness. In some -cases men were first killed and then their names inserted in -the lists. The edict made it the interest of slaves to betray -their masters, against whom perhaps in many cases these unfortunate -men had a long list of injuries to avenge. They -had now the fierce gratification of seeing their oppressors -grovelling at their feet. But it also placed a severe strain on -the affection of the nearest kinsmen whose lives were forfeited -if they concealed or aided the proscribed. The sale of confiscated -property at low rates gave opportunities for the covetous, -and many a man perished because he possessed house or land -desired by Fulvia or some friend of Antony. But though -the terror revealed much meanness and treachery, it also -brought to light many instances of courage and devotion. -Wives and sons risked death for husbands and fathers; and -there were slaves who assumed the dress of their masters and -died for them.</p> - -<p>The massacre began with Salvius, though holding the -sacrosanct office of tribune. Two prætors—Minucius and L. -Velleius—were cut down while engaged in their courts. To -shew how no connections, however high, were to save any -man, at the head of the list was a brother of Lepidus, an uncle -of Antony, a brother of Plancus, and the father-in-law of -Asinius Pollio. But as usual in times of such horror, many -perished who from their humble position or their youth could -have had no share in politics. The total number eventually -proscribed, according to Appian, was “three hundred Senators -and about two thousand equites.” Livy says that there were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span> -130 names of Senators on the lists, and a large number -(<i>plurimi</i>) of equites. Livy is probably giving the number of -Senators who actually perished.<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> In Rome itself the terror -was probably brief. It would not take long to find those who -stayed in the city; the gates and roads were strictly guarded, -and it was difficult to evade military vigilance. But many -were hiding in the country, and the search for them went on -into the first months of the next year, and all through Italy -soldiers were scouring towns, villages, woods, and marshes in -search of the proscribed. Probably the exact number of -those executed was never known. But it seems likely that -about half escaped, some of whom in happier times rose to -high office. There were three possible places of refuge, the -camp of M. Brutus in Macedonia, of Cassius in Syria, and -the fleet of Sext. Pompeius in Sicily. Pompeius sent vessels -to cruise round the southern coasts of Italy and pick up -refugees; and tried to counteract the edict by offering those -who saved any one of them double the sum set upon their -heads by the triumvirs. He was liberal in relieving their -necessities, and found commands or other employments for -those of high rank.<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> At length, early in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42 Lepidus -informed the Senate that the proscriptions were at an end. -He seems to have meant by this that no new list was to be -issued, not that those already proscribed were to be pardoned; -and Cæsar, who was present, entered a protest against being -bound even by this declaration.<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Protest of Ladies.</div> - -<p>In fact another list was published, but this time it was of -properties to be confiscated, not of lives to be -taken. In spite of the already large confiscations -the triumviral government was in financial difficulties. -Confiscated properties were liable to reductions for the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span> -dowries of widows, 10 per cent. to sons, and 5 per cent. to -daughters.<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> These claims were not always paid perhaps, but -they sometimes were. Again, besides the natural fall of prices -caused by so much property coming into the market at once, -much of it was sold to friends and partisans at great reductions, -few venturing to bid against men in power or soldiers. The -treasury, therefore, was not enriched as much as might have -been expected; and as the triumvirs had two wars in the -immediate future to face, they were in great need of money. -The tributum and tax on slaves were reimposed, but failed to -produce a surplus. A device therefore was hit upon something -like the fines on “Malignants” in England, under the -Commonwealth. Lists of persons more or less suspect were put -up, who were ordered to contribute a tenth of their property. -Each man had to value his own estate, and this gave rise to -frequent accusations of fraud, generally resulting in the confiscation -of the whole. Others found it impossible to raise the -money without selling property, which could only be done just -then at a ruinous sacrifice. An alternative was offered to such -men which proved equally ruinous. They might surrender -their whole estate and apply for the restoration of a third. -The treasury was not likely to be prompt in completing the -transaction, for it had first to sell and satisfy charges on the -estate, nor to take a liberal view of the amount due to the -owner. It was an encumbered estates act, under which the -margin of salvage was always small, and tended to disappear -altogether.<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> Among those thus proscribed were about fourteen -hundred ladies. They did not silently submit, but applied to -Octavia, as well as to Antony’s mother Iulia, and his wife Fulvia. -By Octavia and Iulia they were kindly received, but were -driven from Fulvia’s door. Undismayed they appeared before -the tribunal of the triumvirs, where Hortensia, daughter of the -orator Hortensius, pleaded their cause with something of her -father’s eloquence. “If they were guilty,” she argued, “they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span> -ought to have shared the fate of their relations. If not it was -as unjust to injure their property as their persons. They had -no share in political rights, and therefore were not liable to -taxation. Women had of old voluntarily contributed their -personal ornaments to the defences of the country; but they -had never contributed, and, she hoped, never would contribute -to a civil war, or shew sympathy on either side.” The -triumvirs received the protest with anger, and ordered their -lictors to drive the ladies away. But they were struck by -marks of disapproval among the crowd; and next day a new -edict was substituted, which contained only four hundred names -of women, and, instead of naming individual men, imposed on -all properties above 100,000 sesterces (about £800) an -immediate tax of 2 per cent. of the capital, and one year’s -income for the expenses of the war.<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Responsibility of Augustus for the proscriptions.</div> - -<p>For a just view of the character of Augustus, it is important -to decide how far he acquiesced in the cruelties of the proscription. -With the general policy he seems to have -been in full accord; and as far as a complete -vengeance on those implicated in the murder of -Iulius was concerned, he was no doubt inexorable. But his -administration as sole head of the state was so equitable and -clement, that many found it difficult to believe that he did -more than tacitly acquiesce in the rest of the proscriptions. -Augustus himself, in the memoir left to be engraved after his -death, omits all mention of them, and conveniently passes from -the legal condemnation of the assassins to the assertion that he -spared the survivors of Philippi. Paterculus only alludes to -them in a sentence, which contains a skilful insinuation that -Augustus only joined in them under compulsion. Appian -makes no distinction between the three. He tells us, indeed, -some stories of mercy shown by Augustus, and of his expressing -approbation of acts of fidelity on the part of friends or slaves. -But he also credits Antony with at least one act of a similar<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span> -kind. Plutarch says that most blame was thought to attach to -Antony, as being older than Cæsar and more influential than -Lepidus. Dio goes more fully into the question. He affirms -that Antony and Lepidus were chiefly responsible for the proscriptions, -pointing out that Octavian by his own nature, as well -as his association with Iulius, was inclined to clemency; and -moreover, that he had not been long enough engaged in politics -to have conceived many enmities, while his chief wish was to -be esteemed and popular; and lastly, that when he got rid of -these associates, and was in sole power, he was never guilty of -such crimes. The strongest of these arguments is that which -claims for Cæsar’s youth immunity from widespread animosities; -and it does seem probable that outside the actual assassins -and their immediate supporters, Augustus would not personally -have cared to extend the use of the executioner’s sword. But -he cannot be acquitted of a somewhat cynical indifference to -the cruelties perpetrated under the joint name and authority of -the triumvirs. None of them have been directly attributed to -him, except perhaps in the case of his (apparently unfaithful) -guardian Toranius; but neither is there any record of his -having interfered to prevent them. Suetonius seems to give -the truer account, that he resisted the proscription at first, but, -when it was once decided upon, insisted that it should be carried -out relentlessly. The proscription was an odious crime; but a -proscription that did not fulfil its purpose would have been a -monstrous blunder also. I do not, however, admit Seneca’s -criticism that his subsequent clemency was merely “cruelty -worn out.”<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> The change was one of time and circumstance. -Youth is apt to be hard-hearted. With happier surroundings -and lengthened experience his character and judgment ripened -and mellowed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of Atia.</div> - -<p>While these horrors were just beginning Cæsar lost his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span> -mother Atia, the tender and careful guide of his childhood and -youth, the first of his near kin to recognise and -approve his high destiny. She died while he was -still consul, that is, between the 19th of August -and the 27th of November, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43. Devoted to her in her -life Cæsar now obtained for her the honours of a public funeral. -During the campaign of Mutina she was, it seems, at Rome; -and when his estrangement from the Senate made her position -unpleasant or dangerous, she had taken sanctuary with the -Vestal Virgins accompanied by Octavia, and was ready to greet -him when he returned to Rome. Nicolas of Damascus gives -an attractive picture of Octavian’s relations with his mother; -and even the uncomplimentary Suetonius owns that his dutiful -conduct to her had been exemplary. She had brought up her -son with strictness, and the author of the <i>de oratoribus</i> classes -her with the mother of the Gracchi. But her strictness had -not forfeited her son’s affection, nor failed to impress upon him -a high sense of duty. Her second husband Philippus survived -her several years.<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V<br /> -<span class="smaller">PHILIPPI</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Cum fracta virtus, et minaces</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>turpe solum tetigere mento.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">M. Brutus and C. Cassius in the East.</div> - -<p>The first task of the Triumvirs, after securing their power at -Rome, was the restoration of unity and peace to the Empire, -which was threatened at two points: Brutus and -Cassius were in arms in the East, Sext. Pompeius -in the West. The opposition of Brutus and -Cassius seemed the more formidable of the two. Brutus, -indeed, after holding Macedonia throughout <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43, after -capturing and eventually putting to death Gaius Antonius, -and after winning some laurels in contests with surrounding -barbarians, had towards the end of the year practically abandoned -the province and removed to Asia, in which a decree of the -Senate had given him proprætorial authority along with -Cassius. But at Cyzicus and on the coast of Bithynia he had -collected a considerable fleet, and having thus strengthened -himself and levied large sums of money, he sent urgent -messages to Cassius to join him in the defence of the -republic.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile Cassius had done much towards securing the -rest of the East to their cause. At the end of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44 he had -entered Palestine, and been joined successively by the forces of -L. Statius Murcus, proconsul of Syria; of M. Crispus, proconsul<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span> -of Bithynia; of Cæcilius Bassus, the old Pompeian -officer who had seduced the troops of Sextius Iulius from their -allegiance; and by four legions from Egypt under Aulus -Allienus, whom Dolabella had sent to bring them to himself. -With twelve legions he had shut up Dolabella at Laodicea-ad-Mare, -aided by a fleet raised in part by Lentulus, the proquæstor -of Asia, and had eventually terrified him into suicide. -He had himself also, or by his legates, collected a fleet strong -enough to prevent Cleopatra sending aid to Antony and -Octavian, while part of it, under Statius Murcus and Cn. -Domitius Ahenobarbus, was to watch the harbour of Brundisium -and prevent the despatch of troops from Italy.</p> - -<p>In the spring of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42, therefore, when Brutus and Cassius -met at Smyrna they were both in possession of formidable -forces, naval and military, and Cassius at any rate was also well -supplied with money. They did not, however, at once push -on to Macedonia, for they believed that the danger threatened -by Sext. Pompeius would delay the advance of the Triumvirs. -They therefore spent some months in farther securing the -East. Brutus proceeded to reduce the cities in Lycia, Cassius -sailed against Rhodes, while one of his legates invaded Cappadocia, -and defeated and killed King Ariobarzanes. Both -encountered some resistance, but when they met again in the -summer at Sardis they had successfully carried out their objects; -and Cassius had refilled his exchequer by the taxes of Asia, the -towns in which had been compelled to pay nearly ten years’ -revenue in advance.</p> - -<p>Having told off a portion of his fleet to keep up the watch -over Cleopatra and at Brundisium, the two proconsuls set out -together for Abydos, and thence crossed to Europe. They -marched along the coast road, formerly traversed by Persian -invaders, their fleet also, like that of the Persian king of old, -coasting along parallel with their march, till they came to the -part of the Pangæan range which covers the ten miles between -Philippi and its harbour Neapolis (Datum). There they found<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span> -the road blocked by Gaius Norbanus and Decidius Saxa, with -eight legions, sent in advance by Antony. When they left -the main road and attempted to pass nearer Philippi they found -the heights immediately south of the town also guarded. They -drove off the enemy and encamped on two hills which they -connected by a trench and stockade; and eventually farther -secured their position by occupying a line of hills commanding -the road to the sea. They thus kept up communication with -the fleet at Thasos as a base of supplies. Norbanus and Saxa -did not venture to attack them, but retired upon Amphipolis, -and thence sent intelligence to Rome, meanwhile keeping the -enemy in check by skirmishing parties of cavalry. Brutus and -Cassius were in no hurry to advance, for they had an excellent -position, and were sure of supplies while in touch with their -fleet; whereas their opponents depended on the country, -which was neither rich nor well stocked. The fleet of Murcus -and Domitius might also delay, and perhaps prevent Antony -and Cæsar from bringing reinforcements, while the fleet at -Thasos could stop supplies being conveyed by sea.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The difficulties of Antony and Cæsar with Sextus Pompeius.</div> - -<p>Nor were these the only difficulties in the way of the -Triumvirs. Ever since the battle of Munda (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45) Sextus -Pompeius had been leading a piratical life in the -Western Mediterranean. His forces had been -continually increased by fugitive Pompeians and -by natives from Africa, until he had become possessed of a -formidable power against which the successive governors of -Southern Spain had been able to effect little. After the death -of Iulius Cæsar an attempt was made through Lepidus to come -to terms with him, and he had agreed to submit to the government -on condition of a <i>restitutio in integrum</i>, including the -restoration of his father’s property. But though Antony -obtained a confirmation from the Senate the arrangement was -never carried out. Probably the immense sum named as the -value of the property—about five millions sterling—made it -impossible, especially when the money in the temple of Ops<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span> -had been squandered. Moreover Pompeius seems to have -demanded the actual house and estates of his father, and these -were in Antony’s hands, who would not easily surrender them. -Sextus therefore stayed in Spain or with his fleet. When the -Senate broke with Antony it renewed negotiations with -Sextus, promised him the satisfaction of his claims, passed a vote -of thanks to him for services, and confirmed him in his command -of all Roman ships on active service.<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> The Triumvirs -deposed him from this command, and put his name on the proscription -list. His answer was to sail to Sicily, force Pompeius -Bithynicus to surrender Messana, and take possession of the -island. Here he was joined by numerous refugees of the -proscribed and many skilful seamen from Africa and elsewhere. -By thus holding Sicily and Sardinia he could do much towards -starving out Italy, upon the southern shores of which he also -made frequent descents. He acted as an independent ruler, and -presently put Bithynicus to death on a charge of plotting -against him.<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The campaign of Philippi.</div> - -<p>Cæsar and Antony suspected Lepidus of keeping up communication -with Pompeius, and consequently he was practically -shelved. He was to remain at Rome to keep -order and carry out formal duties, while Antony -was to transport his legions from Brundisium to -attack Brutus and Cassius, and Cæsar was to conduct the war -against Sextus Pompeius. But the strength of Pompeius -seems not to have been fully realised. Cæsar despatched a -fleet under Q. Salvidienus to Sicily, while he himself went by -land to Rhegium. But Salvidienus was badly defeated by -Pompeius and had to retire to the Italian shore to refit,<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> and -before Cæsar had time to do anything more he was called to -the aid of Antony, who was in difficulties at Brundisium, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span> -exit of the harbour being blocked by the ships of Statius -Murcus, presently reinforced by those of Ahenobarbus. The -arrival of Cæsar and his fleet enabled the transports to cross, -and Antony marched along the Egnatian Way to join his -advanced army at Amphipolis. Cæsar was once more attacked -by illness and obliged to stay at Dyrrachium; but hearing that -Antony, on his arrival, had suffered some reverses in cavalry -skirmishes, he resolved to join him at all hazards. It was -indeed a crisis of the utmost importance to him. He was -leaving Italy exposed to a double danger, on the east from -Murcus and Ahenobarbus, on the south from Sextus Pompeius. -If Antony were defeated Cæsar would be in a most alarming -position; if Antony won without him, his own prestige would -be damaged and he might have to take a second place in the -joint government. As before in the Spanish journey his resolution -conquered physical weakness, and he reached the seat of -war before any general engagement had taken place. He -found the army somewhat discouraged. Antony had left his -heavy baggage at Amphipolis, which had been secured by -Decidius and Norbanus, and had advanced over the wide plain -(about sixty miles) to within a mile of the high ground on -which Brutus and Cassius were entrenched. But they were -too strongly posted to be attacked, and he had suffered some -losses in his attempts to draw them down. His men were -getting demoralised by the evidently superior position of the -enemy, who were protected on the right by mountains, and on -their left by a marsh stretching between them and the sea, -so that it was impossible to turn their position on either side. -Delay was all in favour of Brutus and Cassius, whose fleet -afforded abundant provisions, while Antony would have great -difficulty in feeding his army during the winter, and the season -was already advanced. In mere numbers there was not much -difference. Both had nineteen legions; and, though those of -Brutus were not at their full strength, he and Cassius had -20,000 cavalry, as against 13,000 of Antony and Cæsar.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">First battle at Philippi.</div> - -<p>The first battle (late in October) was brought on by an -attempt of Antony’s to get across the marsh by a causeway -which he had himself constructed, and storm an -earthwork which Cassius had thrown up to prevent -him. Repulsing a flank attack made by the -division of Brutus, he carried the earthwork and even took -the camp of Cassius, who with his main body retired to the -heights nearer Philippi with heavy loss. But Antony had -also suffered severely, and the fate of the day could not be -considered decided until it was known how Brutus had fared, -who after the unsuccessful attack on Antony’s flank, had -attacked Cæsar’s division which was opposite him. In this -last movement he had been entirely successful. Cæsar’s camp -had been stormed and his men driven into flight, he himself -being absent through illness. The result of this cross victory -was that both armies returned to their original positions. -Antony, finding that the left wing was defeated, did not venture -to remain in the camp of Cassius. Cassius might have -returned to it, but for a mistake which cost him his life. He -was wrongly informed that Brutus had been defeated, and -being short-sighted he mistook a squadron of cavalry that -was riding up to announce Brutus’s success for enemies, and -anticipated what he supposed to be inevitable capture by -suicide. Brutus, informed of this, withdrew his men from -the attack on Cæsar’s camp, and retired behind their lines, -occupying again Cassius’s abandoned quarters.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Second battle at Philippi, November.</div> - -<p>Nearly at the same time as this indecisive battle the cause -of the triumvirs had suffered a disaster nearer home. A fleet -of transports conveying the Martia, another legion, -and some cavalry was destroyed by Murcus and -Ahenobarbus, and the greater part of the men had -been lost at sea or forced to surrender. Though Brutus did -not yet know this he held his position for about a fortnight -longer. But the tidings when they came made it more than -ever necessary for Antony and Cæsar to strike a blow; for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span> -they were still more isolated than before and more entirely cut -off from supplies. On the other hand, the officers and men -in the army of Brutus were inspired by it with an eager desire -to follow up the good news by fighting a decisive battle. -Brutus yielded against his better judgment and drew out his -men. Antony and Cæsar did the same. But it was not -until the afternoon was well advanced that the real fighting -began. After spending more time than usual in hurling -volleys of pila and stones, they drew their swords and grappled -in a furious struggle at close quarters. Both Antony and -Cæsar were active in bringing up fresh companies to fill up -gaps made by the fallen. At last the part of the line against -which Cæsar was engaged began to give way, retiring step by -step, and fighting desperately all the while. But the order -grew looser and looser, until at length it broke into downright -flight. The camp of Brutus was stormed and his whole army -scattered. Cæsar was left to guard the captured camp, while -Antony (as at Pharsalia) led the cavalry in pursuit. He -ordered his men to single out officers for slaughter or capture, -lest they should rally their men and make a farther stand. -He was particularly anxious to capture Brutus, perhaps as -hoping to avenge his brother. But in this his men were -foiled by a certain Lucilius, who threw himself in their way -professing to be Brutus, and the mistake was not discovered -till he was brought to Antony. Brutus had, in fact, escaped to -high ground with four legions. He hoped with this force to -recapture his camp and continue the policy of wearing out the -enemy by delay. But a good look-out was maintained by -Antony during the night, and the next morning his officers -told Brutus that they would fight no more, but were resolved -to try to save their lives by making terms with the victors. -Exclaiming that he was then of no farther use to his country, -Brutus called on his freedman Strato to kill him, which he -immediately did.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Conduct of Cæsar after the victory.</div> - -<p>There is some conflict of testimony as to the severitie<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span> -inflicted after the victory. The bulk of the survivors with -their officers submitted and were divided between -the armies of the two triumvirs. A certain number -who had been connected with the assassination and -included in the proscription lists felt that they had no mercy -to expect, and saved farther trouble by putting an end to their -own lives. But some also, as Favonius the Stoic, imitator of -Cato, were executed. Suetonius attributes to Cæsar not only -special severity, but cruel and heartless insults to those whom -he condemned. To one man begging for burial he answered -that “that would be business of the birds.” A father and son -begging their lives he bade play at <i>morra</i> for the privilege of -surviving. And he ordered the head of Brutus to be sent -home that it might be placed at the foot of Iulius Cæsar’s -statue. As usual there remain some doubts as to these stories. -That of the father and son, for instance, is related by Dio, but -placed after Actium.<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> And the story as to the head of Brutus -is somewhat inconsistent with the honourable treatment of the -body attributed to Antony.<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> The refusal of funeral rites is -contrary to his own assertion in his autobiography; and, in the -<i>Monumentum Ancyranum</i>, he declares that he “spared all -citizens.”<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> But it must be conceded that until the assassins -and their supporters were finally disposed of he shewed himself -relentless. The milder sentiments are those of a later time. -The plea of a duty to avenge his “father’s” murder may -mitigate, but cannot annul, his condemnation.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Second division of the Empire, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42.</div> - -<p>The victory of Philippi reunited the eastern and western parts -of the Empire, and therefore necessitated a fresh distribution -of spheres of influence among the triumvirs. -The new agreement was reduced to writing -and properly attested, partly that Cæsar might silence opposition<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span> -at Rome, but partly also because the two men had already -begun to feel some of their old distrust of each other. During -the late campaign, when there seemed some chance of defeat, -Antony had expressed regret at having embarrassed himself -with Cæsar instead of making terms with Brutus and Cassius, -and such words, however hasty or petulant, would be sure to -reach Cæsar’s ears. The respect also shewn by Antony to -the remains of Brutus, and the evident tendency of the defeated -party to prefer union with him rather than with Cæsar, as well -as the more generous terms which he was willing to grant, -must all have suggested to Cæsar the precarious nature of the -tie between them. It was necessary therefore to put the -arrangement now made beyond dispute.</p> - -<p>The division did not, as two years later, distinguish between -East and West. It was still only the western half of the Empire -which was to be divided. Italy was to be treated as the centre -of government, open to all the triumvirs alike for recruiting -and other purposes. The provinces were to be administered -in the usual way by governors approved of by them, except -that Antony was to have Gaul and Africa, Cæsar Spain and -Numidia, thus securing to each a government in the west and -south roughly equal in extent and in importance, now that -Sicily and Sardinia were in the hands of Sextus Pompeius and -thus actually hostile to Italy. But the last article in the -agreement, though intended to provide only for a passing state -of affairs, did in fact foreshadow the division of the Empire -into East and West. By it Antony undertook to go at once to -Asia to crush the fragments of the republican party still in -arms in the East, and to collect money sufficient for the payment -of the promised rewards to the veterans. Cæsar, on the -other hand, was to return to Italy to carry on the war against -Sextus Pompeius and arrange the assignation of lands. Lepidus -was still consul as well as triumvir, but if the suspicion of his -being in correspondence with Pompeius was confirmed he was -to have no province and was to be suppressed by Cæsar. If it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span> -did not turn out to be true Antony undertook to hand over -Africa to him. He was throughout treated as subordinate—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent10">“a slight, unmeritable man,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Meet to be sent on errands.”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">The real governors of the Empire were to be Antony and -Cæsar. The force of circumstances ordained that for the -next ten years Antony was to govern the East and Cæsar the -West. And as yet the heart and life of the Empire was in the -west. It was this, as much as the difference of his character, -which eventually secured to Cæsar the advantage over his -colleague and made him master of the whole.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI<br /> -<span class="smaller">PERUSIA AND SICILY</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>actus cum freto Neptunius</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>dux fugit ustis navibus.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Augustus returns to Rome after Philippi, early in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41.</div> - -<p>The campaign which ended with the second battle at Philippi -and the death of Brutus had been won at the cost of much -physical suffering to Cæsar, who only completed -his twenty-first year some days after it. He had -been in bad health throughout, barely able to -endure the journey across Macedonia, and only -performing his military duties with the utmost difficulty and -with frequent interruptions. On his return journey he had to -halt so often from the same cause that reports of his death -reached Rome. The slowness with which he travelled also gave -time for all kinds of rumours to spread abroad as to farther -severities to be exercised upon the republican party on his return, -and many of those who felt that they were open to suspicion -sought places of concealment for themselves or their property.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41 Consuls L. Antonius Pietas, Serv. Vatia Isauricus II. Allotting lands for the veterans.</div> - -<p>Cæsar sent reassuring messages to Rome, but he did not -arrive in the city till the beginning of the next year (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41). -He found Lucius Antonius consul, who had -celebrated a triumph on the first day of the year -for some trifling successes in Gaul. The real -control of affairs, however, was being exercised -by Fulvia, the masculine wife of Marcus Antonius, -widow successively of Clodius and Curio, against whom<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span> -Lepidus had been afraid or unable to act. Fulvia and Lucius -professed to be safeguarding the interests of Marcus and fulfilling -his wishes, and Lucius adopted the cognomen <i>Pietas</i> as a -sign of his fraternal devotion. But the moving spirit throughout -was Fulvia. Cæsar’s first business in Rome was the allotment -of land to the veterans. This had been begun a year -before in Transpadane Gaul, on the establishment of the -Triumvirate, by Asinius Pollio, left in command of that -district; and Vergil has given us some insight into the -bitterness of feeling which it often roused:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">“Shall some rude soldier hold these new ploughed lands?</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Some alien reap the labours of our hands?</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Ah, civil strife, what fruit your jangling yields!</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Poor toilsome souls—for these we sowed our fields!”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>When there was public land available for the purpose, the -allotment could generally be made without much friction; but -as there was not enough of it, the old precedent of “colonisation” -was followed. A number of Italian towns (nineteen in -all) were selected, in the territories of which the veterans of a -particular legion were to be settled as <i>coloni</i>, with a third of the -land assigned for their support. No doubt in each case the -lands held by men who had served in the opposite camp were -first taken as being lawfully confiscated; but it must often -have happened that there was not enough of such lands, and -that those of persons not implicated in the civil wars were -seized wholly or in part. In such cases it was understood that -the owners were to be compensated by money arising from the -sale of other confiscations. But this money was either insufficient -or long in coming. Petitions and deputations remonstrating -against the injustice poured in upon Cæsar, who, on -the other hand, had to listen to many complaints from the -veterans of inadequate provision made for them and of promises -still unfulfilled.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">L. Antonius and Fulvia take advantage of the discontent.</div> - -<p>This was a sufficiently thorny task in itself. But it was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span> -made still more irksome by L. Antonius and Fulvia. Their -pretext was that the veterans in Antony’s legions -were less liberally treated than those in Cæsar’s -own; and Lucius claimed, as consul and as representing -his brother, the right of settling the allotments -of Antony’s veterans. Cæsar retorted by complaining -that the two legions to which he was entitled by his written -agreement with Antony had not been handed over to him. -Starting from these counter charges they were soon at open -enmity, embittered by the frequent collision between the -constitutional authority of the consul and the extra-constitutional -<i>imperium</i> of the triumvir. Lucius and Fulvia made -capital out of this, maintaining that Marcus was ready to lay -down his extraordinary powers as triumvir, and to return to -Rome as consul. Fulvia was credited with a more personal -motive. Antony’s infatuation for Cleopatra was becoming -known in Rome, and it was believed that Fulvia designedly -promoted civil troubles in the hope of inducing her husband -to return.<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> At any rate she and Lucius took advantage of -the ill-feeling against Cæsar caused by the confiscation of -land. They feigned to plead for the dispossessed owners, -maintaining that the confiscations had already produced enough -for the payment of all claims, and that, if it were found that -this was not so, Marcus would bring home from Asia what -would cover the balance. They thus made Cæsar unpopular -with both sides—with the veterans who thought that he might -have satisfied their claims in full; with the dispossessed owners, -who, over and above the natural irritation at their loss, thought -that his measure had not been even necessary, and that he -might have paid the veterans without mulcting them, or might<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span> -have waited for the money from Asia. Specially formidable -was the anger of landowners who were in the Senate. The -discontent was increased by the hardness of the times; for -corn was at famine price owing to Sextus Pompeius and -Domitius Ahenobarbus infesting the Sicilian and Ionian seas. -Cæsar was therefore in a serious difficulty. Unable to satisfy -veterans and Senators at the same time, he found how powerless -is mere military force against widespread and just resentment. -His one answer to senatorial remonstrance had been, “But -how am I to pay the veterans?” Now, however, he found it -necessary to let alone the properties of Senators, the dowries of -women, and all holdings less than the share of a single veteran. -This again led to mutinies among the troops, who murdered some -of their tribunes, and were within a little of assassinating Cæsar -himself. They were only quieted by the promise that all -their relations, and all fathers and sons of those who had fallen -in the war, should retain lands assigned to them. This -again enraged a number of the losers, and fatal encounters -between owners and intruding “colonists” became frequent. -The soldiers had the advantage of training, but the inhabitants -were more numerous, and attacked them with stones and -tiles from the housetops, both in Rome and the country -towns. The burning of houses became so common that it -was found necessary to remit a whole year’s rent of houses -let for 500 denarii (£20) and under in the city, and a fourth -part in the rest of Italy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Other provocations offered to Augustus. He takes steps to protect himself.</div> - -<p>Cæsar was also made to feel that attachment to Antony -meant hostility to himself; for two legions despatched -by him to Spain were refused passage -through the province by Q. Fufius Calenus and -Ventidius Bassus, Antony’s legates in Gallia Transalpina.<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> -Alarmed by the aspect of affairs, he tried to come to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span> -some understanding with Lucius and Fulvia, but found them -resolutely hostile. The mediation of officers in the army, -of private friends and Senators proved of no avail; though he -produced the agreement drawn up between Marcus and himself, -and offered to allow the Senate to arbitrate on their -disputes. Satisfied that by the refusal of this offer Lucius -and Fulvia had put themselves in the wrong, he determined to -rely upon his army. For Lucius had been collecting men -among those offended by Cæsar, and Fulvia, accompanied by -many Senators and equites, had occupied Præneste with a body -of troops, to which she regularly gave the watchword as their -commander, appeared among them wearing a sword, and -frequently harangued the men.</p> - -<p>The men of Cæsar’s army, no doubt acting on a hint from -himself, now took the matter into their own hands. They -suddenly entered Rome, affirming that they wished to consult -the Senate and people. Assembling on the Capitol, with such -citizens as ventured to come, they ordered the agreement -between Cæsar and Antony to be read, voted its confirmation, -constituted themselves judges between the disputants, and -named a day on which Fulvia, Lucius, and Cæsar were to -appear before them at Gabii. Having ordered these resolutions -to be written out and deposited with the Vestals, they -peaceably dispersed. Cæsar was present and of course consented -to appear; but Lucius and Fulvia, though at first -promising to attend at Gabii, did not do so. They scoffed at -the idea of a mob of soldiers, a <i>senatus caligatus</i><a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> (a “Tommy-Atkins-parliament”), -presuming to speak for Senate and -people. They were therefore voted in their absence to be -in the wrong, and Cæsar’s <i>acta</i> were confirmed. The show -of legality thus gained for him was used by his officers to -justify the collection of money in all directions. Temples -were stripped of silver ornaments to be coined into money, -and troops were summoned from Cisalpine Gaul, which in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span> -spite of the claims of Marcus Antonius, was now made a -part of Italy without a provincial governor having a right -to maintain troops.<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> Lucius also, as consul, enrolled men -wherever his authority was acknowledged, and once more -there was civil war in Italy. It was in many respects a -recrudescence of the republican opposition lately headed by -Brutus and Cassius. For Sextus Pompeius had been joined -by Murcus with vessels carrying two legions and 500 archers, -and was reinforced with the remains of the armies of Brutus -and Cassius, which had taken refuge in Cephallenia. In -Africa Antony’s legate, Titus Sextius, though he had surrendered -the province to Cæsar’s legate Lurco, had resumed -possession and put Lurco to death. Lastly, Domitius Ahenobarbus -was threatening Brundisium with seventy ships. It -was not clear how far these movements were known or -approved by Antony; but the old republican party hoped -that their upshot would be the dissolution of the triumvirate, -the downfall of Cæsar, and the restoration of the old constitution.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Open war between Augustus and L. Antonius <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41-40.</div> - -<p>For the present Cæsar left Sextus Pompeius alone. But he -sent a legion to Brundisium and summoned Salvidienus with -his six legions from his march into Spain. -Salvidienus had been opposed by Antony’s legates -Pollio and Ventidius, and was now harassed in his -rear by them when he turned homeward along the -<i>via Cassia</i>. Open hostilities, however, began elsewhere. Some -legions at Alba Fucensis showed signs of mutiny, and both -Cæsar and Antonius started for Alba, hoping to secure their -adhesion. But Antonius got there first, and by lavish promises -won them to his side. Cæsar only came in time to -skirmish with Antonius’s rearguard under C. Furnius, and -then moved northward to renew his attack on Furnius, -who had retreated to Sentinum in Umbria. On his way -he unsuccessfully attacked Nursia, where Antonius had a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span> -garrison, and while he was thus engaged Antonius himself -led his main army to Rome. Such troops as Cæsar had left -in or near the city surrendered to him; while Lepidus, without -attempting resistance, fled to Cæsar,<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> and the other consul -made no opposition. Lucius summoned a <i>contio</i>, declared that -he meant to depose Cæsar and Lepidus from their unconstitutional -office, and to re-establish the just authority of the -consulship, with which his brother Marcus would be fully -satisfied. His speech was received with applause; he was -hailed <i>imperator</i>; and the command in a war was voted to -him, though without the enemy being named. Reinforced -by veterans of his brother’s army he started along the <i>via -Cassia</i> to intercept the returning Salvidienus.</p> - -<p>Informed of these transactions Cæsar hurried to Rome, -leaving Sentinum still besieged. But it was Agrippa who -struck the decisive blow. With such forces as he could -collect he, too, marched on the heels of Antonius along the -<i>via Cassia</i>, and occupied Sutrium, about thirty miles from -the city. This cut off L. Antonius’s communications with -Rome, who, with Salvidienus in front of him and Agrippa -in his rear, could neither advance or retire along the <i>Cassia</i> -without fighting. With an enemy on both sides of him he -did not venture to give battle, but turned off the road to -Perusia. At first he encamped outside the town expecting to -be soon relieved by Pollio and Ventidius. But finding that -they were moving slowly, and that three hostile armies—under -Cæsar, Agrippa, and Salvidienus—were threatening him, he -retired within the walls; where he thought he might safely -winter. Cæsar at once began throwing up lines of circumvallation, -and cut him off from all chance of supply. Perusia -is on a hill overlooking the Tiber and the Trasimene lake. -But its position, almost impregnable to assault, made it also -somewhat easy to blockade. Fulvia was active in urging the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span> -legates of Antony in Gaul and North Italy to come to the -relief of Lucius. But Pollio and Ventidius hesitated and -doubted, not feeling certain of the wishes of Marcus; and -though Plancus cut up one legion on its march to join Cæsar, -neither he nor any of the others ventured to engage him when -he and Agrippa threw themselves in their way. Pollio retired -to Ravenna, Ventidius to Ariminum, Plancus to Spoletium, -leaving Lucius to his fate; while Fufius Calenus remained in -the Alpine region without stirring. Meanwhile Salvidienus -proceeded to Sentinum, which he took, and shortly afterwards -received the surrender of Nursia.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40 Cos, C. Asinius Pollio, Cn. Domitius Calvinus. Fall of Perusia.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Livia.</div> - -<p>Cæsar was thus able to use his whole force against Perusia. -The blockade lasted till March, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40, when L. Antonius -was compelled to surrender by hunger. Cæsar -had taken an active share in the siege throughout, -and had run serious risks, at one time being nearly -captured in a sally of gladiators while engaged in -sacrifice; at another being in danger from a mutiny in his own -army. On the fall of Perusia the townsmen suffered severely -from the victorious soldiery, apparently without the order, and -perhaps against the wish, of Cæsar; and in the course of the -sack the town itself was accidentally set on fire and in great -part destroyed. There is again a conflict of testimony as to -Cæsar’s severities. Suetonius says that he executed a great number, -answering all appeals with a stern “Death!” (<i>moriendum est</i>): -and his enemies asserted that he deliberately enticed L. Antonius -into the war to have an excuse for thus ridding himself of his -opponents. Some also reported that he caused 300 to be -put to death on the Ides of March, at an altar dedicated to -Iulius. On the other hand, it is certain that L. Antonius was -allowed to go away in safety; and Livy says that Cæsar -pardoned him and “all his soldiers.” Appian attributes the -death of such leading men as fell to the vindictiveness of the -soldiers. Velleius, of course, takes the same view; while Dio, -equally of course, agrees rather with Suetonius. The first<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span> -writer to mention the <i>Perusinæ aræ</i> is Seneca; but as his -object was to contrast the clemency of Nero with the cruelty -of Augustus, it is fair to suspect that he was not very particular -as to the historical basis for his allegations. If there were some -executions and also some altar dedicated to Iulius—both of which -are more than probable—it would be easy for popular imagination -to connect the two. No doubt all in Perusia who were -implicated in the assassination, or had been on the proscription -lists, would have short shrift.<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> The altar story is unlike the -usual good sense of Augustus; but it seems that in this siege -he desired to emphasise the fact that he was the avenger of -his “father,” some at least of the leaden bullets used by the -slingers bearing the words <i>Divom Iulium</i>.<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> At any rate, -whether during the siege or by executions after it, there seems -no doubt that at Perusia a blow was struck at the old republican -party—already decimated by civil war and proscription—from -which it never recovered. The victory, moreover, left Cæsar -supreme in Italy. The legates of M. Antonius for the most -part abandoned their legions and went to join him, or to Sicily -to join Sextus Pompeius, who was already negotiating with -Antony. Fufius Calenus, indeed, refused to surrender his eleven -legions; but he died shortly afterwards, and his son handed -them over to Cæsar. Plancus, abandoned by his two legions, -escaped to Antony. Ventidius seems to have done the same; -while Pollio, though not leaving Italy, hung about the east -coast in expectation of Antony’s arrival. Among others, -Tiberius Nero abandoned a garrison which he was commanding, -and, with his wife Livia (soon to be the wife of -Augustus) and his infant son (afterwards the -Emperor Tiberius), fled to Sextus Pompeius. Thither also went<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span> -Antony’s mother Iulia, whom Pompeius received with respect -and employed as envoy to her son; while Fulvia embarked at -Brundisium and sailed to Athens to meet her husband. In -Italy there was no one to rival Cæsar, who by these surrenders -and desertions had now a formidable army. What he had still -to fear was a combination of Antony and Sextus Pompeius and -an invasion of Italy by their joint forces.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Fresh terms with M. Antonius.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Marriage with Scribonia, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40.</div> - -<p>Such an invasion was, in fact, contemplated. Antony was -in Asia when he heard of the fall of Perusia. Crossing to -Athens he met Fulvia and his mother Iulia, the -latter bringing an offer from Sextus Pompeius of -support against Cæsar. Antony was in no good -humour with his wife or his agents, whom he must have -regarded as having blundered. Nor was he prepared to begin -hostilities at once. But he promised that if Sextus did so he -would accept his aid; and that, even if he did not, he would -do his best to include him in any terms made with Cæsar. -Meanwhile, though the veterans were shy of enlisting against -Antony, Cæsar found himself at the head of more than forty -legions, and with such an army had no fear of not holding his -own on land. But his opponents were strong at sea, and, if -they joined with Sextus Pompeius, would have the coasts of Italy -at their mercy. He therefore tried on his own account to -come to an understanding with Pompeius. With this view he -caused Mæcenas to negotiate his marriage with Scribonia, -sister of Scribonius Libo, and aunt to the wife of -Pompeius. He had been betrothed in early life to -a daughter of his great-uncle’s colleague, P. Servilius -Isauricus, and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43 to Antony’s stepdaughter, Clodia. But -neither marriage had been completed, and at the beginning of -Fulvia’s opposition, in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41, he had repudiated Clodia. The -present union was one of political convenience only. Scribonia -had been twice married, and by her second husband had a son -only a few years younger than Cæsar himself. She was therefore -much the older, and seems also to have been of difficult temper.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span> -That at least was the reason he gave for the divorce which -followed a year later, on the day on which she gave birth to -her daughter Iulia. But a truer reason (besides his passion for -Livia) was the fact that by that time circumstances were -changed, and it was not necessary, or even convenient, to have -such a connection with Sextus Pompeius any longer.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">First reconciliation of Brundisium, and new division of the Empire.</div> - -<p>Antony arrived off Brundisium in the summer of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40, and -was joined by Sextus and Domitius Ahenobarbus. The three -made some descents upon the coast and threatened -Brundisium with a blockade. But before much -damage had been done the interference of common -friends brought about a reconciliation. Antony -consented to order Sextus Pompeius to return to -Sicily, and to send away Ahenobarbus as proprætor of Bithynia. -A conference was held at Brundisium, at which Pollio represented -Antony, Mæcenas Cæsar, while M. Cocceius Nerva -(great-grandfather of the Emperor) attended as a common -friend of both. The reconciliation here effected was to be -confirmed by the marriage of Antony (whose wife Fulvia had -just died at Sicyon) to Cæsar’s sister Octavia, widow of -C. Claudius Marcellus, the consul of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50. The two -triumvirs accordingly embraced, and agreed to a new division -of the Empire. An imaginary line was to be drawn through -Scodra (<i>Scutari</i>) on the Illyrian coast. All west of this line, -up to the Ocean, was to be under the care of Cæsar, except -Africa, which was already in the hands of Lepidus; all east of -it, up to the Euphrates, was to go to Antony. The war -against Sextus Pompeius (unless he came to terms) was to be -the common care of both, in spite of Antony’s recent negotiations -with him. Cæsar, on his part, agreed to amnesty all who -had joined Antony from the armies of Brutus and Cassius, in -some cases even though they had been among the assassins.<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span> -Lastly, both were to have the right to enlist an equal number -of soldiers in Italy. This agreement was followed by an interchange -of hospitalities, in which Antony displayed the luxury -and splendour learnt at the Egyptian court, while Cæsar -affected the simplicity of a Roman and a soldier.<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">A new agreement with Sext. Pompeius, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 39.</div> - -<p>But Sextus did not tamely submit to be thus thrown over. -He resumed his old plan of starving out Italy. His freedman, -Menodorus, wrested Sardinia from the governor -sent by Cæsar, and his ships, cruising off Sicily, -intercepted the corn-ships from Africa. The -people of Rome were threatened with famine, -and on the arrival of Cæsar and Antony to celebrate the -marriage, though an ovation was decreed to both, there were -serious riots in which Cæsar’s life was in danger, and which -had to be suppressed by Antony’s soldiers. They were forced -by the outcry to renew negotiations with Sextus, whose brother-in-law -Libo—in spite of the advice of Menodorus—arranged -a meeting between him and the triumvirs at Misenum, early -in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 39. Every precaution was taken against treachery at -the hands of Pompeius. And not without reason. The -execution of Bithynicus three years before had been followed -and surpassed by the treacherous murder of Statius Murcus, -followed by the cruel crucifixion of his slaves on the pretence -that the crime had been theirs. The conference was therefore<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span> -held on temporary platforms erected at the end of the mole at -Puteoli, with a space of water between them. But an agreement -having been reached, Antony and Cæsar accepted a -banquet on board his ship; and when Menodorus suggested to -Pompeius that he should cut the cables and sail away with them -as prisoners, he answered that Menodorus should have done it -without asking, but that he himself was bound by his oath. -The terms made between them were that Sextus Pompeius was -to remain governor of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, with his -fleet, as well as in Peloponnesus, but was to remove all -garrisons from Italian towns and undertake not to hinder -commerce or receive runaway slaves,<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> and should at once -allow the corn which he had impounded to reach Italy. On -the other hand, all men of rank who had taken refuge with -him were to have restitution of civil rights and property. If they -had been on the proscription lists, they were to recover only a -fourth; and if they had been condemned for the assassination, -they were to be allowed a safe place of exile. Those—not -coming under these three classes—who had served in his army -or navy, were to have the same claim to pensions as those in -the armies of the triumvirs.</p> - -<p>Pompeius then returned to Sicily, the triumvirs to Rome. -Thence they went different ways: Antony and Octavia to -Athens; Cæsar to Gaul, where the disturbed state of the -country required his presence. Now, therefore, begins the -separate administration of East and West, and the different -principles on which it was carried on contributed largely to -the final rupture between the two men. Antony’s was the -otiose policy of setting up client kings who would take the -trouble of government off his hands and yet be ready to pay -him court and do him service, because their dignity and power -depended upon his supremacy. Thus Darius, grandson of -Mithradates, was appointed to Pontus; Herod to Idumæa and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span> -Samaria; Amyntas to Pisidia; Polemon to a part of Cilicia. -To Cæsar, on the other hand, fell the task of preserving order -and establishing Roman rule in countries nearer home, peace -and good government in which were essential to the comfort -of the city. Above all, he was bound to prevent Sextus -Pompeius from again interrupting the commerce and corn -supply of Italy. The only service of any of Antony’s -partisans near enough to be of active interest to Rome was -the victory of Pollio over the Parthini, for which he was -awarded a triumph.<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38, renewed war with Sextus Pompeius.</div> - -<p>But the war with Sextus Pompeius soon became Cæsar’s chief -task, and its renewal was with some justice laid at Antony’s -door. For being as he thought unfairly treated by -Antony as to the Peloponnese, which the latter -had declined to hand over till he had collected the -year’s taxes, Pompeius once more began harassing -the Italian shores and intercepting corn-ships. Cæsar answered -this by bringing troops from Gaul and building ships. He -established two depôts—at Brundisium and Puteoli—and -invited Antony’s presence at Brundisium to discuss the question -of war. Antony doubtless found it inconvenient to be closely -pressed on this matter, for he was greatly responsible for the -difficulty. Though he came to Brundisium, therefore, he left -again immediately, without waiting for Cæsar, who had been -delayed. He gave out that he was opposed to any breach of -the treaty with Pompeius, ignoring the fact that Pompeius had -already broken it. He even threatened to reclaim Menodorus -as his slave, on the ground that he had been the slave of Cn. -Pompeius, and had therefore passed to him as the purchaser of -Pompey’s confiscated estate. Unable, therefore, to reckon on -help from Antony, Cæsar undertook the business himself. He<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span> -strengthened assailable points on the Italian coasts; collected -ships at Rome and Ravenna; and took over Corsica and -Sardinia from Menodorus, who deserted to him and was made -joint admiral with Calvisius. He set sail himself from -Tarentum, Calvisius from Cosa in Etruria; while a large -army was stationed at Rhegium. Pompeius was almost taken -by surprise, but yet managed to reach Cumæ and all but -defeat his enemy’s fleet. This was followed by a violent -storm in which Cæsar’s fleet suffered severely, off the Skyllæan -promontory, and by a second battle in which it only -escaped destruction by nightfall. A second terrible storm, -which Pompeius’s more experienced mariners managed to -avoid, still further reduced Cæsar’s sea forces. Pompeius, -elated by these successes, assumed the title of son of Neptune, -and wore sea-green robes as a sign of his origin.<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Activity of Agrippa, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37-6. Second reconciliation with Antony.</div> - -<p>Cæsar did not give in, but he changed his generals. -Agrippa was summoned from Gaul, where he had been very -successful, and for the first time since the expedition -of Iulius Cæsar, had led an army across -the Rhine. The construction and command of -a new fleet were entrusted to him. With -characteristic energy he not only built and manned a large -number of ships, but began the formation of a new harbour -(<i>portus Iulius</i>) for their safety and convenience, by piercing -the causeway between the sea and the Lucrine Lake, deepening -the lake itself, and connecting it with the lake Avernus. -Here he practised his ships and men during the winter, and by -the summer of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36 was ready for action. Meanwhile fresh -negotiations with Antony were conducted by Mæcenas, and -in the spring of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37 a reconciliation was arranged at -Tarentum, with the help of Octavia. The two triumvirs met -on the river Taras, and after an interchange of hospitalities -they agreed: First, that the triumvirate should be renewed -for a second period of five years, that is, to the last day of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span> -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 33.<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> Secondly, that Antony should supply Cæsar with -120 ships for the war against Sextus, and Cæsar give Antony -20,000 men for the Parthian war, which was now becoming -serious. Some farther mutual presents were made through -Octavia, and Antony started for Syria leaving her and their -child with her brother.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Continued war with Sextus Pompeius, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37-36.</div> - -<p>Cæsar’s plan of campaign for <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37 was that on the 1st of -July a combined attack should be made on Sicily, from three -points—from Africa by Lepidus, from Tarentum -by Statilius Taurus, and from Puteoli by himself. -Another violent storm baffled this plan; Cæsar -had to take refuge at Elea; Taurus had to put -back to Tarentum; while, though he reached Sicily, Lepidus -returned without effecting anything of importance. Another -winter and spring had to be spent on preparations, and it was -not till the autumn of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36 that the final engagements took -place. At that time Pompeius’s fleet was stationed along the -Sicilian coast from Messana to Tyndaris, with headquarters at -Mylæ. After reconnoitring the position from the Æolian -islands, Cæsar left the main attack to Agrippa, while he -himself joined Taurus at Leucopetra. Agrippa repulsed the -enemy’s ships, but not decisively enough to enable him to -pursue them to their moorings. It was sufficient, however, to -enable Cæsar to cross to Tauromenium, leaving his main body -of men on the Italian shore under the command of Valerius -Messalla. Here he soon found himself in the greatest danger. -Pompeius’s fleet was not held up by Agrippa, as Cæsar thought, -but appeared off Tauromenium in force. Messalla was unable -to cross to his relief, and a body of Pompeian cavalry attacked<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span> -him while his men were making their camp. Cæsar himself -managed to get back to Italy, but he left three legions, 500 -cavalry, and 2,000 veterans, under Cornificius, encamped near -Tauromenium, surrounded by enemies, and without means of -supply. He himself landed in a forlorn condition, with only -one attendant, and with great difficulty found his way to the -camp of Messalla. Thence he sent urgent orders to Agrippa -to despatch a force to the relief of Cornificius; commanded -Messalla to send for reinforcements from Puteoli; while -Mæcenas was sent to Rome with full powers to suppress the -disorders likely to occur when the ill-success against Pompeius -was known.</p> - -<p>The force despatched by Agrippa found Cornificius and his -men in a state of desperate suffering in the difficult district of -Mount Ætna, and conveyed them to the fleet off Mylæ. -So far, though Pompeius had maintained his reputation at sea, -he had not shown himself able to follow up a success on land. -And now the tide turned against him. Agrippa seized Tyndaris, -in which Pompeius had large stores, and Cæsar landed -twenty-one legions there, with 2,000 cavalry and 5,000 light-armed -troops. His plan was to assault Messana while Agrippa -engaged the fleet. There was a good road from Tyndaris to -Messana (<i>via Valeria</i>), but Pompeius still held Mylæ and other -places along the coast with the defiles leading to them. He -was misled, however, by a report of an immediate attack by -Agrippa, and, withdrawing his men from these defiles and -strong posts, allowed Cæsar to occupy them. Finding the -report to be false, he again attempted to intercept Cæsar as he -was marching with some difficulty over the district of Mount -Myconium. But his general (Tisienus) failed to take advantage -of Cæsar’s unfavourable position, who, having meanwhile -been joined by Lepidus, encamped under the walls of Messana. -He was now strong enough on land to send detachments to -occupy the various towns from which Pompeius drew supplies; -and therefore it was necessary for the latter to abandon Sicily,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span> -or to scatter the fleet of Agrippa and so open the sea to his -transports. In a second battle off Mylæ, however, the fleet of -Pompeius was nearly annihilated, and though he escaped himself -into Messana, his land forces under Tisienus surrendered to -Cæsar. When he discovered this Pompeius, without waiting -for the eight legions which he still had at Lilybæum, collected -seventeen ships which had survived the battle and fled to -Asia, hoping that Antony in gratitude for former services would -save and possibly employ him.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Deposition of Lepidus.</div> - -<p>The danger which for so many years had hung like a cloud -about the shores of Italy was thus at an end. But there was -one more danger still to be surmounted before -Cæsar’s authority was fully established in Sicily. -The eight Pompeian legions from Lilybæum -under Plennius presently arrived at Messana. Finding Pompeius -fled, as Cæsar happened to be absent, Plennius handed -them over to Lepidus, who was on the spot. Lepidus added -them to his own forces, and being thus strengthened, conceived -the idea of adding Sicily to his province of Africa. It had -not been definitely included in any of the triumviral agreements; -he had been the first to land there, and had in the -course of his march forced or persuaded many cities to submit,—why -should he have less authority to deal with it than Cæsar, -whose office was the same as his own? He had originally -bargained for Narbonensis and Spain: he had been shifted -to Africa without being consulted, and his provinces had been -taken over by Cæsar. He was now at the head of twenty-two -legions, and would no longer be treated as a subordinate. -His arguments were sound; but they needed to be backed by -a determination as fixed as that of his rival, and, above all, by -the loyalty of his army. Neither of these advantages were his. -In a stormy interview with Cæsar he shewed that he could -scold as loudly as another. But when they had parted, he failed -from indolence or blindness to detect that Cæsar’s agents were -undermining the fidelity of his men, especially in the Pompeian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span> -legions, by informing them that without Cæsar’s assent -the promises made them by Lepidus would not be held valid. -On his next visit to the camp of Lepidus with a small bodyguard, -Cæsar was mobbed by the soldiers, and even had some -of his guard killed, but when in revenge for this he invested -Lepidus with his main army, the forces of the latter began -quickly to melt away, and before many days he was compelled -to throw himself at Cæsar’s feet. He was forced to -abdicate the triumvirate, and sent to reside in Italy, where he -remained till his death (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13), in a private capacity and -subject to constant mortifications. He retained indeed the -office of Pontifex Maximus, because of certain religious difficulties -as to its abdication, but he was never allowed to -exercise any but the most formal functions. This treatment -of a colleague was not generous; but the whole career of -Lepidus since the beginning of the civil war had been weak -and shifty. He was “the greatest weathercock in the world” -(<i>ventosissimus</i>),<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> as Decimus Brutus told Cicero, and he certainly -presents the most pitiful figure of all the leading men of -the day.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The fate of Sextus Pompeius, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 35.</div> - -<p>The old policy of Philippi and Perusia was followed as -regards the forces of Pompeius. Senators and equites were, -it is to be feared, in many cases put to the sword; -while the rank and file were admitted into Cæsar’s -army, and an amnesty was granted to those -Sicilian towns which had submitted either to Pompeius or -Lepidus. Africa and Sicily Cæsar took over as his part of the -Empire and appointed proprætors to each. He did not -attempt to pursue Sextus Pompeius; he preferred that Antony -should have the responsibility and perhaps the odium of dealing -with him. In fact, he did some years afterwards make his -execution a ground of complaint against Antony. Yet Antony -seems to have had little choice in the matter. For Pompeius<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span> -acted in Asia much as he had acted in Sicily and Italy, capturing -towns and plundering ships, while sending peaceful -embassies to Antony, offering to serve him against Cæsar. -Being at last compelled to surrender to Amyntas (made king -of Pisidia by Antony), and being by him delivered to Antony’s -legate Titius, he was taken to Miletus and there put to death. -But it was, and still remains, uncertain whether this was done -by Antony’s order.</p> - -<p>He was just forty, and had led a strange life since he witnessed -his father’s death from the ship off the coast of Egypt. -He seems to have had some generous qualities which attached -men to him. But the times were out of joint, and he was -compelled to live the life of a pirate and freebooter, having a -grievance against every successive party that gained power at -Rome, trusting none, and feeling no obligation to treat them -as fellow citizens or even as noble enemies. He seems to have -missed more than one chance of crushing Cæsar; but his -troops, though numerous, were fitted neither by spirit nor -by discipline to encounter regularly trained legions in open -fight. We cannot withhold a certain admiration for the -courage and energy which maintained him as virtual ruler of -no inconsiderable portion of the Roman Empire for nearly -twelve years.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;" id="illus4"> - -<img src="images/illus4.jpg" width="450" height="700" alt="" /> - -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Augustus addressing Troops.</span></p> - -<p class="caption-r"><i>Photographed from the Statue in the Vatican by Edne. Alinari.</i></p> - -<p class="caption-l"><i>To face page 108.</i></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII<br /> -<span class="smaller">ACTIUM</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Altera iam teritur bellis civilibus aetas.</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Sævis Liburnis, scilicet invidens,</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>privata deduci superbo</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>non humilis mulier triumpho.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The early manhood of Augustus and its fruits.</div> - -<p>When Sextus fled from Sicily Cæsar was about to complete -his 27th year. It was nearly nine years since, while little -more than a boy, he had first boldly asserted himself -in opposition to men more than twice his -own age, and had forced those who had been statesmen -before he was born to regard him as their -champion or respect him as their master. Since that time he had -had little rest from grave anxieties or war. At Mutina, Philippi, -Perusia, and in Sicily, he had tasted danger and disaster as well -as victory; and had more than once been in imminent hazard. -These fatigues had been made more trying by frequent illness, -apparently arising from a sluggish liver, to which he had been -subject from boyhood. Through all he had been supported by -an indomitable persistence and a passionate resolve to avenge -his adoptive father, all the more formidable perhaps in a -character naturally cold and self-contained. As he went on -there gradually awoke in him a nobler ambition, that of -restoring and directing the distracted state. Neither now nor -afterwards do the more vulgar attributes of supreme power—wealth,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span> -luxury, and adulation—seem to have had charms for him. -He felt the governing power in him, he believed in his “genius,” -what we might call his “mission,” and the difficulties of a -divided rule became more and more clear to him. From this -time, therefore, he used every means which wise statesmanship or -crafty policy could suggest to rid himself of the remaining partner -in the Triumvirate, and to gain a free hand in the work of -restoration which he had already begun.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Marriage with Livia, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38.</div> - -<p>In private life he had taken a step which was the source of -a lifelong happiness to him. The political marriage with -Scribonia in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40, contracted with the idea of -conciliating Sextus Pompeius, had been ended by -divorce on the very day of the birth of his only -daughter Iulia. The reason alleged was her disagreeable -disposition; but, besides the change in the political situation, -there was another reason of a more personal nature. The -peace of Misenum had permitted many partisans of Brutus, -Cassius, or Lucius Antonius, who had fled to Sextus Pompeius, -to return to Rome. Among others came Tiberius Nero,<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> -with his young wife, Livia Drusilla. Unless statues and coins -are more than usually false, she was possessed of rare beauty. -In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38 she was twenty years old, and had one son (the future -Emperor Tiberius) now in his fourth year, and was within -three months of the birth of her second son Drusus. Even -to the lax notions of divorce and re-marriage then current this -seemed somewhat scandalous. A year was held to be the -necessary interval for a woman between one marriage and -another. But the object of this convention was to prevent -ambiguity as to the paternity of children; and when Cæsar -consulted the pontifices, they told him that, if there was no -doubt as to the paternity of the child with which Livia was -pregnant, the marriage might lawfully take place at once. No -opposition seems to have been made by Livia’s husband, who was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span> -at least twenty years her senior.<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> He acted as a father in -giving her to her new husband, and entertained the bridal pair -at a banquet. The marriage was so prompt that a favourite -page of Livia’s, seeing her take her place on the same dinner -couch as Cæsar, whispered to his mistress that she had made a -mistake, for her husband was on the other couch. On the -birth of Drusus, Cæsar sent the infant to its father, thus complying -with the conditions of the pontifices. That the two -men should have been on good terms is not incredible in view -of the prevailing sentiment as to divorce. We find Cicero, for -instance, writing effusively to Dolabella almost directly after he -had compelled his daughter to divorce him for gross misconduct, -and there are other instances. At any rate Tiberius Nero, on -his death-bed in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 33, left the guardianship of his sons to -Cæsar; and in spite of such a beginning the marriage proved -permanently happy. Cæsar was devoted to Livia to the day of -his death; his last conscious act was to kiss her lips.<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Honours voted to Cæsar.</div> - -<p>The victory in Sicily left him supreme in the West, and -he at once devoted himself to the re-establishment of order -and prosperity. The relief to Italy and Rome was -immense; for with Pompeius master of the sea -the city was always in danger of famine, and the -Italian coast of devastation. This feeling of relief found -expression in the proceedings of the Senate, which now began -those votes of special honours and powers to Cæsar, which in -the course of the next ten or twelve years gradually clothed -him with every attribute of supremacy in the state. On his -return from Sicily he was decreed an ovation, as after Philippi,<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span> -as well as statues and a triumphal arch. On the day of the -victory over Pompeius (2nd of September), there were to be -<i>feriæ</i> and <i>supplicationes</i> for ever; he and his wife and family -were to be feasted on the Capitol; and he was to have the -perpetual right of wearing the laurel wreath of victory. He -refused the office of Pontifex Maximus, as long as Lepidus lived, -but he accepted the privileges of the tribuneship—the personal -sanctity which put any one injuring or molesting him under a -curse, and the right of sitting with the tribunes in the Senate. -This it seems gave him practically the full <i>tribunicia potestas</i> -within the city. But it was a novel measure, and its full -consequences were not perhaps foreseen.<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> He had twice before -wished to be elected tribune, but his “patriciate” stood in his -way. This was meant as a kind of compromise, and it furnishes -the keynote to his later plans for absorbing the powers -of the republican offices.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Measures of conciliation and restoration.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The wars for security of frontiers.</div> - -<p>Cæsar’s chief difficulties now came from the large military -forces of which he found himself possessed, either by his own -enlistment or from that of the various defeated -leaders. To disband them was neither safe in -view of possible complications with Antony, nor -possible without finding large sums of money or great tracts of -unoccupied land with which to reward the men; whereas his -object now was to put an end to confiscation, fines, and -unusual imposts, and to bring back confidence and security. -After suppressing more than one incipient mutiny, he contrived -to secure enough land for those who had served their full time, -partly by purchases from Capua, where there was still a good -deal of unassigned land. He repaid the colony by granting it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span> -revenues from lands at Cnossus in Crete, which had become -<i>ager publicus</i> on the defeat of the pirates, and on some of which -a Roman colony was not long afterwards established.<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> Some -of the men, again, who had been most clamorous and mutinous -he sent to Gaul as a <i>supplementum</i> to colonies already existing, -or to found new colonies.<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> He was thus able to make -remission of taxation, as well as of arrears due from the lists of -forfeiture published by the triumvirs. His enemies said that -his object was to throw the odium of their original imposition -upon Antony and Lepidus; or to make a merit of necessity, -since in most cases it would have been impossible to collect the -money. These motives may have had a share in his policy, but -he doubtless also wished to restore confidence and cause an -oblivion of the miseries of the civil wars. For the soldiers who -remained various other employments were found. The weakness -of the central government had long been shewn by the -existence of marauding bands in various parts of Italy. The -civil wars had aggravated the evil, till travelling had become -dangerous almost everywhere, and even the streets of Rome -were unsafe. Cæsar now organised a police force of soldiers -under Sabinus Cotta to patrol the city and Italy, and within a -few months the evil was much mitigated.<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> Besides this, Statilius -Taurus was sent with an army to restore order in -the two African provinces—Proconsularis and -Numidia.<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> Another expedition was sent against -the Salassi, inhabiting the modern Val d’Aosta, who had for -two years been holding out against Antistius Vetus. He had -driven them into their mountain fastnesses; but when he left -the district they once more descended and expelled the Roman -garrisons. The war was entrusted to Valerius Messalla, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span> -reduced them at least to temporary submission (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 35-34).<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> -Another similar war was that against the Iapydes, living in -what is now Croatia, who in their marauding expeditions had -come as far as Aquileia and plundered Roman colonies. To -this Cæsar went in person. He destroyed their capital, -Metulum, on the Colapis (mod. <i>Kolpa</i>), after a desperate -resistance, in the course of which he was somewhat severely -injured by the fall of a bridge. The rest of the country then -submitted.<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> The Iapydes had no doubt provoked the attack. -But that does not seem to be the case with the Pannonians, -whom Cæsar proceeded to invade. They were a mixed -Illyrian and Celtic tribe, dwelling in forests and detached villages -without great towns, and appear to have lived peaceably. But -Cæsar resolved to take their one important town, Siscia, at the -junction of the Kolpa and Save, partly as a convenient -magazine in wars against the Daci, and partly for the mere -object of keeping his army employed and paid at the expense -of a conquered country. The siege of the town lasted thirty -days, and after its fall he returned to Rome, leaving Fufius -Geminus to continue the campaign. So again in the spring of -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 34 Agrippa was sent against the Dalmatians, and when -later in the season he was joined by Cæsar in person, their chief -towns were taken and burnt; and this people, who since their -defeat of Gabinius in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44-43, had been practically independent, -had again to submit and pay tribute, with ten years’ -arrears, and restore the standards taken from Gabinius. Their -submission was followed by that of other tribes, and by the middle -of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 33, the whole of Illyricum was restored to obedience.</p> - -<p>These were the sort of successes to make a man popular at -Rome; for they were not costly in blood or treasure, and -they affected the interests of a large number of merchants and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span> -men of business. Nor was this all. One of his legates, -Statilius Taurus, was so successful in Africa, and another, C. -Norbanus, in Spain, that both were decreed triumphs in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 34, -and in the same year Mauretania was made a Roman province. -Cæsar had declined a triumph after the Pannonian war, but -accepted honours for Octavia and Livia, who were exempted -from the <i>tutela</i>, to which all women were subject; and during -these two years his name was becoming associated with success -and with the expansion of the Empire and of trade.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Improvements in the city.</div> - -<p>This was accompanied by restorations and improvements in -the city calculated to appeal still more strongly to popular -imagination. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 33 Agrippa as ædile reformed -the water supply of Rome, constructing -700 basins, 500 fountains, and repairing the -aqueducts.<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> He also cleansed the cloacæ, adorned the circus, -distributed oil and salt free, and opened the baths gratis -throughout his year of office, besides throwing among the -spectators at the theatre <i>tesseræ</i> (tickets) entitling the holders -to valuable presents. Cæsar himself, who was consul for a -few months at the beginning of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 33, erected the Porticus -Octaviæ, named in honour of his sister, with the spoils of the -Illyrian and Pannonian wars,<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> and began the building of the -temple of Apollo and the two libraries, on the site bought for a -house on the Palatine before <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36, when that of Hortensius -had been granted to him by the Senate,<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> and while he was still -living in the house of Calvus near the Forum.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The contrast of Antony’s career.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Parthians.</div> - -<p>These successes in the Western provinces, combined with -such costly improvements in the city, impressed -(as it was intended that they should) the minds of -the people in Rome with the feeling that Cæsar’s -name was the best guarantee for the era of peace and prosperity<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span> -which seemed at last to be succeeding the ruin and -horror of civil war. In strong contrast—carefully emphasized -by Cæsar and his friends—were the military expeditions in the -East, and the extravagance of Antony’s infatuation for -Cleopatra in Egypt. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40 he had been roused from the -intoxication of love and revelry in Alexandria to find Syria in -the hands of the Parthian Pacorus, son of Orodes, -and of Labienus, son of the old legate of Iulius, -who had joined the enemy after the battle of Philippi. They -had defeated and killed his legate, Decidius Saxa, and taken -possession of the province. It is true that next year, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 39, -P. Ventidius drove away Labienus, and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38 defeated the -Parthians and killed Pacorus. But Antony was jealous of -Ventidius, deposed him from his command, and went in -person to besiege the remains of the Parthian army in -Samosata, where they had been received by Antiochus, king -of Commagene. He failed to take the town, and though in -his despatch he took all the credit of previous successes, the -truth was well known in Rome. After his failure at Samosata -he made somewhat inglorious terms with Antiochus, and going -off to meet Cæsar at Tarentum left C. Sosius in charge of Syria. -Sosius put down an insurrection in Judæa and established -Herod as king (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38-7). But in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36 Antony suffered -severe reverses in an expedition against Phraates, who had just -succeeded his father Orodes as king of Parthia. One success, -however, in the course of an inglorious campaign enabled him -to send home laurelled despatches, the real value of which -Cæsar and his friends took care should be known. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 35 -he began carving out a kingdom for his elder son by Cleopatra, -and making preparations for an expedition against the king of -Armenia, whom he accused of failing in his duty of supporting -him in the previous year. Having first made a treaty of -friendship with the king of Media, in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 34 he invaded -Armenia, and getting possession of the person of the king by -an act of treachery which shocked Roman sentiment—not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span> -very scrupulous in such matters—he brought him in silver -chains to Alexandria.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Cleopatra.</div> - -<p>Thus Antony’s career as an administrator and defender of -the Empire was rightly or wrongly looked upon as comparing -unfavourably with that of Cæsar. But still more -shocking to Roman feeling was his position in -Cleopatra’s court. Though the moral standard at Rome was -far from high, it was rigid in regard to certain details. Just -as a valid marriage could only be contracted with a woman -who was a <i>civis</i>, so for a man in high position to live openly -with a foreign mistress, however high her rank, was peculiarly -scandalous. The beloved Emperor Titus, a hundred years -later, had to give way to this sentiment and dismiss his -Idumæan mistress. But that a Roman imperator should not -only have such a connection with a “barbarous” queen, but -should act as her officer and courtier; that she should have a -bodyguard of Roman soldiers; should give the watchword to -them as their sovereign; and should even employ them to deal -with what in one sense or another was Roman territory—this -seemed an outrage of the worst kind. In a poem written it -seems while the campaign at Actium was still undecided, but -when rumours of Antony’s defeat were reaching Rome, -Horace well expresses the disgust with which the position -conceded to Cleopatra by Antony’s fondness was regarded:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">False, false the tale our grandsons will declare—</div> - <div class="verse indent0">That Romans to a woman fealty sware;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Shouldered their pikes; presented arms; and did</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Whate’er her wrinkled eunuchs deigned to bid:</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Or that among our Roman flags were seen</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The gauzy curtains of her palanquin.”<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Antony himself made no concealment as to the queen’s -connection with the army. After his disastrous expedition of -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36-5, Cleopatra supplied him with money, and he told<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span> -his men when paying them that they were receiving it from -her. The connection also involved a breach with Cæsar. -Their friendship—always doubtful—had been patched up from -time to time by formal reconciliations; in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43 after -Mutina; in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40 at Brundisium; and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37 at Tarentum. -For a time Antony had found great pleasure in the -society of Octavia, with whom he lived for a time at Athens. -But after the meeting at Tarentum he left Octavia with her -brother on his return to the East, and soon fell again under -Cleopatra’s spell, who, though not beautiful, fascinated him by -her art and infinite variety. When in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 35 Octavia, trying -to effect another reconciliation, went to Athens, taking money -and soldiers for him from her brother, Antony accepted the -gifts, but sent her word that she was to return to Rome. -Cæsar would have had her repudiate him at once, but she -seems to have been sincerely attached to him, and to have -shrunk from the idea of an insult to herself being made an -occasion of civil war. She persisted in living in his town -house, and in bringing up with liberality, not only her own -children by him, but also Antony’s children by Fulvia.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Final breach between Cæsar and Antony.</div> - -<p>But after his return from the Armenian expedition (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 34) -Antony became still more infatuated with Cleopatra. He -publicly gave her the title of “Queen of Queens,” and her -eldest son the name of Cæsarion and “King of Kings”; -while to his two sons and daughter by Cleopatra he assigned -kingdoms in Syria, Armenia, Libya, and Cyrene. He had -the assurance to write to the Senate asking for the confirmation -of these <i>acta</i>. When his two friends, C. Sosius and Cn. -Domitius Ahenobarbus entered on their consulship -(1st of January, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 32), they resolved to suppress -this despatch, in spite of Cæsar’s wishes; but -they communicated to the Senate his message that the second -period of the Triumvirate having expired (on the last day of -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 33), he had no desire for its renewal. He did not, -however, lay down his imperium, and the object of this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span> -declaration was to embroil Cæsar with the Senate, should he -wish to retain his extraordinary powers. Ahenobarbus, indeed, -had had enough of civil war and wished to take no step likely -to bring it about. But Sosius made an elaborate speech in -praise of Antony, and attacking, or at least depreciating, -Cæsar; and was only prevented from bringing in a motion -in Antony’s favour by the intervention of a tribune. A -few days after this Cæsar (who had not been present on the -1st of January) summoned the Senate, and delivered a speech -from the consular bench, which though studiously moderate as -regards himself, was very outspoken as regards Sosius and -Antony. No one ventured to reply, and the Senate was -dismissed with the assurance that Cæsar would produce proofs -of what he had said about Antony. The two consuls, without -taking any farther step, left Rome privately and joined -Antony in Alexandria. They were followed by a considerable -number of Senators, Cæsar giving out that they went with -his full consent, and declaring that others might go if they -chose.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The grievances of either side.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">War proclaimed against Cleopatra, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 32.</div> - -<p>This was a division of the governing body similar to that -of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49-8, and it was evident that a civil war was imminent. -Sentiment was by no means all on one side at -Rome, as is proved by the numbers of the Senate -who crossed to Antony. Party feeling, in fact, -was so keen that the very boys in the streets divided themselves -into Cæsarians and Antonians;<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> and both leaders shewed -great eagerness by arguments and declarations to put themselves -in the right. Antony’s grievances against Cæsar were:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span> -(1) that he deprived Lepidus of Africa without consulting -him; (2) that he had not shared with him the countries -formerly controlled by Sextus Pompeius; (3) that he enrolled -soldiers in Italy without sending him the contingents due by -their agreement. Cæsar’s against Antony were that he was -occupying Egypt (not a Roman province) without authority; -had executed Sextus Pompeius, whom he (Cæsar) had wished -to spare; had disgraced the Roman name by his conduct to -the king of Armenia, by his connection with Cleopatra, and -by bestowing kingdoms on his children by her; and, lastly, had -wronged him by acknowledging Cæsarion as a son of Iulius -Cæsar. Letters and messages were interchanged for some -months on these and other points, both trying to justify -themselves. Antony, in one letter at least, preserved by -Suetonius, ridicules in the coarsest terms what he regards as -Cæsar’s hypocritical or prudish objection to his connection -with the queen. But at length Cæsar found means to -discredit Antony in the eyes of the Senators, and to convince -them that they must prevent an invasion of Italy by a proclamation -of war against Cleopatra, which would be understood -to be against Antony. He did this by using two of Antony’s -officers who had quarrelled with him and returned to Rome—M. -Titius and L. Munatius Plancus. The latter, Cicero’s -correspondent, the governor of Celtic Gaul in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44, and -consul in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42, had joined Antony in Alexandria as his -<i>legatus</i>, and had been much in his confidence. He is held up -to scorn by contemporary writers as a monster of fickleness -and an ingrained traitor, and his thus turning upon Antony was -regarded with much contempt even by the Cæsarians. The -story he and his companion had to tell, however, served -Cæsar’s turn. They brought word that, on hearing of his -speech in the Senate, Antony had publicly divorced Octavia -in the presence of the Senators, and had announced that he -intended to undertake a war against him. They also told how -Antony styled Cleopatra his queen and sovereign, gave her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span> -a bodyguard of Roman soldiers, with her name on their -shields; how he escorted her to the forum and sat by her side -on the seat of justice; how, when she rode in her chair he -walked on foot by her side among the eunuchs; how he called -the general’s quarters or prætorium “the Palace,” wore an -Egyptian scimitar and a robe embroidered with gold, and sat -on a gilded chair; and how some religious mummeries had -been played, in which he took the part of Osiris, she of the -Moon and Isis. The Roman world believed that Antony was -bewitched by Cleopatra; and the serious consequences likely -to ensue were made more manifest by his will, of which -Augustus got either a copy or an account of its contents from -Plancus, and read it publicly from the Rostra. In it Antony -affirmed the legitimacy of Cæsarion, gave enormous legacies -to his children by Cleopatra, and ordered his body to be buried -with that of the queen’s in the royal mausoleum. Altogether -people began to believe the report that he meant to hand over -the Empire, even Rome itself, to Cleopatra, and to transfer the -seat of government to Alexandria. There was one of those -outbursts of feeling which carries all before it. -Even those who had been neutral, or inclined to -be suspicious of Cæsar, turned violently against -Antony. He was deposed from the consulship for <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31, to -which he had been elected, and declared to be divested of -imperium. It seems probable that he was not at first declared -a <i>hostis</i>,<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> but war was voted against Cleopatra. It was enough -for his enemies that he should be found fighting with the -Egyptians against Rome; and the vote was well understood to -include him. Cæsar was appointed to proclaim the war with -all the <i>Fetial</i> ceremonies, and the Senate assumed the <i>sagum</i>.<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span></p> - -<p>Both sides were now making preparations in earnest. Cæsar -could draw forces from Italy, Gaul, Spain, Illyricum, Sardinia, -Sicily, and other islands. Antony relied on Asia, the parts -about Thrace, Greece and Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrene, and the -islands of the Ægean, besides a large number of client kings -who had owed their position to him.<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> He silenced their -scruples, when gathered at Samos, by pointing out that they -would not be formally at war with Rome, and promising that -within two months of the victory he would lay down his -imperium and remit all power to the Senate and people. Nor -did he confine his exertions to the East. Agents were sent to -cities in Italy carrying money, though Cæsar—who kept -himself well informed—frustrated this attempt for the most -part.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Antony approaches Italy.</div> - -<p>From Samos Antony removed his headquarters to Athens, -whence in the winter of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 32 he started to invade Italy. -But at Corcyra he got intelligence of an advanced -squadron of Cæsar’s fleet near the Acroceraunian -promontory, and thinking that Cæsar was there -in full force, he decided to put off hostilities till the spring, by -which time he expected to be joined by the forces of the client -kings. He himself wintered at Patræ, distributing his forces -so as to guard various points in Greece. He scornfully rejected -Cæsar’s proposal for an interview, on the ground that there -was no one to decide between them, if either broke the terms -upon which they might agree. The proposal was probably -not seriously meant. It was only another means of putting -Antony in the wrong.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31, Con., C. Octavius Cæsar, Val. Messala. The beginning of hostilities.</div> - -<p>Nothing, however, was done before the end of the year, a -storm having frustrated an attempt of Cæsar’s to surprise some -of the enemy’s ships at Corcyra. In the early spring the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span> -first move was made by Agrippa, who swooped down upon -Methone in Messenia, killed Bogovas, late king of -Mauretania, and harassed the shores of Greece by -other descents, in order to divert Antony’s attention; -who was now with his main fleet in the -Ambracian gulf, having secured the narrow entrance to it by -towers on either side, and with ships stationed between. His -camp was close to the temple of Apollo, on the south side of the -strait. The successes of Agrippa encouraged Cæsar to move. -He landed troops in Ceraunia, making his own headquarters at -the “Sweet Haven,” at the mouth of the Cocytus, and sent -a detachment by land round the Ambracian sea to threaten -Antony’s camp. Having failed to entice the fleet from the -Ambracian gulf, or to tempt the men to abandon Antony, he -seized the high ground overlooking the strait, and opposite -Actium, where he entrenched himself, on the ground on which -he afterwards built Nicopolis. The summer months, however, -were wearing away without any decisive blow being struck by -either side, and the delay was irksome to both. Rome was in a -state of simmering revolt owing to distress and heavy taxes, a -discontent which found expression in the conspiracy of Lepidus, -son of the ex-triumvir. It was promptly suppressed, indeed, -and Lepidus was sent over to Cæsar to receive his condemnation; -but, nevertheless, Mæcenas, who was in charge of Rome, -found that he had no sinecure. To Antony, again, delay -meant discontent among his Eastern followers, tottering loyalty, -and probable abandonment. Above all, Cleopatra was in a -highly nervous state, and was urging a return to Egypt. At -last on the 31st of August, a cavalry engagement going against -Antony, she became clamorous; and after long deliberation, -Antony determined to follow her advice. He ordered his ships -to be prepared for battle, but with the secret intention of -avoiding a fight and sailing away to Alexandria.<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Battle of Actium, Sept. 3, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31.</div> - -<p>Cæsar was kept informed of this, and resolved to prevent it.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span> -His idea was to allow the Antonian fleet to issue out and begin -their course, and then to fall upon their rear. But -Agrippa thought that the superior sailing powers -of the Antonian fleet would render this impossible, -and urged an attack as soon as the ships cleared the straits. -There had been rough weather for four days, but on the 3rd of -September there was a calm,<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> or only some surf from the preceding -storms; and when the trumpet rang out for the start -Antony’s huge vessels, furnished with towers and filled with -armed men, began streaming out of the straits. They did not -at first show any signs of standing out to sea. The ships took -up a close order and waited to be attacked. There was a brief -pause on Cæsar’s side. He or Agrippa hesitated to attack -these great galleons with their smaller craft. But before long -an order was issued to the vessels on the extremities of Cæsar’s -fleet to exert their utmost powers in rowing in order to get -round Antony’s two wings. To avoid this danger Antony was -forced against his will to order an attack.</p> - -<p>The battle raged all the afternoon without decisive result; -though the smallness of Cæsar’s vessels proved in many points a -decided advantage. They could be rowed close up to bigger -ships and be rowed away again when a shower of javelins had -been poured in upon the enemy. Antony’s men returned the -volleys and used grappling irons of great weight. If these irons -caught one of the smaller ships they were doubtless very -effective; but if the cast missed they either seriously damaged -their own ship, or caused so much confusion and delay that an -opportunity was given to the enemy to pour in fresh volleys of -darts. At length Cleopatra, whose ships were on the southern -fringe of the fleet, could bear the suspense no longer. She gave -the signal for retreat, and a favourable breeze springing up, the -Egyptian ships were soon fading out of sight. Antony thinking<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span> -that this was the result of a panic, and that the day was lost, -hastened after the retiring squadron. The example of their -leader was followed by many of the crews, who lightening their -ships by throwing overboard the wooden towers and war tackle, -fled with sails full spread. But others still maintained the -struggle, and it was not until Cæsar’s men began throwing -lighted brands upon the enemy’s ships that the rout became -general. Even then the work was not over, for Cæsar spent -the whole night on board endeavouring to rescue men from the -burning ships.<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The finale of the civil war in Egypt, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31-30.</div> - -<p>Antony got clear off from pursuit, but his camp on land was -easily taken, and his army was intercepted while trying to -retreat into Macedonia. For the most part the -men took service in Cæsar’s legions, the veterans -being disbanded without pensions. Antony, however, -was followed to Egypt by many of his adherents of rank, -and still thought himself strong enough to make terms with -Cæsar. But he could no longer hope for aid from the client -kings. They all hastened to make their peace with Cæsar, or -were captured and punished. Even Cleopatra was secretly -prepared to betray him.</p> - -<p>With the exception of one visit to Brundisium of seven days, -to suppress the mutiny of some discontented veterans, Cæsar -spent the winter at Samos and Athens, collecting an army and -navy destined to deprive Egypt permanently of its independence. -Cleopatra had indeed tried to brave it out. She -returned to Alexandria with her prows decked with flowers -and her pipers playing a triumphant tune. The people are -not likely to have been deceived, but there was no sign of -revolt. She was able to seize the property of those whose -fidelity she suspected, and even put to death the captive king -of Armenia to gratify her ally the king of Media. Messages -were sent to the kings who had been allied with Antony, and -for some gladiators whom he had in training at Trapezus.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span> -The gladiators started but were intercepted, and no help came -from the client kings. A still worse disappointment awaited -him in Cyrene, over which he had placed L. Pinarius Scarpus -with four legions. When, leaving Cleopatra at Parætonium, -he went to take over these legions, Pinarius refused to receive -him and even put his messengers to death, and shortly afterwards -handed over his province and army to Cæsar’s legate, -Cornelius Gallus. This was an unmistakable sign that -Antony’s day of influence was over. Cleopatra returned to -Alexandria and made secret preparations for retiring into -Asia, as far as Iberia (<i>Georgia</i>) if necessary, though still -keeping up appearances and sending in every direction for aid. -Cleopatra’s son Cæsarion and Antony’s son by Fulvia (Antyllus) -were declared of man’s estate and capable of governing, and -messages were despatched to Cæsar proposing that Antony -should retire to Athens as a <i>privatus</i>, and that Cleopatra should -abdicate in favour of Cæsarion. The queen also, without -Antony’s knowledge, sent Cæsar a gold sceptre and crown. -He made no reply to Antony, but answered in threatening -terms to Cleopatra, while sending his freedman Thyrsus to -give her privately a reassuring message. Antony suspected -the purport of Thyrsus’s mission, and with a last ebullition -of his old swaggering humour had him flogged, and sent back -with the message, that if Cæsar felt aggrieved he might put -his freedman Hipparchus (who had joined Cæsar) to the -torture in revenge. But things went from bad to worse with -him. News came that the gladiators had been impounded, -that his own legatus in Syria (Q. Didius) had bidden the -Arabs burn the ships which he had prepared for his flight in -the Red Sea, and that the only two client kings who had -seemed inclined to stand by him—those of Cilicia and Galatia—had -fallen off. He therefore tried once more to open -communications with Cæsar. He sent him as a prisoner one -of the assassins of Iulius, whom he had protected and employed, -P. Turullius, and a considerable sum of money by the hands<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span> -of his son Antyllus. Cæsar put Turullius to death and took -the money, but returned no answer to Antony, though he -again sent a private message to Cleopatra. Presently Antony -was informed that Gallus had arrived at Parætonium with the -four legions taken over from Pinarius; and believing that even -now his personal influence was sufficient to win back the men, -he hurried thither, accompanied by the remains of his fleet -coasting along to guard him. But this only led to farther -disaster. The soldiers refused to listen to him; and when his -ships entered the harbour the chains were made fast across the -mouth and they were trapped. On land he now found himself -between two hostile forces; for Cæsar with Cleopatra’s -connivance had landed at Pelusium and was marching on -Alexandria, and Gallus was attacking him from Parætonium. -He once more executed one of those rapid movements for -which he was famous. Hastening back to Alexandria he -flung his cavalry upon Cæsar’s vanguard when tired with its -march. But the success of this movement encouraged him to -make a general attack, in which he was decisively beaten. -His last resource, the ships still remaining in the harbour of -Alexandria, failed him. Acting under Cleopatra’s orders the -captains refused to receive him. The queen, it is said, had -shut herself up in the Tomb-house or Ptolemæum, hoping to -drive Antony to despair and suicide, as the only solution of the -difficulty. If that was indeed her motive, she was both -successful and repentant. Antony stabbed himself, and begged -to be carried to the Tomb-house, where he died in her arms.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of Cleopatra.</div> - -<p>Cæsar was now eager to secure Cleopatra’s person. He -sent Gallus to her with soothing messages, which he delivered -to her at the porch. But while he was speaking -with her C. Proculeius entered by a window, -seized the queen, and conveyed her to the Palace, -where she was allowed her usual attendants and all the -paraphernalia of royalty. Of the two accounts of Cæsar’s -interview with her the more picturesque one is given by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span> -usually prosaic Dio. He found her looking charming in her -mourning, surrounded by likenesses of various kinds of the -great Iulius, and in the bosom of her dress a packet of letters -received from him. On his entrance she rose with a blush -and greeted him as her lord and master. She pleaded that -Iulius had always honoured her and acknowledged her as -queen. She read affectionate passages from his letters, which -she kissed passionately with tears streaming from her eyes, -being at the same time careful to put respectful admiration and -affection for Cæsar himself into her looks and the tone of her -voice. Cæsar quite appreciated the drama thus played for his -behoof, but feigned unconsciousness, keeping his eyes fixed on -the ground and saying nothing but: “Courage, madam! Do -not be alarmed, for no harm will happen to you.” He said no -word, however, as to her retention of royal power, nor did -his voice betray the least tenderness. In an agony of disappointment -she flung herself at his feet and besought him by -the memory of his father to allow her to die and share -Antony’s tomb. Cæsar made no reply except once more to -bid her not be alarmed; but he gave orders that though -allowed her usual attendants she was to be closely watched. -Cleopatra understood only too well that the intention was to -take her to Rome that she might adorn the victor’s triumph. -But in order to secure greater freedom she feigned submission -and to be busied in collecting presents to take to Livia. -Having thus diminished the vigilance of Epaphroditus and her -other guards, she some days afterwards made a parade of -writing a letter to Cæsar, which she induced Epaphroditus to -convey. When he returned, however, he found the queen, -decked in royal robes, lying dead with two of her waiting -women dead or dying by her side. “No one knows for -certain,” says Dio, “how she died. Some say that a venomous -snake was conveyed to her in a water-vessel or in some -flowers. Others that the long pin with which she fastened -her hair had a poisoned point, with which she pricked her arm.”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span> -Plutarch, with a like expression of doubt, says that the snake -was conveyed in a basket of figs; and that on receiving the -letter brought by Epaphroditus Cæsar understood her purpose -and hurried to the Palace to prevent it, and even summoned -some of the mysterious Psylli—snake charmers and curers—to -suck out the poison.<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> But in spite of his disappointment, he -admired her spirit and gave her a royal funeral. Perhaps after -all he felt relieved of a difficulty. According to Plutarch she -had shown him that she was not to be easily managed. At -the end of her conversation with Cæsar, he says, she handed -him a schedule of the royal treasures. But when one of her -stewards or treasurers remarked that she was keeping back -certain sums, the enraged queen sprang up, clutched his hair, -and beat his face with her fists. When Cæsar smiled and -tried to pacify her, she exclaimed: “A pretty thing, Cæsar, -that you should visit and address me with honour in my fallen -state, and that one of my own slaves should malign me! If I -have set apart certain women’s ornaments, it was not for -myself, but for Octavia and Livia, that they might soften your -heart to me.”</p> - -<p>It would be pleasanter if the death of Cleopatra and the -confiscation of her treasury were the end of the story. But -the executions of the two poor boys, Cæsarion and Antyllus, -were acts of cold-blooded cruelty. The former, who could not -have been more than sixteen, had been sent by his mother with -a large supply of money to Æthiopia, but was betrayed by his -<i>pædagogus</i>, overtaken by Cæsar’s soldiers, and put to death. -The young Antonius (or Antyllus) begged hard for his life, -and fled for safety to the <i>heroum</i> of the divine Iulius, constructed -by Cleopatra, but was dragged away and killed. He -could at most have been no more than fourteen, and had in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span> -childhood been betrothed to Cæsar’s infant daughter, Iulia. -Perhaps the pretensions of Cæsarion to the paternity of Cæsar, -and his acknowledgment as heir to the throne of Egypt, made -his death inevitable; but the extreme youth of Antyllus and -his helplessness might have pleaded for him. The rest of -Antony’s children were protected by Octavia, and brought up -as became their rank.</p> - -<p>It is impossible not to feel some sympathy for Antony, who -had thus flung away fame and life for a woman’s love. But it -was doubtless a happy thing for the world that the direction of -affairs fell to the cautious Augustus rather than to him. He -had some attractive qualities, but no virtues. Boundless self-indulgence -in a ruler more than outweighs good-nature or -liberality. It brings more suffering to subjects than the occasional -gratification caused by the latter qualities can compensate. -His scheme for erecting a series of semi-independent kingdoms -in the East would almost certainly have been the cause of -endless troubles. He was not more than fifty-three at his -death, but there were signs of a great decay of energy and -activity. The people thought of him—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">“As of a Prince whose manhood was all gone,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And molten down in mere uxoriousness.”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">And undoubtedly, if instead of spending a winter in Samos -in luxury and riot and part of another at Athens in much the -same way, he had begun his attack on Cæsar a year earlier, the -result might have been different. But he let the occasion -slip and found, as others have done, that the head of Time is -bald at the back.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;" id="illus5"> - -<img src="images/illus5.jpg" width="450" height="700" alt="" /> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: Head of Augustus. Rev.: The Sphinx.</p> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: Heads of Augustus and Agrippa. Rev.: Crocodile and Palm. -<i>Colonia Nemausi</i> (Nismes).</p> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: Head of Augustus. Rev.: Triumphal Arch, celebrating the reconstruction of the roads.</p> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: Head of Drusus. Rev.: The Trophy of Arms taken from the Germans.</p> - -<p class="caption">Obv.: Head of Livia. Rev.: Head of Julia.</p> - -<p class="caption-l"><i>To face page 130.</i></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE NEW CONSTITUTION, B.C. 30-23</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Hic ames dici pater atque princeps.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The new constitution.</div> - -<p>The seven years which followed the death of Antony and -Cleopatra witnessed the settlement of the new constitution in -its most important points. It has been called a -<i>dyarchy</i>, the two parties to it being the Emperor -and the Senate. They were not, however, at any -time of equal power. As far as it was possible Augustus rested -his various functions on the same foundation as those of the -Republican magistrates, and treated the Senate with studious -respect. But in spite of all professions, in spite even of himself, -he became a monarch, whose will was only limited by -those forces of circumstance and sentiment to which the most -autocratic of sovereigns have at times been forced to bow. -The important epochs in this reconstruction are the years -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29, 27, 23; but it will be necessary sometimes to -anticipate the course of events and to speak at once of what -often took many years to develop.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Reduction of the army.</div> - -<p>The reduction of the vast armaments which the various -phases of the civil war had called into existence was made -possible by the wealth which the possession of -Egypt put into Cæsar’s hands. Though Egypt -became a Roman province it was from the first -in a peculiar position, governed by a “prefect” appointed by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span> -the Emperor, who took as his private property both the -treasures and domain lands of the Ptolemaic kings and the -balance of the revenues over the expenses. This formed the -nucleus of what was afterwards called the <i>fiscus</i>,<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> the imperial -revenue as distinguished from the <i>ærarium</i> or public treasury. -He was thus enabled to disband many legions at once, without -the dangerous discontent of the veterans, or the irritation of -fresh confiscations. It was imperatively necessary to do this if -he wished to avoid the dangers which had so often threatened -the State from leaders of overgrown military forces. The -number of legions under arms during the preceding ten years -was indeed formidable. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36, when Cæsar took over -those of Lepidus and Sextus Pompeius, he had forty-four or -forty-five legions under his command.<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> Between that time -and the war with Antony he had reduced the number to -eighteen. But after the victory at Actium and the death of -Antony, the legions taken over from him, along with those -newly raised for the war, again amounted to fifty. Therefore -Cæsar had twice to deal with a body of about 250,000 men. -He says himself that in the course of his wars half a million -citizens had taken the military oath to him. The wealth of -Egypt served to purchase lands or compensate towns for such -as were taken for the veterans. From first to last more than -300,000 men were provided for in this way.<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> An important -purpose also served by this measure was the repeopling of Italy -and the renovation of many towns which during the civil wars, -or from other causes, had fallen into decay. Republican precedent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span> -was followed by recalling the ancient practice of settling -“colonies” in the Italian towns, but with this difference, that -the new colonists were usually treated as a <i>supplementum</i> of an -already existing colonia, lands being purchased for them from -private owners or from the communities. Augustus claims -twenty-eight of such Italian colonies, of which thirteen are -known to have been in past times “Roman” or “Latin” -colonies. Other towns, besides a money compensation, were -rewarded by being raised to the status of a colony, generally -with the addition of “Iulia” or “Augusta” to their name. -This system was presently extended beyond Italy—to Africa, -Spain, Sicily, Illyricum, Macedonia, Achaia, Gallia Narbonensis, -Asia, Syria, and Pisidia. Settlements in these countries were -all colonies of veterans, except Dyrrachium, which was filled -with dispossessed Italians. This was not altogether a novelty: -for extra-Italian colonies had been already established in -Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul, at Carthage, and at Corinth. -Iulius Cæsar is said to have settled 80,000 citizens in this way -outside Italy. The extra-Italic colonies of Augustus, however, -differed from these last in regard to status. They had what -was called <i>Latinitas</i>, that is, citizenship without the right of -voting or holding office at Rome. In virtue of this citizenship -they came under the Roman law and belonged to the -assize (<i>conventus</i>) of the provincial governors. Some of them, -again, had the special privileges which were summed up in the -general term “Italic right” (<i>ius Italicum</i>), and included freedom -from the jurisdiction of the provincial governor (<i>libertas</i>), -and exemption from tribute (<i>immunitas</i>). The general aim -seems to have been to put the extra-Italic colonies as far as -possible in the same position as those in Italy. As a rule also -the veterans settled in a colony had been enlisted in the province, -and had, therefore, already local connections. Augustus -took trouble in fostering and adorning these towns, whether in -Italy or the provinces, and records with pride that many had -become populous cities during his lifetime. In many cases<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span> -their subsequent importance shewed that they had been well -selected. Thus Carthage had a great mediæval history; -Durazzo and Philippi were long places of consequence; -Saragossa, Merida, Cordova, Aix, Patras, Beyroot, all trace their -prosperity to the colonisation of Augustus.<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Improvements at Rome.</div> - -<p>Nor did he meanwhile forget to encourage restoration -at Rome, to which he had already given a strong impulse. -Nothing had damaged Antony in the eyes of the -Romans more than the report of his intention to -transfer the seat of Empire to Alexandria. A -similar report as to the establishment of an imperial city for -the East at Ilium caused a like uneasiness a few years later, -which found expression in one of Horace’s most spirited odes.<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> -Cæsar prudently shewed not only that he held firmly by the -Imperial position of Rome, but that he also wished to make it -externally worthy to be the capital of the world. As in all -his projects, no one co-operated more loyally than Agrippa. -But others also were pressed into the service; and those -especially who had earned triumphs were encouraged to use -a portion at least of their spoils in public works. In the next -few years there was a great outburst of temple restoration,<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> -and it became the fashion among the immediate friends and -followers of Augustus to signalise their tenure of office or -a military success by undertaking some important building. -Horace again has reflected the view of such matters which -the official classes were expected to take, and perhaps to a -certain extent did take. The sufferings of the Romans in -the revolutionary period had undoubtedly been great. The -ruinous state of the temples was doubtless connected with the -unsettled times—whether as cause or consequence, who could<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span> -exactly say? It was not unnatural to suppose that among the -other <i>delicta maiorum</i> this too had moved the wrath of the gods. -At any rate moral laxity went side by side with scepticism and -neglect of religious observances. Nor need we regard either -poet or emperor as a monster of hypocrisy in supporting such -a doctrine. Habit and tradition are stronger than philosophy. -There always remains the Incalculable after all our reasoning; -and many to-day regret the decay of religious sentiment as a -public misfortune, who are yet profoundly uncertain as to -what they in truth believe themselves.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Honours bestowed on Cæsar, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30-27.</div> - -<p>On his return from Asia and Greece, where he had spent -the winter and spring of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30-29, Cæsar was received with -enthusiasm by all classes. Solemn sacrifice was -offered by the consul in the name of the people, -and every honour which the Senate could bestow -was awaiting his acceptance. Those voted after Actium were -lavishly increased in September <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30, on the news of Antony’s -death and the occupation of Alexandria. Two triumphal -arches were to be erected, one at Rome and another at -Brundisium;<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> the temple of the divine Iulius was to be -adorned with the prows of captured ships; his own birthday, -the day of the victory at Actium, and that of the entry into -Alexandria were to be for ever sacred; the Vestal Virgins -and the whole people were to meet him on his return in -solemn procession; he was to have the foremost seat at all -festivals; and was to celebrate three triumphs—one for the -victory over the Dalmatian and neighbouring tribes, a second -for Actium, and a third for Egypt. The <i>tribunicia potestas</i><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span> -for life had again been voted to him with the right of exercising -it within a mile radius beyond the walls. He was to -have the right to hear all cases on appeal and to have a casting -vote in all courts. His name was to be mentioned in public -prayers for the state. On the 1st of January, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29, all his -<i>acta</i> had been confirmed; and when it became known that the -Parthians had referred a disputed succession to the throne to -his arbitration, some fresh honours were devised. The disasters -under Crassus and Antony had made the Romans particularly -sensitive in regard to the Parthians; and this apparent acknowledgment -by them of a superiority attaching to Augustus, -however indefinite, was represented by the court party and the -court poets, not only as a veritable triumph over the Parthians, -but as a step in a career of Eastern conquest of almost unlimited -extent.<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> Accordingly his name was now to be coupled -with those of the gods in hymns; a tribe was named <i>Iulia</i> in -his honour; he was to wear the chaplet of victory in all -assemblies; and to nominate as many members as he chose -to all the sacred colleges. Cæsar accepted most of these -honours, but begged to be excused the procession on his -return. This was an honour which he always avoided if he -could, preferring to enter the city quietly by night. It was no -doubt a trying ordeal at the end of a long journey, and he may -have felt like Cromwell that a larger crowd still would have -come out to see him hanged. The three triumphs, however, -were now celebrated with the greatest splendour, especially -the third over Egypt, in which a figure of the dead queen<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span> -lying upon a couch, with son and daughter beside her, was -a prominent feature.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The increase of the Patriciate and the Census.</div> - -<p>Cæsar now had ample powers for every purpose of government. -The <i>tribunicia potestas</i> in itself gave him legislative -initiative and control over other departments. -It was afterwards regarded as the most important -of his powers. But in his first measures of reform -he availed himself rather of his powers as consul. The consulship -was to be really, as it always remained nominally, the -chief state office, combining all the prerogatives once centred -in the <i>rex</i>. Thus in holding the Census of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28 he acted -as Consul with his colleague Agrippa, exercising indeed a -<i>censoria potestas</i>, though not one formally bestowed, but as -inherent in the consulship.<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> He concluded it with the solemn -<i>lustrum</i>, which had not been performed for forty-two years, the -last Censors (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50) having apparently been prevented from -performing this solemnity by the outbreak of civil war. The -Census was made the occasion of a reform in the <i>ordines</i> and -especially of the Senate. In the first place, he recruited the -dwindling number of patrician <i>gentes</i> by raising certain plebeian -families to the patriciate, as his own family had been raised by -Iulius in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45 in virtue of a <i>lex Cassia</i>. The same power -was now accorded to him by a law proposed by L. Sænius, -who was consul during the last two months of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span> -object seems to have been to preserve a kind of nobility, which -at the same time should have certain political disabilities. -The patricians, indeed, still had the exclusive right of being -appointed to certain religious offices, but, on the other hand, -they were debarred from the tribuneship and the plebeian -ædileship,<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> the two offices in which a man by legislative proposals -or lavish expenditure might make himself politically -conspicuous.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The lectiones Senatus.</div> - -<p>A similar desire to restore the ancient order of the State -prompted his reformation of the Senate. The powers of this -body had always been great precisely because they -were not defined by law; and by associating it -with himself he would gain all the advantages of -this indefiniteness and prestige, while really keeping full control -of it. Iulius Cæsar had made the mistake of treating it -with studied disrespect, and his chief enemies were within its -walls. The Triumvirs, though in reality despotic, had looked -to it to give their <i>acta</i> an outward show of legality. Thus on -Octavian’s demand it had condemned Q. Gallius in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43, -and Salvidienus in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40, for treason. It had confirmed -the triumviral <i>acta</i> en bloc, giving Antony charge of the -Parthian war and ratifying his arrangements in the East in -advance. It had voted triumphs and other honours to the -triumvirs and their agents. It was the Senate that in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41 -voted L. Antonius an <i>hostis</i>, that in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 32 decreed war against -Cleopatra, deposed Antony from consulship and imperium, and -in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31-30 voted the various honours and powers to the -victorious Cæsar. The late civil war had in a way made the -importance of the Senate more prominent. So many Senators -had joined Antony at Alexandria that, like Sertorius in Spain -and Pompey in Epirus, he had professed to have the Senate -with him. The victory of Actium had pricked that bubble,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span> -and the Senate at Rome remained the only Senate of the -Empire. Cæsar was wise to put himself under the ægis of -this ancient and still respected body. But it was necessary to -secure its dignity and effectiveness, which had suffered in -various ways during the revolutionary period. Among other -things its numbers had been swollen and often with men of -inferior social standing. Iulius Cesar had filled it with his -creatures—provincials from Gaul and Spain, sons of freedmen, -centurions, soldiers, and peregrini—so that a pasquinade was -put up by some wit that “no one was to show a new Senator -the way to the Senate House.”<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> Another batch of Senators -was introduced after Cæsar’s death, chiefly by Antony, in virtue -of real or fictitious entries found in Cæsar’s papers, whom the -populace nicknamed “post-mortem Senators” (<i>Senatores orcini</i>),<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> -or sometimes even on their own initiative without any other -formality than assuming the laticlave and senatorial shoe.<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> -Many Senators no doubt perished in the proscriptions, in -the subsequent battles of Philippi and Perusia, and in the contests -with Sextus Pompeius, but the Triumvirs appear to have -been lavish in enrolling new members without regard to -fortune, origin, or official position; and so careless were they -in this matter that cases are recorded of unenfranchised slaves -having obtained office and seats in the Senate and being then<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span> -recognised and claimed by their masters.<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> The result was that -at the time of the battle of Actium there were more than a -thousand Senators.<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> This was too large a number for practical -work, without taking into consideration inferiority of character. -No doubt a good many who had sided with Antony disappeared -in various ways; but in now making a formal <i>lectio</i> Cæsar -resolved to reduce the number still more. Sixty voluntarily -resigned and were allowed to retain the purple and certain -social distinctions, but a hundred and forty were simply omitted -from the new list. By this means the roll was reduced to -about six hundred, which continued to be the number in -subsequent lectiones.</p> - -<p>To secure their attendance and to prevent interference in -the provinces the regulation was enforced which prohibited -any Senator from leaving Italy (except for Sicily or Gallia -Narbonensis) unless he had imperium or was on a legatio,<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> -that is, practically, unless he was serving the state in some way -on Cæsar’s nomination. In the next <i>lectio</i> (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19) Augustus -tried an elaborate system of co-option, by nominating thirty on -the existing roll, each of whom were to name five who were -to draw lots for admission, and so on till the number was made<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span> -up. But finding that it was not worked fairly he stopped this -and made up the roll himself. This continued to be the system, -but as time went on the difficulty was not so much to exclude -unworthy men as to induce enough of the right sort to serve. -Membership became less attractive as the imperial power -developed, and the holding of profitable offices depended on -the will of the Emperor, who was not bound to select from the -Senate. Moreover, a property qualification was now required. -None had existed under the republic by definite law, though a -certain fortune was regarded as practically necessary; and as -the Senate was recruited from the <i>ordo equester</i>, a minimum was -in the last century of the republic automatically secured. -Cæsar fixed 800,000 sesterces, and later on a million sesterces -as the Senatorial fortune, though in cases of special fitness he -gave grants to enable men to maintain their position. Still -the honour of membership was not found to make up for its -disabilities—the difficulty of going abroad and the prohibition -as to engaging in commerce. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13 Augustus was -obliged to compel men who had the property qualification to -serve. Even then the attendance was so slack that in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 11 -the old quorum of four hundred was reduced. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 9 various -regulations were introduced to facilitate business, such as the -publication of an order of the day (λεύκωμα), fixed days of -meeting, a variation as to the quorum required for different -kinds of business, a scale of fines for non-attendance, the -selection by lot of thirty-five Senators to attend during -September and October, and an extension to the prætors of -the power of bringing business before the house. Towards the -end of the life of Augustus, when his age made it too much of -an exertion to meet the full Senate, a committee of sixteen -Senators was selected by lot to confer with him at his own -house. The inevitable consequence was that this small -committee practically settled most questions, which only came -formally before the whole body, whose administrative function -was farther lessened by the diminished importance of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span> -<i>ærarium</i> as compared with the imperial treasury or <i>fiscus</i>. -Finally, it lost the right of coining silver, retaining only the -bronze. On the whole, then, the tendency was towards -restricting the functions of the Senate and making membership -less attractive. But this does not appear to have been the -original design of Augustus. He habitually addressed it with -respect, referred all his powers to its confirmation, and took it -into his confidence on imperial affairs. He revived the ancient -dignity of <i>princeps Senatus</i>—in abeyance since the death of -Cicero—and held that rank himself all his life. Certain of the -provinces were still left to its management, and cases of -<i>majestas</i> were referred to its decision. The publication of the -Senate’s <i>acta</i> had originated with Iulius Cæsar (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 59), who -was not likely to have done anything to enhance its prestige. -The prohibition of this publication by Augustus was perhaps -intended partly to protect the proceedings from criticism, partly -to emphasise the fact that the Senate shared with him the -intimate secrets of government which it was not for the public -advantage to have generally known. The effect, however, -was not good; what could not be ascertained with exactness -from official sources was often misrepresented by irresponsible -rumour, and one of the early measures of Tiberius was to reverse -this order.<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The end of the anarchy.</div> - -<p>With a Senate purified by his first <i>lectio</i> Cæsar felt that the -constitution might in form, at any rate, be restored. But first -the end of the revolutionary period had to be -marked. On January 11, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29, the temple of -Ianus was closed, for the first time since <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 235, -for the third time in all Roman history. It was still shut -when Cæsar returned from Asia, and on the 1st of January, -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28, the <i>augurium salutis</i> was taken. This ceremony—ascertaining -by augury whether prayers for the people should -be offered to Salus—could only be performed in time of complete -peace. At the same time a single edict annulled all the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span> -<i>acta</i> of the triumvirs, which were to have no force from his -sixth consulship (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28).<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> The constitutional significance of -this will be best seen by recalling some facts as to the triumvirs. -Whether its <i>acta</i> were good or bad, the triumvirate was in itself -a suspension of the constitution. Established by a <i>lex</i> on the -27th of November, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43, to hold office till the 31st of -December, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38, its authority had been renewed in the course -of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37 to the 31st of December, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 33, whether by -another <i>lex</i> or by the will of the triumvirs themselves is a -moot point.<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> But, however appointed, the triumvirs were -like dictators in superseding all other magistrates, and more -powerful than dictators from the length of their tenure of -office, and because the terms of their appointment (<i>reipublicæ -constituendæ causa</i>) gave them absolute legislative powers. -They could abolish, modify, or grant dispensation from existing -laws. Their edicts had the force of laws, and such laws as -were passed in the regular way during their office either confirmed -their powers, or were passed at their desire to give -formal permanence to their edicts. They had complete control -of elections, and agreed between themselves as to the -nomination of magistrates, often for several years in advance. -They controlled the treasury, the domain lands, the raising or -removal of taxation in Rome and Italy. They divided among -themselves the command of the military forces and the government -of the provinces. Each of them, personally or by a -legatus, exercised imperial powers in the provinces assigned -to him; set up or put down client kings; granted immunities -or freedom to cities, or abolished them; bestowed or withdrew<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span> -the citizenship of individuals; waged war with surrounding -nations; raised or remitted taxation. At Rome also they had -exercised the right of summoning, consulting, and presiding -over the Senate, of vetoing the motion of other Senators, but -without being subject to the tribunician veto themselves. To -abolish the <i>acta</i> of such a despotic body might with reason be -regarded a considerable step towards a restoration of the -constitution. Even if some of his own <i>acta</i> were thereby -abolished, Cæsar would have no difficulty in re-enacting them -if desirable. The point was to abolish the memory of a period -of unconstitutional government, to prevent its enactments -remaining as precedents or grounds of claim by citizen or -subject, and to leave the field open for the new arrangement -which Cæsar wished men to regard as a restoration of the -republic. For he had already conceived a plan, in virtue of -which the people, magistrates, and Senate should resume their -old functions, while he himself should be practically the -colleague of the higher magistrates—endowed with their -powers, though not necessarily with their office—and thereby -practically direct the policy of the state. The key to the -policy—as he wished it to be regarded—is contained in his own -comment: “After that time (January 1, 27) I was superior to -all in rank, but of power I had no more than my colleagues in -the several offices.”<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> There were some of his powers difficult -to reconcile with this theory of a restored constitution; but he -was careful to rest these on votes of the people or Senate, to -accept them only for fixed periods, or to profess to share them -with his colleagues.<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inauguration of the new constitution, 1 January, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27.</div> - -<p>The new constitution was now introduced in a characteristic -scene, apparently designed to make it clear that Cæsar did not -seek power, but undertook it under pressure. In a meeting<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span> -of the Senate, at the beginning of his seventh consulship, he -delivered from a written copy a carefully prepared -speech, in which he surrendered to the Senate all -the powers which it had bestowed upon him, as -well as those which he had acquired in any other -way—the command of troops, the powers of legislation, the -government of the provinces. He based his resolution on justice, -the inherent right of the people to manage its own affairs, and -on his own right to consult for his personal safety, health, and -ease. At the same time, he dwelt on his public services and -those of his adoptive father, the labours they had both endured, -the dangers to which both had been exposed, and justified the -exercise up to this time of his various powers. Finally, he -urged them to refrain from innovations, to give a hearty -obedience to the laws, to elect the best men for civil and -military offices without prejudice or favouritism, to deal -honestly with public money, to treat allies and subjects equitably, -to seek no wars but to be prepared for any, and to see -that he had no cause to regret his renunciation of power. The -speech was received with loud remonstrances, some sincere and -some perhaps cautious and time-serving, but so general that he -had to consent with real or feigned reluctance to receive back -his autocratic powers. Was he merely playing a part, or had -he any real wish to retire from public life? As in most cases -there was probably a division of feeling in his heart. He was -in weak health, and had had another illness a few months before. -For eighteen years—just half his life—he had been ceaselessly -engaged in fatiguing duties, in wars for which he had no -genius, and in civil administration which, though much better -suited to his taste and abilities, had been carried out amidst -constant opposition and difficulty. One side of his mind may -well have been eager for rest. But, on the other hand, no man -who has tasted power and feels that he can wield it quits it -without pain. At no time did he find pleasure in the outward -trappings of state, or in the personal indulgences for which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span> -it gives opportunity, but he was ambitious in the best sense. -He loved his country and desired to be remembered as the -restorer of its prosperity and happiness, as the benefactor of the -Empire and the guarantee of its peace and good government. -Twenty-four years later when Valerius Messalla, speaking in -the name of people and Senate, greeted him with the -affectionate title of “Father of his country,” he burst into -tears and could only murmur that he had nothing more to pray -for except to retain their affection to the end of his life. But -whatever secret wish he may have had for rest he must have -known that it was impossible. The elements of disorder and -oppression were not destroyed. If the restraining hand were -removed they would break out into new activity. Nor would -it be safe for himself after years of steady working for this end, -in the course of which he must have offended countless -interests, to trust himself to a new generation of statesmen -without the experience in the working of a free state possessed -by their ancestors, and yet with the same passions and ambitions. -A scheme had, in fact, been elaborated in conjunction with his -faithful friends and ministers, Agrippa and Mæcenas. Dio -represents the former as urging Cæsar to withdraw from power -and frankly to restore the republic. He grounded his advice -on the financial and political difficulties which he would have -to face, on the uncertainty of his own health, on the -impossibility of drawing back hereafter and the evil destiny of -all those who in previous ages had attempted to gain absolute -power. Mæcenas, on the other hand, not only urged him to -retain his power, but went into most elaborate details as to the -arrangements which it would be necessary to make. He did -not deny the risks, but maintained that the glory was worth -them, and that a withdrawal was neither safe for himself nor -for the people. It is not clear how far we may regard these -two speeches, as well as that of Augustus in the Senate, as -representing what was really said. It is possible that as -they were all written documents they may have been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span> -preserved, and that Dio is translating from them; but at -any rate they represent fairly well the two sides of the -question which Augustus must have considered with care and -anxiety.<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Division of the Provinces, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27.</div> - -<p>The arrangement actually made was of the nature of a -compromise. The provinces were divided, as formerly between -Antony and Cæsar, so now between Cæsar and the -Senate. Those that required considerable military -forces were to be under Cæsar, governed by his -deputies with the rank of prætor (<i>legati pro prætore</i>), appointed -by his sole authority, and holding office during his pleasure. -The rest were to be still governed by proconsuls, selected as of -old by ballot under the superintendence of the Senate from -the ex-prætors or ex-consuls, subject to the existing laws as to -length of tenure and the obligation of furnishing accounts, and -liable with their staff to prosecution <i>de rebus repetundis</i> in the -ordinary courts. The “primacy” of the Emperor, however, -was apparent in this partnership with the Senate, no less than -in that with colleagues in office. In the allotment of -Senatorial provinces he retained the right of nominating the -exact number required, so that no one of whom he disapproved -could obtain a province. In both classes of province he -appointed a procurator, with authority over the finances -independent of the proconsul or legatus.<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> In both also the -governor received a salary fixed by himself, and had to conform -to certain general principles laid down by him. In all alike he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span> -possessed a <i>majus imperium</i>, soon afterwards, if not at first, -defined as a <i>proconsulare imperium</i>.<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p> - -<p>For the rest he retained his right of being yearly elected -consul, his tribunician power, his membership of the sacred -colleges, his command of the army. But freedom of election -was ostensibly restored to the people, and the Senate was still -the fountain of honour, and had the control of the <i>ærarium</i>. -But this last was no longer managed by two elected quæstors, -but by two men of prætorian rank, nominated by the Emperor. -It was, moreover, now of minor importance, as the <i>fiscus</i> (to -use the later term) was entirely in the hands of Cæsar, and into -it went the revenues of the imperial provinces, and, above all, of -Egypt. The key of the position was that though the old -republican magistrates still existed, Cæsar in various ways was -their colleague, and of course the predominant partner. The -Senate, however, accepted his view of the case, as afterwards -expressed in the <i>Monumentum</i>, that he had “transferred the -republic from his power to the authority of the Senate and -people of Rome.” To show their confidence in him the -Senators voted him a bodyguard (the men drawing double pay), -and confirmed his authority in the provinces. The latter, -which made him <i>princeps</i> throughout the Empire, as he already<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span> -was in Rome, he refused to accept for more than ten years. -But it was always renewed subsequently for periods of five or -ten years; and when in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23, the <i>proconsulare imperium</i> was -declared to be operative within, as well as beyond, the -pomærium, he had, in fact, supreme control, military and -financial, in all parts of the Empire. To mark his exceptional -position without offending the prejudice against royalty, it was -desired to give him a special title of honour. His own wish -was for “Romulus,” as second founder of the state. But -objection was raised to it as recalling the odious position of -<i>rex</i>, and he eventually accepted the title of <span class="smcap">Augustus</span>, a word -connected with religion and the science of augury, and thereby -suggesting the kind of sentiment which he desired to be -attached to his person and genius. This was voted by the -Senate on the Ides (13th) of January, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27, and confirmed by -a plebiscitum on the 16th. He was now “first” or <i>princeps</i> -everywhere, whether in the Senate, or among his colleagues in -the offices, or among the proconsuls in the provinces.<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> He -was, therefore, spoken of as <i>princeps</i> in ordinary language, and -the word gradually hardened into a title. It exactly suited the -view which he himself wished to be taken of his political -position, as giving a primacy of rank among colleagues of equal -<i>legal</i> powers; though, of course, a primacy, supported by the -power of the purse and the sword, made him a master while -masquerading as a colleague. He, however, adopted the word -as rightly expressing his position without giving needless offence, -and his successors took it as a matter of course, though it less -frequently occurs in inscriptions than their other titles.<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span></p> - -<p>Closely connected with the bestowal of the title Augustus -was another vote of the Senate, that the front of his house -should not only be adorned with the laurels that told of victory -over his enemies, but also with the oaken or “civic” crown -which told of the lives of citizens preserved. This appears -again and again on his coins with the legend—<i>ob cives servatos</i>: -and it is mentioned by Augustus himself at the end of his -record of achievements, as though—with the later title of -Pater Patriæ—it indicated the chief glory of his career.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE FIRST PRINCIPATUS, B.C. 27-23</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Serves iturum Cæsarem in ultimos</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>orbis Britannos et invenum recens</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>examen Eois timendum</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>partibus Oceanoque rubro.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Gaul and Britain.</div> - -<p>The settlement of his official status at Rome left Augustus free -to turn to other parts of the Empire. He had spent the greater -part of two years after the victory at Actium in -organising the East. His face was now turned -northward and westward. In the spring of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27, he set out -for Gaul to reorganise the provinces won by Iulius in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 58-49, and farther secured by the operations of Agrippa in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37 and Messalla in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29. It was understood that he -meant also to cross to Britain, and the court poets are dutifully -anxious as to the dangers he will incur, and prophetically certain -of the victories he will win. A British expedition had been for -some years floating in Roman minds. It is true that Iulius -Cæsar had invaded the island and imposed a tribute on some of -the tribes. But the tribute does not seem to have been paid. -The Briton was still <i>intactus</i>, and was classed with the Parthian -as a danger to the frontier of the Empire.<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> He was chiefly -known at Rome by the presence of certain stalwart slaves, and -by the determination he displayed not to admit adventurous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span> -Roman merchants.<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> But, after all, Augustus found enough to -do in Gaul, and saw good reason for abstaining from such a -dangerous adventure. The Britons, though they neglected -the <i>tributum</i>, yet paid a duty on exports and imports to and -from Gaul, principally ivory ornaments, and the better sorts of -glass and pottery; and it was pointed out that the danger of a -British invasion of Gallia was small, that a military occupation -of the island would cost more than the tribute would bring in, -and that the <i>portoria</i> would be rather diminished than increased -by it.<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> Augustus, at any rate, professed to be satisfied by -certain envoys sent to him from Britain. They dedicated some -offerings on the Capitol, and received for their countrymen the -title of “Friends of Rome!”<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Augustus in Gaul, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27-6.</div> - -<p>Augustus spent the summer and winter of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27-6 in -Narbo, finding enough to do in holding a census of the rest of -Gaul for purposes of taxation, and regularly -organising the country annexed by Iulius to -that ancient province, which had been Roman -long before his time. Four provinces were created with -separate legati. The original “province” was now called -Gallia Narbonensis; the south-western district, extending from -the Pyrennees to the Loire, retained its old name of Aquitania; -the central or “Celtic” Gaul was called Lugdunensis, from -its capital Lugdunum, made a <i>colonia</i> in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43; the northern -country up to the Rhine was Belgica, including the districts on -the left bank of the Rhine, in which Agrippa had settled certain -German tribes who had crossed the river. Augustus was not -content with a merely political organisation. He established -schools to spread the use of the Latin language, and everywhere -introduced the principles of Roman law. He took especial<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span> -pains to adorn and promote the towns in Narbonensis, where -traces of his buildings are still to be seen. The effect of his -work now and ten years later was that Gaul became rapidly -Romanised both in speech and manners, and that in learning -and civilisation it soon rivalled Italy itself.</p> - -<p>This was a work thoroughly congenial to Augustus, and in -which his ability was conspicuous. But he now had to engage -again in war, for which his genius was by no means so well -suited. Ianus Quirinus was again open. The surrounding -barbarians were again threatening Macedonia; the Salassi -of the <i>Val d’Aosta</i> were again making raids, and there was -imminent danger in Northern Spain. The governor of -Macedonia, M. Crassus (grandson of the triumvir) had been -so successful over the Thracians and Getæ, that he was -allowed a triumph in July, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27, but it appears that their -incursions did not cease in spite of these victories.<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> The war -with the Salassi was entrusted to Terentius Varro Muræna, -who, after winning some victories in the field, sold many -thousands of their men of military age into slavery, and established -a colony of 3,000 veterans to overawe them, called -Augusta Prætoria, the modern Aosta.<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Augustus in Spain, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 26-25.</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The Arabian Expedition.</div> - -<p>From Narbo, Augustus next proceeded to Spain in the early -part of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 26, and spent the rest of the year in peaceful -reforms and in the organisation of the province. -But in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25 he was forced to enter upon a -campaign against the Cantabri and Astures, those -warlike tribes in the north-west, who, nominally included in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span> -the upper province, were continually harassing the more -obedient peoples, and showing their dislike of Roman supremacy.<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> -The war was tantalising and difficult. The hardy -highlanders knew every forest, mountain, and valley, and the -Roman soldiers could neither provide against sudden attacks, -not get at the enemy in their fastnesses. From fatigue and -anxiety Augustus fell ill and was obliged to retire to Tarraco, -leaving the conduct of the campaign to Gaius Antistius Vetus, -who was able to win several engagements, because after the -retirement of Augustus the natives ventured more frequently to -appear in the open. Another of his legates, Titus Carisius, -took Lance (<i>Sallanco</i>); and finally Augustus founded a colony -of veterans among the Lusitani, called Augusta Emerita -(<i>Merida</i>), and another called Cæsar-Augusta (<i>Zaragossa</i>) among -the Editani, on the site of the ancient Salduba, from which all -the great roads to the Pyrennees branch off. The Cantabri -were not crushed, but they were quiet for a time. Ianus was -closed, and Augustus returned at the beginning of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 24; and -the courtier Horace is again called on to celebrate a success, -and to welcome the Emperor’s home-coming as of a victor.<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> -The Senate voted him a triumph, partly for the Spanish campaign -and partly for some successes of his legate, M. Vinicius, -in Gaul, who had caused his soldiers to proclaim Augustus -imperator for the eighth time. Augustus refused the triumph, -but accepted the acclamation of imperator—thus assuming as -head of the army that what was everywhere done was, to use the -technical expression, done “under his auspices,” and was to be -reckoned to his credit. He also accepted honours for his -young nephew Marcellus, and his stepson Tiberius. The -former was admitted to the Senate with prætorian rank, and -with ten years seniority for office, in virtue of which he was at -once elected ædile, though only in his twentieth year; the latter<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span> -was allowed five years’ seniority, and at once elected quæstor -in his nineteenth year. A triumphal arch was also erected in -honour of Augustus in the Alpine region.<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> The temple of -Ianus did not remain long closed, however. Soon after -Augustus left Spain the Cantabri and Astures again rose; and -in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 24 took place the ill-judged and unfortunate -expedition of Ælius Gallus into Arabia. A march -of six months’ duration, in which large numbers -perished from heat and disease and only seven men in actual -fighting, was followed by a retreat lasting sixty days. Gallus -had been misled and duped by the satrap of the Nabatæans, and -all the hopes of splendid booty were baffled. The expedition -had been approved, if not suggested, by Augustus, partly on -the pretext of preventing incursions into Egypt; but more, it -would seem, because Arabia was regarded as an El Dorado, -where vast treasures of gold and jewels were to be found, -accumulated from the export of the rich spices of the country, -which the inhabitants were believed to keep jealously in a -country as yet never pillaged by an invader. As usual, the -court poets echo the popular delusions, and eulogise the certain -success of the Emperor; Horace harps on the rich “treasures of -the Arabians,” their “well-stocked houses,” their “virgin -stores.” The Roman arms are to strike terror in the East -and the Red Sea, and are at length being employed on what is -their proper and natural foe.<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> Augustus, says another poet, is -now a terror to the “homestead of the yet unplundered -Arabia.”<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> Happily this was an almost solitary instance of -such wild schemes, prompted by greed, and promoted by -ignorance and delusion. Augustus came to see that the -frontiers of his great empire afforded sufficient work for its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span> -military resources; but it was not till near the end of his long -life that a great military disaster gave him a sharp reminder of -the impolicy of pushing beyond them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">New buildings at Rome.</div> - -<p>During these years the process of adorning Rome with -splendid buildings or restorations of old ones had been steadily -going on. For the largest number of these -Augustus himself was responsible. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28 -the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, with its -colonnades and libraries, had been dedicated. In the same -year the restoration of 82 temples was begun on his initiative, -and apparently at his expense. The new temple of Mars -Ultor, vowed at Philippi, with its surrounding forum Augustum, -was in process of erection, as well as another to Iupiter -Tonans on the Capitol, vowed in the course of the Cantabrian -expedition to commemorate a narrow escape from being struck -by lightning. He also completed the forum and basilica -partly erected by Iulius, had begun or projected the <i>porticus -Liviæ et Octaviæ</i>, and had erected the imposing rotunda -intended as the mortuary of the Iulian <i>gens</i>: while Statilius -Taurus had built the first amphitheatre, Plancus a great temple -of Saturn, and Cornelius Balbus was about to begin a new -theatre. But most splendid of all were the benefactions of -Agrippa. Baths, bridges, colonnades, gardens, aqueducts, were -all dedicated by him to the use of the public. Above all, by -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25 he had completed the magnificent Pantheon, still in its -decline one of the most striking buildings in the world. It -was dedicated to Mars and Venus, mythical ancestors of the -Iulian <i>gens</i>, but its name may be derived either from its -numerous statues of the gods, or from the supposed likeness of -its dome to the sky. Its purpose—beyond being a compliment -to Augustus—is still a subject of dispute. Nor have we any -record of its use except as the meeting-place of the Arval -brothers.<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The illness and recovery of Augustus, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23.</div> - -<p>Great way, therefore, was already made towards justifying -the boast of Augustus that he found Rome brick and left it -marble. For these buildings were lined or paved -with every kind of precious marble and stone. But -the year following his return from Spain witnessed -a crisis in his life as well as in his political position. -He seems to have been in a feeble state of health all through -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 24, the effect probably of his fatigues and anxieties in -Spain. But soon after entering on his eleventh consulship in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23, he became so much worse that he believed himself to -be dying. It became necessary, therefore, to make provision -for the continuance of the government. Augustus had no -hereditary office, and no power of transmitting his authority. -Still it was supposed that he was training his nephew and son-in-law -Marcellus, or his stepson Tiberius, to be his successor. -The former was curule-ædile, and seems to have conceived the -ambition of succeeding his uncle. But when he thought death -approaching, Augustus did not designate either of these young -men. He handed his seal to Agrippa, and the official records -of the army and revenue to Cn. Calpurnius Piso, his colleague -in the consulship. He would play his part as constitutional -magistrate to the last. To speculate on what might have been -is not very profitable. Agrippa had advised a restoration of the -republic in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30. But every year since then had made it -more difficult; and, if he had wished to do it, he would probably -have found it as impossible as his master had done, and -would have had to choose between supporting Marcellus and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span> -taking the direction of affairs into his own hands. The difficulty, -however, did not arise; for owing either to the goodness of -his constitution, or the skill of his physician, Antonius Musa, -Augustus recovered.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The new constitutional settlement, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23.</div> - -<p>When he met the Senate once more he offered to read his -will to prove that he had been true to his constitutional -obligations, and had named no successor, but had -left the decision in the hands of the Senate and -people. The Senators, however, declined to hear -it, but insisted that the powers which he had been exercising -should be more clearly defined and placed on a better legal -footing. Accordingly a <i>Senatus-consultum</i> was drawn up, to -be afterwards submitted to the centuriate assembly, giving -him a variety of powers, and forming a precedent which was -followed in the case of subsequent emperors. It began with -a confirmation of the <i>tribunicia potestas</i>, for life and unlimited -as to place, with the right of bringing business of any kind -before the Senate (<i>ius relationis</i>). It next gave him the <i>ius -proconsulare</i>, both within and without the pomærium, involving -a <i>maius imperium</i> in all provinces. Further, it gave him the -right of making treaties; the right of summoning, consulting, -and dismissing the Senate (<i>ius consulare</i>); the confirmation of -all his <i>acta</i>, “Whatever he shall think to be for the benefit and -honour of the republic in things divine and human, whether -public or private”; finally, exemption from the provisions of -certain laws and <i>plebiscita</i>. Some legal difficulty was apparently -discovered afterwards as to the right of proposing laws to the -centuriate assembly, which was remedied in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19 by his -receiving the full consular power for life, with the right of -having <i>lictors</i>, and sitting on the consular bench. This seems -to have been a concession to legal purists. He doubtless -exercised the full consular powers before; but a distinction -was drawn by some between the <i>ius consulare</i> and the <i>imperium -consulare</i>, and whatever doubt there might be was now set at -rest.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The imperial powers.</div> - -<p>As the imperial powers may now be considered as fully -developed, future extensions being merely logical deductions -from the constitution as now established, it will -be convenient here once for all to point out their -nature and extent. They may be classed under -two headings—(1) <i>imperium</i>; (2) <i>potestas tribunicia</i>.</p> - -<p>The first—<i>imperium</i>—embraces all those powers which -Augustus obtained as representing the curule magistrates, -or from special law and senatorial decrees. As imperator, -then, he had supreme command of all forces by land or sea. -The military oath was now taken in his name, no longer to -individual officers raising legions. He alone had the right to -enrol soldiers; he nominated the officers; his procurators paid -the men in his name; from him proceeded all rewards. The -Senate, indeed, still awarded triumphs and <i>triumphalia ornamenta</i>, -but it was at his suggestion, and the tendency was to -confine the right of triumph to the Emperor himself.</p> - -<p>By the same <i>imperium</i> he decided on questions of peace or -war; on the distribution of the <i>ager publicus</i>, and the assignation -of lands to veterans and <i>coloni</i> generally.</p> - -<p>Finally, the right of conferring the citizenship, complete or -partial, and settling the status of all colonies and <i>municipia</i>, and -of interpreting the laws by a <i>constitutio principis</i>, expressed in an -edict or decree, which amounted, in fact, to legislative power.</p> - -<p>The second—<i>potestas tribunicia</i>—was superior to the ordinary -powers of the tribunes, because by it he could veto their proceedings, -while they could not veto his. “It gave him”—to -use Dio’s words—“the means of absolutely putting a stop to -any proceeding of which he disapproved; it rendered his -person inviolable, so that the least violence offered him by -word or deed made a man liable to death without trial as -being under a curse.” From the ancient constitution of the -office also it made him president of the <i>comitia tributa</i> -(representing the old <i>consilia plebis</i>), gave him the right of -interposing in all decisions of magistrates or Senate affecting<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span> -the persons or civil status of citizens (<i>auxilii latio</i>), and that of -compelling obedience by imprisonment or other means, as in -the republic the tribunes had done even to the consuls in -extreme cases (<i>coercitio</i>). Though this power was given the -Emperor for life, it was also in a sense annual; and it was -in effect so much the most important of all his powers, while -at the same time in origin and professed object so much the -most popular, that it became the custom from henceforth to -date all documents, inscriptions, and the like, by the year of -the tribunician power from 27th of June this year (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23). -The <i>imperium</i> was renewed at intervals of ten or five years, -the tribunician power of Augustus went on from year to year -without break. It was now unnecessary any longer to hold -the consulship, for the <i>imperium</i> given him in other ways -covered all, and more than all, which the consulship could -give. It was convenient to use it for rewarding others, as it -retained all its outward signs of dignity, and still in theory -made its holder head of the state, though in reality its duties -had become almost wholly ceremonial. He therefore abdicated -the consulship, which he did not hold again till <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 5, when -he desired to give <i>éclat</i> to his grandson’s <i>deductio in forum</i>.</p> - -<p>The clause in the <i>lex</i>, quoted above, also gave Augustus -supreme control of all religious matters, and made him able, -among other things, to nominate most of the members of the -sacred colleges. He did not become Pontifex Maximus till -the death of Lepidus (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13). When that took place he -became official, as well as real, head of the Roman religion.</p> - -<p>Certain other arrangements in regard to the city of Rome -itself followed, all in the direction of centralisation. Thus -Augustus presided at the review of the equites, which used -to be held by the censors. Public works were mostly entrusted -to <i>curatores</i> appointed by him; for the supply of corn -he named a <i>præfectus annonæ</i>; and for police a <i>præfectus urbi</i>, -under whom were the <i>cohortes urbanæ</i>, the night-watch and -fire brigade (<i>nocturni vigiles</i>). Each of these bodies had their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span> -own officers or <i>præfecti</i>; but Augustus from time to time -appointed some one as <i>præfectus urbi</i>, to whom all alike would -be subject. Such an officer, however, did not always assume -the name, and really as well as theoretically the ultimate -authority was Augustus himself, who later on, by dividing -Rome into <i>regiones</i> and <i>vici</i>, made elaborate arrangements for -the effective policing of the city.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The succession.</div> - -<p>Augustus might pose as a constitutional magistrate enjoying -a life-tenure of his office, without the right of transmitting it -to an heir. This view was strictly legal, but it -was evident that such a power could not safely -be left by its holder without any understanding as to a -successor. The matter was indeed in the hands of Senate and -people; but in the minds of possible heirs, as well as of the -Senate and people themselves, it began to be thought natural -and necessary that some arrangement of the sort should be -made. The cases are numerous in all history of rulers, -whether new or hereditary, who have wished to found or -continue a dynasty, or who have thought to prevent confusion -and danger after their own death by naming a successor, or by -taking him into present partnership. Such a scheme was not as -yet fully developed, even if it was contemplated. But Marcellus, -who had been adopted by Augustus on his marriage to Iulia, -betrayed his hopes by protesting against the preference shewn -by the apparently dying Emperor to Agrippa; and Augustus -yielded so far as to send Agrippa from Rome as governor of Syria.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of Marcellus.</div> - -<p>A sudden disaster, however, put an end to any intention -that may have been formed in regard to Marcellus. In the -summer of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23, he was attacked by fever, and -Antonius Musa, who had successfully treated -Augustus by a <i>régime</i> of cold baths, tried a -similar treatment on the young man with fatal effect. His -death was a great grief to Augustus and so severe a blow to -Octavia, that she lived afterwards in complete retirement. It -produced a sensation in Rome such as has been witnessed more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span> -than once among us at the death of an heir to the throne; -and has been immortalised by a celebrated passage inserted by -Vergil in the sixth book of the <i>Æneid</i>, a work in which -Augustus was specially interested as a consecration of the -greatness of Rome and the hereditary dignity of the Iulian -<i>gens</i>. It is skilfully placed at the end of the catalogue of -Roman heroes whose souls are being reviewed by Anchises in -the Elysian realms, where they are waiting their time for -entering the bodies of men destined to make Roman history. -The Marcellus of the Punic war naturally introduces the -younger shade, whose brief tenure of life is even now foreshadowed -by the cloud that hangs about his brow. When -Vergil recited the lines to the Emperor and his sorrowing -sister, Octavia fainted from emotion, and Augustus bestowed -a splendid reward upon the poet. It may help us to realise -the scene if we once more read the familiar lines. Æneas -notices the mysterious and melancholy shade and eagerly -questions his father:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">“‘What youth is this of glorious mien</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The noblest and the best between,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Cheered to the echo? See, a cloud</div> - <div class="verse indent0">(The darkening shadow of the shroud)</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Hovers about him even now,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And black night broods upon his brow.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Is he some scion of the race,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Destined our mighty line to grace?’</div> - </div> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">Thus spake the son, the father sighed,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And thus with rising tears replied:</div> - <div class="verse indent0">‘Seek not, my son, to learn the woe,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Your progeny is doomed to know.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The fates will show and then withdraw</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The gift men loved but hardly saw.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Too mighty, gods! for so you deemed,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">With such a prince Rome’s race had seemed!</div> - <div class="verse indent0">What sobs shall thrill the Martian plain!</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Ah, Tiber, what dark funeral train</div><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span> - <div class="verse indent0">Your waves shall see, as past the Mound</div> - <div class="verse indent0">New-built you sweep your waters round!</div> - <div class="verse indent0">No scion of the Ilian stock</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Shall raise such hopes, such hopes shall mock.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Ah, Romulus, thy land shall see</div> - <div class="verse indent0">No son to fire thy pride as he.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Oh loyalty! Oh faith unstained!</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Oh strong right hand to yield untrained!</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Whether on foot he grasped the sword,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Or charger’s flank with rowel scored,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">No foe would e’er have faced his steel</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Nor learnt what ’tis the vanquished feel.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Oh child of many tears, if fate</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Shall not prevent your living date,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Thou art Marcellus! Lilies fair</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Scatter in handfuls on his bier!</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Oh let me but his herse bestrew</div> - <div class="verse indent0">With flowers bright with purple hue.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Vain gift! but let it still be paid</div> - <div class="verse indent0">To grace my far-off grandson’s shade.’”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">The death of Marcellus had occurred in an unhealthy season -when many shared the same fate. Yet there were found -people who attributed it to Livia’s jealousy on behalf of her -son Tiberius, and her anger at the preference shown to the -Emperor’s nephew. Scarcely any death occurred in the -imperial family that did not give rise to some such idle and -malevolent gossip. But the Emperor soon had cause to -regret the absence of Agrippa, who was living in Lesbos -and administering Syria by his legate. The next year was -a year of sickness and scarcity at Rome, and was also disturbed -by more than one outbreak of political unrest, one of the few -conspiracies against the life of Augustus being detected and -punished. We do not know why Muræna and Fannius Cæpio -plotted to kill Augustus, if they really did so. It may be that -the change made in the principate in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23 seemed to them -to be too much in the direction of autocracy, or that the -consulship without Augustus as colleague suggested some idea -that its old supremacy might be recovered. The violent party<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span> -strife which occurred later at the election for <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 21, may -have had some connection with the same feeling. Muræna -had had a successful career, had been rewarded by an augurship -and a consulship in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23, and there is nothing known which -explains his conduct. It may be that his offence was chiefly -intemperance of language. Dio says that he had a sharp -tongue which spared no one, and Horace perhaps meant to -give him a hint in the ode addressed to him. Velleius tells us -that, unlike his fellow conspirator Fannius Cæpio, he was a -man of high character.<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> At any rate their execution—for -both are said to have been put to death—is one of the few -instances of severity on the part of Augustus since the civil -war. This trouble was followed by others—a renewed outbreak -in Spain, riots at the elections, and a coldness between -himself and his devoted friend and minister Mæcenas, caused, -it is said, by his being supposed to have communicated to his -wife Terentia, the sister of Muræna, some secret as to the -detection of the plot. All these things must have caused -Augustus much uneasiness. He had left Rome in the -summer of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 22 for Sicily, intending to start thence -on another progress through the Eastern Provinces. There -urgent messages came to him to return and put a stop to the -disturbances. He did not wish to give up his Eastern journey -and yet did not venture to leave the city without some control. -His thoughts turned naturally to the support that had never -failed him—to Agrippa. He was summoned home primarily -to take charge of Rome; but he came back to what seemed -the highest possible position next to that of the Emperor, and -one that promised a still greater one in the future. Augustus -insisted on his divorcing Marcella (daughter of Octavia) and -marrying his own daughter Iulia, left a widow by Marcellus.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span> -As usual Agrippa did all that was imposed upon him well and -thoroughly (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 21-20). Having restored order in the city, -he next went to Gallia Narbonensis, where he not only put a -stop to some dangerous disturbances, but initiated great public -works in the way of roads and aqueducts. Passing to Spain -he finally crushed the Cantabri and Astures, who were again -in arms. He seems indeed to have suffered reverses in this -war, as his master had done before, but in the end he reduced -them to submission. All this good work was done while -Augustus was in the East (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 21-19), and for it he refused -the triumph offered him by the Senate at the instigation of -the Emperor. But his succession, should he survive the -Emperor, was now secured by his being associated with him -in the <i>tribunicia potestas</i> and other prerogatives for five years -at the first renewal of his powers in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 17. Agrippa had -now two sons by Iulia, Gaius born in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 20, Lucius in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 17; and Augustus adopted both of them by the ancient -process of a fictitious purchase. He had now legitimate heirs -and nothing farther was done about the succession for some -years. Agrippa died in March, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 12, just as his period of -tribunician power was expiring. But during these years the -two sons of Livia, Tiberius and Drusus, had begun those -services on the German frontier and among the Rhæti and other -powerful tribes which proved their vigour and ability. These -services were renewed, after a few months’ interval of quiet, -in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13 and following years. Accordingly Augustus seems -to have meditated putting Tiberius in much the same position -as Agrippa had held. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 11 he compelled him to divorce -his wife Vipsania (a daughter of Agrippa) and marry Agrippa’s -widow Iulia, the Emperor’s only daughter. He thought still -farther to secure a line of descendants to succeed if necessary -to his power. But he made the mistake of neglecting sentiment. -Tiberius was devotedly attached to Vipsania, by whom -he had a son, and could feel neither affection nor respect for -Iulia, who fancied that she lowered herself in marrying him.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span> -The only thing that could compensate him for such a marriage -was the chance of succession, and that was barred by the -existence of Gaius and Lucius Cæsar. His only son by Iulia -died, and before long her frivolity and debaucheries disgusted -him, and therefore, though associated in the tribunician -power for five years in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 7, he sought and obtained permission -in the next year to retire to Rhodes, where he stayed -seven years in seclusion.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Gaius and Lucius Cæsar.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile the boys were being brought up with a view to -their splendid future under the eye of Augustus, when he was -at home, and often under his personal instruction, -accompanied him as they grew older on his -journeys, in a carriage preceding his own or riding -by his side, and in fact were treated in every way as real and -much beloved sons. In the year in which they assumed the -<i>toga virilis</i> (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 5 and <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2) Augustus again entered upon -the consulship, that the <i>deductio in forum</i> should be as brilliant -and dignified as possible. The Senate was not behindhand; -from the day of taking the <i>toga virilis</i> it voted that they should -be capable of taking part in public business, and each of them -in turn was designated consul, Gaius to enter upon his office -that time five years. A new dignity moreover was invented, -each in turn being named by the equites <i>princeps inventutis</i>. -As Augustus was <i>princeps senatus</i> as well as <i>princeps civitatis</i>, -each of these young men was to be the head of the next <i>ordo</i>, -the original condition for belonging to which was that a man -must be <i>iuvenis</i>. Both were members of the College of -Augurs. They were, in fact, treated as we expect to see -princes of the blood and heirs-apparent treated.<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> But whatever -was the intention of Augustus or the expectation of the people, -fate interposed ruthlessly. The younger—Lucius—died first, -on the 20th of August, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 2, at Marseilles, before he could<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span> -enter on the consulship to which he had been designated; the -elder Gaius was sent into Asia in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1, where he entered upon -his consulship of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1. The object of his mission was to -force Phraates IV., king of the Parthians, to evacuate -Armenia which he had invaded. This was accomplished -without fighting and by personal negotiation with the Parthian -king; but when he entered Armenia to take possession and -arrange for its restoration to its recognised king, he was wounded -by an act of treason under the walls of Artagera. Weakened -by this wound, and being in other respects in a feeble state -of health and spirits, he obtained leave from Augustus to lay -down his command. He started on his homeward journey, -but died on the way at Limyra in Lycia the 23rd of -February, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Tiberius finally fixed upon as successor.</div> - -<p>The succession was once more uncertain. The members -of the imperial family at this time were few. Of the children -of Agrippa and Iulia Agrippa Postumus was barely -sixteen, and his two sisters, the younger Iulia and -Agrippina a few years older. Drusus, the younger -brother of Tiberius, had married Antonia, daughter of Marcus -Antonius and Octavia, and had left three children, Germanicus, -b. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 15, Livia b. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 12, and Claudius (afterwards Emperor) -b. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 10. Augustus meant to provide a new line of descendants -by marrying Agrippina to Germanicus, but that did not -take place till about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 5. Meanwhile, probably on Livia’s -suggestion, he turned his thoughts to his stepson Tiberius, -who had divorced Iulia and had a son (Drusus) by his former -wife Vipsania, who was married to his cousin Livia. There -is no good evidence that Augustus entertained any but warm -feelings for Tiberius, and he certainly had had good reason to -respect his military abilities and energy. He seems to have been -hurt at his prolonged stay at Rhodes and to have regarded it -as a sign that Tiberius cared nothing for him and his family. -He had therefore discouraged his return two years before, -though he had given him the position of legatus as a colourable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span> -pretext for staying abroad without loss of dignity. Upon the -death of Lucius, however, he seems to have wished him to -return to Rome. Tiberius did so, partly on the instigation of -his mother, and partly, perhaps, because he had reason to expect -the hostility of Gaius, and yet had judged from the latter’s -visit to him on his way to Syria that he was not likely to be -a formidable rival; for he was at once somewhat arrogant and -weak, and was surrounded by injudicious and dishonest advisers. -On his return he for some time lived in retirement and -refrained from all public business. But when the death of -Gaius was announced (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4) Augustus adopted Tiberius and -Agrippa Postumus, having first arranged that Tiberius should -adopt his nephew Germanicus. The adoption of Agrippa -Postumus was shortly afterwards annulled, and he was banished -to an island under surveillance.<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></p> - -<p>There was now therefore a regular line of succession. -Tiberius indeed had no drop of Iulian blood in his veins, but -adoption according to Roman law and sentiment placed him -exactly in the same position as that of a naturally born son, -and by his son’s marriage to Antonia, his adoption of -Germanicus, and the marriage of the latter to Agrippina, -it seemed that there was security that after him must come -some one who was collaterally or directly descended from -Augustus. In the same year (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4) Tiberius was once -more associated with Augustus in the tribunician power for -ten years.<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> There could be no longer any doubt who would -succeed. At the death of Augustus there would be, if -Tiberius survived, a man already possessed of the most<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span> -important of his functions; and his position was still farther -strengthened in the last year of the Emperor’s life by being -associated also in his <i>imperium proconsulare</i>. This gave him -authority in the provinces and the command of all military -forces; and we find him, in fact, upon the death of Augustus -giving the watchword at once to the prætorian guard.</p> - -<p>Augustus therefore is responsible for the principate of -Tiberius, though some of its powers had to be formally -bestowed by a decree of the Senate. Did he do ill or well -in this? Hardly any emperor left behind him such an evil -reputation as Tiberius. His funeral procession was greeted -with shouts of “Tiberius to the Tiber,” the Senate did not -vote him the usual divine honours, and Tacitus has -exerted all his skill to make his name infamous. A -gallant attempt has been made by Mr. Tarver to plead for -a rehearing of the case, and to shew that Tiberius was pure in -private life and admirable as a ruler. I for one agree with -him in rejecting as unproved slander and often as -physically impossible the charges of monstrous immoralities -raked up both by Tacitus and Suetonius, often, no doubt, from -the prurient gossip of Rome, which has never been surpassed -for foulness. The same summary rejection cannot, I think, -be applied to the formidable list of his cruelties. But these -mainly fell upon members of the imperial family and their -adherents; they did not affect the Empire at large. Augustus -could not foresee these family and dynastic tragedies; but he -judged, and apparently judged rightly, that he was leaving a -successor whose prudence and sagacity, in spite of what -seemed a sullen reserve, would secure the peace and prosperity -of the Empire as a whole. There is nothing to prove that -Augustus regarded him otherwise than affectionately. If he -turned out to be the monster represented by his enemies, -Augustus no doubt made a grave mistake. It is a ridiculous -suggestion that he deliberately designated him his successor -in order that people might regret himself. Such recondite<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span> -snares for posthumous fame are more like the cunning -of a madman than the motives influencing a reasonable -being. Suetonius, who reports the suggestion, says that -after mature reflection he is convinced that a man so -careful and prudent as Augustus must have acted on -better motives; must have weighed the virtues and -faults of Tiberius and decided that the former predominated. -As a matter of fact Augustus had little choice. Agrippa -Postumus was impossible; Germanicus might have served, -but he could never have displaced his uncle without a struggle. -At the time of Tiberius’ adoption he was only nineteen, and -Augustus could not reckon on the ten more years of life which -in fact remained for him. No doubt in these last years of his -life Augustus had come to see that some sort of hereditary -principle was necessary to prevent civil war at every vacancy. -In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23 he had ignored that principle altogether, and as far -as he could without naming an heir had put Agrippa in the -way of the succession. But Agrippa had now been dead nearly -sixteen years, and Augustus had had no minister since either -so able or so faithful. Like Cromwell in his last hours, he -was driven to recognise the conveniency of the hereditary -principle; and though the practical designation of Tiberius was -apparently a breach of it, yet by means of the adoptions and -marriages which he had arranged, it best prepared for its -continuance hereafter. It was one of those politic compromises -which had characterised his whole policy. It moreover -best secured the position and safety of the beloved Livia; and -it set a precedent which was often followed with advantage in -after-times, when military arrogance and violence did not overpower -every other consideration, that an Emperor’s natural -heir should be his successor, or at any rate some one closely -allied to him; and that in case of the failure or complete -unworthiness of such an heir a prudent emperor should provide -for the succession by adoption.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE IMPERIAL AND MILITARY POLICY OF AUGUSTUS</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Tu regere imperio populos,</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Romane, memento.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The extension of the Empire under Augustus.</div> - -<p>At the end of his life Augustus left, among other memoirs, a -roll containing certain maxims of state which he thought -important for his successors to observe. Among -them was an injunction not to seek to increase -the Empire, for it would be difficult to guard an -extended frontier. His own policy had been directed generally -on this principle. Such additions as were made in his time -were mainly those rendered inevitable by the necessity of -securing the already existing frontiers. When his generals -went beyond that they met with difficulties and sometimes -with disaster.<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> The additions actually made were (1) in Africa: -Egypt was made a province in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30, at first almost as a private -possession of the Emperor, though in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 10 it was, nominally -at any rate, put on the same footing as the other provinces. -Mauretania, on the other hand, though made a province in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 33, was restored to independence under King Iuba in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25. -(2) In Asia a new province of Galatia was formed in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25, -with a capital at Ancyra, and embracing several districts, such -as Lycaonia, Isauria, Pamphylia, and parts of Phrygia. (3) In -the West, sometime before <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 6, Mœsia, answering to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span> -modern Servia and Bulgaria, was made a province as a barrier -of the Empire on the Danube. So also Illyricum, in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 9-8, -was extended to the Danube by the addition of Pannonia; -Noricum, also on the Danube, was held in subjection, if not -fully organised as a province, after <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 16; and Rhætia (modern -Bavaria) was put under a Roman procurator after <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 15. -All these additions were clearly rendered necessary in order to -protect the line of the Danube as the frontier of the Empire. -Lastly, on the reorganisation of Gaul in four provinces -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 16-14), two districts along the left bank of the Lower -Rhine, called Germania Superior and Germania Inferior, were -also occupied and partly organised, while some minor Alpine -districts, Alpes Maritimæ (Savoy and Nice), Alpes Cottiæ -(Susa and district), Alpes Penninæ (Canton du Valois) were -taken over and administered sometimes independently and -sometimes as part of other provinces. In these cases again the -extension was merely consequential, the inevitable result of -having a long frontier to defend against invading tribes.<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> The -Rhine and the Danube then became the limits of the Empire. -We shall have occasion to see immediately what dangers -awaited an attempt to go beyond them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The East.</div> - -<p>Augustus twice spent periods of between two and three -years in the East, engaged in resettling frontiers -and re-organising the Roman provinces.</p> - -<p>After the victory at Actium (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31) he remained in -the East till <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29. The changes then made chiefly -consisted in upsetting most of the arrangements which -had been made by Antony with various client kings, and in -favour of the children of Cleopatra. Thus Cyprus, which had -been restored to Cleopatra, was now separated from Egypt and -made a province; the coast towns of Syria and Palestine were -reunited to the province of Syria; certain cities of Crete and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span> -Cyrene, Iudæa and Ituræa, and of Cilicia, which Antony had -assigned to Cleopatra’s son, Cæsarion, were either reunited to -the provinces or declared free, as was also the case with other -districts and towns assigned by Antony to his own son by -Cleopatra. Certain client kings, however, were allowed to -retain their territory and dignity, such as Herod in Iudæa, -Amyntas in Galatia, Archelaus in Cappadocia. But the -eternal question in the East was that of the Parthians. -They not only were resolved to maintain the Euphrates as the -limit beyond which Roman power was not to pass, but they -had frequently made raids upon Syria, and were always attempting -to occupy Armenia, which was a Roman protectorate, and -the intervening kingdom of Media. The disaster of Crassus -in Mesopotamia, and the chequered operations of Antony, had -all sprung from these facts. When Augustus arrived in Asia -the state of things which had finally resulted from the operations -of Antony was that Artaxes (whose father, Artavasdes, had -been treacherously captured by Antony and afterwards put to -death by Cleopatra) was king of Armenia, and had attacked -Media and captured its king Artavasdes; and that Phraates -had recovered his kingdom of Parthia. Augustus had two or -three advantages in dealing with these complications. He -found the brothers of the Armenian Artaxes still prisoners at -Alexandria, and sent them to Rome as hostages. Again the -captured king of Media managed to escape and appealed to -him for help; and, lastly, Phraates of Parthia had only just -recovered his throne, from which he had been expelled by a -rebellion headed by Tiridates, and the latter escaped to Syria -and sent to implore the help of Augustus, while legates from -Phraates also arrived soliciting his support. Augustus availed -himself skilfully of these complications to assume the position -of a lord paramount and arbiter. He allowed Tiridates to -remain in safety in Syria; but he treated the legates of Phraates -in a friendly manner, and cordially invited a son of that king -to accompany him to Rome, where, however, he was kept as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span> -a hostage. Artavasdes was set up in Lesser Armenia to form -a check upon Artaxes. These diplomatic successes were -regarded in Rome, as we have seen, as veritable triumphs over -the dangerous Parthians—the only name much known there. -The abolition of the arrangements of Antony, which had -involved the curtailment of the Roman Empire, was recorded -on coins struck in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29, with a head of Augustus on the -obverse, and on the reverse a figure of victory standing on -the mystic cista, with the legend <i>Asia recepta</i>. But it is with -his second Eastern progress (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 22-19) that the useful public -works, such as roads and buildings, of which traces are still -found, probably began.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Movements in the East between <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 24 and <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 22.</div> - -<p>Between these two visits there had been only two movements -of serious importance—the useless and almost disastrous expedition -of Ælius Gallus into Arabia (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 24-3), and -the invasion of Southern Egypt at Elephantine by -Candace, queen of Æthiopia, encouraged by the -diminution of the Roman forces in Egypt during -the Arabian expedition. The Æthiopians gained some minor -successes over three Roman cohorts stationed near the frontier, -but were eventually repulsed by the præfect Gaius Petronius, -who pursued them to their capital town Nabata, which he took -and plundered.<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Second Eastern progress, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 22-19.</div> - -<p>The second eastward progress of Augustus began with -some months’ residence in Sicily. There he was busied in -founding colonies, of which seven are named. -The chief town of Sicily was still Syracuse, but -it seems to have suffered in the time of Sextus -Pompeius, and Augustus placed in it two thousand settlers, -probably veterans. It was the object of such colonies to -provide for veterans and poor Italians, but also to Romanise -countries more completely, and to introduce an industrial<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span> -class. Sicily needed above all things free cultivators. Its -corn trade had suffered from the competition of Africa, -Sardinia, and Egypt, and its pastoral farms were largely owned -by Roman capitalists, who did not reside, but employed slave-labour -directed by bailiffs or <i>villici</i>.<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> One object at least, -therefore, of these measures of Augustus was to bring into the -country a class of small landowners residing on their property. -Land was found for them by purchase, where there was no -<i>ager publicus</i> available.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Augustus in Greece <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 21.</div> - -<p>From Sicily Augustus passed to Greece and wintered at -Samos. Achaia was a senatorial province, but the Emperor, -we may notice, exercised complete authority there. -He had already established two colonies—at -Actium and Patræ, and he seems to have devoted most of -his attention to promoting their interests. He compelled the -inhabitants of several townships in the neighbourhood of both -towns to migrate to the new colonies, and he insisted on the -colony at Actium being admitted to the Amphictyonic -League. The places were well chosen for naval purposes, -but the element of compulsion in his policy towards them was -unfortunate. He does not appear to have done much for -Greece generally. It was in a lamentably decaying state, the -population declining, and old towns disappearing. Nearly -the only exception was the Iulian colony at Corinth. Such -changes as Augustus made on this visit rather tended to -emphasise this state of things, and certainly did nothing to -relieve it. Athens, which retained nothing of its greatness -except its past and the still surviving reputation as a university -town (though Marseilles was running it hard even in that), -had disgraced itself in his eyes by the display of sympathy, first -for the Pompeians against Iulius, again for Brutus and Cassius -against the triumvirs, and lastly for Antony against himself.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span> -A town always on the losing side can expect little favour. It -was deprived of its few remaining extra-Attic dependencies, -Ægina and Eretria, and was forbidden to avail itself of almost -the only source of revenue left—the fees which certain persons -were still willing to pay for the honour of being enrolled as its -citizens. Sparta, indeed, was rewarded by the restoration of -Cythera, in return, it is said, for hospitality to Livia when -in exile with her former husband; but, on the other hand, it -was deprived of the control over its harbour town of Gythium. -But though both Iulius and Augustus favoured Sparta, as against -Athens—a fact commemorated by a temple to Iulius and an -altar to Augustus—it remained completely insignificant.</p> - -<p>Very different was his policy in Asia. There Augustus set -himself to restore the prosperity of the towns by grants of -money, by relief from or readjustment of tribute, and by the -promotion of useful public works. Nor were details of local -administration and internal reforms neglected. Edicts are -preserved which touch on such matters as the age of local -magistrates, or the succession to the property of intestates in -Bithynia, shewing with what minute care he studied local -interests and problems. It was now probably that schemes -were set on foot for opening up the country by roads, afterwards -carried out by his legates. Milestones are being now discovered -along the <i>via Sebaste</i> connecting the six Pisidian colonies -dated in the eighteenth year of his tribunician power (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 6) -and a marble temple to Augustus still stands at Ancyra -(<i>Angora</i>), to witness the gratitude of these Asiatic cities. -At the same time disorder or illegal conduct was sternly -punished. Cyzicus was deprived of its <i>libertas</i> for having -flogged and put to death some Roman citizens, and the -same punishment was awarded for their internal disorders -to Tyre and Sidon, whose ancient liberties had been secured -to them by Antony when he handed over the country to -Cleopatra.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Return of the standards by the Parthians.</div> - -<p>But of all his achievements during this progress nothing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span> -made such a sensation in the Roman world, or was so much -celebrated by the poets of the day, as the fact that -he received back from the Parthian king the Roman -eagles and standards lost by Crassus in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 53, by -Antony’s legate Decidius Saxa in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40, and by Antony himself -in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36 in a battle with Parthians and Medes. Those -taken by the Medes had been returned to him, but not those -taken by the Parthians. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23 Tiridates, who had been -allowed to take refuge in Syria in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30, came to Rome, and -Phraates, to counteract his appeal, sent ambassadors thither -also. After consulting the Senate Augustus declined to give -up Tiridates, but he sent back to Phraates the son whom he had -kept at Rome for the last six years on condition that the king -should restore the standards. Pressed though he was by the -disaffection of his subjects, Phraates had not yet fulfilled his -bargain. But perhaps this disaffection had by <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 20 become -more acute, or he was alarmed by the promptness with which -Augustus asserted Roman supremacy in Armenia. Artaxes -had ruled ill and had been insubordinate. Augustus appears -to have meditated an expedition against him, but his subjects -anticipated the difficulty by assassinating him. Augustus says -that he might have made Armenia a province, but preferred to -allow the ancient kingdom to remain. Accordingly on his -order Tiberius went to Armenia and with his own hand placed -the diadem on the head of Tigranes, brother of the late king, -who had been living in exile at Rome. Thus the supremacy -of Augustus was acknowledged in Armenia and its king ruled -by his permission. A coin struck in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19 represents it as a -real capture of Armenia, having on its reverse <i>Cæsar Div. F. -Armen. capt. Imp. viiii.</i> The Parthian king thought it well -now to fulfil his bargain, and again Tiberius was commissioned -to receive the captured standards in Syria. With the standards -were also some prisoners; though there were others who had -in the thirty-three years that had elapsed since the fall of Crassus -settled peaceably in Parthian territory, married wives, and now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span> -refused to return.<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> Such a contented abandonment of their -native land seemed shocking to the orthodox Roman, unable -to suppose life worth living among barbarians for one who -had once been a citizen of the Eternal City. Prisoners of war -were never much valued at Rome. It was the traditional -maxim that the state never paid ransom, though private friends -might and did, and Horace’s ode may be meant to support the -Emperor’s refusal of some demand of Phraates for ransom of -prisoners to accompany the standards. This transaction, however, -was the crown of the Emperor’s work in the East. It is -commemorated on coins of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19 bearing a triumphal arch, -with Augustus receiving the standards, on the obverse, and the -legend <i>civibus et signis militaribus a Parthis receptis</i> on the -reverse. The poets were not behind with their compliments. -Vergil, who was in Greece in this the last year of his life, -seems to have inserted three lines in his description of opening -the doors of Bellona to bring in an allusion to it.<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> Horace, -who had for the time given up lyric poetry, yet contrives a -compliment in one of his epistles;<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> and, on returning to lyric -poetry in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13-12, is careful to include it among the great -services of Augustus; and Propertius, after prophetic suggestions -as to what will be done, at last burst out into a triumphant -hymn of praise over the achievements of these years, -and, above all, on the Nemesis that has come for the slaughtered -Crassus.<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> Many years afterwards Ovid takes the opportunity -in describing the temple of Mars Ultor, in which Augustus -deposited the recovered standards, to glorify him for having -wiped out an old and shameful stain upon the Roman arms.<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span> -There were many other arrangements made with the client -kings of Asia, all of which were accompanied by the strict -condition that they were henceforth to confine themselves to -the territories now assigned to them and were to make no -wars of aggression. The <i>pax augusta</i> was to be strictly maintained -everywhere.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Augustus returns from the East, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19.</div> - -<p>All this had been done without any drop of blood shed in -war, and Augustus was able to devote the winter of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 20-19 -at Samos to rest and enjoyment, receiving -numerous embassies from all parts, as far as from -India. The Indian envoys brought him a present -of tigers, a beast never before seen in Greece or Italy, and a -wonderful armless dwarf who could draw a bow and throw -javelins with his feet. He returned next year by way of -Athens, where he was initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries -and where he met with Vergil. The poet joined the Emperor’s -train, visited Megara with him, and returned with him to -Italy, only to fall ill at Brundisium and die (September 22).</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Troubles in the West. Defeat of Lollius, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 16.</div> - -<p>Though Augustus returned to Rome amidst loud congratulations, -the Western part of the Empire was not yet at peace, and -in fact there were many threatening signs of -future trouble. Agrippa, indeed, in the very year -of the Emperor’s return from the East, crushed the -rebellious Cantabri and Astures, not without severe fighting; -but though Augustus was able now to remain at home, passing -laws, holding the secular games, and strengthening his family -by adopting Agrippa’s children, the Empire was not at peace, -the Ianus Quirinus still stood open. There were, in fact, a -number of “little wars,” mostly frontier raids. Thus in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> -17-16, P. Silius Nerva was engaged with various Alpine tribes, -and in repelling an inroad of Pannonians. There were also -about the same time brief outbursts in Spain and Dalmatia, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span> -inroads of barbarous tribes (Dentheletæ and Scordisci) into -Macedonia. In Thrace the guardian of the sons of Cotys had -to be assisted against the Bessi, and the Sauromatæ had to be -driven back across the Danube. These were comparatively -unimportant affairs, But a more serious danger was caused by -some warlike German tribes—Sugambri, Usipetes, and Tencteri—crossing -the Rhine and invading Gallia Belgica. They -defeated some Roman cavalry, and while pursuing them came -up with Lollius and his main army, which they again defeated, -capturing the eagle of the Fifth Legion. Suetonius says that -the affair was rather disgraceful than really disastrous. But it -seemed sufficiently serious to Augustus. Agrippa was away in -the East looking after Syria and Asia, and did not return till -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13; and he resolved to go to Gaul himself, taking with -him Tiberius, and leaving Drusus to carry on the latter’s -prætorship. The Germans, however, had no wish to fight a -regular imperial army, they therefore retired beyond the Rhine, -and made terms and gave hostages.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Administration of Gaul, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 16-14.</div> - -<p>Augustus nevertheless found enough to do without positive -fighting in introducing improvements and reforms. At -Nemausus the old gate of the town walls still -stands, inscribed with his name, and dated in the -seventh year of his tribunician power (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 16); he -had, moreover, to listen to long tales of grievances caused by -the extortions of Licinius, the procurator at Lugdunum. This -man’s career was an early example of that of the rich freedmen -of later times. Brought as prisoner from Gaul by Iulius -Cæsar, and apparently emancipated by Octavian in accordance -with his uncle’s will, he had by some means amassed an -immense fortune, and retained the favour of Augustus by large -contributions to the public works from time to time promoted -by the Emperor. A millionaire disposed to such liberality is -always welcome to a sovereign with a taste for expensive -reforms. As a Gaul by birth, Augustus seems to have supposed -that he would be a sympathetic officer. But he proved more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span> -Roman than the Romans in exacting the last farthing. We are -reminded of “Morton’s fork” and of Empson and Dudley, -when we are told that he insisted on certain monthly payments -being made fourteen times in the year, on the ground that -November and December meaning the ninth and tenth -months, there must be two more to be accounted for! The -complaints were so serious, however, that Licinius thought it -necessary to offer to surrender his whole property to Augustus, -as though he had only amassed it for the public service, with -the deliberate purpose of weakening the disloyal natives. We -are not told whether he was left in power, but at any rate he -escaped punishment and survived Augustus. He probably was -recalled to Rome, where he tried to pacify public indignation -by large contributions to the restoration of the Curia Iulia, -which was re-dedicated in honour of the Emperor’s grandsons -about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 12.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Campaigns of Tiberius and Drusus, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 15.</div> - -<p>But another and more serious trouble had now to be faced. -The Rhæti, inhabiting the modern Grisons, Tyrol, and parts of -Lombardy, were making raids upon Gaul and -Italy, burning and slaying and plundering. With -them were allied the Vindelici (inhabiting parts -of modern Baden, Wurtenburg, and S. Bavaria), with other -Alpine tribes.<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> The campaign against these tribes was intrusted -to Tiberius, who conceived a masterly plan which was crowned -with brilliant success. Drusus was summoned from Rome to -guard the passes into Lombardy, and in the valleys of the -Tridentine Alps at the entrance of the Brenner pass, near the -Lacus Benacus (Lago di Garda), he won a brilliant victory -over them, and forced many of their mountain strongholds. -Shut off thus from Italy they turned their armies towards -Helvetic Gaul, but were met by Tiberius and again defeated -between Bâle and the Lake of Constance. These two defeats -seem practically to have annihilated these tribes, and they gave -no further trouble. It was after this that Noricum was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span> -annexed, and Rhætia and Vindelicia conquered, and presently -formed into the province Rhætia.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">At the end of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 14 Augustus returns to Rome.</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13.</div> - -<p>Still Augustus had to stay on another year in Gaul. Risings -had to be suppressed among the Ligurians of the Maritime -Alps, and in Pannonia; while Agrippa, who had -returned from Palestine accompanied or followed -by Herod, went to Sinope, on the Pontus, to put -down a disturbance that had arisen owing to a disputed claim -to the crown of the Cimmerian Bosporus, which an usurper -named Scribonius had seized. At the end of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 14, or the -beginning of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13, Augustus returned to Rome with -Tiberius, who entered then upon his first consulship, and there -they were also joined by Agrippa. Whether the temple of -Ianus was now closed for the third time is not certain. But -there are some good reasons for supposing that it was. In two -passages, Horace, writing in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13, speaks of it as though it -were a recent occurrence; Dio, in speaking of the return of -Augustus, says that he came back after “having settled all the -affairs of the Gauls, Germanies and Spains”; there was -certainly a lull in the German trouble, where Drusus had been -left in command; and lastly an inscription recording the -extension of the great road to Gades in Southern Spain, has the -date of this year, and records the closing of Ianus in honour of -Augustus. None of these are in themselves absolute proofs, but -taken together they form a strong presumption.<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> -At any rate, Augustus returned to Rome with -the feeling that he had secured peace. Though he, as usual, -avoided meeting a complimentary procession by entering the -city after nightfall, yet he came with laurelled fasces. The -next morning, after greeting a crowd of people on the Capitol, -he caused the laurels to be taken off and solemnly laid on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span> -knees of Jupiter, and the first business he transacted in the -Senate was the settlement of the claims of his soldiers. But -the peace did not last long. Augustus himself spent the next -three years in Italy busied with the census, the lectio senatus, -legislation, and various ceremonies. Lepidus died in the early -part of this year, and he was at once declared Pontifex -Maximus, though the <i>inauguratio</i> did not take place till the -following February.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of Agrippa, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 12.</div> - -<p>However, before the year was ended, news came of disturbances -in Pannonia, and Agrippa—once more associated in the -tribunician power—was sent thither. He had no -fighting, for the rising was abandoned at his approach. -It was his last journey. Next spring he was taken -ill in one of his Campanian villas. Augustus threw all business -aside and hastened to his house, but arrived too late. Never -had ruler a more faithful or abler friend and servant. At every -crisis of his life Agrippa had been by his side, and wherever danger -was most threatening he had taken the post of difficulty and -honour. If he gained wealth in his master’s service, he was -always ready to spend it in support of his master’s aims. In -the interests of the dynasty he had sunk all private wishes and -ambitions. About Agrippa the passion for prurient scandal, -characteristic of the age and people, for once is silent, and not -a single line or innuendo survives to impeach his private or -public life. Augustus shewed both his respect and deep feeling. -He accompanied the body to Rome, pronounced the funeral -oration himself, and deposited the ashes in the new mausoleum -which he had erected for his own family.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Tiberius in Pannonia.</div> - -<p>The news of Agrippa’s death seems to have encouraged the -Pannonians once more to strike for freedom. Tiberius accordingly -was appointed to succeed him in the command. -He laid waste wide portions of their -country, inflicted much slaughter upon the -inhabitants, and seems quickly to have reduced them to -obedience, though only for a time.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Drusus in Germania <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 12-9.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile Drusus was not idle. The Sugambri and their -allies crossed the Rhine into the district called Lower Germany, -a part of Belgium (now North Brabant), where -they would find tribes nearly allied to themselves, -and willing to shake off the Roman yoke. -Drusus had been engaged in the consecration of an altar to -Augustus at Lugdunum, where he had invited the attendance -of leading Gauls from all these provinces. He hurried back -to the Rhine and drove the invaders over the river, and then -throwing a bridge across it (somewhere below Cologne), he -attacked the Usipites on the right bank of the Lupia, and -then marched up the Rhine to attack the Sugambri. But -there was a fleet of ships supporting him in the Rhine. He -cut a canal from the River to Lake Flevo (Zuyder Zee), so that -this fleet might sail up the coast to the mouths of the three -rivers—the Amisia, Visurgis, and Albis (<i>Ems</i>, <i>Weser</i>, <i>Elbe</i>). -He proposed to make the Elbe the limit of the Roman Empire, -instead of the Rhine; but in this first year only reduced the -coast as far as the Visurgis. The next year (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 11), he -advanced by land to the same river, only farther inland, and -occupied the country of the Cherusci (Westphalia), and though -on their way home his men were nearly caught in an ambush, -they got back safely to the banks of the Lupia, and several -forts were established in various parts of the country. The -next year (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 10) he was engaged with the Chatti (Hessen), -who endeavoured to regain the territories from which he had -driven them in the previous year.<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 9, being now -consul, he pushed as far as the Elbe, where he erected a trophy -to mark the extreme limit of the Roman advance, through the -land of the Chatti and Trevi. But on his return march he -fell and broke his leg, and there being no skilled physician with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span> -the army, he died after thirty days’ suffering. Besides these -marches into Germany, he had, during his command, established -a line of fortresses on the Lower Rhine, to the number -of fifty, as far up the stream as Argentoratum (Strassburg).</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Tiberius in Germany <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 8-7.</div> - -<p>On hearing of his brother’s accident, Tiberius, who was at -Ticinum, hurried to his side, was with him when he died, and -accompanied the corpse on foot back to Rome, -where he delivered a funeral oration, and Augustus, -who returned from Lugdunum at this time, -another. The ashes were placed in the Mausoleum of -Augustus. Tiberius was appointed to succeed him on the -Rhine, and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 8 crossed the river to attack the Sugambri. -But as the other tribes made their submission, the Sugambri -were induced to send some of their leading men to negotiate -also. Augustus then took a step which requires, at any rate, -some explanation. He seized these legates and kept them in -confinement in various towns as hostages. It had the immediate -effect, however, of keeping the Sugambri quiet, large -numbers of them were settled on the left bank of the Rhine, -and Tiberius was able to come home for his triumph in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 7, -with which the name of Drusus was also associated.</p> - -<p>No wars of any consequence disturbed the peace of the -Empire for nearly nine years. Tiberius retired to Rhodes in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 6, and his successors in the command of the army of the -Rhine had the task of maintaining and strengthening the -conquests of Drusus. The two districts on the left bank of -the river, Germania Inferior and Superior, though for some -purposes they belonged to Gallia Belgica, yet as military -districts were distinct, and they included some fortresses on -the right bank of the Rhine. The country between the -Rhine and the Elbe was in an ambiguous position. It was -not a province, and yet the commanders on the Rhine -occupied as much of it as they could from time to time -maintain.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Tiberius again in Germany and Illyricum, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4-7.</div> - -<p>But in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4 Tiberius, now returned from Rhodes, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span> -adopted son of Augustus, took over the command on the -Rhine, and immediately began a great forward -movement like that of his brother Drusus. He -too advanced to the Weser and reduced the -Cherusci who were in revolt; and after marching -to the Lippe again, advanced to the Elbe (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 5), reducing -the Chauci and Longobardi, this time with the support of a -fleet that entered the mouth of the Elbe. Some others thought -it safer to send envoys and make terms of friendship with -Rome. Next year (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 6) he was to attack the Marcomanni -under a powerful leader named Marobudus. The attack was -to be made from two sides. C. Sextius Saturninus, an able and -experienced officer, was to lead one army from the Rhine, -through the territory of the Chatti (near Cologne), while -Tiberius himself led another from Noricum across the Danube. -The two were to converge upon the district now occupied by -the Marcomanni answering to the modern Bohemia. Tiberius -was accompanied by the governor of Pannonia (Valerius -Messalinus), and a large part of the troops stationed there. -But the expedition was prevented by a sudden rising in -Pannonia and Dalmatia. The inhabitants of these countries -had not become reconciled to Roman rule; they felt the -burden of the tribute, and the opportunity afforded by the -withdrawal of so many troops was eagerly seized. Tiberius -was forced to offer terms to Marobudus, which he accepted, -and hurry back to Pannonia, while Saturninus returned to -the Rhine for fear of an outbreak there. The rising in -Pannonia and Dalmatia was with difficulty suppressed after a -weary struggle lasting between three and four years. Many -legions had to be drafted into the country from other provinces -as well as large auxiliary forces. Germanicus was summoned -to assist with a new army, and Augustus himself came to -Ariminum to be near at hand. Suetonius affirms that it -was the most serious struggle in which the Romans had been -engaged since the Punic wars. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 9 Tiberius indeed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span> -returned to Rome to claim his triumph, but had to go back to -put a last touch to the war.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The fall of Varus, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 9.</div> - -<p>Meanwhile the army of the Rhine had been under the -command of P. Quintilius Varus. Velleius gives an unfavourable -account of him. He was more a courtier -than a soldier, and in his government of Syria -had shown himself greedy of money. “He -entered a rich province a poor man, and left a poor province -a rich one.” From the time of his accession to the command -in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 7 he seems to have regarded the country between the -Rhine and Elbe as completely reduced to the form of a Roman -province, and proceeded to levy tribute with the same strictness -as he had been used to do in Syria. But the German tribes -did not regard themselves as Roman subjects. The Romans -were only masters of so much as their camps could control. -While Varus was living in fancied security in his summer camp -on the Weser, busied only with the usual legal administration -of a provincial governor, four great German peoples, the -Cherusci, Chatti, Marsi, and Bructeri, were secretly combining -under the lead of the Cheruscan chief, Arminius, to -strike a blow for liberty. As the autumn of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 9 approached -Varus prepared to return to the regular winter quarters on -the Rhine (Castra Vetera). Arminius, who had served in the -Roman army, and had been rewarded by the citizenship and -the rank of eques, had ingratiated himself with Varus, and -was fully acquainted with his plans, and though Varus had -been warned of his treachery he seems to have taken no heed. -In order to bring him through the difficult country where the -ambush was to await him, a rising of a tribe off his direct -road to the Lower Rhine was planned. He fell into the trap, -and turning aside to chastise the rebellious tribe, was caught -in a difficult pass, somewhere between the sources of the Lippe -and Ems, and he and nearly the whole of his army perished. -For three days the army struggled through a thick and almost -pathless forest, encumbered by a heavy baggage train, and a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span> -number of women and children, attacked and slaughtered -at nearly every step by the Germans who were concealed in -the woods, and continually made descents upon them. A -miserable remnant was saved by the exertions of L. Asprenas, -a legate of Varus, who had come to the rescue. Varus and -some of his chief officers appear to have committed suicide. -The loss of three legions and a large body of auxiliaries greatly -affected the Emperor, now a man of over seventy. For many -months he wore signs of mourning, and we are told that at -times in his restless anxiety he beat his head upon the door, -crying, “Varus, give me back my legions!” Perhaps this is -the picturesque imagination of anecdote mongers. Though -alarmed for the possible consequences both at home and in the -provinces, he acted with spirit and energy. He ordered the -urban pickets to be carefully posted, suspended all changes in -provincial governments, and held a levy of citizen soldiers, -enforcing by threats and punishment the duty of giving in the -names. For some time past service in the army had been -regarded as a profession sufficiently attractive to draw volunteers, -without having recourse to the legal right of conscription. -But a sudden emergency like this seems to have found -men apathetic or disinclined, and he had to resort to the old -methods. He thought it necessary also to get rid for a time -of Gauls or Germans who were serving in the city cohorts or -residing in Rome. Tiberius, on the news of the disaster, -hurried from his Pannonian quarters to Rome, and was -appointed to the Rhine command, to which he went early in -<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 10. The danger most to be feared was that the victorious -Germans would at once cross the Rhine. But this -had been averted partly because the Marcomanni had declined -to join the insurrection, even when Arminius sent the head of -Varus to their chief, Marobudus, and partly by the fact that -the rebellious Germans themselves wasted time in blockading -Aliso, the fort erected by Drusus on the Lippe, which was -obstinately defended by its garrison under Lucius Cædicius.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span> -It proved to be the Ladysmith of the German war, for the -Germans, fearing to leave it on their rear, missed the opportunity -of attacking the camps on the Rhine before they could -be reinforced. The brave garrison, when their provisions were -exhausted, escaped on a dark night and reached Castra Vetera in -safety. Still, the result of the rising was to free Germany beyond -the Rhine. When Tiberius arrived to take the command in -<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 10, he spent the first year in strengthening the forts along -that river; and though in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 11 he moved his summer camp -beyond it, he never went far, or apparently engaged in any -warlike operations then or in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 12. In the next year he -returned to Rome and was succeeded in the command by his -nephew, Germanicus. The forward movements of this young -prince belong to the next reign, but Tiberius no doubt learnt -now what a few years later induced him to recall Germanicus -and be content with the frontier of the Rhine.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Administrative reforms. The post.</div> - -<p>The life of Augustus was now near its close, and there are -no more military enterprises to record. He had never commanded -in the field since the Cantabrian war -of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25; but he had taken part in the -most important wars by moving to within -such a distance of the seat of war as to hear news quickly -and to superintend the despatch of provisions and reinforcements. -He was probably more usefully employed in this way, -and was enabled to see, by personal observation, the needs of -the provinces and the best methods of remedying abuses and -promoting prosperity. In the course of his reign he is said to -have visited every province except Sardinia and Africa, and -hardly any is without some trace of his activity and liberality -in the way of roads, bridges, or public buildings. He was -anxious that all, however distant, should feel in touch with the -central authority at Rome. Among other means to promote -this was the establishment or improvement of an imperial post -which should reach the most distant dependencies.</p> - -<p>We must not think of this as being like the modern postal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span> -service—meant for the general use of the public. It was -purely official. Just as the main purpose of the great roads was -to facilitate the rapid movement of armies and officials, so the -post was a contrivance to expedite official despatches, to convey -the Emperor’s orders to remotest parts of the Empire, and to -carry back news and warnings to the government at home. -Along the great roads in Italy and the provinces there had long -been posting houses where relays of horses, mules, or carriages -could be obtained, but there was never what we should call a -postal service for the transmission of private letters. Rich men -kept slaves for this purpose (<i>tabellarii</i>), the magistrates had official -messengers (<i>statores</i>), and the companies of <i>publicani</i> had their -regular service of carriers. Private people could, as a favour, -get their letters occasionally conveyed by some of these; and -it was considered a proper act of politeness at Rome when -despatching a slave with letters to distant places, to send round -to one’s friends to know whether they wished to send any by -him. Again, governors of provinces under the republic had -arranged with certain scribes in Rome to copy out the <i>diurna -acta</i> and transmit them by slaves or paid messengers. But for -official purposes Augustus arranged a number of stations along -the great roads with men, horses, and carriages, to convey to -and from Rome all the news that it was needful for the -government to know or all orders that emanated from the -Emperor.<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> Private persons would have no right to use these -public servants or conveyances; but no doubt the organisation -for the public service facilitated the transmission of private -correspondence also.</p> - -<p>This actual and material tightening of the bond which united -distant parts of the Empire with the central government went -side by side with the moral effect of the change in the position -of the governors. No longer permitted to make what profit -they could from excessive exactions, or percentages allowed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span> -by usage though not by law, they all received a fixed salary, as -did the lesser officials; and though extortion was still occasionally -heard of, the provinces knew that they had a rapid means of -appealing to the Emperor and a fair certainty of redress.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The army under one commander-in-chief.</div> - -<p>Another change that made at first for unity, though it afterwards -had the contrary effect, concerned the army. In -the time of the republic there was in theory no -one standing army. There were many armies, all -of which took the military oath to their respective -commanders. Now the military oath was taken by all to one -man—the Emperor. The commanders of legions were his -<i>legati</i>. He regulated the pay, the years of service, the retiring -allowance for all alike. Each of the republican imperators -had a prætorian guard, generally consisting of auxiliary troops. -Now there was one prætorian guard, naturally stationed at -Rome, and though distinguished from the rest by increased pay -and easier years of service, it, as well as the <i>cohortes vigilum</i>, -was under the same command. This applies also to the fleet -which was organised under Augustus chiefly to protect the coast -and clear the sea of pirates: the two principal stations being at -Misenum on the west, and Ravenna on the east coast, with a -third maintained for a time at Forum Iulii (Fréjus). The -men serving in these ships occupied the same position as citizen -soldiers or auxiliaries, and like them took the oath to one man—the -Emperor. But the very completeness of the organisation, -it is right to notice here, eventually made for disruption. -Certain legions became constantly attached to certain provinces, -the auxiliaries serving with them being as a rule recruited from -the same provinces. The several branches of the army thus -came to feel an <i>esprit de corps</i>, and to regard themselves as -a separate entity with separate interests and claims. Consequently, -when in after-times the central authority was in -dispute or in process of change, the legions in the different -provinces spoke and thought of themselves as separate “armies,” -capable of taking an independent line and having a determining<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span> -voice in deciding who should be their Imperator. In those -troublous times the provinces which had no military establishment, -or only a weak one, ceased to count for much, and had -to follow the strongest army near them.<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> For the present such -difficulties were not foreseen. Augustus was a strict disciplinarian, -and little was heard as yet of any serious insubordination. -When it did occur it was promptly punished. -He disbanded the 10th legion for misconduct, and exercised at -times the full vigour of military punishment for desertion of -posts or lesser offences, and was careful in addressing his troops -not to lower his dignity by affectation of equality. He called -them “Soldiers!” not “Fellow-soldiers!” At the same time -he kept up the traditional exclusiveness of the legions, and seldom -employed freedmen, except as a kind of special constable in the -city, and twice in times of great distress, the Illyrian and German -wars: even then they were formed in separate cohorts, -and armed in some way less complete than the legionaries.</p> - -<p>The same conservative attachment to the ancient superiority -of Rome made him chary of granting the citizenship -either to individuals, or to masses of soldiers, or to states. -This was one of the points in which his policy was opposite -to that of Iulius. The latter by his large grants of citizenship -to soldiers, professional men and communities, had helped to raise -the number of citizens from about 450,000 in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 70 to 4,063,000 -(the number in the Census of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28). During the forty-five -years that remained to Augustus the number had only gone up -to 4,937,000 (the Census of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 13). This is probably little -more than can be accounted for by the growth of population; -so that extensions of the franchise must have been insignificant. -His idea was an empire, one in its military obligations and in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span> -its subjection to one supreme head, and yet not divorced from -the original city state. Rome was to be the imperial city, the -seat of government; the Populus Romanus was to be the -inhabitants of Rome extended to the limits of Italy. There -was to be a sharp line of division between the ruling and the -ruled. It was one of those compromises that are without the -elements of permanence. And yet it established a sentiment -that has lasted, and is a reason that even to this day the -centre of spiritual life to a large part of Europe is on the banks -of the Tiber. In material matters the extension of the citizenship -meant the gradual shifting of the centre of power, and -when early in the third century Caracalla, for purposes of -taxation, extended the citizenship to the whole Empire, though -the Roman name and its historical prestige remained, Rome -itself became only one of a number of cities in a widely spread -empire, and politically by no means the most important. -Such a conception was far from the mind of Augustus. It -would have seemed to him to be more worthy of his rival -Antony, who was for setting up a new Rome in Alexandria.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI<br /> -<span class="smaller">AUGUSTUS AND HIS WORSHIPPERS</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>O tutela præsens</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Italiæ dominæque Romæ.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Popular feeling towards Augustus.</div> - -<p>After the settlement of the constitution in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23 Augustus -was only absent from Italy three times, from <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 22 to <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19 -in Sicily and the East, from <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 16 to <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13 in -Gaul and Spain, and <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 9-10 in Gaul. At the -outbreak of the Pannonian and Dalmatian wars -<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 6-9 he stayed for some time at Ariminum. For the rest -of the time he lived at Rome, with the usual visits to his -country houses, made by land or yacht. His return to the -city after any prolonged absence was celebrated with every -sign of rejoicing, with sacrifices, music, and a general holiday. -On his return from Gaul in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13 an altar was dedicated to -<i>Fortuna redux</i>.<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> Nor was this mere adulation. The people -had come to look upon him as the best guarantee of peace and -security. The troubles of the days preceding the civil wars, -the street fighting and massacres, the horrors of the civil war -itself, were not forgotten: but his own part in them was -ignored or forgiven; it was only remembered that he had put -an end to them; that he had restored the ruinous city in -unexampled splendour; that it was owing to his liberality, or -that of his friends acting under his influence, that at Rome<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span> -there were luxurious baths, plentiful water, abundant food, -streets free from robbers, help ready in case of fire, and cheerful -festivals nearly always in progress. It was thanks to him that -the roads in Italy were not beset by brigands, that the corn-ships -from Egypt crowded the harbour of Puteoli unmolested -by pirates on their course,<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> that not only the dreaded Parthian, -but princes from the ends of the earth were sending embassies -desiring the friendship of Rome. At the least sign of the old -disorders they clamoured for his return and besought him to -become Dictator, director of the corn trade, perpetual guardian -of morals, anything, convinced that under his absolute rule -there would be peace, plenty, and security. Horace exactly -represents this feeling when he addresses Augustus in his -absence in Gaul: “Oh scion of the gracious gods, oh best -guardian of the race of Romulus ... return! Your country -calls for you with vows and prayer ... for when you are -here the ox plods up and down the fields in safety; Ceres and -bounteous blessing cheer our farms; our sailors speed o’er seas -that know no fear of pirates; credit is unimpaired; no foul -adulteries stain the home; punishment follows hard on -crime.... Who fears Parthian, Scythian, German, or -Spaniard with Cæsar safe? Each man closes a day of peace -on his native hills, trains his vines to the widowed trees, and -home returning, light of heart, quaffs his wine and ends the -feast with blessings on thee as a god indeed.”<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The worship of Augustus.</div> - -<p>These feelings found expression in a form which in our day -is apt to appear, according to our temperament, -ridiculous or profane. In plain terms this was to -treat Augustus as divine, a god on earth. The various expressions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span> -of Horace<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> may perhaps be put down to poetical -exaggeration or conventional compliment, though there is a -real meaning at their back; but though Augustus refused to -allow temples and altars to himself in Rome and Italy,<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> and -even ordered certain silver statuettes to be melted down, the -evidence of inscriptions makes it certain that the cult began in -his lifetime in several places, as at Pompeii, Puteoli, Cumæ in -Campania, and in other parts of Italy.<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> In Rome itself, when -Augustus reorganised the <i>vici</i>, the old worship of the <i>Lares -Compitales</i> at some consecrated spot in each <i>vicus</i> or “parish” -was restored, but they were commonly spoken of as <i>Lares -Augusti</i>, and the <i>Genius Augusti</i> was associated with them. It -is this fact that, to a certain extent, explains and renders less -irrational an attitude of mind which we are apt to dismiss -as merely absurd. Each man had a <i>Genius</i>—a deity to whom -he was a particular care. We speak of a man’s “mission,” -implying by the word itself some external and directing power, -probably divine. The step is not a long one which identifies -the man and his genius, especially when his mission seems to -be to bring us peace and prosperity. “Oh Melibæus, ’twas a -god that wrought this ease for us!” exclaims the countryman -in Vergil, who had got back his lands. This confusion between -the inspirer and the inspired, between the mission and the man, -was everywhere apparent. Among the statues in the temples, -and in the sacred hymns and other acts of worship, the figure -or the name of Augustus was associated with those of the gods -in a way that admitted, indeed, of a distinction being drawn between -a memorial to an almost divine man and an act of devotion<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span> -to a god, but often obscured that distinction for ordinary folk. -When we dedicate a church to a saint, or “to the glory of -God and in memory of So-and-so,” the distinction is of course -clear, but the confusion which has from time to time resulted -is also notorious. Thus in the Cuman Calendar of a sacred -year, in which the anniversaries of striking events in the career -of Augustus are marked for some act of worship, sometimes -the <i>supplicatio</i> is bluntly stated as <i>Augusto</i>; sometimes in -honour of some abstract idea as <i>imperio Augusti</i>, <i>Fortunæ reduci</i>, -<i>Victoriæ Augustæ</i>; at others to a god—<i>Iovi sempiterno</i>, <i>Vestæ</i>, -<i>Marti Ultori</i>, <i>Veneri</i>. In fact, the <i>supplicatio</i> always had a -double reference, it was an act of prayer or thanksgiving to -a god, but it was also an honour to a successful man. The -two ideas properly distinct easily coalesced. A <i>supplicatio</i> -in honour of Augustus, without much violence, became a -<i>supplicatio</i> to him.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;" id="illus6"> - -<img src="images/illus6.jpg" width="500" height="700" alt="" /> - -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Altar dedicated to the Lares of Augustus in B.C. 2 by a Magister Vici.</span></p> - -<p class="caption-r"><i>Photographed from the Original in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence.</i></p> - -<p class="caption-l"><i>To face page 196.</i></p> - -</div> - -<p>Of the still more formal cult which arose after his death -with a temple regularly dedicated to him by Livia on the -Palatine, and a new college of Augustales to keep up the -worship in all parts of the Empire, an explanation somewhat -analogous may be given. He was declared <i>divus</i> by the Senate, -he was the late Emperor of blessed memory, a sainted soul, the -very spirit or genius of eternal Rome. The traditions in early -Roman history of the god-born and deified founder, the hero-worship -of Greece, the veil which concealed (as it still conceals) -the state of the departed, combined with the tolerant spirit of -polytheism to make it almost as easy for the men of that time -to admit a new deity into the Olympian hierarchy, as for -mediæval Europe to admit a new saint into the Calendar.</p> - -<p>Augustus, as we said, had the good sense and modesty to put -difficulties in the way of this worship in Rome and Italy. It -was another matter in the provinces. The divine, or semi-divine, -honours paid him there were closely bound up with -loyalty to Rome and a belief in her eternal mission. He -therefore allowed temples and altars to be built, but always on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span> -the understanding that the name of Rome should be associated -with his own. Such a method of expressing devotion to Rome -and reverence for her magistrates had not been unknown in -earlier times. In the second century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> a colossal statue -of Rome had been set up by the Rhodians in a temple of -Athena; the people of Chalcis had erected a temple in honour -of Flamininus; and Cicero implies that in his time it was not -an uncommon thing to do in the Asiatic provinces. At -Smyrna a temple to Rome had been erected in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 195;<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> -and even before these the communities in Asia and Greece had -been accustomed to honour the Ptolemies in a similar manner. -The new cult therefore had nothing strange to the feelings and -habits of the time. It began early in his career of success—not -later at most than <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36, after the defeat of Sextus -Pompeius<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>—and it spread rapidly. We hear of temples “to -Rome and Augustus,” or altars, at Cyme, Ancyra, Pergamus, -Nicomedia, Alexandria, Paneas, Sparta, and elsewhere in the -East. Connected with them were yearly festivals and games, -as at Athens, Ancyra, and in Cilicia.<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> Nor was it in the East -only that this worship began in the lifetime of Augustus. We -hear of temples or altars in Spain, Mœsia, Pannonia, Narbonne; -and the altar at Lugdunum (Lyon), consecrated by Drusus in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 12, was deliberately intended to supersede the Druidical -religion which was national and separatist.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The attitude of Augustus to this worship.</div> - -<p>For forming an estimate of Augustus himself it is of great -interest to decide, if possible, how far he was -deluded, how far he was acting from deliberate -policy in countenancing these things. When -some people of Tarraco reported to him, as an omen of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span> -victorious career, that a palm had grown on the mound of -his altar in that city, he replied with half-grave, half-playful -irony, “That shews how often you use it!”<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> But there -is no note of disapproval or abnegation in the answer. He -accepts it as a natural fact that there should be such an altar, -as a modern sovereign might accept the compliment of a -statue. Can we explain it, except as a case of conscious fraud -or blinding vanity? I believe we may. We must notice first -that Augustus had been zealous in the apotheosis of Iulius, had -urged Antony to become his flamen, had built a temple to him -in Rome, and encouraged the building of temples and altars -elsewhere. Now this apotheosis and worship of Iulius had -begun before his death,<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> as Augustus knew perfectly well. -But in spite of the manifestly party spirit of the packed Senate -that voted the divine honours to Iulius, he gave no sign of -revulsion or incredulity. On the contrary, he professed himself -the heir not only of his wealth and honours, but also of his -religious obligations and political purposes. It is clear, again, -that Augustus believed in the gods, that is, in some immortal -being or beings who governed and controlled the world. The -restorer of a hundred temples, of sacred writings and ancient -religious rites, the pious fulfiller of vows made in the hour of -danger or escape, may have had crude or uncertain beliefs, -have held views philosophical or superstitious, wise or foolish, -but he could hardly have been an atheist.</p> - -<p>He was too busy a man to be much troubled with philosophic -doubts, and perhaps—obvious as it may be—the answer of -Napoleon would have represented his view: who after -listening for a time to certain atheistic arguments, said,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span> -pointing to the starry heavens, “All very well, gentlemen, -but who made all that?” Given a belief in oneself and in -Providence, the next step is to believe that Providence is on -our side, as Cromwell saw the hand of God even in his most -questionable achievements. If we can translate this into the -language of an age accustomed to hear at any rate with -acquiescence of heroic men, sons of the gods and destined to -be enrolled among their peaceful ranks, of the genius which -attended each man from the cradle to the grave, of the care -of the gods for the welfare of the state in its darkest hours, -manifested by omens, warnings, and even material appearances: -if again we consider how much it adds to the strength of a -belief to find it shared by others and to see that it makes for -the moral good of the world, we may come faintly to conceive -a frame of mind in Augustus on this subject which need not—in -view of his age and its sentiments—be set down either -as wholly irrational or wholly hypocritical. “The Roman -Empire,” he might say to himself, “is all that really matters -in the world. I am divinely appointed to restore and defend -it. I have in fact secured its peace and prosperity. If the -people call me god, it is their way of honouring the Genius -that directs me, the Providence that has selected me to be -their benefactor and saviour. If they believe in that, they -must also believe in the sanctity and eternal authority of Rome -and the Empire. Religion and loyalty are but different words -for the same virtue.” In his eyes the state was divinely -appointed, even in itself divine, and in so far as he represented -the state he was a divinity to its subjects. Stability was its -first requisite. “My highest ambition,” he said in an edict, -“is to be called the author of an ideally good constitution, -and to carry with me to the grave a hope that the foundations -I have laid will remain unmoved.” Goodness, and loyalty to -the state, had become convertible terms to him. Once as he -was looking at a villa formerly belonging to Cato, one of his -companions, thinking to please him by denouncing an anti-Cæsarean,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span> -spoke of the “obstinate wrong-headedness of -Cato.” But he answered gravely “any one who is opposed -to revolution is a good man as well as a good citizen.” At -another time he came upon one of his grandsons reading a -book of Cicero. The boy, thinking he was on forbidden -ground, tried to conceal the book; but Augustus took it into -his hand, read in it a short time, and handed it back with the -remark, “A true scholar, my boy, and a patriot.” Perhaps he -thought with remorse of his own part in the great man’s -death, perhaps of the time when he believed him to have been -false to himself, but “patriot”—“a lover of his country”—made -up for all.<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The civilitas of Augustus.</div> - -<p>It is clear, again, that it was not personal vanity or a desire -for adulation that actuated Augustus. He disliked fulsome -compliments or overstrained titles of respect, and -laughed at cringing attitudes, as when he said of -some obsequious petitioner that “he held out his -billet and then snatched it away again like a man giving a -penny to an elephant.” He specially objected to be called -<i>dominus</i>, a word properly applying to a master of slaves, and -forbade the word to be used even in jest in his own family. -He wished to be regarded as a citizen among citizens. He -took care to shew interest (unlike Iulius) in the games and -shows that were liked by the people, and disapproved of special -marks of respect being paid to his young grandsons by the -people rising and cheering when they entered the circus. -He went through the streets on foot even when Consul, or -rode with the curtains of his sedan drawn back, that he might -not seem to avoid the looks or approach of the crowd; he -admitted all kinds of people without distinction of rank to his -morning levees; forbade the Senators to rise when he entered -or left the house; visited friends without state, and was careful -to attend family festivities such as betrothal parties. At -elections he went round with his candidates and canvassed for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span> -votes, and appeared for his clients in the courts (though anxious -not to allow his presence to exercise an unfair influence) and -shewed no annoyance at being cross-questioned and refuted. -In the Senate he allowed great freedom of speech without -resentment. He was interrupted while speaking by cries of -“We don’t understand,” “I would contradict you if it were -of any use.” On one occasion, when he was leaving the -house with some signs of anger after a tiresome debate, he -was followed by cries, “Senators should be allowed to speak -freely on public affairs,” something like the shouts of -“Privilege” that greeted Charles I. on a famous occasion. -When he mildly remonstrated with Antistius Labeo for -nominating Lepidus (whom he particularly disliked and treated -with great contumely) to the Senate, Antistius retorted rudely, -“Every one is entitled to his own opinion.” He was tolerant -of such language and wrote a soothing note to Tiberius, who -expressed himself vehemently about some occurrence of the -sort: “My dear Tiberius, don’t give way to youthful excitement, -or be so very indignant at some one being found to -speak harm of me. It is quite enough if we can prevent their -<i>doing</i> us any harm.” In matters more personal or private he -could stand a telling or rough retort. When holding a -review of the equites he brought up a number of charges -against a certain eques, who rebutted them one after the -other and ended with the contemptuous remark: “Next -time, sir, you cause inquiries to be made about a respectable -man, you had better intrust the business to respectable people.” -Seeing another eques eating in the circus he sent a message to -him, “When I want to lunch, I go home.” “Yes,” was the -answer, “but you are not afraid of losing your place.” -Another eques was rebuked by him for squandering his -patrimony, and deigned no further remark than, “Oh well, -I was under the impression that it was my own property.” -He once paid a Senator’s debts, and got no more thanks than -a note with the words, “Not a farthing for myself!” A<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span> -young man was once noticed at Court with an extraordinary -likeness to himself. Augustus ordered him to be introduced -and said: “Young gentleman, was your mother ever at -Rome?” “No,” he replied, “but my father was.” In this -case it must be acknowledged that the Emperor richly -deserved the retort. The point, however, in all these stories -is that he was content to give and take and be a man among -men. There would be no longer any ground for Pollio’s -remark, when Augustus wrote some satirical epigrams upon -that incarnation of all the talents: “I say nothing. It is -not easy to write against a man who can write one’s name -in a proscription list.” There are other anecdotes which still -farther illustrate this human side of Augustus. A veteran -begged him to appear for him in court, and Augustus named one -of his friends to undertake the case. The veteran cried out, -“But when you were in danger at Actium, Cæsar, I did not -get a substitute; I fought for you myself!” With a blush -Augustus consented to appear. The troubles and tragedies of -life interested him. On hearing of one of Herod’s family -executions, he remarked, “I had rather be Herod’s pig than -his son!” And when a man supposed to be rich was found -on his death to be overwhelmed with debt, he sent to purchase -his pillow at the auction, which had enabled him to sleep when -he owed such enormous sums. He could bear to have the -laugh turned against himself. The story of the man with -the two ravens, one taught to greet himself and the other -Antony, has been already referred to (p. 119). Another is of -a similar kind. A poor Greek poet was in the habit of -waylaying him as he left his house for the forum with complimentary -epigrams to thrust into his hand. Augustus took no -notice for some time, but one day seeing the inevitable tablet -held out he took it and hastily scribbled a Greek epigram of -his own upon it. The poet by voice and look affected to be -overpowered with admiration, and running up to the Emperor’s -sedan handed him a few pence, crying, “By heaven above<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span> -you, Augustus, if I had had more I would have given it you!” -Everybody laughed and Augustus ordered his steward to give -him a substantial sum of money.</p> - -<p>It is curious that though Augustus was unmoved by rough -retorts or offensive speeches he shewed considerable sensitiveness -to attacks which took the form of lampoons and epigrams. -He went so far on some occasions as to refute them in an -edict. But he used the “edict” as a means of communication -with the citizens and provinces on all sorts of subjects, -such as for explaining his purpose in putting up the bust of -distinguished men, or to draw attention to what he thought -useful in ancient writers. But he shrank not only from -offensive poems, but from being the subject of any poetry -or history composed by incompetent people. Before all -things he was not to be made to look ridiculous by witty -attacks or clumsy praise. The prize poem or declamation -was an abomination to him, and the prætors were charged -to prevent the public use of his name in such compositions. -Connected with this sensitive refinement of taste may be -mentioned the simplicity of his manners and way of life.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The residences of Augustus.</div> - -<p>The Palace of Augustus, though in a group of great splendour, -was not in itself on a scale approaching the huge constructions -of later Emperors. He appears at first -to have occupied a modest house close to the -forum, which had once belonged to the orator -Licinius Calvus, who died <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 47. He then purchased a site -on the Palatine on which to erect a new house; but in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36, -after the final defeat of Sextus Pompeius, the Senate voted -him the house of Hortensius. In a chamber of this house he -slept summer and winter for the rest of his life, though -occasionally when unwell he would pass the night in the -house of Mæcenas on the Esquiline which was regarded as a -healthier situation. On receiving this house from the Senate, -he devoted the site already purchased to the temple of Apollo -and its libraries, which with its peristyle was filled with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span> -most precious specimens of Greek art, and in which under the -statue of Apollo by Scopas the Sibylline books were preserved -in gilded caskets. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 12, upon becoming Pontifex Maximus, -he built a small temple of Vesta between these buildings -and his house, to keep up the tradition of the Pontiff residing -near the shrine of Vesta in the forum, while he handed over -the official residence of the Pontiff to the Vestal Virgins themselves. -The house of Hortensius was afterwards partly destroyed -by fire and rebuilt with greater magnificence, the neighbouring -house once owned by Catiline being taken in; but even then -it was on a moderate scale compared with the later palaces. -Its entrance, however, was conspicuously marked by the laurels, -the civic crown, and gilded shields which were placed there by -vote of the Senate since <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27. Besides this town-house, -which has furnished the name for a royal residence to this day, -he had of course various villas in different parts of Italy. But -they were not numerous in comparison with the number we -know to have been owned by nobles at the end of the -republic. There was one at the ninth milestone on the -Flaminian Way called <i>ad gallinas</i>, in the gardens of which was -the bay tree, from the leaves of which Augustus had his -garland made when celebrating his triumphs; as it became the -traditional habit of succeeding Emperors to do also. The -others near Rome were selected for their coolness and healthy -position—Lanuvium twenty miles from the city on a lofty -spur of the Alban Mountains, “cold Præneste” twenty-five -miles, and “sloping Tibur” about twenty miles away. These, -however, were suburban residences and gave no escape from -society or business. They were full of Roman villas,<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> and in -the temple of Hercules at Tibur he frequently sat to administer -justice. When he could get a real holiday he preferred a -yachting voyage among the islands on the Campanian coast.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span> -For one of them (Ænaria) he took in exchange from the -municipality of Naples the beautiful Capreæ, destined for -greater notoriety under his successor. He used to call it or -some small island in the bay his “Castle of Idleness.”<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> His -villas were on a modest scale. He greatly disapproved of the -vast country palaces which were becoming the fashion, and -forced his granddaughter to demolish one which she was -building.<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> Earlier in life he was accused of extravagance in the -matter of rich furniture and antique bronzes. But he seems -to have shaken off this weakness later on. The furniture of -his villas was extremely simple, and there were no costly -pictures and statues in them, but the gardens were carefully -laid out with terraces and shrubberies, and generally adorned -with various curiosities, as at Capreæ with the huge bones of a -whale.</p> - -<p>His table was simple and the dinners never long. He was -careful in selecting his company, but knew how to make -graceful concessions as to the rank of his guests when occasion -required it. He drank little wine, and generally not of the -best vintages; but he exerted himself to promote conversation -and to draw out the silent and shy. He would sometimes come -late and retire early without breaking up the party; sometimes -talked instead of eating, taking his own simple food before or -after the meal. Before all he does not appear to have adopted -the unsociable habit, often mentioned by Cicero and especially -characteristic of Iulius, of reading and answering his letters at -table. The dinner was generally a family function and his -young grandsons were always present at it. Sometimes conversation -was varied by reciters, readers, actors or professors of -philosophy. But at the Saturnalia and other festivals the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span> -quiet and decorum of these meals gave way to the spirit of the -hour. The table was better furnished and the Emperor presented -his guests with all kinds of gifts, or amused himself by -holding a kind of blind auction, putting together lots of widely -different value which the guests bid for without knowing what -they were purchasing. On such occasions gambling with dice -was permitted, though in family parties the Emperor took care -to lose or to surrender his winnings, and sometimes he supplied -each member of the party with a sum of money beforehand -with which to make their stakes. But games of chance had a -fascination for him at all times of his life, and his real gambling -was not confined to festival days. He made no secret of it, -and we hear nothing of any great loss or gain. Social life at -Rome began early in the day, visitors at a levee would arrive -soon after daybreak, and a magistrate would sometimes have to -be up immediately after midnight, to take omens or perform -some other religious rite. But as Augustus worked late at -night, and was not a good sleeper, early rising was painful to -him, and resulted in his falling fast asleep in his sedan. If any -of these night duties became imperative he took the precaution -of sleeping in some lodging near the place. But his normal -habit was to work up to noon, then after the light luncheon or -prandium, often consisting of bread and a few grapes, to sleep -for a short time fully dressed. Having finished the morning’s -work and bath, dinner (cena) would come between 3 and 4, -though busy men like the Emperor often pushed it on to 6 or 7; -after dinner he went to his study, and there finished off what -was left of the day’s work, his memoranda and accounts, -sitting or reclining on his couch far into the night. The -amount of work which he must have bestowed upon his official -business is shewn by the state of readiness and completeness in -which the various schedules of the finances of the Empire and -the army, and the book of political maxims were found at his -death. In early youth he had dabbled in literature, and composed -a tragedy in the Greek fashion called “Ajax”; but coming<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span> -in later years to estimate its value more truly he destroyed it, -and when some friend or flatterer inquired for it, he said, -“Ajax has fallen on his own sponge.”<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> He composed also -memoirs of his own life, but they were interrupted by his -serious illness after the Spanish War (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25-3), and never -resumed. They were used by Suetonius and other writers, as -well as collections of his letters, edicts, and speeches, but have -not been preserved. Only one of his epigrams has survived, of -which I shall speak hereafter. These excursions into literature, -never very serious, seem to have ceased as he got on in life. -In the third book of his <i>Odes</i> (written between <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30-25), -Horace tells the Muses that “they afford a recreation to high -Cæsar when he has put his troops into winter quarters and -seeks a rest from toil,”<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> but in the fourth book (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13-12) it -is the statesman, the conqueror, and reformer that he addresses, -not the man of letters. The Epistle addressed to Augustus -in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 12, though it deals with literary criticism and explicitly -supports the Emperor’s well-known dislike of being -the theme of inferior writers, while it dwells upon his numerous -employments and warmly compliments him on his successful -achievements, contains no word or hint of his authorship.<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> -The principate was a most laborious profession, absorbing all -his energies and occupying all his time, and though he might -enjoy the company of literary men, despatches, edicts, and -state papers would now be the limit of his literary ambition.</p> - -<p>The heavy work of his lofty position was performed under -painful conditions of health. Besides at least four serious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span> -illnesses<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> of which we hear, he was subject to periodical -complaints, generally recurring at the beginning of spring and -autumn. Soon after <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30 he gave up the martial exercises -of the Campus, then the less fatiguing ball games, and finally -confined himself to getting out of his sedan to take short runs -or walks. As he grew old his only outdoor amusements (except -yachting) seem to have been fishing and playing games with -little children.</p> - -<p>In the last years of his life he gave up going into Roman -society. In the earlier part of his principate he dined out -freely, and not always in select company. He seems to have -been rather inclined to the vulgar millionaire, perhaps because -he could reckon on contributions to the public objects which -he had at heart. He did not expect splendid entertainments, -and was content with the wine of the district, still he did not -like being treated with too little ceremony. To one man -who gave him a dinner ostentatiously plain and common, he -remarked on leaving—“I did not know that I was such an -intimate friend of yours.” At times, too, he had occasion to -assume the Emperor with some of these <i>nouveaux riches</i>, as in -the celebrated case of Vedius Pollio. This man had a stewpond -of lampreys, which he fed with flesh. When he was -entertaining Augustus on one occasion the cup-bearer dropped -a valuable crystal cup, and his master ordered him at once to -be thrown to the lampreys. Augustus tried to beg him off, -but when Pollio refused, he ceased to entreat; assuming -imperial airs he ordered all the cups of the same sort in the -house, and all others of value, to be brought into the room and -broken. Licinius, the grasping procurator of Gaul, was -another of these rich vulgar people, with whom Augustus was -somewhat too intimate, and expected in return for that honour -large contributions to his works. On one occasion he even -took the liberty of altering the figure in the promissory note<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span> -sent by him so as to double the sum. Licinius said nothing, -but on the next occasion he sent a note thus expressed: “I -promise towards the expense of the new work—whatever your -Highness pleases.”</p> - -<p>Wit is seldom kind, and some of the retorts attributed to -him are not always exceptions to the rule. To a humpbacked -advocate pleading before him, and often repeating the -expression, “If you think I am wrong in any way, pray set -me straight,” he said, “I can give you some advice, but I -can’t set you <i>straight</i>.” To an officer who made rather too -much fuss about his services, and kept pointing to an ugly -scar on his forehead, he said, “When you run away you -shouldn’t look behind you.” More good-natured are the -following. To a young prefect who was being sent home -from camp for misbehaviour, and who exclaimed, “How -can I go home? What am I to say to my father?” he -replied, “Tell him that you did not like me.” To another -who was being cashiered, and pleaded to have the usual -good-service pension, that people might think he had left -the service in the usual way, he said, “Well, give out that -you have received the money; I won’t say that I haven’t -paid it.”</p> - -<p>Though affable to all, and neither an unkind nor unreasonable -master to his slaves, or patron to his freedmen, -he was enough a man of his age not to hesitate to inflict -cruel punishment for certain offences. A secretary who had -taken a bribe to disclose some confidential paper, he ordered -to have his legs broken. A favourite freedman was forced to -commit suicide when detected in intrigues with Roman -married ladies. He ordered the personal servants of his -grandson Caius, who had taken advantage of his illness -and death to enrich themselves in the province of Syria, to -be thrown into the sea with weights attached to their feet.</p> - -<p>To those who had been his friends there is hardly any -instance of extreme severity after the end of the civil wars.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span> -It is possible that Muræna died before trial, though his -fellow-conspirator was put to death. Cornelius Gallus, the -first prefectus of Egypt, committed suicide rather than -confront the accusations brought against him and the evident -animus of the Senate; but Augustus did not wish it, and -exclaimed with tears in his eyes that it was hard that he -should be the only man who might not be angry with his -friends without the matter going farther than he intended. -The coldness that arose between him and his ministers -Agrippa and Mæcenas was only temporary and never very -grave. He deeply deplored their loss at their death. We -shall have to discuss his conduct to his daughter and granddaughter -and their paramours in another chapter. But -neither in regard to these persons nor the conspirators against -his life did he ever act in a way that his contemporaries would -think cruel.</p> - -<p>These anecdotes of Augustus do not suggest a very heroic -figure, very quick wit, or great warmth of heart. They -rather indicate what I conceive to be the truer picture, a cool -and cautious character, not unkindly and not without a sense -of humour; but at the same time as inevitable and unmoved -by pity or remorse as nature herself. No one accuses him -of having neglected or hurried any task that it was his duty -to perform. But neither friend, relation, nor minister ever -really influenced him. He issues orders, and they all obey -instinctively, without remonstrance, and generally with -success. He is providence to them all. Everything succeeds -under his hands. He is no soldier, though he knows -one when he sees him, but all the nations of the earth seek -his friendship. Till the last decade of his life no serious -reverse befel his armies; at home all opposition melted away, -as the difficulties in a road or course disappear before a skilful -driver or steerer. He is not godlike, but there is an air of -calm success about him which swayed men’s wills and -awakened their reverence.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE REFORMER AND LEGISLATOR</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Quid leges sine moribus</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>vanæ proficiunt?</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The earliest reforms in the Empire.</div> - -<p>The activity of Augustus as reformer in the city and Italy, -and to a great extent in the provinces also, was subsequent to -the settlement of his constitutional position in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> -23, after which date changes in it were generally -consequential, and in matters of detail. But it -began long before. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36 he had taken effective measures -to suppress the brigandage which had pushed its audacity -nearly up to the very gates of Rome. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 34-3 Agrippa, -under his influence, had started the improvement in the -water supply of Rome by restoring the Aqua Marcia; had -cleansed and enlarged the cloacæ, repaired the streets, and -begun many important buildings. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31 we have -evidence that Augustus was turning his attention to the -details of administration in the provinces,<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> and in the next -year, in his resettlement of Asia, he restored to Samos, -Ephesus, Pergamus, and the Troad, works of art which -Antony had taken from them to bestow upon Cleopatra.<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213"></a>[213]</span> -In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28, measures of relief were adopted for state debtors, -and a term fixed beyond which those who were in actual -possession of properties could not be disturbed by legal proceedings.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 450px;" id="illus7"> - -<img src="images/illus7.jpg" width="450" height="700" alt="" /> - -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Augustus as Senator.</span></p> - -<p class="caption-r"><i>Photographed from the Statue in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence.</i></p> - -<p class="caption-l"><i>To face page 212.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The roads and police patrols, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27.</div> - -<p>The first need of the country was security. How -difficult this had long been to maintain, and how ill the -senatorial government at the end of the Republic -had been able to cope with the evil is -shewn by the fact that remnants of the bands -of Spartacus and Catiline were in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 61 still infesting the -district of Thurii. In spite of the repressive measures of -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36, which seem to have been successful as far as the -immediate neighbourhood of Rome was concerned, at the -end of the civil war armed bands still openly appeared in -various parts of Italy, seized and carried off travellers, confined -them in the slave-barracks, or <i>ergastula</i>, or put them -to ransom. These <i>ergastula</i> were originally slave-prisons -used for keeping refractory slaves, who worked during the -day in chains, and were shut up in separate cells at night, -often underground or only lighted by windows high up -and out of reach of the inmates. In some parts of Italy—chiefly -the north—they were not known, and chained -slaves were not employed; but in other parts they were -numerous, and afforded convenient hiding-places. The -chief abuse connected with them was that men properly -free could be carried off and concealed in them as though -they were slaves, while they afforded a leader in rebellion -convenient sources from which to draw recruits; the -miserable inmates being only too ready to join any one who -gave them a hope of freedom and release from those horrible -dens. Accordingly a review of the <i>ergastula</i> is constantly -heard of, till they were finally abolished by Hadrian. Among -the measures for the suppression of brigandage now taken -was a visitation of these places. It was not done in mercy -to the slaves. Augustus, though he treated his own servants<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214"></a>[214]</span> -with kindness, took the sternest Roman view of the absolute -power of a master, and boasts that after the war with Sextus -Pompeius he handed over 30,000 slaves—who had been -serving with the enemy—to their masters “to be punished.”<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> -When we remember what the “punishment” of a Roman -slave meant, it is difficult to think without horror of the -sum total of human misery which this implies.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The great roads of Italy secured.</div> - -<p>A more effective and permanent measure, however, was to -secure the roads and make them fit for rapid military movements. -A system of road commissions (<i>curæ -viarum</i>) was started in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27, commissioners -(<i>curatores</i>) being appointed to superintend each -of the great roads leading from Rome to various parts of -Italy. The duty at first was usually imposed upon men -who had enjoyed triumphs, and Augustus himself, after his -triple triumph, undertook the <i>via Flaminia</i>, the great north -road from Rome to Ariminum on the Adriatic, from which -place other roads branched off through the valley of the Po, -and to the Alpine passes. The pavement of the road was -relaid, the bridges repaired, and the completion of the work -was commemorated by the still existing arch at Rimini, -with its partially surviving inscription.<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> For greater safety, -also, military pickets were stationed at convenient points along -the roads, which put a stop to brigandage.</p> - -<p>In close connection with the roads were the twenty-eight -military colonies established by Augustus in Italy. Of these -seven were along the line of the Flaminia, or near it; one of -them (Bononia) was the point where the main roads to Rome -converge. Others guarded the entrances to the Alpine passes, -or the road through Venetia to Istria—which Augustus included -in Italy—while another group protected the main<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215"></a>[215]</span> -roads through Campania. Thus these colonies were not only -centres of loyalty to the Empire, but served to keep open the -great routes. The object of the division of Italy into eleven -regions, the exact date of which is not known, was probably -for the purpose of the census, and the taxation which was -connected with it, but it was also for other administrative -purposes, as for the regulation of the military service of the -young men in each of them.<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> The regions followed the -natural divisions of the country and of nationalities, but -the importance of the roads in connection with them is -shown by the fact that before long they became known in -many cases by the name of the chief road that traversed them, -as Æmilia, Flaminia, and others. What Augustus was doing -for Italy his legates under his authority were doing for the -most important provinces. Great roads—<i>viæ Augustæ</i>—were -being laid everywhere. We have evidence of them -from inscribed tablets in Dalmatia, Pisidia, and Cilicia, -Bætica, Northern Spain, Gallia Narbonensis, and elsewhere.<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> -These works went on throughout his reign, but in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 20 -he commemorated his formal appointment as head commissioner -of all roads by placing a pillar covered with gilded -bronze in the forum near the temple of Saturn, with the -distances of all the chief places along the great roads from one -of the thirty-seven city gates from which these roads branch out. -The base of this <i>milliarium aureum</i> is still in its place.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The collegia.</div> - -<p>Another source of mischief were the <i>collegia</i>, or guilds. -Under cover of promoting the interests of certain trades and -professions these guilds were used, or were believed -to be used, for all kinds of illegal purposes. Some -of them were of great antiquity, but they had come to be so often<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216"></a>[216]</span> -misused for political terrorism (especially the <i>collegia opificum</i>) -that the Senate had suppressed many of them in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 63. But -Clodius shortly afterwards got a law passed authorising their -meetings, and he employed them freely for promoting his own -riotous proceedings. Iulius Cæsar had dissolved all except the -most ancient and respectable, but during the civil wars they -seem to have revived. Under a law passed in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 22 Augustus -held a visitation of them. Some were dissolved and some reformed, -and a licence was henceforth required from Senate and -Emperor for their meetings.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Feeding the city.</div> - -<p>In the city itself the first need was food. It depended very -largely on imported corn. Again and again we hear of dearth -and famine prices at Rome. The people, often, -no doubt, rightly, believed that this dearness of -provisions arose from artificial causes. When -Sextus Pompeius and his confederates were scouring the seas -and pouncing upon corn-ships the cause was clear enough, -and the gratitude to Augustus for crushing him was very -natural. But even when there was no such evident danger -great distress was often caused by sudden rise of prices. The -idea had always been in such times to appoint some powerful -man <i>præfectus annonæ</i>, with a naval force enabling him to -secure that the corn fleets should have free passage to Italy, -should be able to unload their cargoes without difficulty, -and dispose of them at a moderate price. A well-known -instance of this was the appointment of Pompey in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 57. -But in less troublous times a separate commissioner was -appointed to watch the several places of corn export, Sicily, -Sardinia, and Africa. These were not posts of very great -dignity, and Brutus and Cassius in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44 looked upon their -nomination to them as a kind of insult. But besides the -dangers of the sea and of pirates certain merchants had hit -upon means—practised long before at Athens—of artificially -raising the price. They made what we should call “a -corner” in corn. Either they bought it up and kept it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217"></a>[217]</span> -back from the market, or they contrived various ways of -delaying the ships and producing a panic among the dealers. -As in all difficulties, the people looked to Augustus for help, -and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 22 begged him to accept the office of <i>præfectus -annonæ</i>, “chief commissioner of the corn market.” While -declining the dictatorship offered him at the same time with -passionate vehemence, he accepted this commissionership; -and the law which he caused to be passed now or some -time later on shews how necessary some State interference -was. By this law penalties were inflicted on any one “who -did anything to hinder the corn supply, or entered into any -combination with the object of raising its price; or who -hindered the sailing of a corn-ship, or did anything of <i>malice -propense</i> whereby its voyage was delayed.”<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Distribution of corn free or below market value.</div> - -<p>But besides a free and unmolested corn market, the Roman -populace had long come to look for another means of support—a -distribution of corn either altogether free or -considerably below the market price. Detached -instances of this practice occur in the earlier -history of Rome, the corn sometimes coming as -a present from some foreign sovereign, sometimes being distributed -by private liberality. It had always been objected to -by the wiser part of the Senate, and had laid the donors open -to the charge of trying to establish a tyranny. It was reserved -for the tribune Gaius Gracchus to make it into a system -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 122). Since his time it had been submitted to as a -matter of course by nearly all magistrates. Sulla, indeed, -seems to have suspended it for a time, but the first measure -of the counter revolution that followed his death was to -re-establish it. Iulius Cæsar had restricted it to citizens -below a certain census, but had not the courage to abolish -it. It was, indeed, a kind of poor-law relief, but of the worst -possible sort. It not only induced a number of idle and useless<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218"></a>[218]</span> -people to prefer the chances of city life to labour in the -country, but it unnaturally depressed the price of corn, and -therefore discouraged the Italian farmer, already nearly ruined -by the competition of foreign corn; it exhausted the treasury, -and, after all, did not relieve the poor. Livy regards it as one -of the causes which denuded Italy of free cultivators, and left -all the work to slaves. Cicero always denounced it on much -the same grounds, and Appian points out how it brought the -indigent, careless, and idle flocking into the city.<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> The -system, moreover, was open to gross abuses, slaves being -manumitted that they might take their share, under contract -to transfer it to their late masters. Augustus saw that -by these distributions injustice was done both to farmers and -merchants, and that agriculture in Italy was being depressed by -it. He says in his memoirs<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> that he had at one time almost -resolved to put a stop to the practice, but refrained from doing -so because he felt sure that the necessity of courting the -favour of the populace would induce his successors to restore -it. However unsound this reasoning may be, it would no -doubt have been an heroic measure for one in his position -to have carried out the half-formed resolution. As a matter -of fact, his distributions were on a large scale, and in times of -distress were entirely gratis. <i>Tesseræ</i>, or tickets, entitling -the holders to a certain amount of corn or money, were distributed -again and again. The value of the corn tickets was -generally supplied from the <i>fiscus</i> or his private revenue; but -that after all was only a question of accounts, it did not affect -the economical or moral results in any way.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">State loans.</div> - -<p>A better economical measure was a system of State loans. -Immediately after the end of the civil war the transference to the -Roman treasury of the enormous wealth in money -and jewels of the Ptolemies at Alexandria caused -the price of money to go down and the money value of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219"></a>[219]</span> -landed property consequently to go up. For a time at least -the common rate of interest sank from 12 to 4 per cent. -Augustus took advantage of this state of things to relieve landowners -who were in difficulties, by lending them money free -of interest, if they could show property of double the value -as security for repayment.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Tiber.</div> - -<p>There were other reforms equally beneficial. Among the -many <i>curæ</i> (commissions) which he established was one for -superintending public works, which would thus -not depend on private munificence; another of -the streets; of the water supply; and, above all, of the Tiber. -Rome was, as it still is, extremely subject to floods. Quite -recently there were five or six feet of water in the Pantheon, -and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27 the rise of the Tiber was so serious that the -lower parts of the city were covered, and the augurs declared -it to be an omen of the universal prevalence of the power of the -new <i>princeps</i>. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23 it swept away the <i>pons Sublicius</i>.<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> -He could not of course prevent these floods, but he gave -some relief by dredging and widening the river-bed, which -was choked with rubbish and narrowed by encroachments. -The commission thus established remained an important one -for many generations, but in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 8 he superintended the -business himself.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Fire brigades.</div> - -<p>A danger at Rome, more frequent and no less formidable than -flood, was fire. So frequent were fires that the most stringent -laws had been passed against arson, which it seems -was even punishable by burning alive. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23 -Augustus formed a kind of fire brigade of public slaves under -the control of the curule-ædiles. But the old magistracies -were no longer objects of desire, and it was difficult to get -men of energy to fill them, a state of things which was one -of the chief blots in the new imperial system. At any rate in -this case they were not found efficient, and in the later years -of his reign (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 6), a new brigade in four divisions was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220"></a>[220]</span> -formed of freedmen with an equestrian præfect, who turned -out to be so effective that they became regularly established.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Sibylline Books and Sacred Colleges.</div> - -<p>Another part in the scheme of Augustus for the reconstruction -of society was to revive the influence of the Sacred -Colleges and brotherhoods, and to renew the -ceremonies with which they were connected. -One method of doing this was to become a -member of them all himself, much as the king of England -is sovereign of all the Orders. Thus according to the <i>Monumentum</i> -(ch. 7) he was pontifex, augur, quindecemvir for -religious rites, septemvir of the Epulones, an Arval brother, -a fetial and a sodalis Titius. Nor was he only an honorary -or idle member. He attended their meetings and joined in -their business, and took part in whatever rites they were -intended to perform. Thus his membership of the Arval -brethren is recorded in the still existing <i>acta</i>; as a fetial he -proclaimed war against Cleopatra. The <i>sodales Titii</i>, a college -of priests of immemorial antiquity, had almost disappeared until -the entrance of Augustus into their college revived them and -their ritual. He not only joined these colleges, but revived -and even increased their endowments,<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> and, above all, those of -the six Vestal Virgins, to whom he presented the <i>regia</i>, once -the official residence of the Pontifex Maximus, and an estate -at Lanuvium. The restoration of the College of Luperci, -which had celebrated on the 15th of February the old ceremony -of “beating the bounds” almost from the foundation of -the city, was more or less a political matter. It had gone out -of fashion, and its ceremonies had got to be looked upon as -undignified. Iulius Cæsar had revived and re-endowed them. -The Senate for that very reason in the reaction after his death<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221"></a>[221]</span> -had deprived them of these endowments, which Augustus now -restored. We have already noticed his renewal of the <i>augurium -salutis</i>, the old ceremonial prayer at the beginning of the year -that could only be offered in time of peace. He also induced -some one to accept the office of <i>flamen Dialis</i> in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 11, after -it had been vacant since <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 87, because the restrictions under -which its holder laboured were so numerous and tiresome that -in spite of its dignity—its seat in the Senate and curule chair -and lictor—no one would accept it. He took pains again to -restore the Sibylline Books to their old place of importance. -The originals were lost in the fire of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 82, and a commission -had at once been issued to collect others from towns -in Greece and Greek Italy. But some of them were getting -illegible from age, and some were of doubtful authenticity, -and consequently all kinds of prophetic verses got into circulation, -giving rise at times to undesirable rumours and panics. -Augustus in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 18 ordered them to be re-copied and edited, -and the authorised edition was then deposited in his new -temple of Apollo on the Palatine, and continued to be consulted -till late in the third century. After an attempt by -Iulian to revive its authority it was finally burnt by Stilicho -about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 400.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Pontifex Maximus.</div> - -<p>As one of the quindecemvirs Augustus had charge of these -books, but he formally took the official headship of Roman -religion by becoming Pontifex Maximus. He was -elected and ordained to that office in March <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> -12. The people had wished him to take it in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30, but he would not violate what was a traditional and -sacred rule that the office was lifelong, and though Lepidus -was degraded from the triumvirate in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36, he was still -Pontifex Maximus. It is true that he was not allowed to do -any of the duties, or only those of the most formal kind, but -still he had the office. The ground for asking Augustus to -take it was that the election of Lepidus had been irregular; -he had managed to get put in during the confusion following<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222"></a>[222]</span> -the assassination of Cæsar, and therefore might be deposed. -Augustus however takes credit for his scrupulous observance -of a religious rule, and was particularly gratified by the crowds -of people who came up to vote for him, a sort of ecclesiastical -coronation.<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The <i>ludi sæculares</i>, May 31-June 2, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 17.</div> - -<p>In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 17 he gave an emphasis to some of these religious -revivals by celebrating the <i>ludi sæculares</i>, the centenary of -the city, in virtue of some verses found in this -Sibylline volume. We need not trouble ourselves -as to whether his calculation of the year was a -right one (the <i>sæculum</i> was really 110 years), it is enough -to note that they were meant, like a centenary of a college or -university, to call out patriotic and loyal feelings which should -embrace both the country and the country’s religion. They -are made interesting to us by the fact that Horace—always -ready to further his master’s purposes—was selected to write -the Anthem or Ode to be sung by a chorus of twenty-seven -boys and twenty-seven girls. An inscription, found in 1871 in -the bed of the Tiber, gives the official program of this festival, -and ends with the words <i>Carmen composuit Q. Horatius Flaccus</i>.<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> -The poet probably had before him, when he wrote it, the -general scheme of the festival, which included solemn sacrifices -and prayer to Iuno, Diana, Iupiter, and Ilithyia. Augustus -and Agrippa took the leading part in the religious functions—as -members of quindicemviri—and both repeated the prayers, -which in the case of all these deities invoked a blessing on the -“Populus Romanus Quiritium.” In short, everything was done -to mark it as a national festival, to make the Romans recall -their glorious inheritance and unique position, and at the same -time to show that the <i>princeps</i> represented that greatness before -gods and men. Whatever else Augustus may have thought of -the national religion, he evidently regarded it as the surest<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223"></a>[223]</span> -bond of national life, and the inclusion of a prayer to Ilithyia, -goddess of childbirth, joined with his contemporaneous attempt -to encourage marriage and the production of children -(which the obedient Horace echoes<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a>), shews that he also -connected that religion with morality. The restoration of -religion, in fact, in his mind, goes side by side with the purification -of morals. It is the practical statesman’s view of -religion as a necessary police force and perhaps something -more. Napoleon restored the Catholic Church in France -with a similar sagacity, and the people blessed him, as they -did Augustus, for giving them back <i>le bon Dieu</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The reformation of morals.</div> - -<p>But the state of things required in his judgment, not only -a religious revival, but more stringent laws. Horace again -reflects his master’s views in the making, before -they find expression in act. The sixth ode of -the first book (written about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25) joins to the -necessity of a restoration of the temples and a return to religion -a warning as to the relaxation of morals, tracing the progress in -vice of the young girl and wife, with the shameful connivance -of the interested husband, and exclaims: “Not from such -parents as these sprang the youth that dyed the sea with Punic -blood, and brake the might of Pyrrhus and great Antiochus and -Hannibal, scourge of God.” Again in the twenty-fourth ode -of the same book, also written about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25, he warmly urges a -return to the old morality, and promises immortality to the -statesman who shall secure it: “If there be one who would -stay unnatural bloodshed and civic fury, if there be one who -seeks to have inscribed on his statue the title of ‘Father of -the Cities,’ let him pluck up heart to curb licentiousness. His -shall be a name for the ages!” And when Augustus has acted -on the resolution, to the formation of which the poet was privy, -he tells him ten years later that by his presence family life is -cleansed from its foul stains, that he has curbed the licence of -the age and recalled the old morality.<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> This he would represent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224"></a>[224]</span> -as the result of the Emperor’s legislation, the <i>lex marita</i> -of the secular hymn.</p> - -<p>It was after his return from the East in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19 that Augustus -first received censorial powers for five years. Whether this -amounted to a definite office—a <i>præfectura moribus</i> or <i>regimen -morum</i>, as Dio and Suetonius assert—does not much matter. The -experiment of appointing censors in the ordinary way had been -tried in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 22 for the last time and had not been successful, -and the <i>censoria potestas</i> now given to Augustus practically put -into his hands that control over the conduct of private citizens -which the censors had exercised by their power of inflicting -“ignominy” upon them. The ancient censorial stigma had -been applied to irregularities in almost every department of life, -but it depended on the will of the censors themselves, not on -laws. Feeling now directly responsible for the morals and -general habits of the citizens he began a series of legislative -measures designed to suppress extravagance and debauchery, -and to encourage marriage and family life, which would have -permanent validity. He believed in externals, even trivial -ones, as indicating a growing laxity; making, for instance, a -point of men appearing in the forum and on official occasions -in the old Roman toga. The lighter and more comfortable -<i>lacerna</i> or <i>pallium</i> was as abominable in his eyes as a suit of -flannels would seem to a martinet of to-day in the Park or on -parade.<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> Before all things the Romans were to be national, -in dress no less than in other respects.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Sumptuary laws.</div> - -<p>But the failure which always attends such regulations was no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225"></a>[225]</span> -less inevitable in regard to the first of his new reforming -measures, his sumptuary laws, regulating the exact -amount that it was legal to spend on a <i>cena</i> in -ordinary days, on festivals, and at wedding feasts, or the <i>repotia</i> -which the bridegroom gave on the afternoon following his -marriage. This was no new thing. It had been tried at -various times throughout Roman history. Beginning with -a very ancient law regulating the amount of silver plate each -man might legally possess, the rent he might pay for his house, -and the provisions of the Twelve Tables, we have laws in the -third and second centuries <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, limiting the cost of dress and -jewels for women, the number of guests that might be entertained -at banquets, and the amount that might be spent upon -them. Sulla had also a sumptuary law, among his other acts, -of the same kind. But Iulius Cæsar had gone farther than -any one in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46. He had not only regulated the cost of -furniture and jewels, according to the rank of the owners, and -the amounts to be spent upon the table, but he had sent agents -into the provision markets, who seized all dainties beyond the -legal price, and even entered private houses and removed dishes -from the table. Of course such measures were not only -annoying, they were ineffective also. Directly he left Rome -the rules were neglected. Our own Statute Book has many -laws of the same kind, which rapidly became dead letters. -Nearly the one and only permanent effect of the old -sumptuary laws had been to create a sentiment against large -and crowded dinner parties as vulgar.<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> Nor did Augustus -succeed much better. Towards the end of his reign he -issued an edict extending the legal amount which might -be spent on banquets, hoping to secure some obedience -to the law. But nothing that we know of Roman life -afterwards leads us to think that this form of paternal government—though -quite in harmony with Roman ideas—ever<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226"></a>[226]</span> -attained its object. Human nature was stronger than political -theory.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Iulian laws of marriage, adultery and divorce.</div> - -<p>Nor were the laws, carried about the same time,<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> on -marriage, divorce, and kindred subjects, much more effective. -In part they re-enacted rules which had always -been acknowledged and always disobeyed, and so -far as they did not punish a crime, but endeavoured -to enforce marriage, they were continually resisted or effectually -evaded. They consisted of a series of enactments—whether -we regard them as separate laws or chapters in the -same law—for restraining adultery and libitinage, for regulating -divorce, and for encouraging the marriage of all ranks.<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> They -were passed in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 18-17, and were supplemented by a law of -<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 9, called the <i>lex Papia Poppæa</i>. The text of none of -them survives, and we have to trust to scattered notices in -the later legal writers. They may be roughly classed as -restrictive, penal, and beneficiary. In the first may be placed -the regulation that no senator or member of a senatorial family -might marry a freed-woman, courtesan, actress, or the daughter -of an actor; though other men might marry a freed-woman -or even emancipate a slave in order to marry her. And under -the same head came the regulations as to divorce. The legal -doctrine appears to have been that marriage contracted with -the old religious ceremony called <i>confarreatio</i> was indissoluble, -except in the case of the wife’s adultery, on whose condemnation -to death the execution was preceded by a solemn dissolution -of the marriage or <i>diffareatio</i>. It was also a common belief -that no divorce had ever taken place at Rome until that of -Carvilius in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 231. Yet the laws of the Twelve Tables -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 450) contained provisions as to divorce, so that it had -certainly been known before; and perhaps the truth was that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227"></a>[227]</span> -Carvilius was the first to divorce his wife without any plea of -adultery, in which case he would have to give security for the -repayment of her dowry. Since that time the religious <i>confarreatio</i> -had become extremely rare. Both men and women -avoided an indissoluble tie. The fashion was to be married -<i>sine manu</i>, that is, without the woman passing into the <i>manus</i> -or power of her husband. She still remained subject to the -<i>patria potestas</i>, or to that of her guardian, or was <i>sui iuris</i> -according to her circumstances at the time. Such marriages -could be dissolved by either party, and without charge of -misconduct. Public opinion seems to have restrained both -men and women for some time from taking advantage of their -freedom, but its force steadily diminished, till towards the end -of the republic divorce became so common as to provoke little -remark. It was an arrangement—as in the case of Augustus -and his family—governed almost entirely by considerations of -convenience or advantage, and generally left all parties concerned -on a friendly footing. This of course was not always -the case when the divorce was the result of misconduct, -or at least of misconduct on the wife’s part, nor even -if it resulted from incompatibility of temper or money -disputes, which left a feeling of soreness behind them. It -was a system—however disastrous to family life—too deeply -rooted for Augustus to attempt to change it, even if he -had wished to do so. His law seems to have dealt only -with certain formalities and conditions of divorce—such as -the necessity of having witnesses, and in case of a charge -of misconduct a kind of family council or court of inquiry—not -with the freedom of divorce itself, except that in the -case of a freed-woman, she was prevented from divorcing -her husband or marrying again without his consent. That, -however, rested on the idea of the rights of a patronus rather -than on the sanctity of marriage. Otherwise the law chiefly -dealt with questions of property, restraining the husband from -alienating his wife’s estate without her consent, and re-enacting<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228"></a>[228]</span> -(with what modifications we do not know) the provisions for -the repayment of dowry.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Penalties (1) for adultery or seduction.</div> - -<p>The <i>penal</i> enactments affected (1) those guilty of adultery or -seduction (<i>stuprum</i>), and (2) those who remained unmarried -or without children. In adultery both parties were -punished by transportation (<i>deportatio in insulam</i>) -and a partial confiscation of property. A husband’s -unfaithfulness incurred no penalty except that he lost all claim -to retain any part of the wife’s dowry, even for the benefit of -children. But the old barbarous principle of the injured -husband’s right to kill both wife and paramour, if detected by -himself, was retained, though under certain conditions. If he -allowed the guilty wife to remain with him, he was bound to -release the man; and if he connived at the adultery for gain, he -was subject to a fine. <i>Stuprum</i> was formerly defined as the -forcible detention of a free woman for immoral purposes, and -could be punished by flogging or imprisonment. Under the -Iulian law it was extended to the seduction of an unmarried -woman or a widow who had been living chastely.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">(2) For remaining unmarried.</div> - -<p>The penalties upon those who remained unmarried between -certain ages were in the form of a direct tax or of certain -disabilities. The former, under the name of -<i>uxorium</i>, was of great antiquity, and had been -levied by the censors of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 404, but it was light -and intermittent; the Iulian law revived and increased it. -The disabilities were that an unmarried man between the -legal ages could not take a legacy from a testator not related -to him within the sixth degree, unless he married within a -hundred days of being informed of the legacy. This was -extended by the <i>lex Papia Poppæa</i> (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 9) to the childless, -who could only take half any legacy from a testator unconnected -with them within the sixth degree. One child saved -a man from coming under this law, three children a freeborn -woman, four a freed-woman. Again, a husband and wife who -were childless could only receive a tenth of a legacy left by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229"></a>[229]</span> -one to the other, though, if there were children by another -marriage, a tenth was added for each, or if they had had -children who had died. For all alike there were numerous -exemptions founded on absence from home on public service, -age, or ill-health; and a certain time of grace (<i>vacatio</i>) was -given between the attainment of the legal age and the actual -marriage, or between two marriages, or after a divorce.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Privileges to parents. The <i>ius trium liberorum</i>.</div> - -<p>The beneficiary clauses of the law were those which -relieved married men or women and men or women with -children from these disabilities, and gave them -exemption from certain onerous public duties -and special places of honour in the theatres. The -fathers of three children at Rome, four in Italy, -five in the provinces, had also certain preferences for offices -and employments and other honorary distinctions, such as -taking precedence of a colleague in the consulship. This was -not a new idea, for it had in one shape or another existed in -many Greek states, and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 59 Iulius Cæsar had in his -agrarian law given the preference to fathers of three children -in the distribution of land.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Opposition to the law.</div> - -<p>The disabilities imposed on the unmarried were met with -vehement resistance, in consequence of which the clause was -introduced giving the three years’ grace between -the attainment of the legal age and the actual -marriage. After the passing of the Papia Poppæa -(<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 9) the Emperor in the theatre or circus was received -with loud shouts from the equestrian seats demanding its -repeal. He is said to have sent for the children of Germanicus -and held them up as an example for all to follow; and he -afterwards summoned two meetings of the equites, one of -those married, and the other of the single. To each he -delivered a speech, which Dio reports or invents. He pointed -with dismay to the fact that the first meeting was so much -less numerous than the second. He commended the married -men for having done their duty to the State, but to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230"></a>[230]</span> -unmarried he addressed a longer and more vehement appeal. -He argued that they were defeating the purpose of the Creator, -were contributing to the disappearance of the Roman race, -which was being replaced by foreigners necessarily admitted to -the franchise in order to keep up the numbers of the citizens; -that he had only followed in his legislation the precedent of -ancient laws with increased penalties and rewards, and that -while he acknowledged that marriage was not without its -troubles, yet that was true of everything else, and they were -compensated by other advantages and the consciousness of -duty done.<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a></p> - -<p>But though the Emperor carried his point at the time and -passed a law which remained in force for more than three -centuries, it did not really benefit morality. It was constantly -evaded by colourable marriages, often with quite young -children. “Men did not marry to have heirs, but in order -to become heirs,” it was said. And though Augustus -attempted to prevent this by an edict enacting that no -betrothal was to count which was not followed by a marriage -within two years, other means of evading the law were found -which gave rise to the intrusion of spies and informers who -made their profit by thus violating the secrets of the family. -Again, the granting of the <i>ius trium liberorum</i> became gradually -a matter of form, and the idea of the superiority of the married -state necessarily disappeared with the rise of certain Christian -ideals. The law was repealed by the sons of Constantine.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The character of Augustus in view of this legislation.</div> - -<p>Though a line is often drawn between a man’s public and -private character, it still remains hard to reconcile the earnestness -of Augustus in pressing these laws and his -severity in punishing offences of this nature with -the reports of his own personal habits. I have -already expressed my disbelief in the stories of his -youthful immoralities. Suetonius, who spares no emperor the -inevitable chapter summing up his sins of the flesh, asserts that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231"></a>[231]</span> -not even his friends deny the intrigues of his later years, but -merely urge that they were conducted not for the gratification -of his passions, but for motives of policy, that he might gain -information of secret plots. He mentions no names and gives -no evidence; the only names that have come down are those -mentioned in Antony’s extraordinary letter justifying his own -connection with Cleopatra. Antony, however, could only -have known Roman gossip at second or third hand in -Alexandria, and the whole tone of the letter is so reckless -and violently coarse that it goes for very little by way of -evidence. Dio indeed mentions the wife of Mæcenas. But -his statements do not hang together or amount to very much. -In one place he tells us that Augustus was annoyed with -Mæcenas because the latter had told his wife something as to -measures being taken against her brother Murena. At another -he says that some gossips attributed his journey to Gaul in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 16 to a wish to enjoy her society without exciting popular -remark, “for he was so much in love with her that he once -made her dispute with Livia as to the superiority in beauty.” -Even if the gossip was worth anything, this hardly looks like a -secret intrigue. Nor is it a confirmation of it that Mæcenas -at his death left Augustus his heir. However, the fact may -nevertheless be so. Livia is said elsewhere by Dio to have -explained her lasting influence over Augustus by the fact that -she was always careful not to interfere in his affairs, and, while -remaining strictly chaste herself, always pretended not to -know anything of his amours. If Livia did say this, it would -of course be a sufficiently strong proof of the allegations against -him. But such reported sayings rest ultimately on gossip and -tittle-tattle, and do not go for much. The story told by Dio, -and amplified by Zonaras, of Athenodorus of Tarsus getting -himself conveyed into his chamber in the covered sedan -intended for some mistress, and springing out of it sword in -hand and then appealing to Augustus as to whether he did not -often run such risks, is not very likely in itself, and at any rate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232"></a>[232]</span> -must refer to the triumviral days. For about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30 Athenodorus -was sent back to govern Tarsus. The one epigram by -the hand of Augustus, which has been preserved by Martial,<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> -is undeniably outspoken and coarse, but it is the coarseness of -disgust, not of lubricity, and to my mind is evidence—so far as -it may be called so—for him rather than against him. If, -however, all that Suetonius and Dio allege against his middle -life is true, we must still remember that in the eyes of his -contemporaries, and indeed in Roman society generally from -Cato downwards, such indulgence in itself was not reprehensible. -It entirely depended on circumstances, and whether -other obligations—such as friendship, public duty, family -honour—were or were not violated. From that point of view -the only crime of Augustus would be in the case of Terentia, -wife of Mæcenas, if the tale is true. As among the other -emperors whose life Suetonius wrote, with the exception of -Vespasian, the character of Augustus stands out clear. One -age cannot judge fairly of another, and it is not seldom that -we find ourselves at as great a loss to reconcile theory and -practice, as to account for lives such as those of Augustus -and Horace in conjunction with the legislation of the former -and the moral sentiments occasionally expressed by the latter.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233"></a>[233]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII<br /> -<span class="smaller">LATER LIFE AND FAMILY TROUBLES</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Edepol, Senectus, si nil quidquam</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>aliud viti apportes tecum, cum</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>advenis, unum id sat est quod diu</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>vivendo multa quæ non volt videt.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The situation in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 20-17.</div> - -<p>After the restoration of the standards and prisoners from the -Parthians in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 20, and when the peaceful settlement of the -Eastern provinces and subordinate kingdoms had -been carried through or fairly started, Augustus -appears to have thought that the greater part of -his life’s work had been accomplished. The frontiers of the -Empire had been settled and secured. The Eastern provinces -had been visited, necessary reforms introduced, and great works -of public utility set on foot. He wrote word to the Senate -that the Empire was sufficiently extensive, and that he had -no intention of adding to it by further annexations. He -returned to Rome the following year (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19) to find that -the renewed trouble in Northern Spain had been settled, or -was on the point of being settled, by Agrippa. He proposed -to devote himself henceforth to internal reforms and the -superintendence of the peaceful improvements which he -contemplated in the provinces. He no doubt had in mind -the necessity of a personal visitation of distant parts of the -Empire from time to time; but by associating the able and -trustworthy Agrippa with himself in the tribunician power<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234"></a>[234]</span> -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 18) he might feel that he would always have a support -in the administration at home or abroad on which he could -rely. It was at this time, therefore, that the reforms and -restorations were accomplished which have been described in -the last chapter, crowned by the national festival, the <i>ludi -sæculares</i>, in which he and Agrippa stood side by side as mouthpieces -of the whole people before the gods.</p> - -<p>We have seen, however, how these peaceful hopes were -disappointed. Scarcely were the secular games over than news -came of the serious disturbances in Gaul, Pannonia, Dalmatia, -and Thrace, which led to his three years’ absence from Rome -and his long residence in Gaul and Spain. He had only -returned to Rome from this absence little more than a year -when he lost Agrippa, who died in March, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 12, and he -was obliged to fall back upon the support of Tiberius, as his two -grandsons were only eight and five years old respectively. It -was in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 11 that he compelled him to divorce his wife, -Vipsania, to whom he was devotedly attached, and marry -Iulia, left a widow by Agrippa. The change was thoroughly -distasteful to Tiberius. He loved Vipsania, and he had good -reason to suspect Iulia of at least levity. So strong were his -feelings for his divorced wife that means had to be taken -to prevent the two meeting, for on a chance <i>rencontre</i> he was -observed to follow her with straining eyes and tears. The -arrangement, indeed, was wholly the work of Augustus, with -a view to a possible failure in the succession (which did -actually occur), for by this time he had evidently imbibed the -idea of a dynasty, and of the necessity of having some one -connected with him to take his place, who would be regarded -as a natural successor by all classes of citizens. But it proved -the origin of a sorrow and mortification which did much to -overcloud his later days.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;" id="illus8"> - -<img src="images/illus8.jpg" width="700" height="425" alt="" /> - -<div class="split-caption-l"> - -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Julia, Daughter of Augustus.</span></p> - -<p class="caption-r"><i>From the Bust in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence.</i></p> - -<p class="caption-l"><i>To face page 234.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="split-caption-r"> - -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Livia, Wife of Augustus.</span></p> - -<p class="caption-r"><i>From the Bust in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence.</i></p> - -<p class="caption-l"><a href="#Page_274"><i>Page 274.</i></a></p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Iulia, b. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 39; ob. <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 14.</div> - -<p>At first, we are told, the marriage seemed likely to be a -happy one. Iulia accompanied her husband on his campaigns -in Dalmatia (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 11-10), or at any rate awaited him at Aquileia,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235"></a>[235]</span> -where a child was born and died. But from that time -forward the breach between them was always -widening. Tiberius seems to have remembered -certain passages that had passed between them -while she was still the wife of Agrippa, and she regarded him -as her social inferior, and wrote a violent complaint of his character -and habits to Augustus—supposed to have been composed -for her by her lover, Sempronius Gracchus, who paid for that -service by his life in the first year of the next reign; and -when in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 6 Tiberius retired to Rhodes, his motive seems -to have been as much to escape her company as to avoid the -awkwardness of his political position. Left thus to her own -devices in the midst of a corrupt society, she seems soon to -have outdone all former excesses. She was beautiful—except -that she early had grey hair—witty and wilful: so wilful -and capricious that Augustus used to say that he had “two -fanciful daughters whom he was obliged to put up with—the -state and Iulia.” She drew round her all the rich and extravagant -youth. At the amphitheatre, on one occasion, some -one pointed out the contrast between the respectable elderly -personages who surrounded Livia and the wild youth who -formed her own train. “Oh! they will grow old along with -me!” she replied. To a graver friend, who suggested that -she would do better to imitate the economical habits of her -father, she retorted: “He forgets that he is a Cæsar; I -remember that I am Cæsar’s daughter.” Once the Emperor -entered the room while she was at her toilet and noticed that -her tire women had been plucking out her grey hairs. He -stayed chatting on all kinds of subjects, and insensibly led the -conversation to the subject of old age. “Which would you -prefer?” he asked, “to be grey or bald?” “Oh, grey,” she -replied. “Then I wonder,” said he, “that you let these -women make you bald so soon.” She had at times given him -some unpleasant doubts as to her conduct. She came to see -him once dressed in a meretricious style, which she knew<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236"></a>[236]</span> -would vex him. Next day she reappeared dressed with -complete decorum. He had said nothing the day before, but -now exclaimed, “Isn’t this a style more becoming to a daughter -of Augustus?” “Oh,” said she, “I dressed to-day for my -father to see, yesterday for my husband.”</p> - -<p>He had never liked her mixing in general society as a girl. -She and his granddaughters, who lived in his house, were -trained to spend their time in women’s work, spinning wool, -and the like, and to have no secret conversations or idle talk; -and he once wrote to a young noble who had called on her -while staying at Baiæ that “he had taken a great liberty.” -But in spite of such seclusion she had developed a considerable -knowledge of and taste for literature, and her cheerful good -nature made her popular at court and in society. Her father -watched her career as a married woman, and from time to time -gave her half-grave and half-playful hints as to her extravagance -in dress and the style of people that surrounded her. But he -does not seem to have entertained serious suspicions. Meanwhile -she is said by our authorities not only to have been -indulging in numerous intrigues, but to have violated all -propriety and decency by joining in noisy revelry at night in -the streets and forum, and to have been present at parties where -men stayed late and drank deep. The crash came at a moment -that seemed a culminating one in the Emperor’s career, when -a scandal must have been peculiarly trying.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Pater patriæ</i>, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2.</div> - -<p>Since the beginning of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 8 Augustus had been at home. -In that year a fresh period of his various powers had been duly -renewed by a vote of the Senate, which had also -honoured him by naming the month Sextilis after -him as “August,” and he had had the gratification -of welcoming Tiberius home from Germany victorious, and -witnessing his triumph. His young grandson Gaius was -designated consul in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 5 for the sixth year from that time, -and the next year he himself took that office after an interval -of eighteen years, that he might add dignity to the ceremony<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237"></a>[237]</span> -of Gaius taking the <i>toga virilis</i>. Though vexed at Tiberius’s -retirement to Rhodes, he had good reason to hope that in the -two young Cæsars the succession was well provided for. In -spite of some uneasiness on the German frontier and among -the Parthians, there was for the time profound peace. At the -beginning of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2 he was again consul, in order to introduce -the second grandson to the forum; and to show their appreciation -of his achievements, and their affection for his person, the -Senate at length voted to give him the title of “<i>pater patriæ</i>.” -It was first offered him by a popular deputation in his villa at -Antium. He made some difficulty about accepting it; but -the next time he appeared at the theatre or circus he was met -by loud shouts, the whole people addressing him by that title, -and at the following meeting of the Senate on the 5th of February -Valerius Messala was put up to address him formally: “With -prayers for your person and your house, Cæsar Augustus—for -in offering them we deem ourselves to be praying for the -perpetual felicity of the Republic and the prosperity of this -city—we, the Senate, in full accord with the Roman people, -unanimously salute you as <i>Father of your country</i>.” Augustus, -rising with tears in his eyes and voice, could just answer briefly, -“My dearest wishes have been fulfilled, Fathers of the Senate, -and what is there left for me to ask of the immortal gods -except that I may retain this unanimous feeling of yours to the -last day of my life?”</p> - -<p>Though the title had long been popularly applied to -Augustus, this was the first official recognition of it. It had -very old historical precedent, from Romulus to Iulius Cæsar. -It was meant to be the highest compliment which could be -paid, but it conferred no new powers, though in after-times -some of the Emperors regarded it as giving them a kind of -paternal authority. Augustus was evidently highly gratified. -The shows given at his expense this year were of unusual -magnificence: gladiators, wild beast hunts, sham sea-fights on -the flooded Transtiberine fields, had all roused great enthusiasm,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238"></a>[238]</span> -and a special festival in his honour had been held at Naples—in -the Greek fashion—as an expression of thanks to him for -assistance rendered in the distress caused by a recent earthquake -and eruption of Vesuvius. The year thus opened with unusual -cheerfulness, and though now past sixty he might feel encouraged -by the popular enthusiasm to continue his work with -unabated energy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Detection of Iulia.</div> - -<p>Suddenly the disgrace that had been gathering round his -house was revealed to him. We are not told who enlightened -him and turned the suspicions which he had persistently -put away into certainty. Of course the -natural suggestion is that it was Livia, between -whom and Iulia, as mother of the two young heirs who stood -in the way of Livia’s son Tiberius, there was no cordial feeling. -The contrast in their ways of life, and the remarks -caused by it, no doubt reported by good-natured friends, -had not helped to make these relations any more pleasant. -But whoever was the informant, Augustus was at last -thoroughly roused, and thrown into the greatest state of -agitation. Whatever may have been his own private vices in -the past, the decorum of the palace in which Livia presided -was unimpeached and highly valued by him. The pure -atmosphere of the Augustan house—Horace says—and the -paternal care of the Emperor were mainly the causes of the -manly characters of Tiberius and Drusus, and Horace always -echoes what Augustus at any rate wished to be thought true. -To have the secrets of the family thus revealed to the multitude, -to the scorn of the hostile and the pity of the well-disposed, -was no doubt galling. He shunned society for some time and -kept away from Rome. He had also the additional annoyance -of reflecting that the publicity was greatly his own fault. In -the heat of his anger he wrote to the Senate and put the affair, -more or less, in its hands. In cooler moments he repented of -this, and exclaimed that “it would never have happened if -Agrippa and Mæcenas had been alive.” Several men are said to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239"></a>[239]</span> -have suffered death on the charge, though we only know of -two names, Iulius Antonius and Sempronius Gracchus, the -former of whom committed suicide, while the latter was -banished to an island on the African coast. Seneca, who -generally makes the worst of Augustus, says that he spared -their lives and punished them by banishment. The case of -Iulius Antonius was particularly bad. He was the son of -Antony by Fulvia, had been brought up by Octavia, married -to her daughter Marcella, and by her influence and the kindness -of Augustus, had been prætor (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13) and consul -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 10). He had therefore been treated as a member of the -family, and a highly favoured one. Gracchus is said to have -begun his intrigue while Iulia was the wife of Agrippa, and to -have helped to irritate her against her husband Tiberius. But -however guilty Iulia may have been, she did not forfeit the -popular affections. Again and again Augustus was assailed by -petitions to recall her. He passionately refused, exclaiming at -last to a more than usually persistent meeting, that he “would -wish them all daughters and wives like her.” The most that he -could be persuaded to grant was that at the end of five years -she should be allowed to exchange her island (Pandateria) for -Rhegium, and to live under less stringent conditions as to dress -and food, and the servants who attended her. Her mother, -Scribonia, accompanied her into exile, and though Tiberius, -acting under the authority of Augustus, sent from Rhodes a -message of divorce, he made a formal request that she might -be allowed to retain whatever he had given her. The sincerity -of such an intercession was illustrated by the fact that on the -death of Augustus he immediately deprived her of all allowances. -She, however, only survived her father a few weeks. All this -severity is perhaps best accounted for if we accept the statement -of Dio and Pliny, that she was charged not only with adultery, -but with joining in some plot against her father in favour of her -lover, Iulius Antonius.<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> At any rate it is difficult not to feel<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240"></a>[240]</span> -some sympathy with a woman, married and re-married without -choice on her part or any question of affection, for nine years -the wife of a man as old as her father, and then transferred to -another, whose heart was fixed elsewhere, and whom his -warmest admirers cannot describe as one likely to be sympathetic -or expansive, one in fact who began with a strong -prejudice against her. She knew also that her own mother, -with whom she seems to have kept up affectionate relations, -had been turned off immediately after her birth for no assignable -reason, just as she had been married for a momentary -political object. She could have grown up with no very deep -reverence for her father’s morality or lofty ideas of the marriage -relationship.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 2-4.</div> - -<p>From this time forward family misfortunes seemed to dog -the steps of Augustus for some years to come. The next blow -was the death of the two young sons of Iulia, -Gaius and Lucius, whom he had adopted, had -personally educated in their childhood, and was -training for their great future. When the elder was only 15 -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 5) he had been designated consul for <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1, and the -Senate had voted that he and his brother might at that age -“take part in public business,” that is, might be employed in -any capacity the Emperor might choose directly they assumed -the <i>toga virilis</i>. Accordingly, in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1, Gaius was sent to the -East, with a pretty wide commission to visit the Eastern -provinces. He seems to have travelled considerable distances, -and even entered Arabia. Tiberius, who was then at Rhodes, -crossed to Samos to greet him. The meeting, however, was -not a happy one. M. Lollius, the head of Gaius’s staff, seems -to have influenced the young prince against Tiberius, and -induced him to send home a report to the Emperor of certain -indications that he was contemplating some treasonable -measures. Augustus candidly informed Tiberius of this, and -it was it seems partly from the necessity of clearing himself, -that at the earnest entreaty of his mother, he, two years later,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241"></a>[241]</span> -sought and obtained the permission of Augustus to return to -Rome. Meanwhile there had been wild talk among the staff -of Gaius, one of them expressing his readiness to sail to Rhodes -and bring the head of “the exile” back. He does not, however, -appear to have forfeited the confidence or affection of -Augustus, who writes to him on the 23rd September, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1: -“Good day to you, Gaius, apple of my eye, whom by heaven -I continually miss when away. But it is especially on days -such as this one that my eyes seek for my Gaius; and wherever -you have spent it I hope that you have kept my sixty-fourth -birthday in good health and spirits. For you see I have safely -passed the grand climacteric, which for all old men is their 63rd -year. Pray heaven that whatever time remains for me I may -spend with the knowledge that you and your brother are safe -and sound and the republic supremely prosperous, with you -playing the man and preparing to take up my work.” But -these hopes were doomed to be disappointed, as we have seen, -by the treacherous wound received at Artagera in Armenia in -<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4. Two years earlier his younger brother, Lucius, had -died suddenly and somewhat mysteriously at Marseilles at the -beginning of a progress through the Western provinces, which -was to form part of his political education. The fact that his -death corresponded nearly with the return of Tiberius from -Rhodes gave rise to suspicions that it had been caused by the -machinations of Livia, anxious to secure the succession for her -son. Even the death of Gaius, though so far away, was put -down to the same malignant influence; for it was argued that -his wound was slight and had not been expected to end fatally. -Tacitus records that the detractors of the imperial family were -accustomed to remark that “Livia had been a fatal mother to the -republic, a fatal stepdame to the family of the Cæsars.” There -is, however, no scrap of evidence to connect her with either -event. It is doubtful whether the young men had shewn much -promise; but their death was treated as a matter for public -mourning. At Pisæ, of which colony they were “patrons,”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242"></a>[242]</span> -there still exist two long and pompous inscriptions (<i>Cenotaphia</i>) -recording their death, speaking of the successful campaign of -Gaius in the East, ordering mourning “in view of the magnitude -of so great and unexpected a calamity,” and decreeing -various honours to the memory of Lucius “princeps -iuventutis,” and of Gaius “princeps designate.”</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The succession.</div> - -<p>These losses were followed by the adoption of Tiberius by -Augustus, and that of Germanicus by Tiberius. The former -had already several children, so that the sons and -grandsons and great-grandsons—by adoption—of -Augustus in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 7, as recorded on the arch at Pavia, were -Tiberius; Germanicus; Drusus, son of Tiberius; Nero and -Drusus, sons of Germanicus, and Claudius, his brother. All -these survived Augustus. But Tiberius and Claudius alone -reigned, Caligula was not born till five years later (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 12).</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Fresh troubles. The younger Iulia.</div> - -<p>Augustus thus felt that the succession was well secured; -but the last decade of his life was destined in some ways -to be the most troubled of all. The German -wars began again in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4, and culminated in -the Varian disaster of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 9; while the difficulties -and alarm were increased by the dangerous risings in -Pannonia and Dalmatia (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 6-9), during which Augustus -remained for some time at Ariminum, to be within moderate -distance of the seat of war. A renewed outbreak of piracy -also compelled him to take over the management of Sardinia -from the Senate for three years (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 6-9). This was partly -the cause, perhaps, of the distress at Rome in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 6 from -a rise in the price of corn, intensified by various disastrous -fires. The unrest thus created led to some more or less -dangerous conspiracies, such as that of Plautius Rufus, who -was accused of abetting disturbances and spreading seditious -libels. Others were connected with attempts to rescue Iulia -at Rhegium and Agrippa Postumus in Planasia, an island near -Elba. We also hear of a plot of one Cornelius Cinna, who -however was pardoned and allowed to be consul in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243"></a>[243]</span> -Seneca asserts that after this act of clemency the life of Augustus -was never attempted again; and Dio has recorded a conversation -between him and Livia in that year, in which, seeing her -husband sleepless and torn with continued anxieties, she -recommended this policy of leniency. But one last mortification -remained for him. In <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 9 his granddaughter Iulia was -discovered to have followed her mother’s example. She -was married to Æmilius Paulus Lepidus, and had a son and -a daughter Lepida, once betrothed to the future Emperor -Claudius, but never married to him. Her lover, D. Silanus, -was not banished to any definite place, but was obliged to -leave Rome, to which he was not allowed to return till <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 20, -and then under disabilities for State employment. Iulia herself -was banished to the island Tremesus (<i>St. Domenico</i>), on the -coast of Apulia, where she remained till her death in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 27, -supported by an allowance from Livia. We do not know -enough of the affair to judge of her guilt; but in some -mysterious way her husband was involved in a charge of treason -about this time. In the same year the poet Ovid was banished -to Tomi, forty miles south of the mouth of the Danube, in a -district exposed to constant raids of the Sarmatians and Dacians. -It has always been supposed that this severity was connected -with the affair of Iulia, and that either he was one of her -lovers, or was privy to some of her intrigues, amatory or -political. The reason assigned in the edict appears to have -been the licentiousness of his verse, and as Augustus was just -then engaged in reinforcing his laws against various forms of -immorality, and trying to encourage marriage as against -concubinage, this may have been partly the reason. Only as -his most licentious poems had been published seven years before -it seems a little late in the day. His own account of his -misfortune—never outspoken—goes through two phases. At -first he seems to wish to attribute it all to his amatory poems. -“He is a poet destroyed by his own genius: his verses have -been his undoing: they deserved punishment, but sure not so<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244"></a>[244]</span> -heavy a one.” But presently he began to own that there was -something else: “Not,” he says, “any political offence, no -plot against the Emperor, no plan of violence against the -state. He had seen something he should not have seen. He -is ruined by his own simplicity and want of prudence, combined -with treachery on the part of friends and slaves. The exact -cause he dare not reveal, and yet it is well known at Rome.” -Ovid was now fifty-two and married for a third time to a wife -connected distantly with the imperial family. The chances -are therefore against an intrigue with Iulia. There is one -other possible explanation; Ovid was at Elba when he got -notice of the edict, staying with his wife’s connection, Paulus -Fabius Maximus, who afterwards incurred the suspicion of -Livia as favouring Agrippa Postumus, confined in the neighbouring -island of Planasia since <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 7. We know from -Suetonius that there was at least one plot to remove him, and -it may be that Ovid knew of it and even saw some of the -conspirators.</p> - -<p>However that may be, the other explanation is also possible: -that Augustus meant what he said, and regarded Ovid’s works -as unwholesome. He was what would be called in our time a -“decadent” poet. He represents the worst side of Roman -society, as it began to be unfavourably affected by that abstention -from practical politics, which came to be the fashion in the -latter half of the reign of Augustus. He had himself refused -to take any office that would give him a seat in the Senate, -and seemed to think that to be the natural conduct of a man -of taste and literature. He was the mouthpiece of the gilded -youth who sought in amorous intrigue, and a fastidious dalliance -with the Muses, a more congenial employment than the performance -of those duties to the state which no longer held -out promises of unlimited wealth or power. He was only -cleverer than the ruck of such men, and Augustus may -possibly have selected him as the representative of a tendency -at which he was alarmed. Ovid was precisely the sort of man<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245"></a>[245]</span> -to create the tone of society which had been the ruin of his -daughter and granddaughter. It is quite possible that being -intimate with such circles the poet may have known, or been -supposed to know, something inconvenient about the last -scandal, and, at any rate, he would be on the side of Iulia as -against her grandfather. At the time of his exile he was -engaged, at the Emperor’s suggestion or request, on the -composition of the poetical Calendar or Fasti, which was -incidentally to celebrate the chief events of Roman history, -and it has been suggested that the story of Claudia’s vindication -of her chastity (<i>Fast.</i> iv. 305 <i>sqq.</i>) was intended as a veiled -defence of the elder or younger Iulia. Whatever the offence -given, neither Augustus nor Tiberius could ever be induced -to allow his recall.</p> - -<p>The poet’s abject language in praying to be allowed to -return illustrates incidentally the absolute supremacy of the -Emperor, and the attribution to him of divine honours and -powers, the steady progress of which has been noted in a -previous chapter. We may also note that what Paris is to the -Parisians, Rome is to Ovid. Augustus and his ministers or -friends had made it the home of splendour and luxury. The poet -fondly dwells on all its beauties, pleasures, and conveniences, -and, like a true Parisian, can hardly conceive of life away from -it, its games, its theatres, the sports on the Campus, the lounge -in the forum, or the wit and poetry heard at the tables of the -great. As the spring comes round in his dreary, treeless -dwelling on the Pontus, he thinks of the flowers and vines of -Italy, but, above all, of the pleasures of the city in April, the -month of festivals: “It is holiday with you now, and the wordy -war of the wrangling forum is giving place to the unbroken round -of festivals. The horses are in request, and the light foils are -in play. The young athletes, their shoulders glistening with oil, -are bathing wearied limbs in baths supplied by the virgin -stream. The stage is in full swing, and the audiences are -clapping their favourite actors, and the three theatres are echoing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246"></a>[246]</span> -instead of the three forums. Oh four times, oh beyond all -counting, happy he who may enjoy the city unforbidden!” -It had been the object of Augustus to make the city splendid -and attractive, and to keep the citizens comfortable and -contented and proud of their home. He had doubtless -succeeded; but it was sometimes at the cost of a lowered -standard of public duty and a growing devotion to personal -ease and enjoyment.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247"></a>[247]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE LAST DAYS</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Let the sound of those he fought for,</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>And the feet of those he wrought for,</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Echo round his bones for evermore.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The activities of the last years of Augustus, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 8-14.</div> - -<p>The public and private troubles mentioned in the last chapter -did not break the spirit or paralyse the energies of the aged -Emperor, or prevent him from taking a strenuous -part in the administration of the Empire. The -last eight years of his life were full of stir and -movement, though our meagre authorities give -us few details. He actively supported the campaigns of -Tiberius and Germanicus; he was introducing reforms in -Gaul;<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> he was pushing on improvements in the East, and -founding a series of colonies in Pisidia as a defence against -the predatory mountain tribes; he was directing a census -of the whole Empire; he was emending his marriage laws by -the farther enactments contained in the <i>lex Papia Poppæa</i>, -which he supported by energetic speeches; he was elaborating -a great financial scheme; he was personally attending to the -embankment of the Tiber; he was reforming the city police<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248"></a>[248]</span> -and fire brigades; and when the Varian disaster occurred we -have seen with what energy he acted, how he enforced the -law of military service and despatched reinforcements to the -Rhine, while he cleared the city of dangerous elements and -provided against possible movements in the provinces. Though -now seventy-two years old he shewed no sign of senility in -heart; and as it was said that at every stage of his life he had -the beauty appropriate to it, so in spirit, courage, and prudence -he seems always to have answered to any strain to which he -was submitted.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Financial measures of Augustus.</div> - -<p>To understand the financial changes of these years it is -necessary to recall a few broad facts as to the revenue of the -Empire. It arose from (1) Italy, (2) the provinces. -In Italy the sources of revenue were the -customs (<i>portoria</i>), the rent of public land, the -<i>vicesima</i> or 5 per cent. on the value of manumitted slaves. -From the time that it became the habit to pay the soldiers, -a <i>tributum</i> or property tax had been raised, at first as a temporary -measure, or even as a loan, but gradually as a regular -thing. Since the Macedonian wars, however, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 167, this -<i>tributum</i> had not been levied: the additional wealth acquired -by the new conquests being sufficient. It does not appear -that the <i>tributum</i> was abolished by law, and indeed for a short -time it was reimposed by the Triumvirs, though only as an -extraordinary tax (<i>temerarium</i>). After the Social war of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 89 -the Italians became full citizens and shared this exemption.</p> - -<p>The second and most important source of revenue were the -provinces. There were royalties on mines, customs, rent of -public land, and other sources of profit to the government; but -also every province paid a <i>stipendium</i>—a certain sum of money—to -the Roman treasury. The manner in which it was paid—whether -in money or produce, or a mixture of the two—differed -in different provinces, as also did the mode of its -assessment and collection; but the broad fact was that each -province had to furnish a sum of money, and that owners<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249"></a>[249]</span> -of property in a province were liable to a <i>tributum</i> or -tax.<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a></p> - -<p>In the time of Augustus there was no great change made in -the nature or incidence of this taxation; but the management -of the treasury itself was revolutionised. In the first place, -the <i>ærarium</i> instead of being under the care of the yearly -elected quæstors, who issued money on the order of Senate -or magistrates, was put under <i>præfecti</i> appointed by the -Emperor, and though the Senate still had a nominal control -over it, it was really under his power. In the next place, a -new <i>ærarium</i> was formed, afterwards called the <i>fiscus</i>, into -which was paid the revenues of the imperial provinces. This -was entirely under the Emperor, and the tendency was in time -to have every extraordinary revenue, such as confiscations, -lapsed legacies (<i>caduca</i>), and the like, paid into it. Besides -this there was the <i>patrimonium Cæsarum</i>, the private property -of the Emperor in virtue of his office. To this belonged the -whole revenues of Egypt and the Thracian Chersonese, and -other large estates. When Augustus talks of his having -supplemented the treasury or made distributions to the people, -it is often from this fund that he drew, though he had besides -large personal property (<i>res familiaris</i>), which he employed at -times for the same purpose.</p> - -<p>Of course from the revenue of the provinces had to be -deducted the cost of their administration and defence. Provinces, -therefore, which needed large forces and constant -defence from surrounding barbarians did not pay. Cicero, -indeed, asserts that in his time none of the provinces except -Asia paid for their expenses. This probably is an exaggeration, -but there is no doubt that the loss on some had to be put -against the gain on others, and that the balance of the yearly -budget was not always on the right side, as, at a later date, we -know that Vespasian said that the treasury wanted four hundred<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250"></a>[250]</span> -million sesterces (about £3,000,000 sterling) to be solvent. The -outbreak of the German wars in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4, and the large forces -which it had long been necessary to keep upon the Rhine had -caused, if not a deficit, at any rate the near prospect of one. -It was just such a crisis as in old times would have justified -the levying of a <i>tributum</i> as a special war tax. There were, -however, two reasons against Augustus doing this. In the -first place, such a <i>tributum</i> would be temporary, and he wanted -a permanency; and, in the second place, the citizens had come -to view freedom from the <i>tributum</i> as their special privilege, -differentiating Italy from the subject provinces, and marking -them out as a governing body. True to his policy of avoiding -offensive names, while at the same time getting what he -wanted, Augustus decided against the <i>tributum</i>. What he did -was to create a new department, an army-pay treasury (<i>aes -militare</i>), with two præfects of prætorian rank. The money -in this treasury was to be devoted to the pay and pensions of -the soldiers. He started it with a gift in his own name and -that of Tiberius of 170,000,000 sesterces (about £1,500,000), -and arranged that the tax which he had contrived soon after -the end of the civil wars, the 1 per cent. on goods sold at -auctions or by contract, should be paid into it. But this was -not sufficient for the purpose, and he had to look round for -other means of raising revenue. He did therefore what a late -Chancellor of the Exchequer did for us—he imposed death -duties: 5 per cent. on all legacies except those from the -nearest relatives. This avoided the offensiveness of depriving -the people of Italy of a valued privilege, while it in fact -brought them financially almost in a line with the provinces. -For those who paid <i>tributum</i> did not pay <i>vicesima</i>, and <i>vice -versâ</i>. Still the tax offended a powerful class and met with -much resistance. The practice of leaving large legacies to -friends, as an acknowledgment of services rendered, was -common in Italy, and the tax therefore fell heavily upon the -rich. In <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 13 a determined move was made in the Senate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251"></a>[251]</span> -to obtain its abolition. Augustus sent a written communication -to the Senate, pointing out that the money was necessary, -but asking them to contrive some other method of raising it. -The Senators declined to formulate any plan, and only answered -that they were ready to submit to <i>anything</i> else. Thereupon -Augustus proposed a <i>tributum</i> or tax on land and houses. -Confronted with this alternative the Senate at once withdrew -from opposition. It was a case of financial necessity, and it -must not be supposed that Augustus wished to lower the prestige -of Italy or the value of the citizenship. That was one of the -points in which he reversed the policy of Iulius, who had been -lavish in bestowing the citizenship, and seems to have had -visions of a uniform Empire united in privilege as in government. -Augustus, on the other hand, was even ultra-conservative -and ultra-Roman in this respect. He made constant difficulties -about granting the citizenship. In answer to Tiberius, who -begged it for some favourite Greek, he insisted upon only -granting it if the man appeared personally and convinced him -of the soundness of his claim. Even Livia met with a refusal -in behalf of some Gaul. The Emperor offered to grant the -man immunity from tribute, saying that he cared less about -a loss to his treasury than for vulgarising the citizenship.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Declining health and strength.</div> - -<p>Though Augustus shewed in this transaction all his old tact -and statesmanship with no failure either in determination or -power of <i>finesse</i>, yet he was growing visibly feebler -in body. He gave up attending social functions; -and it was too much for him to appear any longer -at meetings of the Senate. Accordingly, instead of the half-yearly -committee of twenty-five members who used to be appointed -to prepare measures for the House, a sort of inner cabinet of -twenty members appointed for a year—with any members of -his family whom he chose—met at his house and often round -the couch on which he was reclining, and their decisions were -given the force of a <i>Senatus-consultum</i>. His interest, however, -in every detail was as keen as ever. For instance, we have a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252"></a>[252]</span> -letter from him to Livia, written at the end of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 11, as to -the advisability of allowing Claudius (the future Emperor) to -appear in Rome during the ceremonies connected with the -consulship of his brother Germanicus. Claudius (now twenty-one) -was reported to be deformed and half-witted, and his -mother Antonia herself described him as scarcely human -(<i>monstrum hominis</i>). The letter is worth reading, partly -because it is the only complete one (at any rate, of any -length) which we possess, and partly because it illustrates the -care which Augustus took to keep up the prestige of the -imperial family, to avoid, above all things, incurring popular -ridicule, and his attention to minute details:—</p> - -<p>“I have consulted with Tiberius, as you desired me to do, -my dear Livia, as to what is to be done about your grandson -(Claudius) Tiberius. We entirely agree in thinking that we -must settle once for all what line we are to take in regard to -him. For if he is sound and, to use a common expression, has -all his wits about him, what possible reason can there be for our -doubting that he ought to be promoted through the same grades -and steps as his brother? But if we find that he is deficient, -and so deranged in mind and body as to be unfit for society, we -must not give people accustomed to scoff and sneer at such -things a handle for casting ridicule both on him and on us. -The fact is that we shall always be in a state of agitation if we -stop to consider every detail as it occurs, without having made -up our minds whether to think him capable of holding offices -or not. On the present occasion, however, in regard to the -point on which you consult me, I do not object to his having -charge of the triclinium of the priests at the games of Mars if -he will submit to receive instructions from his relative, the son -of Silanus, to prevent his doing anything to make people stare -or laugh. We agree that he is not to be in the imperial box -at the Circus. For he will be in full view of everybody and -be conspicuous. We agree that he is not to go to the Alban -Mount or to be in Rome on the days of the Latin festival.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253"></a>[253]</span> -For if he is good enough to be in his brother’s train to the -mountain, why should he not be honorary city prefect? Those -are the decisions at which we arrived, my dear Livia, and we -wish them to be settled once for all to prevent our wavering -between hope and fear. You are at liberty, if you choose, to -give Antonia this part of my letter to read.”</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Confidence in Tiberius.</div> - -<p>Perhaps the voice is the voice of Tiberius, but the courtesy -and well-bred style are all Augustus’s. By this time the -influence of Tiberius was well established, and -Augustus treats him as a successor who has a -right to be consulted on all family matters and -important State affairs. Since his return from Rhodes Tiberius -had done eminent service to the State both on the Rhine and -in Illyricum. In appointing Varus to Germany Augustus had -made a mistake which he seldom committed. He had nearly -always picked good men, but P. Quintilius Varus had not -only been extortionate in his former province, but was neither -energetic nor prudent; and his experience among the unwarlike -inhabitants of Syria was not a good preparation for dealing -with the brave and warlike Germans. Tiberius knew him -well, having been his colleague in the consulship of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13, -and would certainly not have appointed him. It was to -Tiberius that the Emperor then turned to retrieve the disaster -and confront the almost more serious dangers in Illyricum. -And if he found him trustworthy in the field, this letter shows -how much confidence he felt in him at home. It was a -common report that Augustus knew and disliked his character. -The lackeys of the palace gave out that he had on one occasion -exclaimed, “Unhappy people of Rome who will some day be -the victims of those slow grinders!” And in a speech to the -Senate some expressions used by him were taken to convey an -apology for his reserved and sullen manners, and an acknowledgment, -therefore, of his mistrust or dislike. But it is abundantly -plain that in these last years he not only trusted his -military abilities, but felt a sincere affection for himself. In<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254"></a>[254]</span> -earlier times, before the retreat to Rhodes, the short notes -written to him (parts of which are preserved by Suetonius<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a>) -are playful and intimate; and though he was vexed at his -retirement and answered a suggestion of return by a message -bidding him “dismiss all concern for his relatives, whom he -had abandoned with such excessive eagerness,”<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> yet the -fragments preserved of the Emperor’s letters to him in these -later times breathe not only admiration, but warm affection. -“Goodbye, Tiberius, most delightful of men! Success to you -in the field, you who serve the Muses as well as me! Most -delightful of men, and, as I hope to be happy, bravest of heroes -and steadiest of generals!” And again: “How splendidly -managed are your summer quarters! I am decidedly of -opinion that, in the face of so many untoward circumstances -and such demoralisation of the troops, no one could have borne -himself with greater prudence than you are doing! The -officers now at Rome who have served with you all confess -that the verse might have been written for you, ‘One man by -vigilance restored the State.’” Once more: “Whenever anything -occurs that calls for more than usually earnest thought -or that stirs my spleen, what I miss most, by heaven, is my -dear Tiberius, and that passage of Homer always occurs to -me—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">“‘If he but follow, e’en from burning fire</div> - <div class="verse indent0">We both shall back return, so wise is he!’”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">And in the midst of his laborious campaign the Emperor -writes to him anxiously: “When I hear or read that you -are worn out by the protracted nature of your labours, heaven -confound me if I do not shudder in every limb; and I beseech -you to spare yourself, lest if we hear of your being ill your -mother and I should expire and the Roman people run the -risk of losing their empire. It doesn’t matter a bit whether I -am well or not as long as you are not well. I pray the gods<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255"></a>[255]</span> -to preserve you to us and to suffer you to be well now and -always, unless they abhor the Roman people.”</p> - -<p>These letters seem sufficiently to refute the idle stories of -the <i>gêne</i> that his presence was to Augustus, of his being a wet -blanket to cheerful conversation, and a makeshift with which -the Emperor was forced to put up in default of better heirs. -Nor did Tiberius fall short in respect and loyal service. After -his adoption in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 4, he immediately accepted the position of -a son under the <i>patria potestas</i>, abstained from manumissions -and other acts of a man who was <i>sui iuris</i>, and apparently transferred -his residence to the palace, and seems really to have taken -the burden from shoulders no longer strong enough to bear it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Death of Augustus at Nola, August 19, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 14.</div> - -<p>For now the end was near, portended as the pious or -credulous believed by many omens. There was an eclipse of -the sun,<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> and various fiery meteors in the sky. -On one of his statues the letter C of Cæsar was -melted by lightning, and the augurs prophesied, -or afterwards invented the prediction, that he -would die within a hundred days and join the gods—<i>æsar</i> -being good Etruscan for “divinities.” He himself seems to -have been made somewhat nervous by certain accidents that -might be twisted into omens. The early part of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 14 was -taken up with the usual legal business, but also with the -Census, which he held this year in virtue of his consular power -and with Tiberius as his colleague. The organisation of the -city into <i>vici</i> probably made the actual clerical work easy and -rapid, but when that was over came the ceremony of “closing -the lustrum” (<i>condere lustrum</i>), and the offering of solemn -sacrifice and prayer. This took place in the Campus Martius, -and large crowds assembled to witness it. But the Emperor, -uneasy at something which he thought ominous, or perhaps -really feeling unwell, would not read the solemn vows, which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256"></a>[256]</span> -according to custom had been written out and were now put -into his hands. He said that he should not live to fulfil them -and handed them over to Tiberius to read. After this ceremony -was over, Augustus was anxious to get away from Rome -and take his usual yachting tour along the Latin and Campanian -coast. On this occasion he had the farther object of -accompanying Tiberius as far as Beneventum on the Appian -road, on his way to Brundisium and Illyricum, where some -difficulties resulting from the recent war required his presence -and authority. But various legal causes awaiting decision -detained the Emperor in the city. He was restive and -impatient at the delay, and petulantly exclaimed that “if they -let everything stop them he should never be at Rome again.” -At length, however, he set out, accompanied by Livia and -Tiberius and a numerous court. They reached the coast at -Astura, in the delta of a river of the same name, which falls -into the sea at the southern point of the bay of Antium. It -was a quiet place though there were seaside villas near, and -there Cicero had spent the months of his mourning for Tullia, -finding consolation in the solitude of the woods which skirt -the side of the stream. At Astura the party embarked, but -owing to the state of the wind they did so by night. A chill -then caught brought on diarrhœa, and laid the foundation of -his fatal illness. Nevertheless the voyage along the Campanian -coast and the adjacent islands was continued till they -reached Capreæ. It was on this voyage that, happening to -touch at Puteoli, he was so much delighted and cheered by the -thanks offered him by the crew of an Alexandrian corn-ship -for his safeguarding of the seas. At Capreæ he seems to have -stayed some time, amusing himself by watching the young -athletes training for the Greek games at Naples—the only -town in Italy except Rhegium which at this time retained any -traces of Hellenic customs and life. He gave parties, also, at -which he asked his Roman guests to dress in Greek fashion -and speak Greek, and the Greeks to use Roman dress and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257"></a>[257]</span> -speak Latin. There was the usual distribution of presents, -and on one occasion he gave a banquet to the athletes in training, -and watched them after dinner pelting each other with -apples and other parts of the dessert. It was a custom, more -honoured in the breach than in the observance, with which he -was familiar. He once entertained a certain Curtius, who -prided himself on his taste in cookery, and who thought a fat -thrush that had been put before him was ill-done. “May I -despatch it?” he said to the Emperor. “Of course,” was the -reply; upon which he threw it out of the window. On this -occasion the aged Emperor, feeling, we may suppose, somewhat -better and glad to be away from the cares of State, enjoyed -this curious horse-play. He was also particularly cheerful -during these days at Capreæ, pleasing himself with inventing -Greek verses and then defying one of Tiberius’ favourite -astrologers to name the play from which they came.</p> - -<p>Before long, however, he crossed to Naples, with his illness -still upon him, but with alternate rallies and relapses. At -Naples he had to sit through some long gymnastic contests -that were held every fifth year in his honour. Such a -function in an August day at Naples would have been -trying to the most vigorous and healthy, but for a man in his -seventy-sixth year, and suffering from such a complaint, it -must have been deadly. He preferred, however, not to disappoint -people eager to shew him honour. He then fulfilled his -purpose of accompanying Tiberius to Beneventum, and having -taken leave of him there turned back towards Naples. But he -was never to reach it. At Nola, about eighteen English miles -short of that town, his illness became so acute that he was -obliged to stop at the villa there in which his father had died -seventy-two years before. Messengers were hastily sent to -recall Tiberius. With him the dying man had a long private -conversation, in which he seems to have imparted to him -his wishes and counsels as to the government; and perhaps it -was now that he pointed out the three nobles who were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258"></a>[258]</span> -possible candidates for the succession—“Marcus Lepidus, who -was fit for it, but would not care to take it; Asinius Gallus, -who would desire it, but was unfit; and L. Arruntius, who -was not unfit for it and would have the courage to seize it if -opportunity offered.” But this conference over he busied -himself with no other affairs of State. He seemed to acquiesce -in the fact that he had done with the world, its vexations -and problems. On the last day of his life, the 19th of August -(his lucky month!) the only question which he continually -repeated was whether his situation was causing any commotion -out of doors. Then he asked for a mirror and directed his -attendants to arrange his hair and close his already relaxing -jaws, that he might not shock beholders by the ghastliness of -his appearance. Then his friends were admitted to say goodbye. -With a pathetic mixture of playfulness and sadness he -asked them whether “they thought that he had played life’s -farce fairly well?” quoting a common tag at the end of -plays:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">“If aught of good our sport had, clap your hands,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And send us, gentles all, with joy away.”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">These being dismissed, he turned to Livia and asked for news -of one of her granddaughters who was ill; but even as he -spoke he felt the end was come—“Livia, don’t forget our -wedded life, goodbye!” And as he tried to kiss her lips he -fell back dead.</p> - -<p>It was a rapid and painless end, for which he had so often -hoped, an <i>euthanasia</i> that he used to pray for, for himself and -his friends. Up to the last his mind had been clear, with only -the slightest occasional wandering. And so after long years of -work and struggle, of mixed evil and good, of stern cruelties -and beneficent exertion, of desperate dangers and well-earned -honours, the great Emperor as he lay dying looked into the -eyes which he had loved best in the world.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259"></a>[259]</span></p> - -<p>The body was borne to Rome by the municipal magistrates -of the several towns along the road, the <i>cortège</i> always moving -by night because of the heat, and the bier being deposited in -the court-house of each town till it reached Bovillæ, twelve -miles from Rome. There a procession of Roman knights took -it in charge, having obtained that honour from the consuls, -conducted it to Rome, and deposited it in the vestibule of his -own house on the Palatine.</p> - -<p>With not unnatural or unpardonable emotion some extravagant -proposals were made in the Senate as to funeral honours -and general mourning. But Tiberius disliked such excesses, -and the funeral though stately was simple. The bier was -carried on the shoulders of Senators to the Campus. Twice -the <i>cortège</i> stopped, first at the Rostra, where Drusus, the son -of Tiberius, delivered a funeral oration (<i>laudatio</i>), and again at -the front of the temple of Iulius, where Tiberius himself read -a panegyric. Drusus had dwelt chiefly on his private virtues, -Tiberius confined himself to his public work. He began with -a reference to his youthful services to the state immediately -after the death of Cæsar; his success in putting an end to the -civil wars, and his clemency after them. He spoke of the skill -with which, while splendidly rewarding his ministers, he yet -prevented them from gaining a power detrimental to the -state; of his disinterested and constitutional conduct when, -having everything in his hands, he yet shared the power with -the people and Senate; of his unselfishness in the division of -the provinces in taking the difficult ones upon himself; of his -equity in leaving Senate and constitution independent; of his -economy and liberality; of the good order which he kept and -the wholesome laws which he carried; of his sympathy with -the tastes and enjoyments of the people; of his hatred of -flattery and tolerance of free speech. The address was read -and had been carefully composed. There is not much fervour -or eloquence in it, but it skilfully put the points which -Augustus would himself have put, and indeed had put in that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260"></a>[260]</span> -<i>apologia pro vita sua</i> which we know from the inscription at -Ancyra.</p> - -<p>The speeches over, the <i>cortège</i> moved on to the Campus -Martius, where the body was burnt on the pyre prepared for it, -and the ashes ceremoniously collected by eminent equites, who -according to custom wore only their tunics, without the toga, -ungirdled, and with bare feet. The urn was then deposited -in the Mausoleum which Augustus had himself erected in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28 on the Campus close to the curving river-bank, which -had already received the ashes of his nephew Marcellus, of his -sister Octavia, of his two grandsons, and of his great friend and -minister Agrippa, but was sternly closed by his will to his erring -daughter and granddaughter.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">His will, and other documents left by him.</div> - -<p>Always careful and businesslike, he left his testamentary -dispositions and the accounts of his administration in perfect -order. His will, which had been deposited with -the Vestal Virgins and was now read aloud by -Drusus in the Senate, made Tiberius heir to two-thirds, -Livia to one-third of his private property. In case of -their predeceasing him it was to be divided between Drusus -(son of Tiberius), Germanicus, and his three sons, as “second -heirs.” There were liberal legacies to citizens and soldiers -and to various friends. The property thus disposed of was -the <i>res familiaris</i>: the <i>Patrimonium Cæsarum</i>—Egypt, the -Thracian Chersonese, and other estates—went to his successor -in the principate. The will contained an apology for the -smallness of the amount thus coming to his heirs (150,000,000 -sesterces or about £1,200,000) on the plea that he had devoted -to the public service nearly all the vast legacies which had -fallen to him. By the will Livia was also adopted into the -Iulian <i>gens</i> and was to take his name. She was thenceforth -therefore known as Iulia Augusta, and seems to have assumed -that thereby she obtained a certain share in the imperial prerogatives, -a claim which led to much friction between herself -and her son.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261"></a>[261]</span></p> - -<p>Besides the will, and a roll containing directions as to his -funeral, there were two other documents drawn up by -Augustus with great care. One was a <i>breviarium totius -imperii</i>, an exact account of the state of the Empire, the -number of soldiers under colours, the amount of money in the -treasury or the <i>fiscus</i>, the arrears due, and the names of those -freedmen who were to be held responsible. As a kind of -appendix to this were some maxims of state which he wished -to impress upon his successor: such as, not to extend the -citizenship too widely, but to maintain the distinction between -Roman and subject; to select able men for administrative -duties, but not to allow them to become too powerful or think -themselves indispensable; and not to extend the frontiers of -the Empire.</p> - -<p>A third roll contained a statement of his own services and -achievements (<i>index rerum a se gestarum</i>). Meant to be preserved -as an inscription, it is in what we might call the -telegraphic style, a series of brief statements of facts without -note or comment beyond the suggestiveness of a word here -and there designedly used. Yet it is essentially a defence of -his life and policy—the oldest extant autobiography. He -directed it to be engraved on bronze columns and set up outside -the Mausoleum. This was no doubt done, but the bronze -columns have long ago disappeared.<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> Fortunately, however, -copies of the inscription were engraved elsewhere (with a -Greek translation) in temples of “Rome and Augustus,” as at -Apollonia in Pisidia and Ancyra in Galatia. That at Ancyra -(<i>Angora</i>) exists nearly complete to this day, and some portions -at Apollonia. No life of Augustus could be complete without<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262"></a>[262]</span> -this document, which is therefore given in an English dress at -the end of this book.</p> - -<p>The Senate at once proceeded to decree divine honours to -him. A temple was to be built at Rome, which was afterwards -consecrated by Livia and Tiberius. Others were -erected elsewhere, and the house at Nola in which he died was -consecrated. His image on a gilded couch was placed in the -temple of Mars, and festivals (<i>Augustalia</i>) were established -with a college of Augustales to maintain them in all parts of -the Empire, as well as an annual festival on the Palatine which -continued to be held by succeeding Emperors.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rumours as to the death of Augustus.</div> - -<p>The usual foolish rumours followed his death. Some said -that Tiberius did not reach Nola in time to see him alive; -that he had died some time before, but that Livia -closed the doors and concealed the truth. Others -even said that his death had been hastened by -Livia by means of a poisoned fig; and professed to explain it -by a piece of secret court history. Shortly before his death, -they said, Augustus had gone attended only by Fabius Maximus -on a secret visit to Agrippa Postumus in the island of Planasia, -to which he had been confined since the cancelling of his -adoption in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 5; and that Livia fearing that he would relent -towards him and name him as successor, determined that he -should not live to do so, Fabius Maximus having meanwhile -died suddenly and somewhat mysteriously. But the authentic -accounts of his last illness and death give the lie to such an -unnecessary crime. Unhappily the jealousy of the unfortunate -Agrippa Postumus was a fact which helped to spread such -stories, but it was a jealousy roused by the knowledge of some -secret plots to carry him off and set him up as a rival, and “the -first crime of the new reign”—his assassination by his guards—must, -we fear, lie at the door of either Tiberius or Livia. -Another report was that the soul of Augustus flew up to heaven -in the shape of an eagle that rose from his pyre. Nor must -the ingenious Senator—Numerius Atticus—be omitted, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263"></a>[263]</span> -declared on oath that he had seen the soul of the Emperor -ascending, and was said to have received a present of 25,000 -denarii (about £1,000) from Livia in acknowledgment of this -loyal clearness of vision.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The continuous government.</div> - -<p>The prudent forethought of Augustus in regard to the -succession answered its purpose. There was practically no -break in the government. Tiberius was possessed -of <i>tribunicia potestas</i>, which enabled him to -summon and consult the Senate. He also, in -virtue of his proconsular imperium, gave the watchword to the -prætorian guard, and despatched orders to the legions in service -in the provinces. There was, indeed, some question as to -whether this imperium legally terminated with the death of -the <i>princeps</i>, but the matter was settled by all classes taking -the oath (<i>sacramentum</i>) to him, and all the powers and honours -(except the title of <i>pater patriæ</i>, which he would not accept) -were shortly afterwards voted to him in the Senate and confirmed -by a <i>lex</i>. His professed reluctance to accept the whole -burden only brought out more clearly how the work of -Augustus had made the rule of a single man inevitable: “I -ask you, sir, which part of the government you wish to have -committed to you?” said Asinius Gallus. No answer was -possible. A man could not control the provinces without -command of the army. But he could not control the army if -another man controlled the exchequer. He could not keep -order in Rome and Italy, if another had command of all the -legions and fleets abroad, and could at any moment invade the -country or starve it out by stopping the corn-ships. And if a -man had the full control of the purse and the sword, the rest -followed. It was well enough for the officials to have the old -titles and perform some of the old work, but if the central -authority were once removed there would be chaos. The -Senate had attempted to exercise that central authority and -failed. It could not secure the loyalty of men who, exercising -undisturbed power in distant lands, soon grew impatient of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264"></a>[264]</span> -the control of a body of mixed elements and divergent views, -which they often conceived to be under the influence of -cliques inimical to themselves. The provinces too as they -became more Romanised were certain to claim to be put on a -more equal status with Italy: they could only be held together -by a man who had equal authority everywhere, never by a -local town council. Augustus, indeed, did not realise this -development, or rather he feared its advent. In his eyes Rome -ought still to rule, but could only do so by all its powers being -centred in one man, who could consult the interest and attract -the reverence of all parts of the Empire alike. The success -of this plan depended, of course, on the character of the man, -and perhaps, above all, on his abilities as a financier; but, at any -rate, it was impossible to return to a system of divided functions, -and constitutional checks, which were shewn to be inoperative -the moment a magistrate drew the sword and defied them. So -far the work of Augustus stood, and admitted of no reaction. -Republican ideals could only be entertained as pious opinions, -not more practical than some of the republican virtues, on the -belief in which they were founded.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265"></a>[265]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE EMPEROR AUGUSTUS, HIS CHARACTER AND AIMS, HIS -WORK AND FRIENDS</span></h2> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Hic vir hic est, tibi quem</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>promitti sæpius audis.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The early career and change of character.</div> - -<p>When a great piece of work has been done in the world it is -not difficult to find fault with it. A man seldom if ever sees -the bearing and ultimate results of his own actions, -or carries out all that he intended to do. Even -when he seems to have done so, time reveals -faults, miscalculations, failures. At an age when -among us a boy is just leaving school, Augustus found himself -the heir of a great policy and a great name amidst the ruins of -a constitution and the <i>disjecta membra</i> of a great Empire. -A comparatively small city state had conquered the greater -part of the known world, and proposed to govern it by the -machinery which had sufficed when its territory was insignificant, -not extending at any rate beyond the shores of Italy. -A close corporation, greedy and licentious, had divided -amongst its members the vast profits from the gradually extending -dominions. The central authority which should have -restrained the rulers of distant provinces and the collection of -their revenues was composed to a great extent of those most -deeply interested in the corruptions which it was their duty to -judge and condemn. Loyalty to this central authority grew<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266"></a>[266]</span> -weaker and weaker, party spirit grew stronger and less -scrupulous. In the desperate struggle for wealth and luxury -men stuck at nothing. Bloodshed bred bloodshed, violence -provoked violence, till good citizens and honourable men (and -there were always such) found themselves helpless; and the -constitution which had rested on the loyalty of magistrates and -citizens was ready to fall at the first touch of resolute disobedience. -Then a great man appeared. Iulius Cæsar had -not been free from the vices or corruption of his contemporaries; -but party connections at home led him to sympathise -with the people, and the ten years of war and government in -Gaul, during which his enemies at home were constantly -threatening and thwarting him, had convinced him that the -existing constitution was doomed. He was resolved to attempt -its reconstruction, even at the risk of civil war. But civil war -is a sea of unknown extent. Conqueror though he was in all -its battles, it left him only a few months to elaborate reforms. -In those he did some great things; but his revival of the -Sullan Dictatorship was too crude a return to monarchy, while -the exigencies of civil war forced him to employ inferior agents. -The aristocratic clique saw themselves about to lose their -cherished privilege of tyranny and extortion, and they killed -him.</p> - -<p>When Octavian came home to take up his inheritance, he -would naturally have joined Antony, and taken immediate -vengeance on the guilty clique. But he found him intent -upon the consolidation of his own position, and not inclined to -admit his claim to the inheritance or to any share of power. -He therefore outwardly joined the leaders of the party which -he detested in order to get rid of Antony and forestall his bid -for autocracy. The vicissitudes of the struggle which followed, -ending in the triumvirate and the division of the Roman -world, infected him with the poison of civil strife—the cruelty -which treats honourable enemies as outlaws, and regards -personal triumph as the only end of political exertion. This<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267"></a>[267]</span> -period in his career and in the development of his character -ends with the victory over Sextus Pompeius, in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36, and -the additional security gained by the successes of Agrippa in -Gaul during the two preceding years. From that time he -began to regard himself as the champion of law and order, as -the defender of Italy, and the guarantee of peace in the -Western Provinces.</p> - -<p>Then came a great danger—the danger of a separation of -East and West. Under the influence of his passion for -Cleopatra, Antony was building up a new empire of subordinate -kings, it is true, but subordinate to Alexandria not -Rome: and Alexandria was being adorned with the spoils of -Asiatic temples to make it a worthy capital of the Eastern -world. How far this was really to involve a diminution of the -Roman Empire was probably not clear to Antony himself. -The old provinces were not formally separated, but they were -pared and diminished to round off the new kingdoms for his -and Cleopatra’s children. At Rome the danger was looked -upon as a real one; and once more Augustus felt that if he -was to have a free hand in the renovation of the Empire which -he contemplated, Antony must disappear. No doubt every -artifice was employed to discredit his opponent, and to convince -the Roman people that their dominion in the East was -slipping from them. But, however Machiavellian his tactics, -there was a solid basis of fact beneath them; a real danger of -separation had existed. The victory of Actium settled that -question; and when the few severities which followed it were -over, we are happily called thenceforth to contemplate the -legislator and reformer, the administrator of, on the whole, a -peaceful Empire. There were no more civil wars, and no -serious conspiracies. With rare exceptions—perhaps only the -Arabian expedition—the wars in which Augustus was henceforth -engaged were the necessary consequences of a long -frontier. War was often prevented by diplomacy, and such -wars as were undertaken were always successful, with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268"></a>[268]</span> -exception of those with the Germans, and even in their case -immediate danger was averted.</p> - -<p>The moral problem presented by the change from ruthless -cruelty to wise and persistent clemency has exercised the -minds of philosophers and historians ever since. “It was not -clemency,” says Seneca, “but a surfeit of cruelty.” But this -explains nothing. If Augustus had ever been cruel for -cruelty’s sake, the increased opportunities of exercising it -would have whetted his appetite for blood as it did in some of -his successors. It was circumstances that had changed, not -altogether the man. Still, no doubt, success softened (it does -not always) Augustus’s character. His ministers were humane -men and in favour of milder methods; his wife was a high-minded -woman, and always ready to succour distress, as she -shewed during the proscriptions, and afterwards in her son’s -reign. He had among his immediate friends philosophers and -men of letters, whose influence, so far as it went, was -humanising. And lastly such opposition as still existed was no -longer of irreconcilables who had known “liberty”; a new -generation had grown up which on the whole acquiesced in -the peace and security of a benevolent despotism. It was a -new era, and Augustus became a new man. Full of honours -and possessed with irresistible powers, feeling the responsibility -heavily, and often in vain desiring rest, he had no farther -personal object to gain beyond the credit of having served his -country and saved the Empire. The apologia of the <i>index -rerum</i>, brief and bald as it is, was intended to shew that he had -done this.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The value of his work.</div> - -<p>In estimating the value of his work we are met with this -difficulty at the very threshold of the inquiry, that his object -was to avoid quick and conspicuous changes. -Instead of discussing some heroic measure we -have to examine a multitude of details. In every -department of political and social life we trace his hand. -Working day and night, he was scheming to alter what he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269"></a>[269]</span> -thought bad, and to introduce what he thought good. The -reconstruction and embellishment of the city, the restoration -of religion, the rehabilitation of marriage, measures necessary -for the security of Rome and Italy, for the better government -and material prosperity of the provinces, for the solvency of -the exchequer, and for the protection of commerce—all these -continually occupied his time and his thoughts. Of this -steady industry this or that result may be open to criticism, -but, on the whole, it seems certain that it increased the good -order and prosperity of the Empire, and therefore added to the -comfort and happiness of innumerable lives.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Advantages and disadvantages of the autocracy.</div> - -<p>But of course the upshot of it all was the establishment of -a monarchy; and it still remains to be considered how far its -benefits were counterbalanced by evils arising -from the loss of freedom. It might be argued -that tyrants always appeal to their right use of -power however irregularly obtained, but that the plea is beside -the question. Freedom is the only guarantee of the <i>continuance</i> -of good government. The beneficent tyrant may any day be -succeeded by a bad one. The policy of Augustus had led the -people on step by step to forfeit this freedom, and lose even the -taste for it, lulled to sleep by the charms of safety and luxury. -When the glamour had faded from some eyes, it was too late. -The generation which had known freedom had disappeared; -the experience necessary for working the old machinery no -longer existed. The few who still remembered with regret -the old constitution, under which they had hoped to take an -independent share of political activity, had nothing left to them -but sullen submission.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">In the provinces.</div> - -<p>In the provinces, indeed, this consideration did not apply. The -despotism there added to the sum of happiness and took nothing -away. They had lost their independence long -ago. They were already under a master, a master -who was changed at short intervals, whom it was very difficult -to bring to an account if he were oppressive, in whose selection<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270"></a>[270]</span> -they had had absolutely no share, and whose character -they had no means of calculating beforehand. They might -one year be enjoying all the benefits of an able and disinterested -ruler, the next they might find themselves in the -power of a tyrannical extortioner, selfish, cynical, cruel. The -old republican names and ideals were nothing to them; or -rather they suggested organised oppression and a conspiracy to -refuse redress. The change to one master, who had everything -to gain by their prosperity, and was at the same time -master of their old oppressors, must have seemed in every -respect a blessing. If there was any drawback it was that -nationality and the desire for self-government were killed by -kindness. In all difficulties and disasters they looked to the -Emperor for aid and seldom looked in vain. In the East -especially this was probably not wholesome; yet the immediate -effects in producing prosperity and comfort were marked -enough to put aside for the present all such scruples.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">In Italy.</div> - -<p>But for the governing nation itself, while some of the -benefits were no less manifest, the mischievous results were -more easy to point out. Material prosperity was -much increased. The city was made a pleasant -and attractive place of residence. Italy was partially repeopled -with an industrious class. Commerce was encouraged -and protected, literature and the fine arts were fostered, and -the Palace on the whole set a good example of simplicity of -living. But, on the other hand, the rule of a single person -stifled political life. By the system of <i>curæ</i> or special commissions -all administrative work was transferred to nominees of -the Emperor, who were often his intimate friends, or even his -freedmen, bound to him by the closest ties of subordination. -The old magistracies became unattractive, not only because -they no longer led as a matter of course to profitable employment -abroad, but because their holders had little of interest to -do. The Senate, though treated with respect and retaining -some importance as a high court of justice, was practically no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271"></a>[271]</span> -longer a governing body. It was wholly at the beck of the -Emperor, and such work of consequence as it still performed -was often transacted by small committees, the main body -merely assenting. In spite, therefore, of the dignity of the -Senator’s position, it ceased to attract the best men. The -higher classes turned away from a political career, and gave -themselves up more and more to luxurious idleness. The rise -of the freedman—practically the rule of favourites—was clearly -foreshadowed, though owing to the industry of Augustus, and -his genius for detail, it did not become prominent in his time. -As the upper classes were thus to a certain extent demoralised -by the Principate, so the city proletariat was pampered and -made still more effete. The city was made only too attractive -to them, and they were to be kept in good humour by an -endless series of games and shows. There was a good deal of -truth in the retort of the player Pylades, when reproved by -Augustus for his feud with Bathyllus, that it was for the -Emperor’s advantage that the people should have their attention -fixed on the playhouse rather than on politics. But they soon -began not only to regard these amusements as their right: they -expected also to be fed at the cost of the government, whether -by direct gifts of money, or by the distribution of cheap or -even gratuitous corn. Nor can it be said that the amusements -provided for them were of an elevating nature. Augustus -boasts in the <i>Index</i> (c. 20), that he gave seven shows of -gladiators in his own name or that of his sons, in which about -10,000 men in all had fought;<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> and besides other games -twenty-six <i>venationes</i> of “African beasts,” <i>i.e.</i>, mostly elephants, -in which about 3,500 were killed. The mob of Rome -needed little brutalising, but they got it in abundance.</p> - -<p>With such drawbacks, however, it still must be owned that -the administration of Augustus largely increased the sum of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a>[272]</span> -human happiness by the mitigation of oppression in the provinces, -and by the suppression of disorder in Rome and Italy. -The finances were placed on a sound footing, property was -rendered secure, and men felt everywhere that they might -pursue their business with every chance of enjoying the fruits -of their labours. This was something after a century of -revolution more or less acute, and twenty years of downright -civil war. It is worth while to attempt to picture to ourselves -the man who was the author of these good and bad results.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The personal appearance and character of Augustus.</div> - -<p>Augustus was a short man (just under five feet seven -inches), but so well proportioned that the defect in height -was not noticed unless he was standing by much -taller men. He was remarkably handsome at -all periods of his life, with an expression of -calm dignity, whether silent or speaking, which involuntarily -inspired respect. His eyes were grey, and so bright and -keen that it was not easy to meet their gaze. If he had -a personal vanity it was in regard to them. He liked to -think that they dazzled those on whom he looked, and he -was pleased at the answer of the Roman eques, who, when -asked why he turned away, replied, “Because I could not bear -the lightning of your eyes.” Vergil gratified this vanity of -his patron when in the description of the battle of Actium -(<i>Æn.</i>, viii. 650) he pictures him,</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Stans celsa in puppi; geminas cui tempora flammas</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Læta vomunt.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">And the Emperor Iulian, in “The Banquet of the Emperors,” -laughs not unkindly at the same weakness when he introduces -him, “changing colour like a chameleon, and wishing that -the beams darting from his eyes should be like those of the -mighty sun.” The busts, statues, and coins of Augustus fully -confirm this statement as to his beauty; and in the triumphal -statue found in Livia’s villa at Prima Porta, the artist has -succeeded in suggesting the brightness and keenness of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273"></a>[273]</span> -eyes. He was usually clean shaven, but from his uncle’s death -to <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38, according to Dio (48, 34), he grew his beard as a -sign of mourning; though coins showed him with a slight -whisker till about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 36. These portraits are full of life and -character. The clear-cut features, the firm mouth and chin, -the steady eyes, the carelessly ordered hair, the lines on forehead -and cheeks, suggest a man who had suffered and laboured, -who was yet self-controlled, calm, and clear-headed. It is a -face not without some tenderness, but capable of firing up into -hot indignation and even cruelty. There is an air of suffering -but of determined victory over pain; altogether a face of a -man who had done a great work and risen to a high place in -the world and knew it; who had confidence, lastly, in his star. -On taking leave of Gaius Cæsar, it is said, he wished him “the -integrity of Pompey, the courage of Alexander, and his own -good fortune.” On some of his coins beneath the head -crowned with the crown of twelve rays, is the Iulian star, first -observed at the funeral of Iulius Cæsar, and which he adopted -as the sign of his own high fortunes: on others the Sphinx, -which he at first adopted as his signet—emblem perhaps of -a purpose unbetrayed. Augustus was accomplished in the -subjects recognised in the education of his time, though he -neither wrote nor spoke Greek with ease. He had studied -and practised rhetoric, and had a good and correct taste in -style, avoiding the use of far-fetched or obsolete words and -expressions, or affected conceits. He ridiculed Antony for his -“Asiatic” style of oratory, full of flowers of speech and flamboyant -sentences; and writing to his granddaughter, -Agrippina, while praising her abilities he warns her against -pedantic expressions whether in conversation or writing. Without -being an orator, he spoke clearly and to the point, assisted -by a pleasant voice, which he took pains to preserve and improve. -In the Senate, the camp, and private conferences, he preferred -to read his speeches, though he could also speak well on the spur -of the moment. In domestic life, though somewhat strict, he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span> -was generally simple and charming. He lived much with wife -and children, associating himself with their employments, and -even joining in the games of the latter. He personally superintended -the education of his adopted sons, taught them his own -method of shorthand, and interested himself in their reading. -He had old-fashioned ideas about the proper employment of -the women in his family. They were expected to busy themselves -in weaving for the use of the household, to visit and -receive visits only with his approval, and not to converse on -subjects that could not with propriety be entered on the -day’s journal. Though his daughter and granddaughters were -well educated, and had a taste for literature, it may well be -that a home thus conducted was so dull as partly to account -for their aberrations in the fuller liberty of married life.</p> - -<p>His attachments were warm and constant, and he was not -illiberal to his friends or disinclined to give them his full confidence. -But he was always his own master. No friend or -freedman gained control over him or rose to the odious position -of “favourite.” He allowed and even liked freedom of speech, -but it was always without loss of dignity. He was not a man -with whom liberties were taken even by the most intimate. -He was quick tempered, but knew it, and was ready to admit -of caution and advice, as in the well-known story of Mæcenas, -watching him in court about to condemn a number of prisoners -(probably in the civil war times), and throwing across to him a -note with the words, <i>Surge tandem carnifex!</i> “Tis time to -rise, hangman!” Or when he received with complaisance -the advice of Athenodorus (hero of the covered sedan) that -when he was angry he should say over the letters of the -alphabet before coming to a decision.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">His ultra-Roman views.</div> - -<p>In later times he was always looked back upon by his -successors as the true founder of the Empire, and -the best model for their guidance; yet it is -doubtful how far he had wide and far-reaching -views. He was a statesman who dealt with facts as he found<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275"></a>[275]</span> -them and did the best he could. He was deeply impressed -with the difficulty of his task. Commenting on the fact of -Alexander the Great having accomplished his conquests by -the age of 32, and then feeling at a loss what to do for the -rest of his life, he remarked that he “was surprised that -Alexander did not regard the right ordering of the empire -he possessed a heavier task than winning it.” But in one -important respect at least he was wrong in his idea of what he -had done. He never conceived of an empire filled with citizens -enjoying equal rights, or in which Rome could possibly occupy -a secondary place. He was ultra-Roman in his views; and -worked and schemed to maintain the supremacy of the -Eternal City. That supremacy may indeed be said to have -remained to this day in the region of spiritual affairs. But it -was destined to disappear politically, except in name, before -many generations had passed away, and as a logical consequence -of much that he had himself done. A new Rome and a new -Empire—though always resting on the old title and theory—were -to arise, in which Italy would be a province like the rest, -and old Rome but the shadow of a mighty name.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The court circle.</div> - -<p>Among those who exercised a permanent influence on -Augustus, the first place must be given to <span class="smcap">Livia</span> (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 54-<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 29). -The writers on Augustus comment -on the romantic revolution of her fortunes. After -the affair of Perusia she fled with her husband, Nero, and her -little son, Tiberius, from Augustus, who was to be her -husband, and was to be succeeded by her son. Her divorce -and prompt marriage to Augustus, while within a few months -of being again a mother, is not only a thing revolting to our -ideas, it was strictly against Roman principles and habits, and -required all her new husband’s commanding influence to be -admitted as legal. Yet Suetonius says, and says truly, that he -continued “to love and honour her exclusively to the end” -(<i>dilexit et probavit unice et perseveranter</i>). The same writer -gives an account of the Emperor’s intrigues with other<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276"></a>[276]</span> -women. To our ideas the two statements are contradictory, -but Suetonius would not have thought so. Conjugal love was -not <i>amor</i>; the latter was thought even inconsistent with, or -at least undesirable in, conjugal affection. He means that -throughout his life Augustus continued to regard her with -affection, to respect her character, and give weight to her -opinion. For my own part, I believe that something more -might be said, and that much of what has come down to -us as to the conduct of the Emperor may be dismissed as -malignant gossip. But however that may be, the influence -of Livia over him seems never to have failed, and it was -exercised on the side of clemency and generosity. She set an -excellent example of pure and dignified conduct to Roman -society, and, though abstaining from interference generally in -political matters, was ready to give advice when called upon. -She seems usually to have accompanied him, when possible, on -his foreign progresses or residences away from Rome. When -Herod visited Augustus at Aquileia in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 14, she appears to -have shared her husband’s liking for that strange medley of -magnificence and cruelty, and sent him costly gifts for the -festivity which accompanied the completion of the new city -of Cæsarea Sebaste in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13. The usual allegation against -her is that she worked for the succession of her sons, Tiberius -and Drusus, as against the Iulian family, represented by the -son of Octavia and the children of Iulia. To secure this -object she was accused in popular rumour of compassing the -deaths successively of Marcellus, of Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, -of Agrippa Postumus, and, finally, of having even hastened the -end of Augustus himself. This last is not mentioned by -Suetonius, and is only related by Dio as a report, for which he -gives no evidence, and which he does not appear to have -believed. Tacitus records the criticism of her as a <i>gravis -noverca</i> to the family of the Cæsars, and seems to accept her -guilt in regard to Gaius and Iulius (<i>Ann.</i> 4, 71). But he is -also constrained to admit that she exercised a humanising<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277"></a>[277]</span> -influence over Tiberius, that his victims constantly found -refuge and protection in her palace, and that she was benevolent -and charitable to the poor—maintaining a large number of -orphan boys and girls by her bounty. The most suspicious -case against her is the execution of Agrippa Postumus -immediately after the death of Augustus—“the first crime -of the new reign.” It will never be known whether the -order for that cruel deed issued from her or her crafty son. -The death of Marcellus was in no way suspicious, as it -occurred in a season of exceptional unhealthiness, when large -numbers were dying at Rome of malarial fever. As to the -deaths of Gaius and Lucius, no suspicion seems to have -occurred to Augustus, and he was keenly anxious for their -survival. The poisoned fig supposed to have been given to -himself is a familiar feature in the stories of great men’s death -of every age in Italy. Tacitus in the famous summing up of -her character, while acknowledging the purity of her domestic -conduct, yet declares that her social manners were more free -than was considered becoming among women of an earlier -time; that as a mother she was extravagantly fond, as a wife -too complaisant; and that her character was a combination -of her husband’s adroitness and her son’s insincerity. He by -no means intends to draw a pleasing portrait. He seldom does. -But what we may take for true is that she was beautiful, loyal -to her husband, open-handed and generous to the distressed, -merciful and kind to the unfortunate. To those who think -such qualities likely to belong to a poisoner and murderess, her -condemnation must be left. It is curious that neither Vergil, -Horace, nor Propertius mention or allude to Livia; nor does -Ovid do so until after the death of Augustus—for the <i>consolatio -ad Liviam</i> on the death of Drusus is not his. On some of the -inscriptions of a later period in the reign her name appears -among the imperial family as wife of the Princeps. That was -itself an innovation, and it seems as if the poets abstained from -mentioning her under orders. It was improper for a matron<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278"></a>[278]</span> -of high rank to be made public property in this way. Horace, -for instance, only once alludes to the wife of Mæcenas, and -then under a feigned name.</p> - -<p>Of those who influenced the earlier policy of Augustus, and -supported him in the first twenty years of the Principate, the -first place must be given to Agrippa and Mæcenas.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">M. Vipsanius Agrippa</span> (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 63-13), differed widely from -Mæcenas, but was like him in constant attachment and fidelity -to Augustus. He was with him in Apollonia, and on the -news of the murder of Iulius advised an appeal to the army. -Even before this he had accompanied him to Spain when he -went to join his uncle in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45, and ever afterwards served -him with unswerving fidelity and conspicuous success. In the -war with Sextus Pompeius, at Perusia, in Gaul, Spain and -Illyria, in the organisation of the East, and on the Bosporus, -it was his energy and ability that decided the contest in favour -of his master, or secured the settlement that he desired. He -was the organiser of the Roman navy, and though his great -work at the Lucrine lake proved to be only temporary, the -squadrons that guarded the seas at Misenum, Ravenna and -Forum Iulii were the result of his activity and foresight. His -acts of splendid liberality in Rome have been already noticed. -He shewed the same magnificence in Gaul and elsewhere, and -seems also to have largely assisted in the great survey of the -empire instituted by Augustus. Not only did he support all -the plans and ideas of his master, he was ready to take any -position and make any personal sacrifice to further his views. -After his first marriage to Pomponia, by whom he was the father -of Vipsania, he was married to Marcella, the Emperor’s niece. -To support his master’s plans for the succession he submitted -to divorce her and marry Iulia, after having previously made -way for the rise of Marcellus by accepting a command in the -East. The Emperor shewed his confidence in him on every -occasion. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23 when he thought himself dying he -placed his seal in his hands, in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 18 he caused him to be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279"></a>[279]</span> -admitted to share his tribunician power for five years, which -was renewed again in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13; so that though his two sons were -adopted by Augustus, the succession would almost certainly -have fallen to him had the Emperor died in their minority. -This elevation however did not give him rest: the last years -of his life were spent in the East, on the Bosporus and in -Pannonia, from which last he only returned to die. This -faithful service had been rendered in spite of the fact that -he had advised against the acceptance of the principate. He -had urged the financial difficulties, the irreconcilable nature -of the opposition, the impossibility of drawing back, and -Octavian’s own weak health. But when his master preferred -the advice of Mæcenas, he took his part in the undertaking -without faltering and with splendid loyalty. Though -Augustus owed much of his success to his own cautious statesmanship, -he owed even more to the man who failed in nothing -that he undertook, and would claim no honour for himself in -return. The Emperor delivered the funeral oration over this -loyal servant, and, deposited his ashes in the Mausoleum which -he had built for his own family.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 700px;" id="illus9"> - -<img src="images/illus9.jpg" width="700" height="425" alt="" /> - -<div class="split-caption-l"> - -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Mæcenas.</span></p> - -<p class="caption-r"><i>Photographed from the Head in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, -Rome, by Edne. Alinari.</i></p> - -<p class="caption-l"><i>To face page 279.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="split-caption-r"> - -<p class="caption"><span class="smcap">P. Vergilius Maro.</span></p> - -<p class="caption-r"><i>Photographed from the Bust in the Capitoline Museum, -Rome, by Edne. Alinari.</i></p> - -<p class="caption-l"><a href="#Page_284"><i>Page 284.</i></a></p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">C. Cilnius Mæcenas</span> (<i>circ.</i> <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 65-<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 8), was probably a -few years older than Augustus, but near enough to his age to -have been one of his companions at Apollonia. His influence -was maintained till about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 16. It is most conspicuous -from the time immediately following the Perusian war. He -negotiated the marriage with Scribonia, the peace of Brundisium -with Antony (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40), and the subsequent reconciliation -of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38. In the war against Sextus Pompeius (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38-36), -he was partly with Augustus, but partly at Rome, with full -powers to act for him and even to alter his despatches and -letters as seemed necessary, having the triumvir’s private seal -entrusted to him for that purpose. This was possible from -the fact of such letters being written by amanuenses and being -therefore only recognisable by the seal. Thus Cicero often -commissions Atticus to write formal letters to his friends for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280"></a>[280]</span> -him. This position—it was no definite office, or perhaps -was more like being <i>legatus</i> to Octavian than anything else—he -seems to have retained till after the battle of Actium, at -which he probably was not present, though that has been disputed. -He detected the conspiracy of the younger Lepidus, -and sent him to Octavian to be judged. In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29, on -Octavian’s return from the East, he recommended the establishment -of a despotism, as a republic was no longer possible. -The speech preserved by Dio (52, 14-40) may very well be -genuine, in view of the habit of the day, and of Augustus -himself, of reading addresses even in comparatively private -conferences on matters of importance.<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> Even if it is not the -genuine speech, it correctly represents many of the principles -on which Augustus did act, and as to which he doubtless consulted -Mæcenas. It counsels him to keep in his hands legislation, -foreign affairs, elections, executive appointments and the -courts of law, and to hear cases of appeal himself: exactly what -Augustus did under various disguises. It argues that it was -necessary both for his own safety and that of the state that he -should remain in power, the glory being well worth the risk. -Other recommendations are a reform of Senate and equites, -the maintenance of the old republican magistrates for home -service, the establishment of a <i>præfectus urbi</i>, the exercise by -himself of censorial functions, the subordination of provincial -governors to the Emperor, and their payment by a fixed salary, -with the appointment of procurators to superintend the finances -of the provinces. A system of education for the equites is also -suggested, which does not seem to have been carried out; but -many of the financial proposals were adopted, as well as the -idea of keeping the people amused by games and shows. The -advice to abolish the <i>comitia</i> Augustus could not follow consistently -with his policy of compromise. They remained and -were the causes of more than one trouble and disturbance, but -their freedom of election was gradually but surely destroyed,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281"></a>[281]</span> -and one of the first measures of Tiberius was to abolish them -as no longer a reality. The reform of the Senate was, as we -have seen, carried out. As for the judicia, the Senate became -a high court for cases of treason (<i>maiestas</i>), before which alone -Senators could be tried; the <i>decuriæ iudicum</i> were reformed, and -Augustus himself performed the functions of a court of appeal -in various ways, sometimes by his tribunician power of “interceding” -against the sentences of magistrates or Senate, and -sometimes by hearing cases from the provinces of citizens who -disputed the competence of provincial courts and claimed to -be heard at Rome. Mæcenas holding no office never became -a Senator; but he represented the Emperor in his absence, -unless Agrippa was appointed to do so instead. In this -capacity he really exercised a greater power than any definite -office would have given him, and the whole business of the -Empire passed through his hands.<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a></p> - -<p>But it was not only as the ostensible representative of -the Emperor that he worked for his support. In the comparative -retirement of his palace on the Esquiline he contributed -to that object by gathering round him the best -intellects and first men of letters of the day, whom he -induced to devote their talents not only to glorify the -Emperor personally, but to popularise his policy and magnify -his service to the state. How far this may have been -effectual by making it the fashion to accept and admire -the principate may perhaps be questioned, but that he should -have secured such writers as Vergil, Horace, and Propertius on -his side says much for his insight and literary taste. One of -the weaknesses of the position of Iulius had been that he had the -literary class mostly against him. The present reputation and -future fame of Augustus were to be better safeguarded. Personally -Mæcenas was luxurious and effeminate, always a valetudinarian, -and in his later years afflicted with almost constant -insomnia. This accounts well enough for the retirement from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282"></a>[282]</span> -public business during the last eight years of his life without -those other causes of the Emperor’s displeasure which have -been already discussed. His wife was a beauty, much younger -than himself, wilful and wayward; and if it is true that she -intrigued with Augustus, it seems also true that her husband -repaid her in kind. There were frequent quarrels and reconciliations, -so that Seneca says that he married her “a thousand -times;” and once at any rate the family trouble found its way -into the law courts, where, however, the <i>bona fides</i> of the -divorce which she was alleged to have made was questioned.<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> -In spite of some coldness between them in later years, and the -physical infirmities which removed him from public business, -Augustus sincerely mourned his loss, as of a counsellor who -never betrayed his confidence or spoke idle words. He had -no real successor. From the time of his death the Emperor -seems more and more to have become his own prime minister, -or to have looked to his own family for assistance as well as -for a successor. Tacitus (<i>Ann.</i> 3, 30) says that his place was -taken by Sallustius Crispus, great-nephew of the historian; but -Augustus does not seem to have thought highly of his ability, -and the part he took in affairs was not prominent enough to have -secured mention by either Suetonius or Dio. Mæcenas wrote -himself both in prose and verse, but in an affected and obscure -style, which Augustus playfully ridiculed. The stoic Seneca is -particularly severe on a poem in which he declares that he clings -to life in spite of all physical sufferings however painful:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">“Though racked with gout in hand and foot,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Though cancer deep should strike its root,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Though palsy shake my feeble thighs,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Though hideous hump on shoulders rise,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">From flaccid gum teeth drop away;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Yet all is well if life but stay.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Give me but life, and e’en the pain</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Of sharpest cross shall count as gain.”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283"></a>[283]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Augustus and the poets.</div> - -<p>The chief writers of the Mæcenas circle, who either became -intimate with Augustus himself, or were induced by Mæcenas -to join in the chorus of praise, were Vergil, Varius, -Horace, Propertius. Of the epics of L. Varius -Rufus (<i>circ.</i> <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 64-14) on Iulius Cæsar and -Augustus, we have only a few fragments. The historian, Livy, -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 59-<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 16) was also on friendly terms with Augustus, -and seems to have had some hand in teaching Claudius, son of -Drusus, the future emperor. But his great work—from the -foundation of Rome to the death of Drusus (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 9) was afterwards -regarded as being too republican, and even Augustus -used laughingly to call him the Pompeian. It was the poets -who made Augustus and his policy the subject of their praises, -and who employed their genius to support his views.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Vergil.</div> - -<p>The first to do this was P. Vergilius Maro (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 70-17). -The earliest of his writings, the <i>Eclogues</i>, composed between -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42-37, do not show any close connection -with Augustus. The first indeed celebrates the -restoration of his farm after a personal interview with Octavian, -on the suggestion of Pollio and Mæcenas, and the poet declares -that never will there fade from his heart the gracious look of -the young prince. But the chief object of praise in the -<i>Eclogues</i>, so far as there is one, is Pollio, who had been left in -charge of the distribution of lands by the Triumvirs in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42. -In the <i>Georgics</i>, however, finished after <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30, we find that -he has fallen in with the new <i>régime</i>. They are dedicated to -the minister Mæcenas, they celebrate Augustus’s triple triumph -of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29, and they were composed partly, at any rate, at the -wish of Mæcenas, who with Augustus was anxious to make -country life and pursuits seem desirable. No doubt the theme -itself was congenial to Vergil, who preferred a country life at -Nola, or near Tarentum, to the bustle of Rome; but it also -happened to chime in with the views of Augustus, who all his -life believed in the influence of literature and wished to have -the poets on his side. Accordingly, soon after his return from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284"></a>[284]</span> -the East in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29 he seems to have suggested to Vergil to -compose a poem that would inspire men with a feeling of -national pride and an enthusiasm for the greatness of Rome’s -mission. The plan and form were no doubt wholly Vergil’s, -but the spirit and purpose, like those of Horace’s more patriotic -odes of about the same time, were those which the Emperor -desired. He was not satisfied with mere suggestion, he was -eager for the appearance of the poem. While in Gaul and -Spain from <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27-24 he frequently wrote to the poet urging -the completion of the work. A part of one of Vergil’s answers -has been preserved:</p> - -<p>“As to my Æneas, upon my honour if I had anything -written worth your listening to, I would gladly send it. But -the subject thus begun is so vast, that I almost think I must -have been beside myself when I undertook a work of this -magnitude; especially considering that—as you are aware—I -am also devoting part of my time to different and much more -important studies.”</p> - -<p>The <i>Æneid</i> was thus undertaken at the solicitation of -Augustus. The legend on which it turns—perhaps a late one—of -the landing of Æneas in Italy and the foundation of -Rome by his descendant, is with great skill interwoven with a -fanciful descent of the <i>gens Iulia</i> from his son Iulus, to magnify -Rome and her divine mission, and at the same time to point to -Augustus as the man of destiny, and as representing in his own -person and career the majesty of the Roman people. In such -a poem detailed allusions cannot be expected as in the occasional -odes of Horace. Yet, besides the fine passage in the eighth -book describing the victory of Actium and the discomfiture of -Cleopatra, and that in the sixth announcing the victorious -career of Augustus, we have, more or less, direct references to -the restoration of religious worship in the <i>vici</i>, to the return of -the standards by the Parthians, and the death of the young -Marcellus. In form, the <i>Æneid</i> follows the model of Homer, -the supreme epic. But in substance it is original, in that it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285"></a>[285]</span> -does not take for its theme one of the old myths—as the -Alexandrine poets always did—but while teeming with all -kinds of mythological allusions it finds its chief inspiration in -the greatness of Rome, measured by the elemental strife -preceding the accomplishment of the divine purpose: <i>tantæ -molis erat Romanam condere gentem</i>—“So vast the task to -found the Roman race,” is the keynote of the whole. It is -original as the epic of Milton was original who, with details -borrowed from every quarter, took for his theme the foundation -of a world and the strife in heaven that preceded it. Vergil’s -epic is Roman history on the highest plane, and has crystallised -for ever a view of that history which has done more than arms -and laws to commend it to the imagination of mankind. -Augustus had a true intuition when he forbade the poet’s -executors to obey his will and burn the rolls containing this -great national epic.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Horace.</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Q. Horatius Flaccus</span> (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 65-<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 8) is not perhaps so great -a poet as Vergil, but he possessed the charm which keeps such -work as his alive. His connection with Augustus -is a remarkable phenomenon in literary history. -Having fought on the side of his enemies at Philippi, and having -shared in the amnesty granted to the bulk of the troops, he -returned home to find his paternal property confiscated. -Poverty drove him to poetry, poetry gained him the friendship -of Varius and Vergil, who introduced him to Mæcenas, who -saw his merit, relieved him from the uncongenial employment -of a clerk, and eventually introduced him to Augustus. The -Emperor, in his turn, was not long in recognising his charm. -He writes to Mæcenas:</p> - -<p>“In old times I was vigorous enough to write my friends’ -letters for them. Nowadays being overwhelmed with business -and weak in health, I am very anxious to entice Horace away -from you. He shall therefore quit your table of parasites and -come to my table of kings and assist me in writing letters.”</p> - -<p>The refusal of Horace—prudent no doubt in view of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286"></a>[286]</span> -tastes and habits—did not lose him the Emperor’s favour. He -twice received substantial marks of it, and some extracts of -letters to him from Augustus have been preserved which -exhibit the latter in his most gracious mood:</p> - -<p>“Consider yourself a privileged person in my house, as though -an habitual guest at my table. You will be quite within your -rights and will always be sure of a welcome; for it is my wish -that our intimacy should be on that footing if your state or -health permits it.”</p> - -<p>And again:</p> - -<p>“What a warm recollection I retain of you, you will be -able to learn from Septimius among others, as I happened to -be talking about you in his presence the other day. For you -need not suppose, because you were so high and mighty as to -reject my friendship, that I am on the high horse too to pay -you back.”</p> - -<p>Augustus, in fact, had a great opinion of Horace, and -predicted his immortality. He selected him to write the -ode for the secular games, pressed him later in life to -immortalise the achievements of Tiberius and Drusus, and -was desirous of his own name appearing as the recipient of -one of his Satires or Epistles.</p> - -<p>“I am quite angry, let me tell you, that you don’t give me -the preference as a person to address in your writings of that -kind. Are you afraid that an appearance of intimacy with me -will damage your reputation with posterity?”</p> - -<p>Horace made the Emperor a return in full for such condescension. -How far the genius of a poet is warmed or -chilled by patronage it is not easy to decide. So far as he is -tempted away from his natural bent, or confined in the free -expression of thought, he suffers: so far as he is saved from -sordid cares, he is a gainer. Horace, in early youth, sympathised -with the republican party in whose ranks he had -served, and probably in later life still felt a theoretical -preference for it, and could speak of the <i>nobile letum</i> and <i>atrox<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287"></a>[287]</span> -animus</i> of Cato with a true note of admiration, But he was -a man of his time. The policy of Octavian had made the -supremacy of Augustus inevitable, and it at least secured peace -and safety. The patronage and liberality of Mæcenas assuredly -helped to turn the scale, but I see no reason to doubt -that the poet was convinced, though, perhaps, without enthusiasm, -that the new <i>régime</i> was one to be supported by -reasonable men. The kindness of the Emperor naturally -enhanced the effect of his commanding personality, but it -would be difficult for a poet so placed to write with greater -dignity and less fulsomeness than Horace does in the first -epistle of the second book, addressed to Augustus at his own -request. But it is in the <i>Odes</i> that we must trace the unbroken -sympathy with the career and policy of Augustus. If they -are closely examined, with an eye to chronological arrangement, -the ingenuity with which these imitations of Greek models are -framed to support and recommend the purposes or celebrate -the successes of the Emperor, will stand revealed in a striking -manner. The <i>Epodes</i> and the first three books of the <i>Odes</i> -were apparently written between <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 35 and <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25. Dropped -in among a number of poems of fancy, or passion, or mere -literary <i>tours de force</i>, are compositions that follow not only the -actual achievements of Augustus, but his ideals, his intentions, -and his aspirations, from the years just before Actium to his -return from Spain in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25. We begin with the Second -Epode, which refers with regret to the abandoned intention -of invading Britain in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 35, and expresses his alarm at the -prospect of a renewed civil war. In the Sixteenth Epode this -terror has become a reality; the civil war has begun, and the -poet, foreseeing the downfall of the state, turns longing eyes -to the peace and calm of the fabled islands of the West. -From Italy and all its horrors they must at any rate depart. -In the Ninth Epode the relief has come; the shameful -servitude of a Roman imperator and Roman soldiers to a -foreign queen is over; Antony and Cleopatra are in full flight<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288"></a>[288]</span> -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31). In another year it is known that Antony has fallen -by his own hand, and that Cleopatra has saved herself the -indignity of the triumphal procession by the adder’s aid -(<i>Od.</i> i. 39). The discharge of the legions follows, and their -settlement in Italian and Sicilian lands (2 <i>Sat.</i>, 6, 54). In -the other odes of the first book the devotion to Augustus -proceeds apace. The Iulian star is in the ascendant (1, 2, 20); -Augustus is <i>pater</i> and <i>princeps</i>, anticipating the future titles -(1, 2, 20); he is again contemplating the invasion of Britain -(1, 35, 29); the Arabian expedition is being planned with all -its futile hopes of wealth (1, 29; 1, 35). In the second book -of the <i>Odes</i>, beginning with reflections on the evils of civil -war (2, 1), the poet notices one after the other the triumphs of -Augustus or his generals in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27-24. The Cantabrian war -(2, 6, 2; 2, 11, 1); the triumphal arch at Susa (2, 9, 19); -the success of his diplomacy in Scythia, Armenia, and Parthia -(<i>ib.</i>) In the third book the embassy of British chiefs is -treated as though the island were annexed (3, 5, 2); the -Cantabrians are regarded as conquered after the expedition of -Augustus (3, 8, 22; 3, 14). Then succeeds a period of -statesmanship and reform. The Emperor’s Roman policy, and -his determination to keep Rome the centre of government, are -warmly supported (3, 3); the moral evils, the extravagance -and debauchery of the age must be cured, and Horace proceeds -to support the abortive legislation of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27, and to foreshadow -the censorial acts, and the legislation of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 18. There is a -protest against the magnificence and extent of country houses -(2, 15); against the effeminacy of youth (iii. 2); against the -immorality of women and the licentiousness that led to civil -strife (3, 24). The <i>Carmen sæculare</i> speaks of the legislation -as effected, and foretells its success (20); while in the fourth -book he asserts that, at any rate while Augustus is with them, -that success has been secured (4, 5), and that he has not only -given them peace, but a great moral reform (4, 15). The -policy of the Emperor in regard to the bugbear of the East,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289"></a>[289]</span> -the Parthian power, is also followed step by step. They are -the dangerous enemy whose subjection will make Augustus -divine (3, 5, 1-4), and whose threatened invasions keep his -ministers in constant anxiety (3, 29, 27). This is before -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 20; but in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19 they have made submission and -restored the standards and prisoners (<i>Epist.</i> i. 18, 56), and -this is one of the triumphs of Augustus that requires a master -hand to record (<i>Epist.</i> ii. 1, 255); it is the glory of the -Augustan age (<i>Od.</i> 4, 15, 6), and as long as Augustus is -safe, no one will fear them more (4, 5, 25). Finally, at the -Emperor’s request, he celebrated the victories of Drusus and -Tiberius over the Vindelici and Rhæti (4, 4 and 14), and -especially the defeat of the Sugambri who had routed Lollius -(4, 2, 34; 4, 14, 51), with a compliment to Augustus himself -for having gone to Gaul to support Tiberius and Drusus with -reinforcements and advice (4, 14, 33), and for having at length -closed the door of Ianus (4, 15, 9). The lyrical career of -Horace, therefore, corresponds remarkably with the activities -of Augustus. His genius presented those activities to his -fellow citizens (and Horace’s verses were soon read in schools) -exactly in the light in which the Emperor wished them to be -viewed. If we lay aside some expressions of overstrained compliment, -which favoured the growing fashion of paying the -Emperor divine honours, it cannot be said that the language -is fulsome or degrading to the poet. The “parasitic table” of -Mæcenas may, as M. Beulé asserts, have been a misfortune -to the poets, and attenuated their vein of inspiration: but a -man must have something in practical life on which to pin his -faith; and Horace might have done worse than devote his -genius to promote loyalty to the great statesman who had -saved Roman society and given peace and prosperity to an -empire. Just as Vergil, if he had followed his own impulse, -might have perhaps produced a fine poem on the Epicurean -cosmogony, but not one that lives and breathes with the noble -glow of patriotism.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290"></a>[290]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Propertius.</div> - -<p>Sextus Propertius (<i>circ.</i> <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45-<i>circ.</i> <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 15) was another -of the Mæcenas circle of poets who did something to glorify -Augustus. He is not (but that is a personal -opinion) on anything like the same level as either -Vergil or Horace as an artist. He is said to have died young, -perhaps at thirty years of age, and there is no evidence of -personal intimacy with Augustus, but there is some indication -of his having been on bad terms with Horace. His elegies -also are nearly all poems of passion. Politics and emperors are -mere episodes, and were introduced in deference to Mæcenas. -Still many points in the career of Augustus are referred to in -the same spirit as that of Horace. The siege of Perusia—described -in tones of horror, which would scarcely have been -acceptable—precedes his conversion (1, 21), and the failure of -the marriage law of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27 is only referred to with relief -(2, 7, 1). In more complimentary terms he speaks of the -victory of Actium (3, 7, 44), and of the downfall of Antony -and Cleopatra (4, 8, 56; 4, 10, 32, <i>sqq.</i>; 4, 7, 56); and the -end of the civil wars is attributed to Augustus (<i>illa qua vicit -condidit arma manu</i>, 3, 8, 41). Then came the intended -invasion of Britain (3, 23, 5); the Arabian expedition and -the Indian envoys (3, 1, 15; 4, 3 1); the opening and -description of the Palatine Library—the best extant (3, 29); -the raids of the Sugambri and their suppression (5, 6, 77); -while he has the Parthians frequently on his lips, though rather -as predicting what is to be done with them than as recording -the return of the standards.<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> In the fifth book there are signs -of a beginning of a <i>Fasti</i> like that of Ovid as a record of events -in Roman history; and it is possible that this was in obedience -to a wish of Augustus, who, on his death, transferred the task -to Ovid. Thus his voice also was secured, in part at least, in -support of the imperial <i>régime</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ovid.</div> - -<p>Publius Ovidius Naso (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43-<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 18) belongs to the last -part of the reign. He had only seen Vergil, and though he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291"></a>[291]</span> -had heard Horace recite, he does not profess to have known -him. He was quite young when Augustus was -winning his position and reforming the constitution, -and there are no signs of his coming forward as a court -poet till Mæcenas and his circle had disappeared, and if he had -attracted the attention of Augustus at all, it was probably not -altogether in a favourable manner. His earliest poems—the -<i>Amores</i> and <i>Heroidum Epistulæ</i>—do not touch on public -affairs; they are poems of passion—the former personal, the -latter dramatic. In the <i>Ars Amatoria</i> (about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2-<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 2) for -the first time we detect the court poet from a complimentary -allusion to the approaching mission of Gaius Cæsar to Syria -and Armenia, with his title of <i>princeps iuventutis</i> and that of -Augustus as <i>pater patriæ</i>, as also to the <i>naumachia</i> or representation -of the battle of Salamis given by Augustus in the -flooded <i>nemus Cæsarum</i> in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2 (<i>A. A.</i>, 1, 171-2). The -<i>Metamorphoses</i> had been composed before his exile in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 9, -but after the death of Augustus he apparently introduced the -Epilogue (xv. 745 <i>sq.</i>) containing an eulogy on Tiberius, and -on the now finished career of Augustus. It is the <i>Fasti</i>—the -Calendar of events in Roman history—that probably was undertaken -in obedience to a wish of the Emperor, and in which -accordingly we find points in his career touched upon. It was -dedicated to Germanicus, and contains an allusion to his own -exile, and was therefore, partly at least, composed between -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2 and <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 10. His allusions to Augustus are not those -of an intimate acquaintance, but of an admiring subject—real -or feigned. He mentions the battle of Mutina (iv. 627); the -bestowal of the title Augustus (i. 589); the recovery of the -standards from the Parthians as a triumph of the Emperor -(vi. 467). He alludes to Augustus becoming Pontifex Maximus -(iii. 415); to the laurels on his palace front (iv. 957); to the -demolition of the house of Vedius Pollio as connected with the -reforms and the laws of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 18 (vi. 637); to the division of the -city into <i>vici</i>, and the worship of the Lares Augusti (v. 145); to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292"></a>[292]</span> -the Forum Augusti and the temple of Mars dedicated in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2. -(v. 551, <i>sqq.</i>). Ovid afterwards protested that his books had -been read with pleasure by Augustus, and assumed to have some -knowledge of the private chambers of the palace (Trist., 1, -5, 2; 2, 520), but there is nothing in the allusions to matters -which he knew that Augustus wished to have recorded that -has the air of close or intimate relations. They are the conventional -expressions of the outside, and perhaps humble, -panegyrist, not those of a friend and supporter, like Horace. -The abject expressions in the Tristia and the letters from -Pontus need not be taken into account. They are merely -bids for a recall, and they often express in the crudest form the -growing fashion of worshipping the Emperor or his genius. -Perhaps the most subtle of these appeals is that in which he -explains why he had spent his youth in writing frivolous -poetry instead of celebrating the glories of the Emperor—he -was not a good enough poet, and would have dishonoured a -subject above his reach (Tr., ii. 335-340). This was using a -weapon forged by the Emperor himself, who had always let -it be known that he disliked being the subject of inferior -artists. The melancholy and feebleness of these later poems -of Ovid seem to bear a sort of analogy with the cloud that -descended on the later years of Augustus. Vergil and Horace -have the freshness of the morning or the vigour of noon, -Ovid the gathering sadness of the evening.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293"></a>[293]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="AUGUSTUSS_ACCOUNT_OF_HIS_REIGN">AUGUSTUS’S ACCOUNT OF HIS REIGN (FROM -THE INSCRIPTION IN THE TEMPLE OF -ROME AND AUGUSTUS AT ANGORA)</h2> - -</div> - -<p>1. When I was nineteen I collected an army on my own account and -at my own expense, by the help of which I restored the republic -to liberty, which had been enslaved by the tyranny of a faction; for -which services the Senate, in complimentary decrees, added my -name to the roll of their House in the consulship of Gaius Pansa -and Aulus Hirtius [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43], giving me at the same time consular -precedence in voting; and gave me imperium. It ordered me as -proprætor “to see along with the consuls that the republic suffered -no damage.” Moreover, in the same year, both consuls having -fallen, the people elected me consul and a triumvir for revising the -constitution.</p> - -<p>2. Those who killed my father I drove into exile, after a legal -trial, in punishment of their crime, and afterwards when these same -men rose in arms against the republic I conquered them twice in -a pitched battle.</p> - -<p>3. I had to undertake wars by land and sea, civil and foreign, all -over the world, and when victorious I spared surviving citizens. -Those foreign nations, who could safely be pardoned, I preferred to -preserve rather than exterminate. About 500,000 Roman citizens -took the military oath to me. Of these I settled out in colonies or -sent back to their own towns, after their terms of service were over, -considerably more than 300,000; and to them all I assigned lands -purchased by myself or money in lieu of lands. I captured 600 -ships, not counting those below the rating of triremes.</p> - -<p>4. I twice celebrated an ovation, three times curule triumphs, and -was twenty-one times greeted as imperator. Though the Senate -afterwards voted me several triumphs I declined them. I frequently -also deposited laurels in the Capitol after performing the vows which -I had taken in each war. For successful operations performed by -myself or by my legates under my auspices by land and sea, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294"></a>[294]</span> -Senate fifty-three times decreed a supplication to the immortal gods. -The number of days during which, in accordance with a decree of -the Senate, supplication was offered amounted to 890. In my -triumphs there were led before my chariot nine kings or sons of -kings. I had been consul thirteen times at the writing of this, and -am in the course of the thirty-seventh year of my tribunician power -[<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 13-14].</p> - -<p>5. The Dictatorship offered me in my presence and absence by -the Senate and people in the consulship of Marcus Marcellus and -Lucius Arruntius [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 22] I declined to accept. I did not refuse -at a time of very great scarcity of corn the commissionership of corn -supply, which I administered in such a way that within a few days -I freed the whole people from fear and danger. The consulship—either -yearly or for life—then offered to me I declined to accept.</p> - -<p>6. In the consulship of M. Vinicius and Q. Lucretius [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19], -of P. and Cn. Lentulus [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 18], and of Paullus Fabius Maximus and -Q. Tubero [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 11], when the Senate and people of Rome unanimously -agreed that I should be elected overseer of the laws -and morals, with unlimited powers and without a colleague, I -refused every office offered me which was contrary to the customs -of our ancestors. But what the Senate at that time wished me to -manage, I carried out in virtue of my tribunician power, and in -this office I five times received at my own request a colleague -from the Senate.</p> - -<p>7. I was one of the triumvirate for the re-establishment of the -constitution for ten consecutive years. I have been <i>princeps senatus</i> -up to the day on which I write this for forty years. I am Pontifex -Maximus, Augur, one of the fifteen commissioners for religion, one of -the seven for sacred feasts, an Arval brother, a <i>sodalis Titius</i>, a fetial.</p> - -<p>8. In my fifth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29] I increased the number of the -patricians by order of people and Senate. I three times made up -the roll of the Senate, and in my sixth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28] I took a -census of the people with M. Agrippa as my colleague. I performed -the <i>lustrum</i> after an interval of forty-one years; in which the number -of Roman citizens entered on the census roll was 4,063,000. A second -time with consular imperium I took the census by myself in the -consulship of Gaius Censorinus and Gaius Asinius [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 8], in which -the number of Roman citizens entered on the roll was 4,223,000. I -took a third census with consular imperium, my son Tiberius Cæsar -acting as my colleague, in the consulship of Sextus Pompeius and -Sextus Appuleius [<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 14], in which the number of Roman citizens -entered on the census roll was 4,937,000. By new laws passed I -recalled numerous customs of our ancestors that were falling into<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295"></a>[295]</span> -desuetude in our time, and myself set precedents in many particulars -for the imitation of posterity.</p> - -<p>9. The Senate decreed that vows should be offered for my health -by consuls and priests every fifth year. In fulfilment of these vows -the four chief colleges of priests or the consuls often gave games in -my lifetime. Also individually and by townships the people at large -always offered sacrifices at all the temples for my health.</p> - -<p>10. By a decree of the Senate my name was included in the ritual -of the Salii; and it was ordained by a law that my person should be -sacred and that I should have the tribunician power for the term of -my natural life. I refused to become Pontifex Maximus in succession -to my colleague during his life, though the people offered me -that sacred office formerly held by my father. Some years later I -accepted that sacred office on the death of the man who had availed -himself of the civil disturbance to secure it; such a multitude -flocking to my election from all parts of Italy as is never recorded -to have come to Rome before, in the consulship of P. Sulpicius and -C. Valgius [6 March, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 12].</p> - -<p>11. The Senate consecrated an altar to Fortuna Redux, near the -temple of Honour and Virtue, by the Porta Capena, for my return, on -which it ordered the Vestal Virgins to offer a yearly sacrifice on the -day on which in the consulship of Q. Lucretius and M. Vinicius -[<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19] I returned to the city from Syria, and gave that day the -name <i>Augustalia</i> from my cognomen [15 Dec.].</p> - -<p>12. By a decree of the Senate at the same time part of the prætors -and tribunes of the plebs, along with the consul Q. Lucretius and -leading nobles, were despatched into Campania to meet me—an -honour that up to this time has been decreed to no one else. When -I returned to Rome from Spain and Gaul after successful operations -in those provinces, in the consulship of Tiberius Nero and Publius -Quintilius [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13], the Senate voted that an altar to Pax Augusta -should be consecrated for my return on the Campus Martius, upon -which it ordered the magistrates and priests and Vestal Virgins to -offer an annual sacrifice [30 Jan.].</p> - -<p>13. Whereas the Ianus Quirinus, which our ancestors ordered to -be closed when peace throughout the whole dominions of the Roman -people by land and sea had been obtained by victories, is recorded -to have been only twice shut before my birth since the foundation -of the city, the Senate three times voted its closure during my -principate.</p> - -<p>14. My sons Gaius and Lucius Cæsar, whom fortune snatched -from me in their early manhood, in compliment to me, the Senate -and Roman people designated consuls in their fifteenth year with a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296"></a>[296]</span> -proviso that they should enter on that office after an interval of five -years. From the day of their assuming the <i>toga virilis</i> the Senate -decreed that they should take part in public business. Moreover, -the Roman equites in a body gave each of them the title of <i>Princeps -Iuventutis</i>, and presented them with silver shields and spears.</p> - -<p>15. To the Roman plebs I paid 300 sesterces per head in virtue -of my father’s will; and in my own name I gave 400 apiece in my -fifth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29] from the sale of spoils of war; and a second -time in my tenth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 24] out of my own private property -I paid a bounty of 400 sesterces per man, and in my eleventh consulship -[<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23] I measured out twelve distributions of corn, having -purchased the grain from my own resources. In the twelfth year -of my tribunician power [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 11], I for the third time gave a bounty -of 400 sesterces a head. These largesses of mine affected never less -than 50,200 persons. In the eighteenth year of my tribunician -power and my twelfth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 5] I gave 320,000 of the urban -plebs sixty denarii a head. In the colonies of my soldiers, in my -fifth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29] I gave from the sale of spoils of war 1,000 -sesterces a head; and among such settlers the number who received -that triumphal largess amounted to about 120,000 men. In my -thirteenth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2] I gave 60 denarii apiece to the plebeians -then in receipt of public corn; they amounted to somewhat more -than 200,000 persons.</p> - -<p>16. The money for the lands, which in my fourth consulship -[<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30], and afterwards in the consulship of M. Crassus and Cn. -Lentulus the augur [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 14], I assigned to the soldiers, I paid to the -municipal towns. The amount was about 600,000,000 sesterces, -which I paid for lands in Italy, and about 260,000,000 which I -disbursed for lands in the provinces.</p> - -<p>I was the first and only one within the memory of my own generation -to do this of all who settled colonies in Italy and the provinces. -And afterwards in the consulship of Tib. Nero and Cn. Piso [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 7], -and again in the consulship of C. Antistius and D. Lælius [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 6], -and of C. Calvisius and L. Pasienus [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 4], and of L. Lentulus and -M. Messalla [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 3], and of L. Caninius and Q. Fabricius [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2], to -the soldiers, whom after their terms of service I sent back to their -own towns, I paid good service allowances in ready money; on which -I expended 400,000,000 sesterces as an act of grace.</p> - -<p>17. I four times subsidised the <i>ærarium</i> from my own money, the -sums which I thus paid over to the commissioners of the treasury -amounting to 150,000,000 sesterces. And in the consulship of M. -Lepidus and L. Arruntius [<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 6], to the military treasury, which was -established on my initiative for the payment of their good service<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297"></a>[297]</span> -allowance, to the soldiers who had served twenty years or more, I -contributed from my own patrimony 170,000,000 sesterces.<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a></p> - -<p>18. From and after the year of the consulship of Gnæus and -Publius Lentulus [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 18], whenever the payment of the revenues -were in arrear, I paid into the treasury from my own patrimony the -taxes, whether due in corn or money, sometimes of 100,000 persons, -sometimes of more.</p> - -<p>19. I built the curia and Chalcidicum adjoining it, and the temples -of Apollo on the Palatine with its colonnades, the temple of the -divine Iulius, the Lupercal, the colonnade at the Flaminian circus, -which I allowed to be called Octavia, from the name of the builder -of the earlier one on the same site, the state box at the Circus -Maximus, the temples of Jupiter Feretrius and of Jupiter Tonans -on the Capitol, the temple of Quirinus, the temples of Minerva and -of Juno the Queen, and of Jupiter Liberalis on the Aventine, the -temple of the Lares at the head of the <i>via Sacra</i>, the temple of the -divine Penates in the Velia, the temple of Youth, the temple of the -Mater Magna on the Palatine.</p> - -<p>20. The Capitolium and the Pompeian theatre—both very costly -works—I restored without any inscription of my own name. Water-conduits -in many places that were decaying from age I repaired; -and I doubled the aqueduct called the Aqua Marcia, by turning a -new spring into its channel.</p> - -<p>The Forum Iulium and the basilica, which was between the temple -of Castor and the temple of Saturn, works begun and far advanced -by my father, I completed; and when the same basilica was -destroyed by fire, I began its reconstruction on an extended plan, to -be inscribed with the names of my sons, and in case I do not live to -complete it I have ordered it to be completed by my heirs.</p> - -<p>In my sixth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28], I repaired eighty-two temples of -the gods in the city in accordance with a decree of the Senate, none -being omitted which at that time stood in need of repair. In my -seventh consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27] I constructed the Flaminian road from -the city to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian and -Minucian.</p> - -<p>21. On ground belonging to myself I built a temple to Mars Ultor -and the Forum Augustum, with money arising from sale of war spoils. -I built a theatre adjoining the temple of Apollo, on ground for the -most part purchased from private owners, to be under the name of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298"></a>[298]</span> -my son-in-law Marcus Marcellus. Offerings from money raised by -sale of war-spoil I consecrated in the temple of Apollo, and in the -temple of Vesta, and in the temple of Mars Ultor, which cost me about -100,000,000 sesterces. Thirty-five thousand pounds of gold,<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> crown -money contributed by the municipia and colonies of Italy for my -triumphs, I refunded in my fifth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29], and subsequently, -as often as I was greeted Imperator, I refused to receive -crown money, though the municipia and colonies had decreed it -with as much warmth as before.</p> - -<p>22. I three times gave a show of gladiators in my own name, and -five times in the name of my sons and grandsons; in which shows -about 10,000 men contended. I twice gave the people a show of -athletes collected from all parts of the world in my own name, and a -third time in the name of my grandson. I gave games in my own -name four times, as representing other magistrates twenty-three -times. In behalf of the quindecimviri, and as master of the college, -with M. Agrippa as colleague, I gave the Secular games in the -consulship of C. Furnius and C. Silanus [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 17]. In my thirteenth -consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2], I gave for the first time the games of Mars which, -since that time, the consuls have given in successive years. I gave -the people wild-beast hunts, of African animals, in my own name and -that of my sons and grandsons, in the circus and forum, and the -amphitheatres twenty-six times, in which about 3,500 animals were -killed.</p> - -<p>23. I gave the people the spectacle of a naval battle on the other -side of the Tiber, in the spot where now is the grove of the Cæsars, -the ground having been hollowed out to a length of 1,800 feet, and -a breadth of 1,200 feet, in which thirty beaked ships, triremes or -biremes, and a still larger number of smaller vessels contended. In -these fleets, besides the rowers, there fought about three thousand -men.</p> - -<p>24. In the temples of all the states of the province of Asia, I -replaced the ornaments after my victory, which he with whom I had -fought had taken into his private possession from the spoliation of -the temples. There were about eighty silver statues of me, some on -foot, some equestrian, some in chariots, in various parts of the city. -These I removed, and from the money thus obtained I placed -golden offerings in the temple of Apollo in my own name and in -that of those who had honoured me by the statues.</p> - -<p>25. I cleared the sea of pirates. In that war I captured about -30,000 slaves, who had run away from their masters, and had borne<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299"></a>[299]</span> -arms against the republic, and handed them back to their owners to -be punished. The whole of Italy took the oath to me spontaneously, -and demanded that I should be the leader in the war in which I -won the victory off Actium. The provinces of the Gauls, the Spains, -Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, took the same oath. Among those who -fought under my standards were more than seven hundred Senators, -eighty-three of whom had been, or have since been, consuls up -to the time of my writing this, 170 members of the sacred -colleges.</p> - -<p>26. I extended the frontiers of all the provinces of the Roman -people, which were bordered by tribes that had not submitted to -our Empire. The provinces of the Gauls, and Spains and Germany, -bounded by the Ocean from Gades to the mouth of the river Elbe, I -reduced to a peaceful state. The Alps, from the district near the -Adriatic to the Tuscan sea, I forced to remain peaceful without -waging unprovoked war with any tribe. My fleet sailed through the -Ocean from the mouth of the Rhine towards the rising sun, up to the -territories of the Cimbri, to which point no Roman had penetrated, -up to that time, either by land or sea. The Cimbri, and Charydes, -and Semnones and other peoples of the Germans, belonging to the -same tract of country, sent ambassadors to ask for the friendship of -myself and the Roman people. By my command and under my -auspices, two armies were marched into Æthiopia and Arabia, called -Felix, nearly simultaneously, and large hostile forces of both these -nations were cut to pieces in battle, and a large number of towns -were captured. Æthiopia was penetrated as far as the town Nabata, -next to Meroe. Into Arabia the army advanced into the territories of -the Sabæi as far as the town Mariba.</p> - -<p>27. I added Egypt to the Empire of the Roman people. When -I might have made the Greater Armenia a province after the assassination -of its king Artaxes, I preferred, on the precedent of our -ancestors, to hand over that kingdom to Tigranes, son of King -Artavasdes, grandson of King Tigranes, by the hands of Tiberius -Nero, who was then my stepson. The same nation being afterwards -in a state of revolt and rebellion, I handed over to the government -of King Ariobarzanes, son of Artabazus, king of the Medes, after it -had been reduced by my son Gaius; and after his death to his son -Artavasdes, upon whose assassination I sent Tigranes, a member of -the royal family of the Armenians, into that kingdom. I recovered -all the provinces on the other side of the Adriatic towards the East -and Cyrenæ, which were by this time for the most part held by -various kings, and before them Sicily and Sardinia which had been -overrun by an army of slaves.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300"></a>[300]</span></p> - -<p>28. I settled colonies of soldiers in Africa, Sicily, Macedonia, both -the Spains, Achaia, Asia, Syria, Gallia Narbonensis, Pisidia. Italy -has twenty-eight colonies established under my auspices, which -have in my lifetime become very densely inhabited and places of -great resort.</p> - -<p>29. A large number of military standards, which had been lost -under other commanders, I recovered, after defeating the enemy, -from Spain and Gaul and the Dalmatians. I compelled the Parthians -to restore the spoils and standards of three Roman armies, and to -seek as suppliants the friendship of the Roman people. These -standards I laid up in the inner shrine belonging to the temple of -Mars Ultor.</p> - -<p>30. The tribes of the Pannonii, which before I was <i>princeps</i> an -army of the Roman people never reached, having been subdued by -Tiberius Nero, who was then my stepson and legate [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 11], I -added to the Empire of the Roman people, and I extended the -frontier of Illyricum to the bank of the river Danube. And when an -army of the Daci crossed to the south of that river it was conquered -and put to flight under my auspices; and subsequently my army, -being led across the Danube, forced the tribes of the Daci to submit -to the orders of the Roman people.</p> - -<p>31. To me there were often sent embassies of kings from India, -who had never before been seen in the camp of any Roman general. -By embassadors the Bastarnæ and the Scythians and the kings of -the Sarmatians, who live on both sides of the river Don, and the -king of the Albani and of the Hiberi and of the Medes, sought our -friendship.</p> - -<p>32. Kings of the Parthians—Tiridates, and afterwards Phrates, -son of King Phrates—fled to me for refuge; of the Medes Artavasdes; -of the Adiabeni Artaxares; of the Britons Dumnobellaunus -and Tim ...;<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> of the Marcomanni and Suebi....<a href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> Phrates, king -of the Parthians, son of Orodes, sent all his sons and grandsons to -me in Italy, not because he had been overcome in war, but seeking -our friendship by means of his own sons as pledges. And a very -large number of other nations experienced the good faith of the -Roman people while I was <i>princeps</i>, with whom before that time -there had been no diplomatic or friendly intercourse.</p> - -<p>33. The nations of the Parthians and the chief men of the Medes -by means of embassies sought and accepted from me kings of those -peoples—the Parthians Vonones, son of King Phrates, grandson of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301"></a>[301]</span> -King Orodes; the Medes Ariobarzanes, son of King Artavasdes, -grandson of King Ariobarzanes.</p> - -<p>34. In my sixth and seventh consulships [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28, 27], when I had -extinguished the flames of civil war, having by universal consent -become possessed of the sole direction of affairs, I transferred the -republic from my power to the will of the Senate and people of -Rome. For which good service on my part I was by decree of the -Senate called by the name of Augustus, and the door-posts of my -house were covered with laurels in the name of the state, and a civic -crown was fixed up over my door, and a golden shield was placed -in the Curia Iulia, which it was declared by its inscription the Senate -and people of Rome gave me in recognition of valour, clemency, -justice, piety. After that time I took precedence of all in rank, but -of power I had nothing more than those who were my colleagues -in the several magistracies.</p> - -<p>35. While I was administering my thirteenth consulship [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2], -the Senate and equestrian order and the Roman people with one -consent greeted me as <span class="smcap">Father of my Country</span>, and decreed that it -should be inscribed in the vestibule of my house, and in the Senate -house, and in the Forum Augustum, and under the chariot which -was there placed in my honour in accordance with a senatorial -decree.</p> - -<p>When I wrote this I was in my seventy-sixth year [<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 13-14].</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302"></a>[302]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak">FOOTNOTES</h2> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> <i>Ad capita bubula.</i> Lanciani (<i>Remains of Ancient Rome</i>, p. 139) says -that this was the name of a lane at the eastern corner of the Palatine. -Others have thought it to be the name of the house, as the <i>ad malum -Punicum</i> in which Domitian was born (Suet., <i>Dom.</i> 1). So later we -hear of a house at Rome <i>quæ est ad Palmam</i> (<i>Codex Theod.</i>, p. 3). The -house may have had its name from a frieze with ox-heads on it, like the -tomb of Metella, which came to be called <i>Capo-di-bove</i>. It seems less easy -to account for a lane being so called. See also p. 205.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> C. I. L., vol. i. p. 279.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Q. Fr.</i> 1, 1, 21; 1, 2, 7. Velleius Pat., 2, 59; Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> The plebeian Atii Balbi do not seem to have been important. M. Atius -Balbus was prætor in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 62 (with Cæsar), governor of Sardinia <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 61-60, -and in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 59 was one of the XX viri under the Julian land law (Cic., <i>ad -Att.</i> ii. 4).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> These and other stories will be found in Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 94, and Dio, 45, 2. -Vergil makes skilful use of them in <i>Æn.</i>, vi. 797, <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> Antony, when he wished to depreciate Augustus, asserted that his -great-grandfather had a rope-walk at Thurii; and some such connection of -his ancestors with that place may account for the cognomen, which would -naturally be dropped afterwards (Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 7).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> The marriage could not have taken place earlier than the middle of -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 57, for when Atia’s first husband died Philippus was in Syria. He -was succeeded by Gabinius in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 57, and reached Italy in time to stand -for the consulship, the elections that year being at the ordinary time, <i>i.e.</i>, -July (Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> 4, 2).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> L. Marcius Philippus was the son of the famous orator, and was a warm -supporter of Cicero. With his colleague as consul-designate he proposed -the prosecution of Clodius (Cic., <i>ad Q. Fr.</i> ii. 1). When the civil war was -beginning he was allowed by Cæsar to remain neutral (Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> ix. 15; -x. 4). But Cicero found him tiresome company, for he was garrulous and -prosy (<i>ad Att.</i> xii. 9, 16, 18); and in the troublous times following the -assassination of Cæsar he set little store by his opinion (<i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 14; -<i>ad Brut.</i> i. 17).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> The law of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 52 allowed Cæsar to be “elected in his absence” -(<i>absentis rationem haberi</i>), but said nothing of his being in possession of a -province. By long prescription the Senate had the right of deciding when -a provincial governor should be “succeeded.” But then Cæsar’s term of -provincial government had been fixed by a <i>lex</i>, which was superior to a -<i>Senatus-consultum</i>; and he might also argue that if it was unconstitutional -for a man to be elected consul while holding a province, the Senate had -violated the constitution in allowing Pompey to be consul in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> The Senate did not insist on the <i>professio</i>, from which Cæsar had been -exempted by name in Pompey’s law. But its contention was that it still -retained the right of naming the date at which a man was to leave his -province, and of deciding in regard to an election whether a man was a -legal candidate, which might depend on other things besides the making -or not making a <i>professio</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> The difficulty was that both consuls were absent. There was no one -therefore capable of holding a consular election. But as the other curule -magistrates still existed, “the <i>auspicia</i> had not returned to the Fathers,” -who could not therefore name an interrex. The Prætor Lepidus—though -willing—could not “create” a <i>maius imperium</i>. The only way out of it -was to name a Dictator (<i>com. hab. causa</i>); but one of the consuls, according -to tradition, could alone do that. Eventually Lepidus, by a special vote -of the people was authorised to name Cæsar as Dictator—which had precedents -in the cases of Fabius Maximus and Sulla—and Cæsar, as Dictator, -held the consular elections. Cæs., b. c. ii, 21; Dio, 41, 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Nicolas (ch. 4) says that he took the <i>toga virilis</i> about fourteen (περὶ ἔτη -μάλιστα γεγονὼς τεσσαρακαίδεκα). But Suetonius (<i>Aug.</i> 8) says that he -spoke the <i>laudatio</i> of his grandmother in his twelfth year, and “four -years afterwards” took the <i>toga virilis</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> Octavius was <i>sui iuris</i>, his father being dead; his adoption therefore -required the formal passing of a <i>lex curiata</i>. Now the opposition, supported -by Antony, against this formality being carried out was one of the -grounds of Octavian’s quarrel with him in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44-3, and the completion of -it was one of the first things secured by Octavian on his entrance into -Rome in August, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43 [Appian, b. c. iii. 94; Dio, 45, 5]. This seems -conclusive against the theory that Iulius adopted him in his lifetime. -Moreover all authorities speak of the adoption as made by <i>Will</i>. Livy, -<i>Ep.</i> 116, <i>testamento in nomen adoptatus est</i>; Velleius, ii. 59, <i>testamentum -apertum est, quo C. Octavium nepotem sororis suæ Iuliæ adoptabat</i>. See also -Appian, b. c. iii. 11; Dio, 45, 3; Plutarch, <i>Brut.</i> 22. It is true that Nicolas—speaking -of the triumph of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46—(§ 8) says υἱὸν ἤδη πεποιημἐνος. -But if he means anything more than “regarding him as a son,” he twice -afterwards contradicts himself: See § 17 ἀπήγγελλον τά τε ἄλλα καὶ ὡς ἐν -ταῖς διαθήκαις ὡς υἱὸς εἴη Καίσαρι ἐγγεγραμμένος. <i>Cf.</i> § 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xii. 48, 49; Nicholas, § 14; Valer. Max., 1, 15, 2. For -the subsequent fate of the man see Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 6, 7, 8; App., b. c. -iii. 2-3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> The patrician <i>gentes</i> were dying out, and it was thought good to -replenish their numbers, thus gradually forming a class of nobles distinct -from these ennobled by office. In making the Octavii patricians, the -initiative was taken by the Senate; in later times, however, the power of -creating <i>patricii</i> was conferred on the imperator. Iulius seems also to -have done it on his own authority. (Dio, 43, 47; Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 2.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> He took with him Apollodorus of Pergamus, a well-known author of -a system of rhetoric (Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 89; Strabo, 13, 4, 3; Quinct., 3, 1, 17). -Other teachers of his, whether at Apollonia or elsewhere, are Areius of -Alexandria, Alexander of Pergamus, Athenodorus of Tarsus (Suet. <i>l. c.</i>; Dio, -51, 4; Plutarch, <i>Ant.</i> 11; Nicol. Dam., § 17; Zonaras, 10, 38).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 65; Vell. Paterc., 2, 59, 64; App., b. c. 5, 66; Dio, 48, 33. -The other instance of a friend who fell into disfavour and ruin quoted by -Suetonius is Cornelius Gallus. But he does not seem to have been at -Apollonia. He was nearly three years older than Augustus, and in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44-3 was perhaps with Pollio in Bætica. See Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> x. 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Nicolas, § 16; App., b. c. iii. 9-10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> Dolabella consul for the last half of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44 with Antony; Pansa and -Hirtius, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43; Plancus and Dec. Brutus <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42. Probably M. Brutus -and C. Cassius (or certainly the former) <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41 [Plut., <i>Cæs.</i> 62; Cic., <i>ad -Fam.</i> xii. 2]. For <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43 prætors and other magistrates were named, but -for the next years only consuls and tribunes.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Dio, 43, 47, καὶ ἔς γε τὰ ἔθνη ἀκληρωτὶ ἐξεπέμφθησαν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> M. Brutus, C. Cassius, Dec. Brutus, L. Cimber, C. Trebonius.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 9; Cæs., b. c. ii. 22; Plut., <i>Ant.</i> xi.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Dio, 46, 60.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Cæsar had auxiliaries in Spain from Aquitania <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49; Cæs., b. c. i. 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 5, 8, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 62. Appian says that Metellus did not fight, but was received -as a friend, wintered at Salonæ, and then went home and claimed a -triumph (<i>Illyr.</i> xi.).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> Eutrop., v. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> <i>Id.</i> vi. 4; Oros., v. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Cæs., b. c. iii. 5, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 110; App., b. c. ii. 47.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> <i>Id.</i>, b. c. ii. 59.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> Cæs., <i>b. Alex.</i> 42-3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> <i>Id.</i>, 34-6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> v. 10 (<i>a</i>), 10, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> App., <i>Illyr.</i> 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> App., b. c. iv. 75; Dio, 47, 21. Vatinius was ill, and his late reverses -had lost him the confidence of his men, who insisted on being transferred -to Brutus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Dio, 43, 42; Horace, <i>Odes</i>, iii. 1, 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Cæs., <i>b. Alex.</i> 48-64; <i>Hisp.</i> 7, 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> App., b. c. ii. 107.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Wrongly called Aulus Albinus by Appian, b. c. ii. 48; see Klein, -<i>die Verwaltungsbeamten der Provinzen</i>, p. 83.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> xiii. 30, 36, 50, 78, 79; Cæs., <i>b. Afr.</i> 2, 26, 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> vi. 16, 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> Dio, 48, 17, 19; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 123; Appian, b. c. iv. 84. A certain M. -Casinius was nominated to Sicily for <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43, but did not go there, perhaps -owing to the order of the Senate (meant to support Dec. Brutus) made on -the 20th of December, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44, that all governors should retain their -provinces till farther orders (Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> xii. 22, 25).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> App., b. c. ii. 48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xv. 7; xvi. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> App., b. c. iv. 2; Dio, 46, 55.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 47. This probably means after his accession to sole -power. According to Nicolas, § 11-12, he visited Africa with Cæsar in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45. See p. 13. There is no record, however, of his ever having been -to Sardinia.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> App., b. c. v. 67. The hold of Sext. Pompeius on Sardinia was -recognised in the “treaty” of Misenum made in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 39 (Dio, 48, 36; -App., b. c. v. 72).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> See Note 2, p. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Cicero, <i>3 Phil.</i> § 26; <i>ad Fam.</i> xii. 22, 23, 30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Appian, b. c. iii. 85, 91.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> Appian, b. c. iv. 36, 53-56; v. 26; Dio, 48, 21-23. It seems impossible -to reconcile Appian and Dio. The course of events here indicated agrees -chiefly with Dio, whose account appears on the whole the more reasonable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> Cæs., b. c. iii., 102.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>b. Alex.</i> 42.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> Drawn up by the commissioners after the fall of Corinth, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 146.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xi. 15; Cæsar, b. c. ii. 56, 106; Dio, 42, 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Servius had fought against Cæsar at Pharsalia, though his son was with -Cæsar. After the battle he retired to Samos and refused to continue the -war. See Cicero, <i>ad Fam.</i> iv. 3, 4, 11, 12; vi. 6; xiii. 17, 19, 23, 25, 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> App., b. c. v. 72.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Fam.</i> vi. 12; App., b. c. iii. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> See Cicero, <i>13 Phil.</i> 23 (Antony’s letter).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther. See his letter to Cicero, <i>ad Fam.</i> xii. -14, 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> Cæs., <i>b. Alex.</i> 66: <i>rebus omnibus provinciæ et finitimarum civitatum -constitutis</i> is all that we are told.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Dio, 47, 26. Appian gives two accounts of Bassus. In the first -he represents him as the real commander of the legions, while Sext. Iulius -was the nominal chief. He, however, gives an alternative account more -in accordance with that of Dio. See App., b. c. iii. 77; iv. 58, <i>sq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>ad Fam.</i> xii. 11 (Cassius to Cicero); xii. 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> vi. 5; Valer. Max., vi. 1, 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> Cyrene with four other cities—Apollonia, Ptolemais, Arsinoe, Berenice—formed -a Pentapolis. (Livy, <i>Epit.</i> 70.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> App., b. c. I. iii. <i>sq.</i>; Sall., <i>hist. fr.</i> ii. 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> Vell. Pat., ii. 34; Dio, 36, 2; Iust. 39, 5; Livy, <i>Epit.</i> 100. The laws of -Crete were left in force (Cic., <i>Mur.</i> § 74; <i>pro Flacc.</i> § 30).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> App., b. c. iii. 12, 16, 36; iv. 57; Dio, 47, 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> Cicero, <i>2 Phil.</i> § 97.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> The possibility of these legions crossing to Italy had caused no little -anxiety at Rome; Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xv. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Suetonius (<i>Iul.</i> 83) says, “three-fourths”; so also does Nicolas Dam. 17 -(τρία μέρη τῶν χρημάτων). But Livy (<i>Ep.</i> 116) says “one-half” (<i>ex semisse</i>). -It is possible Livy may refer to the amount left when the legacy of 300 -sesterces to each citizen was deducted. Nicolas seems to think, however, -that this legacy was charged on the remaining fourth. Octavian certainly -undertook to pay it, but then Pinarius and Pedius handed over their shares -to him.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Appian (b. c. ii. 147) says that the body itself was not seen during -Antony’s <i>laudatio</i>, but that a wax figure was displayed which by some -mechanical contrivance was made to revolve and show all the wounds.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Nicolas (§ 17) would seem to send them straight to Antium. -But from Cicero’s letters it is clear that Brutus at any rate went first -to Lanuvium, <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 10, 21; xv. 9. They seem to have gone to -Antium towards the end of May or beginning of June.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> The last being the adjectival form of his original name, in accordance -with the usual custom in cases of adoption.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 5, 10, 11, 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 20, 21. Dio (45, 6) says that the introducing -tribune was Tib. Canutius. But it seems probable that this refers to a -second speech.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xv. 2. There is a singularly manly and frank letter -from Matius to Cicero (<i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 28), defending his attachment to Cæsar -and his services to Octavian.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Appian, b. c. 3, 20, τῶν προσόδων ἐξ οὗ παρῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐς αὐτὸν -ἀντὶ τοῦ ταμιείου συμφερομένων. The sole management of the Treasury -had been committed to Cæsar in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 45 (Dio, 43, 44, τἁ δημόσια χρήματα -μόνον διοικεῖν). He had taken it out of the hands of the <i>quæstors</i> and -appointed two <i>præfecti</i> to manage it: but it does not seem that they -had anything to do with the money in the temple of Ops, as to which -there was some doubt as to its being “public money” in the ordinary -sense.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> Cicero, <i>1 Phil.</i> § 17; <i>2 Phil.</i> § 93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> Cicero, in <i>2 Phil.</i> § 93, seems to assume that Antony had taken the -money all at once. But from Cicero’s own letters it would seem that the -process of despoiling the temple of Ops was a gradual one, and that -the use made of the money by Antony was more or less a matter of -conjecture. On the 27th of April he writes: “You mention plundering -going on at the temple of Ops. I, too, was a witness to that at the time” -(<i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 14). On the 7th of May he says that Dolabella had a great -share of it (<i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 18). In November he says that his nephew Quintus -knew all about it, and meant to reveal it to the public (<i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 14). -Appian (b. c. iii. 20) makes Antony say to Octavian: “The money transferred -to my house was not so large a sum as you conjecture, nor is any -part of it in my custody now. The men in power—except Dolabella and -my brothers—divided up the whole of it as the property of a tyrant.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> Dio, 45, 6; this seems a different case from that mentioned by App., -b. c. iii. 47, and referred to by Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 15, as happening later in -this same year.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> See <i>ante</i> p. 14: Dio, 45, 2; Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 2, 10; Tac., <i>Ann.</i> xi. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> Dio, 45, 4; Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xv. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> Cicero, <i>2 Phil.</i> § 100; <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 20, 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>ad Att.</i> xiv. 3 (9th April); xv. 4 (24th May); <i>2 Phil.</i> § 108; Appian, -b. c. iii. 5. The Senate had been induced to vote him a bodyguard. -See the letter of Brutus and Cassius to Antony in Cicero, <i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> Dio, 45, 10; Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 1. The negotiation after all fell through -on the question of Sextus’s recovering the actual house and property of his -father, much of which was in Antony’s hands (Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 4; Dio, -45, 9). He refused to accept a mere money compensation. Eventually, -when the Senate had broken with Antony, it made terms with Sextus, -appointing him commander of the naval forces of the Republic. Consequently -he was proscribed by the Triumvirs. App., b. c. iii. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xv. 10, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Cicero (<i>2 Phil.</i> § 109) declares that Antony’s bodyguard was stationed -round the Senate—some of them being foreign mercenaries—and that his -opponents therefore did not venture to enter the house.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Appian, b. c. iii. 29-30. But Appian in regard to the order of events -here is very confused and often wrong.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 4, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>1 Phil.</i> § 14; <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 7; <i>ad Fam.</i> xii. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> Nicolas (§ 30), Appian (b. c. iii. 39), Plutarch (<i>Ant.</i> 16), acquit Augustus. -The two writers who adopt Cicero’s view of the truth of the accusation are -Seneca (<i>de Clement.</i> 1, 9, 1) and Suetonius (<i>Aug.</i> 10). See Cicero, <i>ad Fam.</i> -xii. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> <i>ad Att.</i> xv. 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> See <i>ante</i>, p. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> He had the title <i>Imperator</i> inherited from Cæsar (Dio, 43, 44); but this -was a mere honorary title, and could not be held to give <i>imperium</i>. He -was careful to use it however, as in the inscription recording the formation -of the triumvirate.... EMILIVS M. ANTONIVS. IMP. CÆSAR. III -VIR R.P.C. A.D. IV KAL. DEC. AD. PRID. KAL. IAN. SEXT....</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> <i>Monum. Ancyr.</i> I, annos undeviginti natus exercitum privato consilio -et privata impensa comparavi: per quem rem publicam <i>dominatione factionis -oppressam in libertatem vindicavi</i>. Compare Cæsar, <i>b. civ.</i> 1, 22, ut se et -Populum Romanum <i>factione paucorum oppressum in libertatem vindicaret</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 8 and 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>ad Fam.</i> xii. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> App., b. c. iii. 43-45; Cic., <i>3 Phil.</i> § 10; Dio, 45, 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 10, 13 a, 13 b, 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>3 Phil.</i> § 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> <i>pestifera</i>, <i>13 Phil.</i> § 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Cicero, <i>3 Phil.</i> §§ 19-27; <i>5 Phil.</i> § 23; <i>13 Phil.</i> § 19; App., b. c. iii. 45.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> <i>Id.</i> xvi. 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> <i>Id.</i> xvi. 15. It seems from Appian (b. c. iii. 31) that Octavian was not -a candidate, but he was generally supposed to wish it, and that therefore -many were going to vote for him. He ostensibly supported another candidate—Flaminius. -Antony stopped the election on the ground that there -was no need to fill up a vacancy so late in the year. This settled the -question. But it is doubtful whether this does not refer to an earlier -occasion.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 15, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 6; <i>3 Phil.</i> §§ 37-39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> The passages are Cicero, <i>5 Phil.</i> §§ 45-47; <i>11 Phil.</i> § 20; <i>13 Phil.</i> § 39; -<i>Monum. Ancyr.</i> § 3; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 118; C. I. L. x. 8375; Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 10, 26. -Dio (40, 29) says that he was in the Senate ἐν τοῖς τεταμιευκόσι—<i>inter quæstorios</i>. -This may be a misunderstanding of Cicero’s proposal that for -<i>purposes of election</i> he was to count as having been quæstor. The rank -of proprætor was necessary for his command in the army, not for his -entrance into the Senate.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> Pollio in Bætica, Lepidus in Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, -and Plancus in Northern Gaul.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> <i>Laudandum, ornandum, tollendum</i> (Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 20, 21). This -epigram seems to have been inspired by the exultant hopes roused by the -news of the battle of Forum Gallorum.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> <i>Monum. Ancyr.</i> § 1, respublica ne quid detrimenti caperet me pro -prætore cum consulibus providere iussit. This was a general order, neither -Antony nor any particular <i>hostis</i> being named.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> Octavian first assumed the <i>fasces</i> (symbol of imperium) on the 7th of -January (C. I. L. x. 8375.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> Cicero, <i>8 Phil.</i> §§ 25-28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> The letter is preserved in the 13th Philippic, with Cicero’s bitter comments. -It dwells on the favours and honours voted to the chief assassins, -as well as the abolition of many of Cæsar’s <i>acta</i>. Antony also asserts -that Lepidus and Plancus are on his side and warns Octavian that Cicero -is playing him false.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> The country is very flat, but was intersected by drains and watercourses, -making military evolutions difficult, if not impossible, in the -rainy season. (App., b. c. 3, 65.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Such as the cavalry engagement between Pontius Aquila and Tib. -Munatius Plancus at Pollentia (Dio, 46, 38). Octavian also suffered some -loss by the desertion of some Gallic cavalry (<i>ib.</i> 37).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> Cic., <i>ad Brutum</i>, ii. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> In enrolling legions Bassus was probably justified by the <i>SCtum -ultimum</i>, which included the prætors. He was known to be a supporter -of Antony, and might be thought capable of occupying Rome in his -interest. We shall see afterwards that he joined him in Cisalpine Gaul. -Some rumour of his being likely to act in this way had been rife before -January 1st, when he was only prætor-designate. (See Cic., <i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 1; -<i>ad Brut.</i> i. 3.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> Cicero says of Octavian that he <i>secundum proelium fecit</i> because he -<i>castra multarum legionum paucis cohortibus tutatus est</i> (<i>14 Phil.</i> § 28). -The attack on the camp is not mentioned elsewhere (<i>ib.</i> § 37). For his -being greeted as Imperator see C. I. L. ix. 8375.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> Cic., <i>ad Brut.</i> 1, 3, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 11; Cic., <i>ad Brut.</i> i. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Dio, 46, 41; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 118.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> Cic., <i>ad Brut.</i> i. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 20, 21, see <i>ante</i> p. 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>ad Brut.</i> i. 4; App., b. c. iii. 82; Dio, 46, 42; Plut., <i>Cic.</i> 46. There -was evidently some rumour of Cicero intending to be consul, though he -speaks with rather affected indignation of Octavian wishing to be elected -also (<i>ad Brut.</i> i. 10).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Cic., <i>ad Brut.</i> 1, 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> <i>Id.</i> § 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> He was perhaps deceived by the report that Octavian’s legions had -taken an oath not to fight against any that had served under Iulius Cæsar. -This applied to some men at present with Antony. But Dio implies that -the oath was at the secret instigation of Octavian himself (Dio, 46, 42).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> <i>Id.</i> xi. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> <i>Id.</i> xi. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> <i>Id.</i> xi. 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> x. 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> <i>Id.</i> x. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> <i>Id.</i> xi. 12 and 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> x. 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> <i>Id.</i> x. 35; xii. 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> <i>Id.</i> xi. 26, <i>cp.</i> xi. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> <i>Id.</i>, <i>ad. Brut.</i> i. 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> A similar technical difficulty had occurred in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49 (both consuls -being absent, and unwilling, of course, to name a dictator), and had been -got over by the nomination of a dictator by the prætor under a special -law. See p. 8; Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> x. 26; <i>ad M. Brut.</i> i. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> Plancus (Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> x. 29) expresses surprise that Cæsar wished to -give up the glory of defeating Antony for the sake of “a two months’ -consulship.” But this only shows that Plancus did not understand -Octavian’s object or policy.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 26; Dio, 46, 43; Plut., <i>Pomp.</i> 58. Appian (b. c. 3, 82), without -alluding to this scene, regards the application itself as the result of a -secret intrigue with Cicero, and Cicero’s exclamation, if made, may have -been intended as encouraging and not sarcastic.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> The number given by Appian (b. c. iii. 88). Octavian had five legions -when he went to Gaul: two raised in Campania of veterans, one of <i>tirones</i>, -the Martia and Quarta (App., b. c. iii. 47). The other three must have been -made up from the armies of Pansa and Hirtius. None of the veteran -legions in these two armies would consent to follow Decimus Brutus -(Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 19).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Cic., <i>ad Brut.</i> 1, 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> <i>Ib.</i> and App., b. c. iii. 90.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> The panic had been increased by some damage done by his soldier -on the march to properties of known anti-Cæsareans.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> Confiscation of property and the forbidding of “fire and water” -followed as a matter of course. One of the assassins—P. Servilius Casca—was -tribune, and as such could not legally be condemned, but he -vacated his tribuneship by flying from Rome and was condemned with -the rest.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> The Senate had nothing to do with this <i>quæstio</i>, which was established -by a <i>lex</i>, but its attitude to Octavian amounted to a condonation if -not an active approval.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> According to Appian (b. c. iii. 97), Pollio for some time declined to join -Antony and Lepidus. He seems to have done so when their outlawry was -removed.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> Decimus Brutus first tried to reach Ravenna, hoping to sail to Macedonia -and join M. Brutus. Headed back by Cæsar’s advance, he recrossed the -Alps (being gradually deserted by his men) and trusted himself to a Gaul, -who had received favours from him of old. But his host communicated -with Antony, and by his orders put him to death. There were other -versions of his death. Perhaps neither Antony nor Cæsar cared to ask -questions so long as he was dead. (App., b. c. iii. 97-98; Dio, 46, 53; -Velleius Pat., ii. 64; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 120.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> Plancus did not accompany Antony into Italy; he stayed in Gaul, -busying himself with the foundation of Lugdunum, and apparently suppressing -some movements in the Eastern Alps, for at the end of the year -coming home to enter on his consulship, he celebrated a triumph <i>ex Rhætis</i> -[Inscrip. Neap., 4089; Fast. Capitol. 29 Dec. A. V. 711.] Pollio, who had -presently to assent to the proscription of his father-in-law, L. Quintius, -was left in charge of Transpadane Gaul, to arrange for lands for the -veterans. It was in this business that he came across Vergil and his farm.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> Daughter of Fulvia by her first husband, P. Clodius.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> Plut., <i>Ant.</i> 19; App., b. c. iv. 6; Dio, 46, 44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> The usual interval (<i>tres nundinæ</i>) for <i>promulgatio</i> was dispensed with.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> Appian, b. c. iv. 5; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 120. Of the 69 names given by Appian, -he records the escape of 31. This tallies roughly with the discrepancy -between his and Livy’s reckoning.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> Appian, b. c. iv. 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 27.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> Dio, 47, 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> <i>Id.</i> 47, 16-17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> App., b. c. 4, 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> <i>Lassam crudelitatem</i>, Sen. <i>de Clem.</i> 1, 9, 2. The other opinions referred -to are Velleius, ii. 66; App., b. c. iv. 42, 45; Plut., <i>Ant.</i> 21; Dio, 47, 7; -Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 27. For Toranius, see Nic. Dam. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 61; Dio, 47, 17; [Tacit.] <i>de orat.</i> 29.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> Cicero, <i>13 Phil.</i> §§ 8-12, 50; Velleius, ii. 73. The decree was passed -on the 20th of March, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> Dio, 48, 17 <i>sq.</i>; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 123.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> App., b. c. iv. 85; Dio, 47, 36; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 123.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> Dio, 51, 2; Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> At any rate the head never reached Rome, but was lost at sea. App., -b. c. iv. 135; Dio, 47, 49; Plut., <i>Ant.</i>, 22; <i>Brut.</i> 53; Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> Ulpian (dig. 48, 24) quotes this lost autobiography; see <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i> § 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> The first meeting of Antony and Cleopatra, when the queen was -rowed up the Cydnus in her barge, dressed as Venus with attendant -cupids, seems to have been in the autumn of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42 (Plut., <i>Anton.</i> 25-6.). -He had seen her once before in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 56 when he accompanied Gabinius -to restore her father. But she must have been a mere child then.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> These legions had behaved badly at Placentia, demanding a sum of -money from the inhabitants. Calenus and Ventidius may have justified -their action on this score (Dio, 48, 10).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> From <i>caliga</i>, “a soldier’s boot.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Dio, 48, 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> Appian, b. c. 4, 30; Dio, 48, 31. Livy, however (<i>Ep.</i> 121), says -<i>M. Lepido fuso</i>, as though he had resisted and had been beaten.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 126; Velleius, ii. 74; App., b. c. v. 48-49; Dio, 48, 14; Seneca, -<i>de Clem.</i> 1, 11, 1. The uncertainty of historical testimony is illustrated by -the fact that both Dio and Appian name C. Canutius (Tr. Pl. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44) among -the victims at Perusia, while Velleius (ii. 64) says that he was the first to -suffer under the proscription in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> C. I. L., i. 697.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> This was to safeguard Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. There is some -doubt, however, as to his having been an assassin. Cocceius denied it -(App., b. c. v. 62). Suetonius (Nero 3) does the same. But Cicero (<i>2 Phil.</i> -§§ 27, 30) says that he was; and Appian himself does the same (b. c. v. 59). -Dio thrice speaks of him as a σφαγεύς (48, 7, 29, 54). At any rate he was -condemned by the <i>lex Pedia</i>, as though he had been an assassin. He may -have been one of those who joined the assassins on the Capitol <i>after</i> the -murder.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> Appian, b. c. v. 65. It has been doubted whether this or the meeting of -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37 was the one to which Horace accompanied his patron Mæcenas. -In favour of this one is the mention of Cocceius Nerva by Horace (<i>Sat.</i> 1 -v. 28, 50), against it is the way in which he is mentioned with Mæcenas as -aversos <i>soliti</i> componere amicos, as if he had been so engaged before. -But though in the second meeting he is not mentioned by Appian, he may -have been there. Something has been made of the mention of the croaking -frogs (l. 14), as this meeting could hardly have been earlier than July, -when the Italian frogs are said to be silent. For the Ovations see C. I. L., -i. p. 461.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> This was one of the chief grievances. Hor., <i>Ep.</i> ix. 9, <i>minatus urbi -vincla, que detraxerat servis amicus perfidis</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> Hor., <i>Od.</i> ii. 1, 15-16; Dio, 48, 41; C. I. L., i. p. 461. Pollio after this -withdrew from active political life and devoted himself to literature. He -seems to have taken no part in the subsequent quarrels between Antony -and Augustus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> Dio, 48, 19, 48; Hor., <i>Epod.</i> 9, 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> The first period ended on the last day of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 38; but neither Antony -nor Cæsar had laid down their imperium of office. They now assumed -that it went on from the first day of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37, the want of legal sanction -during the intervening months being ignored. There is no certain trace -of this second triumvirate having been confirmed by a <i>lex</i>; yet one would -think that they would have taken care to have that formality observed. -See p. 143.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> Cicero, <i>ad Fam.</i> xi. 9; Cicero himself calls him <i>levissimus</i>, <i>ad -Brut.</i> 1, 15, § 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 52 Cicero had wished to give his daughter Tullia in marriage -to Tiberius Claudius Nero (Cic., <i>Att.</i> 6, 6.).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> He was quæstor in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 48, and therefore was not born later than -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 78. Livia was born <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 58.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> Even Suetonius, not much inclined to speak good of Augustus, admits -that he <i>dilexit et probavit unice ac perseveranter</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> Suetonius (c. 22) says that he had two ovations—after Philippi and after -the bellum Siculum. But if an ovation was decreed after Philippi, it was -not celebrated till <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 40, upon the reconciliation with Antony. The second -was this. Another had been voted in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43 after Mutina, but not -celebrated (C. I. L. i. p. 461). See also p. 100.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> Appian (b. c. v. 132) says that they elected him perpetual tribune (αὐτὸν -... εἕλοντο δήμαρχον ἐς ἀεί). Dio (49, 15) only says that they gave him the -personal sacredness of the tribunes and the right of sitting on their bench. -Orosius (6, 18, 34) says that the Senate voted <i>ut in perpetuum tribuniciæ -potestatis esset</i>. We shall have to discuss this later on, but it must be said -at once that Augustus was never tribune, and that it seems doubtful -whether the <i>tribunicia potestas</i> was given in its full sense at this time.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> Dio, 49, 14; Strabo, x. 4, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> Dio, 49, 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> App., b. c. v. 132; Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> Or, as they were also called Vetus, and Nova Africa. The former was -the old province formed of the territory of Carthage, the latter the new -province formed after the battle of Thapsus (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46) of which the first -governor was the historian Sallust. See pp. 23-4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> Appian, <i>Illyr.</i> 17; Dio, 49, 34, 38.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> Appian, <i>Illyr.</i> 18-21; Dio, 49, 37. The Iapydes (a wild tribe) had first -been attacked in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 129 by C. Sempronius and subdued after some -disasters. (Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 59.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> Pliny, <i>N. H.</i> 36 § 121.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> The Porticus Octaviæ, of which an arch remains, was a rectangular -cloister enclosing the temples of Jupiter Stator and Iuno Regina.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> Dio, 49, 15; Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 72.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> Horace, <i>Epod.</i> ix. ii.; <i>cp.</i> Ov., <i>Met.</i> 15, 826.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> An anecdote has been preserved illustrating the policy of “sitting on -the hedge,” which must have prevailed among many while the contest -between the two leaders was still undecided. After Actium, when Cæsar -landed (the time and place are charmingly vague), a man offered a <i>cornix</i> -which had been taught to say, “Ave, Cæsar, imperator et victor.” He bought -the bird at a large price, whereat the man’s partner, being jealous, urged -that he should be forced to bring another bird, which when brought repeated -as it had been taught, “<i>Ave, Antoni, imperator et victor</i>.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> Dio, 50, 5; but Suetonius, <i>Aug.</i> 17, says that he was declared a <i>hostis</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> Dio, 50, 5. Thus Horace, on hearing the rumours of Antony’s defeat, -exclaims (somewhat prematurely), <i>Epod.</i> ix. 27:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">“<i>Terra marique victus hostis punico,</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>lugubre mutavit sagum.</i>”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Bocchus of Mauretania, Tarchondemus of Cilicia Aspera, Archilaus of -Cappadocia, Amyntas of Lycaonia and Galatia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, -Malchus of Arabia, Herod of Judæa, Sadalas of Thrace, Polemon of -Pontus. (Plut., <i>Ant.</i> 61.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> Dio, 50, 14-23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> Dio, 50-31, says, ὑετός τε ἐν τούτῳ λαβρὸς καὶ ζάλη πολλή. But Plutarch, -<i>Ant.</i> 65, says that after four days of stormy weather on the day of battle -νηνεμίας καὶ γαλὴνης γενομένης συνῄεσαν.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> The earlier writers, Horace (<i>Od.</i> i. 37, 27) and Velleius (2, 87), seem to -have no doubt about the snake story. Livy (as we have him) says nothing -either way except that she died by suicide (<i>Ep.</i> 133). It is the later writers -who express the doubt, Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 17; Plut., <i>Ant.</i> 86; Dio, 51, 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> This word—one of the financial terms borrowed from Sicily (lit. “a -basket”)—was perhaps not commonly used in the restricted sense in the -time of Augustus, though the thing existed. Into the emperor’s <i>fisc</i> went -the revenues of the imperial provinces; but the balance in the case of -most was not large. Cicero indeed (<i>pro lege Manil</i>, § 14) says that none of -the provinces except Asia did much more than pay its expenses. This -was probably an exaggeration, but not a very great one.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> This, it should be remembered, was exclusive of the legions regularly -raised for certain provinces and stationed in them.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i> 3, 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Traces of the work of Augustus in provincial towns may still be seen, -as at Nismes and other towns in South-eastern France.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> Horace, <i>Odes</i> iii. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> In the <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i> 20, he says that he repaired 82 temples in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28, -and the Flaminian road with all but two of its bridges in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> The foundations of the triple arch at Rome were discovered in 1888 -between the temple of Cæsar and that of the Castores. For the inscription -see C. I. L. vii. 872. <i>SENATUS . POPULUSQUE . ROMANUS . -IMP . CÆSARI . DIVI . IULI . F . COS . QUINCT . COS . DESIG . SEXT . -IMP . SEPT . REPUBLICA . CONSERVATA.</i> The date here indicated -is <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 29. See Lanciani, <i>Ruins of Ancient Rome</i>, p. 270. Middleton, -<i>Remains of Ancient Rome</i>, vol. i. p. 284. There does not appear to be -any record of the arch at Brundisium.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> Vergil, <i>Georg.</i> iv. 560, <i>Cæsar dum magnus ad altum fulminat Euphratem -bello.</i> Horace, <i>Od.</i> 1, 12, 53:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Ille seu Parthos Latio imminentes</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Egerit iusto domitos triumpho,</i></div> - <div class="verse indent0"><i>Sive subjectos Orientis oræ Seras et Indos.</i></div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Similar exaggerations will be found scattered throughout the poems of -Propertius (ii. 7, 3; iii. 1, 13; iii. 23, 5; iv. 3, 4; iv. 4, 48; iv. 11, 3). Still -more exaggerated language was used afterwards on the restoration of -the standards (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 20).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> A good deal of confusion in our authorities has arisen by a failure to -distinguish between a <i>censoria potestas</i> granted like the <i>tribunicia</i> by -special vote and the <i>censoria potestas</i> inherent in the consulship, from -which it had been devolved in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 444. In the <i>Monumentum</i>, ch. 8, -Augustus himself says nothing about the <i>censoria potestas</i>, but in the -Venusian fasti (C. I. L. ix. 422) we find <i>imp. Cæsar vi. M. Agrippa II. Cos. -idem censoria potestate lustrum fecerunt</i>. Suetonius (c. 27) knew that he -was not Censor, but supposed him to have acted under a decree granting -him <i>morum legumque regimen perpetuum</i>, an office, however, which -Augustus expressly says that he declined (<i>Mon.</i>, ch. 6). Dio (52, 42) -describes him as τιμητεύσας σὺν τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ, a direct confusion between -the censorial power possessed by a Consul and that bestowed independently. -He, however, apparently did receive <i>censoria potestas</i> (never the -censorship) in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 19 for five years.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> <i>Rex sacrorum</i>, the greater <i>flamens</i>, the Salii had still to be patricians. -An <i>interrex</i> also must be a patrician, but that office was now practically at -an end. The last case of an <i>interrex</i> was in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 52.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> A jest that was reproduced in London when country peers came up to -vote against the Home Rule Bill and were said by gossips to be obliged to -ask their way to the House of Lords. A popular ballad also was sung -about the streets—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">“Cæsar leads the Gauls in triumph and guides them to the Senate house;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Gauls have doffed their native brogues and donned the Senate’s laticlave!”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Sueton., <i>Cæs.</i> 72, 80. See also Cicero, 9 <i>Phil.</i> § 12; 13 <i>Phil.</i> § 27; <i>ad -Fam.</i> vi. 18; <i>Bell. Afr.</i> 28; Dio, 42, 51; 43, 27. Compare the career of -P. Ventidius Bassus, brought a prisoner from Asculum to adorn the -triumph of Pompey after the Social war, then a mule contractor to Cæsar, -and afterwards going through all the offices to the consulship in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> On the analogy of slaves enfranchised by will. Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 35; -Plutarch, <i>Ant.</i> 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> Cicero calls such a man a <i>voluntarius Senator</i>, 13 <i>Phil.</i> § 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> Dio, 48, 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 35; Dio, 52, 42. In the <i>Monumentum</i> (c. 25) he reckons -the number of Senators who had served under him as “more than 700.” -To them must be added those who had not taken active service and those -who were with Antony.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> Dio, 52, 42. The regulation had always existed because every Senator -was bound to attend if called upon, and therefore must be within reach, -unless he was one of those <i>qui reipublicæ causa abessent</i>. (Livy, 43, 11.) -Thus Cicero, defending the Senators who crossed over to join Pompey in -Epirus, says to Atticus (viii. 15) that there was hardly one who had not a -legal right to cross, either as having imperium, or being legatus to an -imperator. The usual means of evading this was to obtain a <i>libera legatio</i> -for a fixed time. Occasionally a man got himself named an ordinary -legatus to a provincial governor, but was allowed to go elsewhere with -some colourable commission. But this was an abuse. See Cicero, <i>ad Fam.</i> -xii. 21; <i>ad Q. Frat.</i> ii. 9; <i>ad Att.</i> xv. 11. Sicily and Gallia Narbonensis -were excepted as being practically Italy, or, as Cicero says, “suburban -provinces.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 36; Dio, 3, 19; Tacitus, <i>Ann.</i> 5, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> ὅρον τὴν ἕκτην ὑπάτειαν αὑτοῦ προσθείς. Dio, 53, 2. See Tacitus, <i>Ann.</i> -iii. 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> The doubt was an old one. Appian in one place affirms and in -another denies that there was a <i>lex</i> for the second period of the triumvirs -(<i>Illyr.</i> 28; b. c. v. 95). No other authority mentions one, and it certainly -was not passed in the early months of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 37, that is, till after the triumvirs -had already continued their office without legal confirmation for some -time. Willems (<i>le Sénat</i>, ii. 761) holds that there was a plebiscitum; -Mommsen that there was not.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i> ch. 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28 he took care to transfer the consular fasces to his colleague -Agrippa in alternative months, and when with soldiers to give the -watchword jointly with him. (Dio, 53, 1.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> I do not myself see any good reason to doubt that Dio has given at -any rate the substance of these documents. It is not perhaps natural to -us to suppose two men like Mæcenas and Agrippa solemnly reading -speeches to the Emperor; but it was no unusual thing at Rome. Augustus -himself is said to have done it, even to his wife, Livia, and frequently with -others (Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 84). Tacitus says it was the fashion of the time -(<i>Ann.</i> 4, 37), as it seems to have been still earlier, for Cicero complains -that his nephew, Quintus, had written an elaborate diatribe against him -which he meant to deliver to Iulius Cæsar in Alexandria. (<i>Ad Att.</i> xi. 10.) -For similar documents see Dio, 52, 1-40; 53, 3; 55, 15-21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> Dio, 52, 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> The <span class="smcap">Imperial</span> provinces were: Hispania Tarraconensis, and Lusitania, -the Galliæ (beyond the Alps), including the districts afterwards called -Germania, superior and inferior, Cœle-Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, -Ægypt.</p> - -<p>The <span class="smcap">Senatorial</span> were: Sicilia, Hispania Bætica, Sardinia, Africa, -Numidia, Dalmatia, Greece and Epirus, Macedonia, Asia, Crete and -Cyrene, Bithynia and Pontus.</p> - -<p>Cisalpine Gaul ceased to be a province, and was included in Italy.</p> - -<p>Subsequent changes were:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="hanging"><span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 24. Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis were transferred to the -Senate.</p> - -<p class="hanging"><span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 21. Dalmatia was transferred to the Emperor.</p> - -<p class="hanging"><span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 6. Sardinia was transferred to the Emperor for nine years.</p> - -</div> - -<p>The provinces added during the lifetime of Augustus: Galatia, -Lycaonia, Mœsia, and the minor Alpine provinces were imperial.</p> - -<p>All provinces added afterwards were imperial.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> Ovid (F. 1, 587-616) says the Ides of January; the Calendarium Prænestinum -gives the 16th. Possibly the one is the date of the SCtum, the other -of the plebiscitum.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> Augustus himself uses it in the <i>Monumentum</i> (chs. 30, 32), “me -principe,” “ante me principem.” Horace (<i>Od.</i> 1, 21, 13; 2, 30; <i>Ep.</i> 2, 1, -256), Propertius (v. 6, 46), both employ it when speaking of Augustus. It -occurs in inscriptions referring to Tiberius, and is the common term used -by Tacitus. If, therefore, it was not formally bestowed (as seems probable), -it soon grew into use as a title in ordinary language. Nor was it altogether -a new idea; Cicero had used it as a possible title of honour, with which -Pompey or Cæsar, had they been moderate, might have been content. -(Cic., <i>ad Fam.</i> vi. 6). Again, though it is not a mere extension of <i>princeps -senatus</i>, yet it is clearly connected with it. As the Senatus is the first <i>ordo</i> -in the state, the <i>princeps senatus</i> is also <i>princeps civitatis</i>. The two titles -were soon confounded. Thus Pliny (<i>N.H.</i> xxxvi. § 116) speaks of M. -Æmilius Scaurus as <i>totius princeps civitatis</i>, when he means that he had -been several times entered by the Censors on the roll as <i>princeps senatus</i>. -But a new connotation became attached to the word from the political -powers of the <i>princeps</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Horace, <i>Epode</i>, vii. 7; <i>Odes</i>, i. 21, 15; iii. 5, 2; Propert., iii. 23, 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> Vergil, <i>Georg.</i> iii. 25; Horace, <i>Odes</i> iii. 4, 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> Strabo, ii. 5, 8; iv. 6, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> Strabo, <i>l. c.</i> In the <i>Monument</i>. (ch. 32) Augustus records the visit of -two British princes, Dumnobellaunus and another, of whose name only the -letters <i>Tinn</i> remain (perhaps “Tincommius,” a king of what is now -Sussex).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> The triumph of M. Crassus is dated by the Tab. Triumph. C. I. L. 1, 416; -but the defeat of the “Dacian Cotiso” is classed with the Cantabrian war -by Horace (<i>Od.</i> 3, 8, 18-24), and Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 135, mentions a second war of -M. Crassus “against the Thracians,” as contemporary with the Spanish -war.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> The Salassi, who had for the last 100 years given much trouble, had -twice in recent years been in arms: in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 35 they defeated C. Antistius -Vetus, and, in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 34, had, with great difficulty, been partly subdued by -Valerius Messalla. Their command of the principal Alpine pass made it -important that they should be kept in check.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> Hor., <i>Od.</i> 2, 6, 2, <i>Cantabrum indoctum iuga ferre nostra</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> <i>Odes</i> iii. 8, 21, <i>servit Hispanæ vetus hostis oræ Cantaber sera domitus -catena</i>; iii. 14, 3, <i>Cæsar Hispana repetit Penates Victor ab ora</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Perhaps that of which remains exist at Aosta, and cannot now be dated. -That at Turbia was built <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 6 (Pliny, <i>N. H.</i> 3 § 136). That at Susa in -<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 8 [C. I. L. v. 7,231]. Horace may refer to it among the <i>Nova Augusti -tropæa</i> (<i>Od.</i> 2, 9, 19).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> Horace, <i>Odes</i> i. 29, 1; ii. 12, 24; iii. 24, 1; i. 35, 32-40.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> Propert., 3, 1, 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> Middleton (<i>Remains of Ancient Rome</i>, vol. ii. pp. 126-128) seems to -have given good reasons against its connection with the Thermæ of -Agrippa. Lanciani (<i>Ruins and Excavations</i>, pp. 476-488) asserts that the -structure as it now stands is of the age of Hadrian (about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 129), and -doubts Agrippa’s original building being of the same shape. Even the -portico with its inscription—<span class="smcap">M. Agrippa l. f. cos. tert. fecit</span>—he thinks -was taken to pieces and put up again by Hadrian. The history of the -building, however, cannot be regarded as thoroughly ascertained. -Agrippa’s third consulship was in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27, whereas Dio places the completion -of the Pantheon under <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 25 (53, 27). It may well have been that -the external building was finished and dedicated in <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27, and that the -inside occupied two more years.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> A. Licinius Muræna was called A. Terentius Varro Muræna from being -adopted by Terentius Varro. See Dio, 54, 3; Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 19; Hor., <i>Odes</i> -2, 10; Velleius Paterc. 2, 91. Of Fannius Cæpio nothing practically is -known, he was prosecuted by Tiberius for <i>maiestas</i> and condemned.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> In the <i>cenotaphia Pisana</i> Gaius is described after his death as “iam -<i>designatum</i> iustissimum ac simillimum parentis sui virtutibus <i>principem</i>.” -But this is probably not an official title.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> There seems little doubt that the character of Agrippa Postumus gave -some ground for this measure; but Augustus seems to have regretted and -at times to have contemplated recalling him. His murder immediately -after the death of Augustus is called by Tacitus “the first crime of the -new reign.” Whether Tiberius or Livia was responsible for it cannot be -discussed here.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> So Dio (55, 5) says. Suetonius (<i>Tib.</i> 16) says five years. There may -have been a renewal after five years.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> <i>Monum. Ancyr.</i> 27; C.I.L. vi. 701.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> This is what Augustus means by saying “that he extended the frontiers -of all the provinces bordering on tribes that had not submitted” (<i>Mon. -Anc.</i> 26).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> The exact position of Nabata is uncertain. It is described in the -<i>Mon. Ancyr.</i> 26 as “close to Meroe.” Augustus takes the responsibility of -both these campaigns as being <i>meo iussu et auspicio</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> As, for instance, Agrippa. Hor., <i>Ep.</i> 1, 12, 1. The seven colonies -mentioned are Syracuse, Tauromenium, Catana, Thermæ, Tyndaris, -Lilybæum, Panormus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> Dio, 54, 8; Horace, <i>Od.</i> 3, 5; this ode was written several years before -the restoration of the standards, but the fact of the <i>milites Crassi</i> having -settled in Parthia was naturally known.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> Verg., <i>Æn.</i> vii. 604-606.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> Horace, <i>Ep.</i> i. 18, 56; <i>Odes</i> iv. 15, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> Propert., 3, 10, 13; 4; 4, 16; 4, 5, 48; 4, 12, 3; 5, 6, 79.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> Ovid, <i>F.</i> v. 567-594. According to Mommsen there were two temples -of Mars Ultor, one on the Capitol (Dio, 54, 8), the other in the Forum -Augustum, vowed at Philippi, but not dedicated till <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2. The <i>signa</i> -seem to have been deposited first in the former and then transferred to -the latter. Ovid evidently speaks of them as in the temple in the Forum -Augustum.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> Such as the Brenni and Genauni of Hor., <i>Od.</i> iv. 14, 10; cp. iv. 4, 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i>, 13; Horace, <i>Epist.</i> 2, 1, 255; <i>Odes</i>, 4, 15, 9; Dio, 54, 25. -For the inscription, see Clinton, <i>Fast. Hell.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 14. The tenth tribunician -year is from June 27th, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 14, to 26th June, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 13. The <i>ara pacis</i> was -founded in this year (4th July), dedicated 30th January, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> But he does not seem to have had any fighting this year, and in fact -the Senate voted to close the Ianus Quirinus, though that was prevented -by an inroad of the Daci into Pannonia, with which Tiberius was sent to -deal. Dio, 54, 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> Especially in camps, in which there seem to have been a regular -service of <i>tabellarii castrenses</i>. (Wilmann’s <i>Exempla</i> 1357.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> The armed provinces were those on the frontier. Towards the end of -the life of Augustus, the preponderance of the military force on the Rhine -and Danube is the noteworthy fact. The Gauls and “Germany” had -eight legions, Spain three, Africa two, Egypt two, Syria four, Pannonia -two, Mœsia two, Dalmatia two. But those on the Rhine were more -concentrated. (Tac., <i>Ann.</i> 4, 5.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> C.I.L. x. 8375; <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i> 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 98: “As he chanced to be cruising in his yacht round the -bay of Puteoli, the passengers and crew of an Alexandrine ship, which -had just come to land, came with white robes, with garlands on their -heads and burning censers in their hands, loudly blessing and praising -him, and saying that they owed it to him that they were alive, that they -sailed the sea, that they were enjoying their liberty and property.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> Horace, <i>Odes</i> iv. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> See, among others, <i>Ep.</i> ii. 1-16; <i>Odes</i> 3, 5, 2; 4, 5, 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 52; Dio, 51, 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> The Latin inscriptions bearing on this point have been collected in a -convenient form by Mr. Rushforth, <i>Latin Historical Inscriptions</i>, pp. 51-61. -Other places in Italy thus shewn to have adopted the cult in some form or -other during the lifetime of Augustus are Asisium, Beneventum, Fanum -Fortunæ, Pisa, Tibur, Verona, possibly Ancona, and Forum Clodii, and -some unnamed place in Latium.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> Plut., <i>Flamin.</i> 16; Cicero, <i>ad Q. Fr.</i> 1, 1, 9; <i>ad Att.</i> 5, 21; Tac., -<i>Ann.</i> 4, 56. Polyb. 31, 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> Appian, b. c. 5, 132, “and the cities began placing his image side by -side with those of their gods.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Information as to these is mostly to be found in Greek inscriptions, -C.I.G. 3,524, 3,604, 3,831, 4,039. See also Dio, 51, 10; Strabo, 27, 1, 9; -Joseph., <i>Antiq.</i> 15, 10, 3; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 137; Pausan., iii. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> Quintilian, vi. 377.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> For this and his statue in the temple of Quirinus, with legend of <i>Deo -invicto</i>, the vote of the Senate giving him a temple, flamen, and other -divine honours, see Dio, 43, 45; 44, 6; Cicero, <i>2 Phil.</i> § 110; ad <i>Att.</i> 13, 44; -Sueton., <i>Cæs.</i> 76. It was worse than the case of Augustus, more insincere -and less spontaneous. The Senate was filled with the protégés of Iulius -at the time.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> Macrob., <i>Sat.</i> 2, 4, 18; Plut., <i>Cic.</i> 49; Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> See Horace, <i>Odes</i> iii. 4, 22: vester, Camenæ, vester in arduos | tollor -Sabinos, seu mihi frigidum | Præneste seu Tibur supinum | seu liquidæ -pacuere Baiæ.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> Apragopolis. In Suetonius (c. 97) it is doubtful whether he means -Capreæ or some other island. Perhaps it is <i>Nesis</i>, where M. Brutus had a -villa which might have come into his hands as confiscated property (Cic., -<i>ad Att.</i> xvi. 1-4.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> An echo of his master’s feelings on this point is as usual found in -Horace, <i>Od.</i> ii. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> Another tragedy “Achilles” is mentioned by Suidas.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> Hor., <i>Od.</i> 3, 136. Suetonius (<i>Aug.</i> 85) mentions others, “An answer to -Brutus about Cato,” evidently a youthful essay; “Exhortations to Philosophy,” -no doubt youthful too; an hexameter poem called <i>Sicilia</i>. When -he tried to read them in later life to a family audience they bored him so -much that he handed the rolls over to Tiberius to finish. Lastly, a short -volume of Epigrams which he used to compose in the bath.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> Hor., <i>Epist.</i> 2, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> In <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 46, 42, 25, and 23. From that time, however, though generally -delicate he seems not to have had any serious attack.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> The <i>lex Iulia et Titia</i>, enabling the provincial governor to assign -guardians to such persons as were legally bound to have them, was passed -between the 1st of May and 1st of October, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31, the period during -which M. Titius was consul.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> Authorities will be found in Mommsen, <i>res gestæ</i>, p. 96.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i>, 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> C. I. L. xi. 365; <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i> 20. “In my seventh consulship I remade -the Flaminian road from the city to Ariminum, and all the bridges except -the Mulvian and Minucian.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> See Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 46. The regions are described by Pliny alone, <i>N.H.</i> iii. -46-128.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> The inscription on the road to Salonæ in Dalmatia is dated <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 19, -but it must have been begun much earlier. For the other roads see -Willmanns 832, 829, 830, 832; Clinton’s <i>Fasti</i>, anno <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 14; <i>Journal -of Hellenic Studies</i>, xii. part i. p. 109 <i>sq.</i> C. I. L. iii. 6,974.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> Digest, 47, 11, 6. The penalties varied from a fine to exclusion from -the corn trade, <i>relegatio</i>, and condemnation to public works.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> Cicero, pro Sest. § 103; <i>ad Att.</i> vi. 6; Livy, vi. 12; Appian, b. c. ii. 120; -Dionys. H. xii. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> Quoted by Sueton., <i>Aug.</i> 42.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> Dio, 53, 20, 33; Horace, <i>Odes</i> 1, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> The Sacred Colleges (1) were exempt from military service, imposts -and public services of all kinds; (2) had a charge on the <i>ager publicus</i> -for sacrifices, feasts, &c.; (3) in most cases had estates besides; (4) received -special grants from time to time for repairs of buildings.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> <i>Mon. Ancy.</i>, 10; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 117; Vell., ii. 63; App., b. c. v. 131; Dio, 44, -53. All these authorities speak of the irregularity of the election of Lepidus.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> <i>Ephemeris Epigraphica</i>, viii. 2; Lindsay’s <i>Latin Inscriptions</i>, p. 102.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> <i>Carmen Sæcul.</i> 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> Horace, <i>Odes</i> iv. 5, 21; iv. 15, 9-12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> We frequently hear in earlier times of the scandal caused by certain -people abandoning the heavy and not very comfortable toga for lighter -dress, Greek or Gallic. Those who care to trace the history of such a -matter will find references to it in Cicero, <i>pro Rab. Post.</i> § 27; 2 <i>Phil.</i> § 76; -Livy, 29, 19; Tac., <i>Ann.</i> ii. 59; Hor., <i>Ep.</i> 1, 7, 65. And if it is desired to see -how futile such orders are against a prevailing fashion, the continued disuse -of it may be traced in Juvenal 1, 119; 3, 172; Mart. 1, 49, 31; 12, 18, -17; Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 40; and as late as Hadrian we find that the order needed -renewal, Spart. <i>Had.</i> 22. George III. insisting that Bishops should wear -wigs is a case in point.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> Cicero (<i>in Pis.</i> § 67) speaks with scorn of the vulgar rich man who -had five, or sometimes more, guests on each couch.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> Though in making regulations on these subjects Augustus acted on his -censorial powers, when it came to enacting laws he would propose them -to the tribes in virtue of his tribunician powers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> <i>De adulteriis coercendis; de pudicitia; de maritandis ordinibus.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> Dio, 56, 2-10; Suet., <i>Aug.</i> 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a> Martial, <i>Epigr.</i>, xi. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> Pliny, <i>N. H.</i> 7 § 149; Dio, 54, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> In <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 11 the people of Narbonne founded an altar to him in gratitude -for some reform in their constitution which he had either granted or -initiated. (Wilmanns, 194.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> Asia and Sicily originally did not pay a <i>stipendium</i>, but tithes on -produce. This system was abolished by Iulius Cæsar.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Suet., <i>August.</i> 76.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> Suet., <i>Tib.</i> 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> Dio, 56, 29. But there does not appear to have been one that year. -There was a partial eclipse of the moon on the 4th of April and a total -eclipse on the 27th of September.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> The Mausoleum was a huge mound of earth covered with shrubs, upon -a substructure or dome cased with white marble and surrounded by walks -and plantations, and surmounted by a bronze statue of Augustus. On the -still-existing foundation there is now what is called the <i>Teatro Correa</i>. -Besides this the spot on which his body was burnt was also enclosed and -planted. Strab., iv. 53. Middleton, <i>Remains of Ancient Rome</i>, vol. ii. p. 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> It ought, however, to be said to his credit that he forbade the exhibition -of gladiators <i>sine missione</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, without the right of being allowed to depart -safe from the arena when defeated if the people so willed it.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> See note on p. 147.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> Horace, <i>Od.</i> iii. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> Seneca, <i>Epp.</i> 114; <i>Digest.</i> 24, 1, 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> 2, 17, 13; 3, 1, 13; 3, 23, 5; 4, 3; 4, 4, 48; 4, 11, 3; 5, 6, 79-84.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> For purposes of comparison of these sums with our money, 1,000 -sesterces may be taken as equivalent to about £8 10s., and a denarius as -about 10d.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> A pound of gold worth about £45.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> These names and some other words are obliterated in the inscription, -both Latin and Greek.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303"></a>[303]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2> - -</div> - -<ul> - -<li class="ifrst">A</li> - -<li class="indx">Abydos, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Achæan League, the, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Achaia, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colonies in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Acilius, M., <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Actium, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123-24</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colony at, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Ad capita bubula</i>, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Ad gallinas</i>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ægina separated from Athens, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ælius Gallus, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Æmilius Lepidus, M., as prætor (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 49) holds election for dictator, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">appointed to Hispania Citerior, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">visits Sextus Pompeius, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Transalpine Gaul, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">joins Antony, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">becomes one of the triumvirate, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">announces the close of the proscriptions, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">suspected of intriguing with Sextus Pompeius, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his inferior position, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Africa, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">comes to Sicily, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">claims to govern Sicily, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deposed from the triumvirate, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his office of Pontifex Maximus, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his death, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">see also <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Æmilius Lepidus, M. (son of the triumvir), his conspiracy, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his brother, <a href="#Page_258">258</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Æmilius Paullus Lepidus, L., (brother of the triumvir), proscribed, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Ærarium</i>, the, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Æthiopia, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Afranius, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Africa">Africa, province of, <a href="#Page_24">24-26</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">see also <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colonies in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">New Africa, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Agrippa, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Vipsanius">Vipsanius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Agrippa, Postumus, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Agrippina, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ahenobarbus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Domitius">Domitius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Aix, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Alaudæ, the, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Alba Fucensis, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Albis (R. Elbe), <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Alexandria, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Allienus, Aul., <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Alps, provinces of the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Amanus, Mount, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Amatius (the pseudo-Marius), <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Amisia (R. Ems), <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304"></a>[304]</span>Amnesty to the Assassins, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Amphipolis, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Amyntas, king of Galatia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and of Pisidia, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ancyra, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">temple of Augustus and Rome at, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Annonæ præfectus</i>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Antiochus, king of Commagene, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Antistius Vetus, C., <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Antonius Musa (physician), <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Antonius, C. (brother of Marcus), defeated in Illyricum, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Macedonia, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">prætor (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44), <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Antonius, Julius (son of Marcus), <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Antonius, L. (brother of Marcus), <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trib. Pl. (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44), <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">triumphs as consul (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41), <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his quarrel with Augustus, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">besieged in Perusia, <a href="#Page_95">95-6</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Antony (M. Antonius), depreciates Augustus, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">as Tribune (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50) vetoes the recall of Iulius Cæsar, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Consul (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his speech at Cæsar’s funeral, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">opposes the claims of Octavian, <a href="#Page_38">38-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">takes the money in the temple of Ops, <a href="#Page_39">39-40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his use of Cæsar’s papers and his intrigues with the veterans, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accuses Octavian of plotting his assassination, <a href="#Page_44">44-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">suppresses a mutiny at Brundisium, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his speech at Tibur, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">goes to Ariminum, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">commissioners sent to, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his letter to Hirtius and Octavian, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his approval of the murder of Trebonius, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his siege of Mutina, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">defeated at Forum Gallorum, <a href="#Page_57">57-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his great march to Vada, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">declared a <i>hostis</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59-60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">agrees with Lepidus and Octavian to form the triumvirate, <a href="#Page_68">68-70</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his hold on Pompey’s property, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his campaign at Philippi, <a href="#Page_82">82-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">goes to the East, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his infatuation for Cleopatra, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">joins Sextus Pompeius in invading Italy, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">makes terms with Augustus and marries Octavia, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his legate puts Sextus Pompeius to death, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his failures in the East, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his final quarrel with Augustus, <a href="#Page_118">118-21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">divorces Octavia, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his defeat at Actium, <a href="#Page_122">122-25</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his final struggle in Egypt, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his death at Alexandria, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">estimate of, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his letter to Augustus, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Antyllus (son of Antony), <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Apamea (in Syria), <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Apollo, temple and libraries of, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Apollonia (in Epirus), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">(in Cyrene), <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">(in Pisidia), <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Apragopolis, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305"></a>[305]</span>Aqua Marcia, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Aquæ Statiellæ, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Aquileia, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Aquitania, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Arabia, deserts of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">expeditions into, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Argentoratum (Strassburg), <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ariminum, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Armenia, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">king of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Arminius, chief of the Cherusci, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Army, unity of the, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Arsinoe (in Cyrene), <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Artagera, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Artavasdes, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Artaxes, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Arvales, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Asia, province of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Asia recepta</i>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Asinius Gallus, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Asinius">Asinius Pollio, C., in Bætica, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">joins Antony, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">superintends assignment of lands, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">awaits Antony after Perusia, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">assists at the treaty of Brundisium, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">triumphs over the Parthini, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Asprenas, L., <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Astura, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Astures in Spain, the, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - -<li class="indx">At the Oxheads, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Athenodorus of Tarsus, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Athens, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">not favoured by Augustus, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Atia, mother of Augustus, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Atius Balbus, M., <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Augurium salutis</i>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Augusta Emerita, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Augustus">Augustus (Gaius Iulius Cæsar Octavianus) birth of (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 63), <a href="#Page_1">1-2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his cognomen of Thurinus, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in the household of his stepfather, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">takes the <i>toga virilis</i> and made a pontifex, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">not adopted in Cæsar’s lifetime, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">shares Cæsar’s triumph, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in charge of a theatre, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">goes to Spain, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and to Carthage, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">appointed <i>magister equitum</i> and made a patrician, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Apollonia, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his resolve to avenge Cæsar, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">returns from Apollonia, <a href="#Page_35">35-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">adopted by Cæsar’s will, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pays Cæsar’s legacies and celebrates his games, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his dealings with the Ciceronians, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his alleged plot against Antony, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">enrols veterans, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tampers with Antony’s legions, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">joined by the legio Martia and Quarta and granted prætorian rank, <a href="#Page_50">50-52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his campaign at Mutina, <a href="#Page_56">56-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">slighted by the Senate, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">refuses to pursue Antony, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306"></a>[306]</span>demands and obtains the consulate, <a href="#Page_64">64-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">enters the triumvirate and is betrothed to Clodia, <a href="#Page_70">70-71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his share of responsibility for the proscriptions, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in the campaign of Philippi, <a href="#Page_83">83-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his assignment of lands to veterans and troubles with L. Antonius and Fulvia, <a href="#Page_90">90-92</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his campaign of Perusia, <a href="#Page_94">94-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marries Scribonia, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his quarrels and reconciliations with Antony, <a href="#Page_99">99-102</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his dangers in the Sicilian war, <a href="#Page_102">102-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deposes Lepidus, <a href="#Page_106">106-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">honours voted to after the defeat of Sextus Pompeius, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his campaigns in Illyricum, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his house on the Palatine, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his letters to and from Antony, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">proclaims war as Fetial against Cleopatra, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at the battle of Actium, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">winters at Samos and Athens (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31-30), <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his interviews with Cleopatra, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">honours voted to after Actium, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his constitutional reforms, <a href="#Page_137">137-47</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">shares the provinces with the Senate, <a href="#Page_147">147-48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the title Augustus, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">goes to Gaul (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 27), <a href="#Page_151">151-53</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and to Spain, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his benefactions, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his illness of <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 23 and recovery, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">adopts Gaius and Lucius, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his adoption of Tiberius, <a href="#Page_168">168-69</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his maxim as to the extension of the Empire, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his settlement of the East, <a href="#Page_172">172-79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">favours Sparta rather than Athens, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Gaul, <a href="#Page_180">180-82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">activity after the fall of Varus, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his military discipline, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his absences from Italy, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the worship of, <a href="#Page_195">195-201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his tolerant character, <a href="#Page_201">201-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his health, <a href="#Page_208">208-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his residences, <a href="#Page_204">204-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his way of life, <a href="#Page_206">206-11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his reforms and legislation, <a href="#Page_212">212-32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his connection with the sacred colleges, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his legislation on marriage and divorce, <a href="#Page_226">226-32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">saluted as <i>pater patriæ</i>, <a href="#Page_236">236-37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">financial measures, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">last journey and death, <a href="#Page_255">255-58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his funeral, <a href="#Page_252">252-60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">will and other documents left by him, <a href="#Page_260">260-62</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">summary of his career, <a href="#Page_265">265-72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">physical appearance and habits, <a href="#Page_272">272-74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">buildings and other public works, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297-98</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Aurelius, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Aurelius Cotta, M., <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Autocracy, advantages and disadvantages of, <a href="#Page_269">269-71</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Avernus, Lake, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">B</li> - -<li class="indx">Bætica, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307"></a>[307]</span>Balbus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Cornelius_Balbus">Cornelius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Basilica Iulia</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bassus, Q. Cæcilius, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bassus, Ventidius, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Footnote_224">139 <i>n.</i></a></li> - -<li class="indx">Belgæ, the, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Belgica, province of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Benacus Lacus, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Beneventum, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Berenice, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bessi, the, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Beyroot (Berutum), <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bithynia and Pontus, province of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bœotia, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bononia, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Brigandage, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Britain, <a href="#Page_151">151-52</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Brundisium, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">treaty of, <a href="#Page_99">99-100</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">mutiny of veterans at, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Brutus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Iunius">Iunius</a>”</li> - -<li class="ifrst">C</li> - -<li class="indx">Cadiz, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cæcilius Caldus, C., <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cælius Metellus, L., <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Caecilius">Cæcilius Metellus, L., Tr. Pl. (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>), <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cæcilius Metellus Creticus, Q., <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cæcilius Metellus, Q., father-in-law of Pompey, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cæcina of Volaterræ, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cæsar, Gaius, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_240">240-42</a>;</li> - -<li class="indx">Cæsar, Lucius, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cæsar, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Iulius">Iulius</a>,” “<a href="#Augustus">Augustus</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Cæsar-Augusta, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cæsarion, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Calabria, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Calpe (Gibraltar), <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Calpurnius Piso, L., father-in-law of Cæsar, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Calvisius Sabinus, C., <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Campania, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Candace, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cantabri, war with, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Capreæ (Capri), <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Capua, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Caracalla, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Carthage, colony at, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cassius, C., <a href="#Footnote_21">19 <i>n.</i></a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Asia and Syria, <a href="#Page_29">29-31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">has to quit Rome after Cæsar’s murder, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">offered the <i>cura annonæ</i>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">nominated to Cyrene, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">publishes edicts with Brutus against Antony, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his nomination to Syria renewed by Senate, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to be attacked by Antony, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his war with the triumvirs, <a href="#Page_79">79-83</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his death, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cassius, Q., Tr. Pl. [<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>], <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his failure in Spain, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Carrhæ, battle of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Carthage, colony at, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Casinius, M., <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Castra Vetera, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Catiline, conspiracy of, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Censoria potestas</i>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Census, the, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Chatti, the, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308"></a>[308]</span>Chauci, the, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cherusci, the, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cicero (M. Tullius), <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">meets Octavian, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his view of Octavian and the situation, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45-6</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50-1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his epigram, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his correspondence with Octavian, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his hostility to the party of Antony, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58-65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his submission to Octavian, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">proscribed, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Augustus’s opinion of, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cilicia, province of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cimber, L., <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cinna, L., <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Citizenship, reluctance of Augustus to extend the, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Claterna, skirmish at, <a href="#Page_55">55-6</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Claudius, son of Drusus (afterwards emperor), <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Claudius Marcellus, C. (Cos. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 50), <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Claudius Marcellus, M. (Cos. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 51), <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Claudius">Claudius Marcellus, M., son of Octavia, hopes to succeed Augustus, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Vergil’s lines on his death, <a href="#Page_162">162-63</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Claudius Nero, Tib. (husband of Livia), <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Claudius Nero, Tib. (son of Livia, afterwards emperor), <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">forced to divorce Vipsania and marry Iulia, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">adopted by Augustus, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his character, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">crowns the king of Armenia, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">campaigns in the Eastern Alps, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Pannonia, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">succeeds Drusus on the Rhine, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">retires to Rhodes, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">succeeds again to the command on the Rhine and thence goes to Dalmatia, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">returns to the Rhine on the fall of Varus, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter of Augustus to, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marries Iulia, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">divorces Iulia, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Augustus’s feelings towards, <a href="#Page_169">169-70</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253-55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his successes, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his speech at the funeral of Augustus, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cleopatra, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">prevented from sending aid to Antony against Brutus and Cassius, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her meeting with Antony on the Cydnus, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her influence on Antony, <a href="#Page_118">118-21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Actium, <a href="#Page_123">123-24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her negotiations with Octavian and death, <a href="#Page_126">126-29</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">See also <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Clodia, betrothed to Augustus, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">repudiated, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Clodius, P., <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li> - -<li class="indx">M. Cocceius Nerva, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cœle-Syria, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Collegia</i>, the, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Colonies of Augustus in Italy, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Commagene, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Comum, colony of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Confarreatio</i>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309"></a>[309]</span><i>Constitutio principis</i>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Consularia ornamenta</i>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Corcyra, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cordova, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Corfinium, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Corinth, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colony at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Corn, supply and price of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">free distribution of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Cornelius_Balbus">Cornelius Balbus, L., <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">theatre of, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Cornelius_Dolabella">Cornelius Dolabella, P., <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">(Cos. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44) shares the money in the temple of Ops, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">receives a legion from Macedonia, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">puts Trebonius to death, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his proceedings in Syria, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">kills himself at Laodicea, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Cornelius_Lentulus">Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, P., <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cornificius, Q., <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cornutus, M. (Præt. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43), <a href="#Page_67">67</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cosa, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cotys of Thrace, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Crassus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Licinius_Crassus">Licinius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Crete, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Crispus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Marcius_Crispus">Marcius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Croatia, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cumæ, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Cura annonæ</i>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Curio, C., <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cyme, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cyprus, separated from Egypt, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cyrene, province of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cyzicus, deprived of liberty, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">D</li> - -<li class="indx">Daci, the, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dalmatia, roads in, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dalmatians, the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Danube, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">provinces of the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dentheletæ, the, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dertona, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dictatorship refused by Augustus, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">of Sulla, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Didius, Q., <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Diffareatio</i>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Divorce, <a href="#Page_226">226-228</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dolabella, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Cornelius_Dolabella">Cornelius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx" id="Domitius">Domitius Ahenobarbus, L., <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cn., <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Druidical religion, the, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Drusus (son of Livia), <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marries Antonia, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his campaigns in the Eastern Alps, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his German campaigns, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his death, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">see also <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Drusus (son of Tiberius), <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">speaks at the funeral of Augustus, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dyrrachium, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">E</li> - -<li class="indx">East and West, separation of, <a href="#Page_86">86-7</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Egypt, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31-2</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310"></a>[310]</span>Elephantine, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Empire, the state of, <a href="#Page_17">17-32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">divisions of between the triumvirs, 1st, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, 2nd, <a href="#Page_86">86-7</a>, 3rd, <a href="#Page_99">99-101</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ephesus, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Epirus, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Equites, review of, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">property of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Eretria separated from Athens, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Ergastula</i>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Euphrates, the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">F</li> - -<li class="indx">Fannius Cæpio, conspirator, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fetials, the, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Finances of the Empire, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fire brigades, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Fiscus</i>, the, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Flamen Dialis, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">flamen of Iulius, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Flevo Lake (Zuyder Zee), <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Floods in Rome, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Fortuna redux</i>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Forum Augustum and forum Iulium, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Forum Cornelii, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Forum Gallorum, battles at, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Forum Iulii (Fréjus), <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fuficius Fango, C., <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fufius Calenus, Q., <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fufius Geminus, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fulvia (wife of Antony), <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">G</li> - -<li class="indx">Gabinius, A. (Cos. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 58), <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Galatia, province of, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Germania inferior and superior, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Germanicus, son of Drusus, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Germans, the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181-82</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184-85</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186-89</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Gaul">Gaul, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the provinces of, <a href="#Page_19">19-21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Cisalpine Gaul, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Transalpine Gaul, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Narbonensis, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colonies in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Augustus in, <a href="#Page_152">152-53</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Genius</i> of a man, the, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Getæ, the, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gracchus, C., <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Greece, province of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">declining state of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Grenoble, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gythium, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">H</li> - -<li class="indx">Hadrian, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hercules, temple of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Herod, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Herophilus, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hirtius, Aul. (Cos. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43), governor of Transalpine Gaul, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to go to Asia, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in the campaign of Mutina, <a href="#Page_55">55-58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311"></a>[311]</span>his death, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Horace (Q. Horatius Flaccus) his view of Antony’s subservience to Cleopatra, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">records Cæsar’s Cantabrian campaign, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the Arabian expedition, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the recovery of the standards, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the absence of Augustus, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the literary tastes of Augustus, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his ode for the secular games, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his connection with Augustus and his support of his popularity, <a href="#Page_285">285-89</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hortensia, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hortensius, Q., <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">house of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">I</li> - -<li class="indx">Iapydes, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Iberia (Georgia), <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Idumæa, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Illyricum, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">province of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colonies in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Imperator, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Imperium, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Indian envoys, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Isauria, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Issa, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Istria, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Italy, brigandage in, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colonies of Augustus in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">privileges of, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ituræa, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ianus, closing of, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Iuba, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Iulia, aunt of Iulius Cæsar, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sister of Iulius Cæsar, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Daughter of Iulius Cæsar, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mother of Antony, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Daughter of Augustus, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">married to Marcellus, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">married to Agrippa, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">married to Tiberius, <a href="#Page_231">231-36</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238-40</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Granddaughter of Augustus, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Iudæa, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Iulius">Iulius Cæsar, C. (the Dictator), <a href="#Page_2">2-9</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">assassination of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his contemplated expedition against the Getæ and Parthians, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his enfranchisement of the Transpadani, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Cilicia, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his funeral and will, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>heroum</i> of at Alexandria, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his settlements of veterans, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">apotheosis of, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sumptuary laws of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Iulius Cæsar, L. (relative of the Dictator), <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Sextus Iulius, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Iunius">Iunius Brutus, Dec., <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Cisalpine Gaul, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his edict, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Antony proposes to succeed him, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">hard pressed for food in Mutina, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">delays the pursuit of Antony, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his difficulties, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his last despairing letter to Cicero, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his death, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Iunius Brutus, M., to be consul (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 41), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">governor of Cisalpine Gaul, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">nominated to Crete, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312"></a>[312]</span>prætor (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44), <a href="#Page_41">41-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Macedonia, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54-6</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plan for recalling him to Rome, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to be attacked by Antony, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his administration in Asia and campaign at Philippi, <a href="#Page_79">79-81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his death, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Iupiter Tonans, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Ius italicum</i>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>ius relationis</i>, <i>ius consulare</i>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>ius trium liberorum</i>, <a href="#Page_229">229-30</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">L</li> - -<li class="indx">Labienus, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lance (<i>Sallanco</i>), <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Land, assignations of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Laodicea, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Lares compitales</i>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Latinitas</i>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Latin games, the, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Legati pro prætore</i>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Legio Martia, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Quarta, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reduction in number of legions, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">commanders of, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">numbers of in the provinces, <a href="#Footnote_269">192 <i>n.</i></a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lentulus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Cornelius_Lentulus">Cornelius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Lesbos, Agrippa in, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Leucopetra, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Lex curiata</i> for adoption, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>lex Papia Poppæa</i>, <a href="#Page_226">226-29</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Libya, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Licinius procurator at Lugdunum, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Licinius_Crassus">Licinius Crassus, M., <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Licinius_Muraena">Licinius Muræna, A., his conspiracy, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lilybæum, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Limyra, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Livia, daughter of Drusus, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Livia, wife of Augustus, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accused of making away with Marcellus, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and of Lucius and Gaius, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Sparta, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her facility as a wife, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her connection with Iulia, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">farewell of Augustus to, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">becomes Iulia Augusta, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her character, <a href="#Page_275">275-78</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Livy, historian, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Loans, state, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Longobardi, the, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lucca, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lucrine Lake, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Ludi sæculares</i>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lugdunum, founding of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Augustus at, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">altar at, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Luperci, the, <a href="#Page_220">220-21</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lupia (R. Lippe), <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lupiæ, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Lustrum</i>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lycia, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">M</li> - -<li class="indx">Macedonia, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">province of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the legions in, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colonies in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mæcenas (C. Cilnius) with Octavius at Apollonia, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">negotiates marriage with Scribonia, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313"></a>[313]</span>represents Augustus at Beneventum, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, and at Tarentum, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in charge of Rome (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 31), <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his loss of favour, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his character and services, <a href="#Page_279">279-82</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Manus</i>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Marcella, d. of Octavia and wife of Agrippa, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Marcellus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Claudius">Claudius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx" id="Marcius_Philippus">Marcius Philippus, L. (stepfather of Augustus), <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Marcius_Crispus">Marcius Crispus, Q., <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Marcomanni, the, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Marius, C., <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Marobudus, chief of the Marcomanni, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Marriage, laws of, <a href="#Page_226">226-30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mars Ultor, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">two temples of, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Marseilles, siege of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Matius, C., <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mauretania, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mausoleum of Augustus, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Media, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Merida, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mesopotamia, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Metellus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Caecilius">Cæcilius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Menodorus, freedman of Sext. Pompeius, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Miletus, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Milliarium aureum</i>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Milo, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Minucius, Q., <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Misenum, treaty of, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mœsia, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">temple in, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Monumentum Ancyranum</i>, <a href="#Page_261">261-62</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293-301</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Morals, reform in, <a href="#Page_223">223-32</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Munatius">Munatius Plancus, L. (Cos. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 42), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">builds temple of Saturn, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Munda, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Muræna, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Licinius_Muraena">Licinius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Murcus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Statius">Statius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Mutina, campaign of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53-62</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mylæ, battles off, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">N</li> - -<li class="indx">Nabata, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Naples, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Narbo, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">temple at, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Narbonensis, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Gaul">Gaul</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Naumachia</i>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Neapolis (port of Philippi), <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Nemausus (Nismes), <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Nicolas of Damascus, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Nicomedia, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Nigidius, P., <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Nile, the, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Nola, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Norbanus, C., <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Noricum, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Nuceria, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Numidia, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>see</i> “<a href="#Africa">Africa</a>”</li> - -<li class="ifrst">O</li> - -<li class="indx">Octavia (sister of Augustus), <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">married to Antony, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314"></a>[314]</span>reconciles Antony and Augustus, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her fidelity to Antony, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">divorced by Antony, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her retirement from society, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">brings up Iulius Antonius, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Octavia gens</i>, the, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Octavius, Octavian, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Augustus">Augustus</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Octavius (father of Augustus), <a href="#Page_1">1-3</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Octavius, Rufus, C., <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Octavius, M., <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ops, money in the temple of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Orcini Senatores</i>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ovations of Augustus, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ovid on the recovery of the standards, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his banishment, <a href="#Page_243">243-46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his relations with Augustus, <a href="#Page_291">291-93</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">P</li> - -<li class="indx">Pacorus, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pamphylia, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Paneas, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pannonians, the, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pannonia, altar in, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pansa, <i>see</i> “Vibius” (Transcriber’s Note: good luck with that; there isn’t an index entry for Vibius. But try page <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Pantheon, the, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Parthians, rumours of war with, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Cæsar’s contemplated expedition against, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">threaten Syria, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Antony’s wars with, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">invade Armenia, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their submission to Augustus and return of the standards, <a href="#Page_173">173-79</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Pater patriæ</i>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Patræ, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colony at, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Patricians recruited, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Patrimonium Cæsarum</i>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Pax Augusta</i>, altar to, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pedius, Q., <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Peducæus, Sext., <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Peloponnese, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pergamus, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Perusia, siege of, <a href="#Page_95">95-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Perusinæ aræ</i>, the, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pharnaces of Pontus, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pharsalia, battle of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pharus, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Philippi, battles of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80-86</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Philippics of Cicero, the, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Philippus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Marcius_Philippus">Marcius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Phœnicia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Phraates IV., King of Parthia, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, (Phrates, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>)</li> - -<li class="indx">Phrygia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Picenum, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pinarius, L., <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Penestæ, an Illyrian tribe, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pergamus, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Piracy, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pisidia, colonies in, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Plancus, <i>see</i> “<a href="#Munatius">Munatius</a>”</li> - -<li class="indx">Plennius, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Plutarch acquits Augustus of plotting against Antony’s life, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315"></a>[315]</span>his account of Cleopatra’s death, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Po, the river, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Polemon of Cilicia, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pollio, <i>see</i> <a href="#Asinius">Asinius</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pompeii, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pompeius Magnus, Cn., position of, <a href="#Page_4">4-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his government of Spain, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">organises Syria, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, Crete, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his defeat at Pharsalia and death in Egypt, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pompeius, Cn. (son of Magnus), <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pompeius, Sext. (younger son of Magnus) survives Munda, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">occupies Sardinia, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">visited by Lepidus in Spain, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">holds Sicily and Sardinia, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rescues many of the proscribed, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">receives Achaia from Antony, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">war with, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">negotiations with, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">renewed war with, <a href="#Page_100">100-106</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pompeius Bithynicus, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pontifex Maximus, office of, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221-22</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pontus, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Populus Romanus</i>, extension of the meaning of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Porticus Octaviæ, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Liviæ, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Postal service, the, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Portus Iulius, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Postumius, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Potentia, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Præfectus urbi</i>, <i>præfectus annonæ</i>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Præneste, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Princeps senatus</i>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> - -<li class="indx">“<i>Princeps</i>” as a title of the Emperor, <a href="#Page_149">149-50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">powers of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Princeps iuventutis</i>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Propertius on the Arabian expedition, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the recovery of the standards, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the achievements of Augustus generally, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Proconsulare imperium</i>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Proculeius, C, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Proscriptions, the, <a href="#Page_72">72-5</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Provinces, the, <a href="#Page_17">17-34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Cæsar’s law as to the, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">division of between Augustus and Senate, <a href="#Page_147">147-48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">finances of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ptolemais, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ptolemy Apion of Cyrene, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ptolemy Auletes, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Puteoli, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Q</li> - -<li class="indx" id="Quintilius">Quintilius Varus, P., fall of, <a href="#Page_187">187-88</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">R</li> - -<li class="indx">Ravenna, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Red Sea, the, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Regium Lepidi, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Res familiaris</i>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rhæti, the, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rhætia, province of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316"></a>[316]</span>Rhegium, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rhine, provinces of the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">crossed by Agrippa, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">armies of, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">frontier of the empire, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">crossed by Germany, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rhodes, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Rome, streets in, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">improvements in, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">party feeling in, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">its attractions, <a href="#Page_245">245-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">supremacy of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Romulus, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">S</li> - -<li class="indx">Salassi, the, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Salonæ, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Saltus Castulonensis, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Salvidienus Rufus, Q., <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Salvius, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sænius, L. (Cos. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 30), <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sallustius Crispus, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Samaria, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Samos, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Samosata, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sardinia, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">province of, <a href="#Page_24">24-5</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sardis, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Saxa, Decidius, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Saragossa, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Scodra, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Scopas, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Scordisci, the, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Scribonia (wife of Augustus), <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Scribonius, usurper in the Bosporus, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Secular games, the, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Senate, meeting of on 1st of June (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 44), <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">grants military rank to Octavian, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">lectiones and reforms of by Augustus, <a href="#Page_138">138-42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">decline of, <a href="#Page_270">270-1</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Senators, number of, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">property qualification of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Senatus consultum ultimum</i>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sertorius, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sextius Saturninus, C., <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sextius, T., <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sibylline books, the, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sicily, Curio’s success in, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">province of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">war in, <a href="#Page_104">104-106</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colonies in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sidon deprived of liberty, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Silius Nerva, P., <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Smyrna, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sodales Titii, the, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sosius, C., campaign in Judæa, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Spain, Pompey’s rule of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Cæsar in, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">provinces of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">colonies in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">temple in to Augustus, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sparta, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Spartacus, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - -<li class="indx">T. Statilius Taurus, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">builds an amphitheatre, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Statius">C. Statius Murcus, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Stilicho, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Suetonius, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sugambri, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317"></a>[317]</span>Sulla, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sulpicius Rufus, Serv., <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Sublicius pons</i>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Succession, the, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sumptuary laws, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Supplicatio</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Synnada, diocese of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Syria, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">province of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">T</li> - -<li class="indx">Tarentum, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tarraco, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tarsus, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tauromenium, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Temples, repair of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tencteri, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Terentius Varro, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Teuta, Queen, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Thapsus, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Thasos, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Thessaly, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Thracian tribes, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Thurii, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Thurinus, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Thyrsus (freedman of Antony), <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tibur, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tillius Cimber, L., <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tiridates, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Titius T. (Tr. Pl. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 43), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Titus, Emperor, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Toga, the disuse of the, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Trebonius, C., <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Tribunicia potestas</i>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135-37</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158-60</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Triumphs of Iulius Cæsar, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">of Augustus, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Triumvirate, the first, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">The second, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">powers of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">acta of abolished, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Turullius, P., <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tyre, deprived of liberty, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tyndaris, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">U</li> - -<li class="indx">Usipites, the, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">V</li> - -<li class="indx">Vada Sabatia, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Valerius Messalla, M., <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Valerius, P., <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Valerius Orca, Q., <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Valerius Messalinus, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Varius Rufus, L., <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Varus, <i>see</i> <a href="#Quintilius">Quintilius</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Vedius Pollio, his cruelty rebuked, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his house demolished, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Velitræ, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Velleius Paterculus excuses Augustus for the proscriptions, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Venationes</i>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Venetia, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Venusia, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Vergil, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the confiscations, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the death of Marcellus, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the recovery of the standards, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318"></a>[318]</span>death of, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his connection with Augustus and his work, <a href="#Page_283">283-85</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Vesta, temple of, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">new temple of, in Palatine, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Vestal Virgins, the, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Veterans, the, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Via Æmilia</i>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Egnatia</i>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Flaminia</i>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Valeria</i>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Valeria</i> (in Sicily), <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Sebaste</i> (in Pisidia), <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>viæ Augustæ</i> in the provinces, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Vibo, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Vicesima</i>, the 5 p. c. legacy duty, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Vindelici, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Vipsania, wife of Tiberius, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li> - -<li class="indx" id="Vipsanius">Vipsanius Agrippa, M., <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">makes the <i>portus Iulius</i>, and organises a navy against Sext. Pompeius, <a href="#Page_103">103-105</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">improves the water supply of Rome, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his activity before and at Actium, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a> (Cos. <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 28);</li> -<li class="isub1">holds the Census with Augustus, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his great buildings, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">receives his Seal from Augustus when supposed to be dying, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">appointed to Syria, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marries Iulia, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Gaul and Spain (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 21-19), <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">associated in tribunician power, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on the Bosporus, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his death, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his character and career, <a href="#Page_278">278-79</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Visurgis (R. Weser), <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Z</li> - -<li class="indx">Zela, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - -</ul> - -<p class="titlepage smaller">The Gresham Press,<br /> -UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED,<br /> -WOKING AND LONDON.</p> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AUGUSTUS ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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